The Conflicting Visions of Margaret Thatcher And
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ANTONY FISHER Champion of Liberty
ANTONY FISHER Champion of Liberty Gerald Frost First published in Great Britain in 2002 by Profile Books Ltd. Copyright: Gerald Frost Condensed in 2008 by David Moller Copyright: Institute of Economic Affairs. Additional material on Dorian Fisher supplied by Linda Whetstone and on the Atlas Economic Research Foundation by John Blundell and Colleen Dyble. 1 Introduction When Antony Fisher died in San Francisco on July 9, 1988, aged 73, four weeks after being knighted in the Queen’s birthday honours list, the world was largely unaware of him or his influence. He was not listed in Who’s Who. He was not well known to the British or American media. He had never held major elected office. Although he had made – and lost – a considerable fortune he relied during his latter years on the financial support of a rich and devoted second wife. The belated knighthood, which fitted the tall, sparse, handsome Englishman like a glove, was almost the sole public recognition he received during his lifetime, and this did not come until he was terminally ill. Only two politicians, Enoch Powell and Keith Joseph, attended his memorial service. That, however, would probably have been more a matter of satisfaction than of regret, since throughout his life the former businessman and decorated World War II pilot displayed an ill-concealed contempt for the generality of politicians. He believed that their capacity for harm far outweighed their ability to do good. Among MPs generally, probably only a handful were aware of Fisher’s remarkable influence. Yet in founding the Institute of Economic Affairs, the London-based free-market think tank, he had played a crucial role in helping to reverse economic trends that many had judged to be irreversible, thereby changing the direction of British post-war politics. -
30 Years of Tory Euroscepticism Are Coming to the Fore
Delusions and meddling: 30 years of Tory Euroscepticism are coming to the fore blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2017/05/09/delusions-and-meddling-30-years-of-tory-euroscepticism-are-coming-to-the- fore/ 2017-5-9 The Conservative party’s relationship with the EU has come a long way since Edward Heath urged the UK to be ‘inside Europe’. Euroscepticism has a long history in the party, but the drift of public, media and Tory sentiment away from European unity crystallised in 1988 under Margaret Thatcher. The Brexit process is now bringing these tensions to the fore, writes Oliver Daddow. We can expect more – and even more damaging – spats like the one after the May-Juncker dinner in April. Playing to domestic galleries has always been the default setting for UK politicians when it comes to European policy. In this process, a largely EU-hostile UK press market has played a significant role in both feeding political negativity about the EU and having it reflected back in political discourse. Historically, this has not gone down well with the UK’s European partners. Even notionally pro-European governments have struggled to break the mould. The content of the Brexit negotiations, combined with a febrile election atmosphere, was never going to be conducive to cool, studied diplomacy. The spat that followed the European Council’s publication of its guidelines for the EU negotiations was no exception. The document was immediately overshadowed by a furore over leaks of conversations that took place at a Downing Street dinner held three days earlier. It was attended by Theresa May and members of her Brexit team, along with the President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, and his staff. -
A Cape of Asia: Essays on European History
A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 1 a cape of asia A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 2 A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 3 A Cape of Asia essays on european history Henk Wesseling leiden university press A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 4 Cover design and lay-out: Sander Pinkse Boekproductie, Amsterdam isbn 978 90 8728 128 1 e-isbn 978 94 0060 0461 nur 680 / 686 © H. Wesseling / Leiden University Press, 2011 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 5 Europe is a small cape of Asia paul valéry A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 6 For Arnold Burgen A Cape of Asia.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 10-10-11 / 11:44 | Pag. 7 Contents Preface and Introduction 9 europe and the wider world Globalization: A Historical Perspective 17 Rich and Poor: Early and Later 23 The Expansion of Europe and the Development of Science and Technology 28 Imperialism 35 Changing Views on Empire and Imperialism 46 Some Reflections on the History of the Partition -
