Why no equivalent in England? The ans- wer lies in the different drifts of the La- bour Party and the Communist Party. Dangerous These have been instrumental forma- tions since the war. They haven't been the only ones on the Left, of course, but they have often enough been decisive. Now we see the Communist Party in expo- Liaisons nential decline, nay disintegration, leaving it paralysed, while by contrast The movement against the poll tax has been Labour is constrained by its renaissance, the broadest since 1979. Yet the organised which has been engineered by an im- pressive discipline directed towards movement against it has been appropriated by the one objective - the electoral defeat of ultra Left. Beatrix Campbell explains why Thatcherism. Labour by tradition tends to see activism and activists as jeopar- dising its electoral success. The thought of office always exiles Labour from popular politics. The CP has always seen itself as a generator of movement, and despite its distinct political project, often lived in the same political habitat as the Labour Party and the labour movement. Once party initiatives ricocheted around the labour move- ment. Now there's no smoking gun. In five years' time the Communist Par- ty may not exist. And in five years' time ighty-five per cent of the has learned nothing and forgotten every- the Labour Party, having failed to ex- population - that means most thing about our repertoire of creative, pand its membership base to anywhere of any category you want to rather than destructive, direct action. near the lm it needed to match the E think of, from Tories to pri- It's like comparing a lager lout to Ho Conservative Party, may drift in the soners, from accountants to vegeta- Chi Minh. direction of some European socialist rians - are passionately opposed to the Nonetheless, judging by opinion polls, parties - taking the form of a central poll tax. They organise their dissent in a resistance to the poll tax seems resilient opinion-forming caucus rather than a thousand different ways - complaining enough to have survived the cult of mass movement. The Communist Par- to strangers at the bus stop about the violence which bled all over that last ty's demise means much more than the fate of family and friends, shouting at weekend of March when Strangeways end of an era, an era born in the Bolshe- the television, failing to fill in the forms, and Trafalgar Square combusted to- vik big bang of 1917 and dead or dying failing to post the filled-in forms, signing gether. And it seems to have survived, in 1989. Without doubt the Communist petitions, marching, lobbying, looting.... too, the worst efforts of Labour and Party is exhausted by its dialogue with It's a movement, of sorts, and it has Tory leaders to convert the conversa- its own history. Maybe that's because de-stabilised the government for the tion from political strategy to law and that's what 20th-century communism first time in a decade - perhaps order. has become - history. But the party's because it has provoked the first Tory crisis has been greater than its critique So why the absence of the sensible Left of its own past and Stalinism, for it is a rank-and-file revolt against its hitherto from the national campaign? While most triumphant regime. But this crisis it shares more generally with thousands of rank-and-file socialists and leftism and even labourism, a crisis movement-of-sorts is, of course, much communists are active in poll tax res- bigger than the Movement that claims lodged in man-made traditions of class istance locally, how do we explain the and craft, in the artificial distinctions to represent it. It's hard to recall a abstention of their parties, as national relationship of such infidelity. The between parliamentary and extra-parlia- parties, from the creation of any na- mentary action, between state and civil movement-of-sorts and the Movement tional initiative, and from that initiative aren't on speaking terms, they don't society, between private and public, once the Federation of Poll Tax Unions production and consumption, between even speak the same language. filled the vacuum? It is partly an Engl- What makes the resistance in England oral versus televisual communication, ish problem - in Scotland, where the between the cultural versus the political, to the poll tax so remarkable is that it is prototype for the poll tax has already so strongly sourced in popular feeling ritish communism's crea- been imposed, and resisted, there's still tivity of late has been prec- and yet so utterly unresourced by the life in the traditional Left. The readi- straight, aka sensible, Left. isely where it challenged its ness to resist is infused by Scots' cul- own tradition. But Little At the level of national initiative, the tural elan, which is where class con- B Red Riding Hood, who has been bright sensible Left has gone Awol, when it sciousness, civil liberty and the quest would once have hitched its horse to a and brave as she delved deep in the for nationhood meet. forest, has huffed and puffed and blown national network and a national project. Under the aegis of the STUC, all the It has evacuated the terrain and left it the house down. Little Red Riding Hood political parties in Scotland except the can't live on critique alone. The last free for Militant, the Socialist Workers Tories gathered to launch a united cam- Party and the young anarchist Class refuge of a communist, a sense of ident- paign against the poll tax. This was ity, has also disappeared. Party cards War to field a posse of headbangers who rudely disrupted by interminable com- raid and wreck the movement-of-sorts, aren't passports and parties aren't life petition between the Scottish National- and soul. The critique of communism producing polarisation where there are ists and the Labour Party, but nonethe- compelling conditions for co-operation. may produce decent communists, but less a kind of coalition survived their nowhere, no longer, does it produce And when the movement takes to the worst party chauvinisms on the one streets, the sectarian samurai poke decent communist parties. hand and the movement's rather old- Many communist activists put their their spears at police and loot the Body fashioned format on the other. The Shop. It's been enough to give rioting a renewable energy elsewhere, outside point is, however, that Scottish institu- the party, in the informal world of civil bad name. What we've seen over the tions, ranging from the Communist Par- poll-tax spring hasn't been serious riot- society, the practical pains and plea- ty to the Catholic Church, organised sures of politics that make a difference, ing so much as macho recidivism that resistance.

26 MARXISM TODAY MAY 1990 both in lived life and in the imagination. Bryan Gould on the party's national issues. They worked because they not Nonetheless, they longed to be else- executive promoted support and had only encouraged participation, they en- were, too - in the Political Domain, the tentative backing of their party couraged people to select their own inside the institutions. Where Labour leader - but Roy Hattersley opposed it. priorities and possibilities. At Green- tends to live in the institutions of the And that was that. The old Right, it ham, you could set up camp, break into state, Western communists tend to live seems, sometimes still rules. It is a the fence, get arrested, go away for the in the institutions of the movement, reminder of the hybrid that is the new weekend, or you could appropriate the often making the fatal mistake of con- model Labour Party with old-style fence by transforming it, or you could flating the movement with the people. structures, traditions that live on from simply support by bearing witness. In What that can sometimes mean is that the past, together with modernisers Comic Relief, you could wear a red nose communists are good on tactics and who are the voices of new times, for - even on your radiator. Has a campaign strategy and not so good on deciphering sure, with their eyes and ears plugged ever taken to the road so successfully? the political moods of the people. The into the video screens and opinion polls, Collect money by running for it, laugh- communist tradition of public politick- but who are often alienated from activ- ing for it, playing music for it. You ing is typically expressed in the popular ism, whether it's the poll tax unions or could participate simply by bearing wit- front and the cult of 'unity is strength', a Comic Relief or women's aid. ness. It exemplified a new politics of cult which lived in dread of difference. s a party, Labour still won't spectacle which emerged in the late 80s The popular front has had its honour- take responsibility for mo- in which stars took the lead in aligning able moments, but at worst it relies on bilising old-fashioned pop- popular culture to radical and generous the conservative common sense of the ular fronts, never mind politics. In their different ways, the suc- lowest common denominator. And it Acontemporary coalitions of resistance, cessful movements have both enabled sought typically to centralise control of because it collapses its interests as an people to do something, and formulated 'Don't Pay ready-made constituencies or interests. autonomous political party with the direct action that is worth watching, - Don't By contrast the Labour Party's tra- interests of the state. Home affairs worth celebrating, that produces pride Collect. ditional anxiety about activism, not spokesperson Brian Wilson, a bright lad and pleasure rather than reproducing Simple least because activism may suggest going places, exemplified the confu- pain and misery. Don't pay - Don't autonomous interests outside the party, sion when he recently reaffirmed his Collect. Simple slogan. Seems good. If slogan. is reinforced by the British electoral rebuke to non-payers of the poll tax, by you don't do it, you're bad. However, the Seems good. system, which encourages Labourism's insisting that they'd damage local campaign against the poll tax calls out If you don't jealous guardianship of its right to government. Labour, in its role as the for a politics that isn't simple or singu- do it represent us all. state, can't be doing with Labour in its lar, but which derives from diversity - you're bad' More recently, the dominance of ultra- role as an autonomous party. That's one that supports the refuseniks, those leftism in the Labour Party in the early what prompted Hackney council to barri- who can't or won't pay, one that plans 1980s prompted the purge by the new cade its town hall and call in police how to protect them when their crunch leader. Parties, he could argue, are as reinforcements before an anti-poll tax comes, one that marches, petitions, too, much about discipline as they are about demonstration. And according to one one that encourages local authorities to democracy. And he set about disciplin- anti-poll tax campaigner in the home enter into dialogue with community res- ing, as well as democratising, his own counties, it's the same attitude which istance rather than policing it. The big- party. But trotskyism came to be syno- has prompted the Labour council to treat gest category, though, is those who will nymous with struggle, with any activ- their anti-poll tax unions with rude pay and are very opposed to the tax. In ism, in the minds of the new party hostility. 