New Labour, Old Morality
New Labour, Old Morality. In The IdeasThat Shaped Post-War Britain (1996), David Marquand suggests that a useful way of mapping the „ebbs and flows in the struggle for moral and intellectual hegemony in post-war Britain‟ is to see them as a dialectic not between Left and Right, nor between individualism and collectivism, but between hedonism and moralism which cuts across party boundaries. As Jeffrey Weeks puts it in his contribution to Blairism and the War of Persuasion (2004): „Whatever its progressive pretensions, the Labour Party has rarely been in the vanguard of sexual reform throughout its hundred-year history. Since its formation at the beginning of the twentieth century the Labour Party has always been an uneasy amalgam of the progressive intelligentsia and a largely morally conservative working class, especially as represented through the trade union movement‟ (68-9). In The Future of Socialism (1956) Anthony Crosland wrote that: 'in the blood of the socialist there should always run a trace of the anarchist and the libertarian, and not to much of the prig or the prude‟. And in 1959 Roy Jenkins, in his book The Labour Case, argued that 'there is a need for the state to do less to restrict personal freedom'. And indeed when Jenkins became Home Secretary in 1965 he put in a train a series of reforms which damned him in they eyes of Labour and Tory traditionalists as one of the chief architects of the 'permissive society': the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, reform of the abortion and obscenity laws, the abolition of theatre censorship, making it slightly easier to get divorced. -
BAKALÁŘSKÁ PRÁCE Popular Culture and Margaret Thatcher, The
ZÁPADOČESKÁ UNIVERZITA V PLZNI FAKULTA FILOZOFICKÁ BAKALÁŘSKÁ PRÁCE Popular Culture and Margaret Thatcher, the Media Image of the “Iron Lady“ Kateřina Tichá Plzeň 2018 Západočeská univerzita v Plzni Fakulta filozofická Katedra anglického jazyka a literatury Studijní program Filologie Studijní obor Cizí jazyky pro komerční praxi Kombinace angličtina – francouzština Bakalářská práce Popular Culture and Margaret Thatcher, the Media Image of the “Iron Lady“ Kateřina Tichá Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Tomáš Hostýnek Katedra anglického jazyka a literatury Fakulta filozofická Západočeské univerzity v Plzni Plzeň 2018 Prohlašuji, že jsem práci zpracovala samostatně a použila jen uvedených pramenů a literatury. Plzeň, duben 2018 ……………………… Touto cestou bych chtěla poděkovat Mgr. Tomášovi Hostýnkovi, za cenné rady a připomínky v průběhu psaní mé bakalářské práce, které pro mě byly velmi přínosné. Table of contents 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 1 2 EARLY LIFE 1925 – 1947 .......................................................... 3 2.1 Childhood ..................................................................................... 3 2.2 Education ...................................................................................... 3 2.3 Relation towards her parents ..................................................... 4 3 EARLY FORAY INTO POLITICS 1948 – 1959 ........................... 5 4 POLITICAL LIFE 1959 – 1979 ................................................... 7 4.1 Opposition ................................................................................... -
Chapter 3 50 Years Arguing with Neighbours: the UK's Complex
Chapter 3 50 years Arguing with Neighbours: The UK’s Complex Relationship with the European Union Anne Wesemann Abstract 1969 determined the UK’s fate as an European Union (EU) Member State. Finally, with the ‘cock’ who crowed ‘NON’ twice making way, the route was clear for the UK to join the then European Community. The UK became a Member State in 1973 but it was neither smooth sailing to get to that point nor has it been since. The early years of membership were marked by doubts over the nature of the developing communities and the role the UK would be playing in that development were it to leave or remain. This led to a first UK referendum in 1975 on membership which confirmed the UK government’s decision to join. Forty-one years later, a second referendum decided the UK should leave and paved the way to a slow exit. In between lay numerous economic crisis and domestic as well as international political challenges. As the last full year of UK EU Membership, 2019 marks an end to a struggling ‘ever closer’ relationship. This chapter will shed some light on the 50 years of struggle between the what is now the European Union and the UK. It will draw on historical, political, economic and legal perspectives in examining the relationship. It will present an overview of the humble beginnings of the EU and the UK’s role in that, and the relationship’s stormy youth, when the world faced a global economic crisis. This chapter will examine whether the UK was being led or was leading in key matters of EU policy and law; in doing so it will consider arguments around sovereignty, or rather what there was to gain back after 2019. -