'We tried to encourage council- other words, it calls out for a strategy managers. lors not to punish people who don't pay based on differential needs, abilities and dispositions, on coping with con- Like all European social-democratic their tax, we tried to do this in a question- naire. Not one filled it in. They accused flicts of interest rather than suppress- parties, Labour has had to re-make it- ing them. self. The failure of the recent recruit- us of trying to make trouble, so they ment campaign suggests that Labour is banned us from community halls etc. What we don't need is the fetishism of behaving like, if not actually becoming, We've been banned from our facilities.' the single slogan or strategy. Don't pay a party more in the mould of those may not mean much in scores of impo- European parties, in extremis the Span- And here we come to the poll-tax crisis - verished working-class communities ish PSOE and the Greek Pasok, which that vacuum left by the Communist Par- where not paying is part of their sur- are parties of opinion rather than par- ty and the Labour Party has been filled vival strategy. In Kirby, for example, ties of movement. Clearly, the Labour by the ultra Left, for whom the cam- thousands of citizens already can't pay Party is more akin to the older Euro- paign is subordinate to their self- their bills. Non-payment may constitute pean mass parties, like the German interest. 'Militant and the SWP stand by a radical departure, however, in SPD, the Italian PCI, with strong roots our stall with their magazines and stuff. Basingstoke. Either way, payers and in communities and unions. But all are We feel it's not fair, but we can't stop non-payers alike need more than a having to root themselves in new, mo- them. It's a real struggle to work with single slogan or demand to sustain their bile constituencies, producing politics them,' says a non-aligned anarchist in a resistance. But that won't be delivered around issues rather than self-evident home counties town where several either by the deferred gratification of a interests. groups are active against the poll tax. Labour victory at the next general elec- British Labourism has emerged from They appropriate the campaign and tion, or by a popular front politics, that the turmoil of the 1980s - impressively, polarise its politics. And yet the poll tax mode of public politicking which it must be said - with a tightly policed is the paradigmatic political problem deemed unity to be strength and which party, but also a party mesmerised by for the whole of the Left. It exposes that dreaded the key word of contemporary one moment - the general election. old culture of popular frontism, whether life - diversity. Everything is subordinated to that pro- defined by Militant, the SWP, Labour- If the campaign against the poll tax is ject. Problems - like the poll tax - are ism or the CP, as incipiently totalita- to belong to new times, if it is to wel- to be solved by voting Labour. rian, because it reduces all interests to a come all those people, millions of them, This is where electoralism becomes single slogan, and subordinates all conservatives, socialists, poor people, absenteeism and inertia. A terror of interests to the good of whichever party affluent people, brave people, timid stepping outside the state institutions, pulls off the popular front. By contrast, people, who want to do something about which are the house in which Labourism Greenham on the one hand, and Live Aid it, then it must exemplify a new culture lives, produces results like that deadly and Comic Relief, to take a few of solidarity, a culture that abandons vote but narrow majority (14-13) on exemplars, on the other, succeeded the totalitarianism of 'unity is strength'. Labour's national executive committee precisely because they were defined by It needs a culture of co-operation in- opposing participation in a national poll a different discipline - the discipline of stead of control, and diversity instead tax demonstration. David Blunkett and service. The movement serviced the of domination.

27 MARXISM TODAY MAY 1990