The Role of Special Advisers Should Be Clarified and There Must Be More Transparency About Their Work
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/archives/24688 The role of special advisers should be clarified and there must be more transparency about their work The seemingly nebulous and underhand role of special advisers has featured prominently in many of the government’s recent scandals – most recently in the case of Adam Smith and the handling of the Newscorps bid for BSkyB. Martin Smith argues that the problem is not their existence per se, but a lack of clarity about what they do and transparency about how they do it. Since special advisers were f irst introduced in the 1970s they have regularly hit the headlines. Under Margaret Thatcher, special advisers were seen as a mechanism f or providing the prime minister with advice to counter her departmental ministers. Ultimately this led to a clash between her adviser Alan Walters and the Chancellor Nigel Lawson resulting in Lawson’s resignation. Under Blair special advisers were seen as developing an alternative civil service that engendered sof a government. Special advisers were of ten the f rontline troops in the battle between Blair and Brown f ighting their war by proxy. Two of Brown’s special advisers Charlie Wheelen and Damien McBride had to resign because of their activities in releasing dif f erent types of inf ormation. Special advisers are seen of ten as blocking the civil service or over politicising government. At the same time the lack of special advisers in Number 10 is seen a f actor of the ‘omnishambles’ of the coalition government. -
Introduction: Propaganda and Political Marketing
Notes Introduction: Propaganda and Political Marketing 2 Stanley Kelley, Professional Public Relations and Political Power (1956) p. 210. 2 Hugo Young and Anne Sloman, The Thatcher Phenomenon (1986) p. 94. 3 Ibid., pp. 94-5. 4 See especially New Statesman's election edition, 10 June 1983. 5 For an account of the programme, see The Listmer, 16 June 1983. 6 Wendy Webster, Not A Man To Matcll Her (1990). 7 Philip Kleinman, The Saatchi & Saatchi Story (1987) p. 32. 8 Campaign, 30 November 1990. 9 Martin Harrop, 'Political Marketing', in ParliamentaryAffairs,July 1990, 43(3). 10 Interview with Peter Mandelson at the Labour Party conference, Black- pool, October 1986. 11 'Party Presence', in Marxism Today, October 1989. 12 Harrop, op. cit. 13 The £11 million figure is quoted in Eric Clark, The Want Makers (1988) p. 312. For a full account of the GLC campaign and its success in shifting public opinion, see Robert Waller, Moulding Political Opinion (1988). 14 Obse1ver, 24 December 1989. 15 Richard Rose, Influencing Voters (1967) p. 13. 16 See Michael Cockerell, Live from Number 10, pp. 280-1. 17 Quoted in HJ. Hanham, Ekctions and Party Management: Politics in the Time of Disraeli and Gladstone ( 1978) p. 202. 18 Serge Chakotin, The Rape of the Masses: The Psychology of Totalitarian Propaganda (1939) pp. 131-3. 19 Ibid., p. 171. 20 Ibid. 21 See Max Atkinson, Our Masters' Voices (1988) pp. 13-14. 22 Quoted in Michael Thomas, The Economist Guide to Marketing (1986). 23 Michael J. Baker, 'One More Time- What is Marketing?', in Michael J. -
Achieving Change: What We Can Learn from Margaret Thatcher John Blundell
No. 1000 Delivered April 30, 2007 December 31, 2007 Achieving Change: What We Can Learn from Margaret Thatcher John Blundell Thank you for doing me the very great honor of inviting me to deliver this 1,000th Heritage Founda- tion Lecture, my fourth out of your first 1,000!1 Talking Points Today I want to talk about Margaret Thatcher and Conservatives can learn ten key strategic les- what we can learn from her about achieving change. sons from Margaret Thatcher: After all, we are in the change business and she was 1. Have a strong moral and political compass, very good at it! 2. Simplify and communicate clearly and with Margaret Thatcher was and still is different. On conviction, February 21 of this year, on a 3' plinth, a 7'4" statue of 3. Lead but always listen, her was unveiled in the lobby outside the Commons chamber. Very few Prime Ministers have ever been so 4. Develop policies that go with the grain of honored, and all previous ones were honored posthu- human nature, mously. We are catching up on the USA in honoring 5. Think through strategy well before taking Margaret Thatcher. At the unveiling she commented: action, “I might have preferred iron but bronze will do. It 6. Build good teams, 2 won’t rust and this time I hope the head will stay on.” 7. Use circumstances as springboards for At 7'4" the statue is nearly as imposing as she can action, still be. 8. Make good allies, But she did ask me to relay the following words 9. -
17-CV-01854 19840629__Doc.Pdf (7.091Mb)
, . , . , ' H8f lll!IAMll!I 18 Mlil&I tlM'18Ultd1' S ..CCRET · UNITED .6TATE6 ' ' 60UTfIEQN COMMAND Headquarters U.S. Southern Command Chief of Staff, Major General Jon A. Norman, USAF Date: 25 JAN 2018 Authority: EO 13526 Declassify:_ Deny in Full: _ Declassify in Part: _X_ Reason: Sec. 3.3(b)(1); (b)(6) MOR: SC 16-026-MOR; (150 pages) 1983 tl16TOQICAL QEPOQT (U) CLASS IFIED BY USCI'NCSO COPY if.3 Oft 1-COP_I ES -, REV IEW ON l JULY 1990 SECRET SC 001 .NOT ·,,1astse1,1· IO IOIIIGN .........,.. ·stCRET N0F8RN TlfIS PAGE INTENTIONAllY LEFT BLANK ,;· SEBRET N9F8RN SC 002 SESRET .53 MM. ._ . s::1. El] P !Ud. 7 3 . DEPARTMENT OF' DEFENSE INYilJaTAtts SQU"fiaN ~g 1 ·no. AP0-3"'°""' =:so, SCJ3 . 29 June 1984 SUBJECT: Annual Historical Report, 1983 SEE DISTRIBUTION -~ - 1. Forwarded herewith 1s the US Southern Command Historical Report for 1983. > . ..:: 2. When separated from the classified inclosure, this letter is regarded UNCLASS IFIEO. FOR IBE COMMANDER IN CHIEF: (b)(6) 1 Incl as · OISTRISUTION: JCS, Washington, DC 20301 16 CINCAD, · l'eterson AFB, CO 80914 1 HQ USSOUTHCOM 15 CINCLANT, Norfolk, VA 23511 l SCJ1/J4 2 CINCMAC, Scott AFB, IL 62225 1 SCJ2 1 CINCPAC, Honolulu, HI 96823 1 SCJ3 10 use INC RED, MacDi11 AFB, FL 33608 1 SCJS l USCIHCCENT, Mac0i11 AFB, FL 33608 1 SCJ6 1 CINCSAC, Offutt AFB, NE 68113 1 CSA, Washington, DC 20301 3 TOTAL 67 CNO, Washington, DC 20301 3 CSAF, Washington, DC 20301 3 COR, USA FORSCOM, Ft McPherson. GA 30330 1 CDR, USAF TAC, Lang1ey AFB, VA 23365 1 President, National Defense University, ATTN:· NDU-LO, Washington, DC 20319 2 CMOT, USA War College, Carlis1e Bks, PA 17103 1 CMDT . -
The Cultural Cold War the CIA and the World of Arts and Letters
The Cultural Cold War The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters FRANCES STONOR SAUNDERS by Frances Stonor Saunders Originally published in the United Kingdom under the title Who Paid the Piper? by Granta Publications, 1999 Published in the United States by The New Press, New York, 2000 Distributed by W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., New York The New Press was established in 1990 as a not-for-profit alternative to the large, commercial publishing houses currently dominating the book publishing industry. The New Press oper- ates in the public interest rather than for private gain, and is committed to publishing, in in- novative ways, works of educational, cultural, and community value that are often deemed insufficiently profitable. The New Press, 450 West 41st Street, 6th floor. New York, NY 10036 www.thenewpres.com Printed in the United States of America ‘What fate or fortune led Thee down into this place, ere thy last day? Who is it that thy steps hath piloted?’ ‘Above there in the clear world on my way,’ I answered him, ‘lost in a vale of gloom, Before my age was full, I went astray.’ Dante’s Inferno, Canto XV I know that’s a secret, for it’s whispered everywhere. William Congreve, Love for Love Contents Acknowledgements .......................................................... v Introduction ....................................................................1 1 Exquisite Corpse ...........................................................5 2 Destiny’s Elect .............................................................20 3 Marxists at -
Policy Disasters: Explaining the UK's Record
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249827627 Policy Disasters: Explaining the UK's Record Article in Public Policy and Administration · June 1995 DOI: 10.1177/095207679501000205 CITATIONS READS 109 3,143 1 author: Patrick Dunleavy The London School of Economics and Political Science 308 PUBLICATIONS 6,305 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Electoral Systems, Party Competition and Electoral reform View project Democratic Audit View project All content following this page was uploaded by Patrick Dunleavy on 16 July 2018. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Policy Disasters: Explaining the UK’s Record Patrick Dunleavy London School of Economics and Political Science The theme of this paper is that Britain now stands out amongst comparable European countries, and perhaps amongst liberal democracies as a whole, as a state unusually prone to make large-scale, avoidable policy mistakes. The most generally used label for this category of error is ’policy disasters’, generally construed to mean significant and substantially costly failures of commission or ommision by government. In her book The March of Folly the American historian Barbara Tuchmann added an important extra element to the concept of ’policy fiascos’, namely that the mistakes made are eminently forseeable - but decision-makers systematically choose to ignore an abundance of critical or warning voices in order to