Haiti in the British Imagination, 1847–1904 Jack Webb
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Haiti in the British Imagination, 1847–1904 by Jack Webb Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of DOCTOR IN PHILOSOPHY September 2016 ii Acknowledgements Throughout the course of researching and writing this thesis, I have collected many debts. My first note of thanks must go to my supervisors, Charles Forsdick, Kate Marsh, and Mark Towsey. I could not ask for a better group of scholars to guide me through the often exhausting and exasperating PhD process. In their very individual ways, they each provided me with a wealth of support, knowledge, encouragement, and insight. They have persistently taught me to think critically, to be respectful of my source material, and to reflect on why this project matters. I think I am one of the few PhD students who will claim to miss supervisory meetings! Beyond this trio, I have formed my own ‘academic support group’. Key within this are the fellow Haitianists who were, for a fleeting moment, all based in Liverpool: Dr Wendy Asquith, Dr Kate Hodgson, and Dr Raphael Hoermann. Their thought-provoking conversation, contacts, and eagerness to convene events has been invaluable to this project. Fellow PhD students in the Department have always been well placed to offer advice when it’s been most needed, these include (but are not limited to) Nick Bubak, Joe Kelly, Philip Sargeant, Kanok Nas, Pablo Bradbury, Emily Trafford, Joe Mulhearn, Tom Webb, Dan Warner, Alison Clarke, and Jon Wilson. I have also happily drawn on the intellect of historians employed in, and outside of the Department. Dr Richard Huzzey (as is his way) has been incredibly generous in providing feedback on my research, and on the direction of my career. With her usual dynamism and enthusiasm, Dr Karen Salt has consistently critiqued my work, making it better. The same can be said for Prof Matthew Smith who has an unrivalled knowledge iii of Haitian and Caribbean history. Of this group, I must also mention my examiners, Prof Eve Rosenhaft and Prof David Lambert, who have been generous in their time and in providing thoughtful critique. I wish to thank colleagues in the archives, especially Glenroy Taitt, at the Alma Jordan Library, UWI Trinidad, and Sarah Walpole at the Royal Anthropological Institute, London. Their help has taken me and my research to exciting places. In many ways this project began with a curiosity in what makes us supposedly different. As a white middle-class boy growing up on the borders of Toxteth, a poor migrant area of Liverpool, I was often face-to-face with ‘difference’. My friend Zain Shaffi and I would go on long walks and, as we still do, talk through these questions of race, religion, class, and inequality. This thesis is another contribution to that conversation. My parents have always insisted that I be thoughtful: My dad’s chief remonstrate was “Just think!” every time I did something, well, stupid. My sister and brother (Sarah and Joe), with their wonderful deviance and whit, only ever complicated my upbringing. I thank them all for their tutelage and direction, and in particular my dad for the laborious job of reading through the many drafts of this thesis. My ultimate thanks, though, must go to my wife, Laura Malaspina, who constantly reminds that there is a world outside of academia, filled with its own wonder. iv Abstract This thesis considers representations of Haiti in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. Specifically, it considers the time period between 1847 (when Faustin Soulouque assumed the Haitian presidency) and 1904 (the centenary of the founding of Haiti), a period in which the British Empire consolidated control in the Caribbean (1865) and expanded its territories in Africa (1884). While scholars have examined conceptions of Haiti in Britain in the early nineteenth century, especially in relation to abolition and emancipation, little attention has been paid to the later period. This is, in part, due to a lack of source material concerning Haiti following a reduction in debates around slavery after legal ‘emancipation’ in the Caribbean (1834–38). I examine the extent to which Haiti remained relevant in Victorian Britain, despite this reduction in the number of sources. I focus my analysis on five case studies, to each of which I devote a chapter: an image of Faustin Soulouque in the Illustrated London News (1851); the deployment of Haiti in the debate over the Morant Bay War (1865); the circulation of Spenser St John’s Hayti or the Black Republic (1884, 1889); the relationship between St John’s work and fictions on Haiti; and Haiti’s absence from the Pan-African Conference (1900). Each of these case studies concerns a specific part of the British population and they do not reflect a homogenous ‘Britishness’, but provide insights into aspects of the British imagination. This thesis illustrates the way in which representations of Haiti (i.e., how Haiti was thought about and presented) repeats and changes across these cultural productions. I argue that Haiti was repeatedly deployed as a warning against certain forms of imperial control but also as confirmation of civilisational justifications v for colonial expansion. Although the main focus of this thesis is the worldview of the British imperial elite (such as colonial administrators, anthropologists, and certain newspaper editorships) in relation to the ‘Black Republic’, it also involves an examination of ‘popular’ ideas about Haiti as well as considering Haiti in the Atlantic World. Moreover, I interrogate the relationship between ideas about Haiti across these different socio-historical contexts. The focus on the imperial elite is due to a lack of source material pertaining to other social groups. Such a scarcity of sources in any particular genre means that I consider sources from across genres. To enhance my critique of each type of source, I deploy, and develop, a relevant approach: Robert Darnton’s notion of the communication circuit (1982), the communication network (2011), and, Edward Said’s travelling theory (1984, 1991), and the theory of spectrality as developed by Jacques Derrida (1994) and Esther Peeren (2011). Although each is used in the examination of particular sources, combined these approaches allow elucidation of the way in which ideas about Haiti moved between historical contexts, and understanding of what happened to the ideas as they ‘travelled’. Examining such representations of Haiti in Victorian Britain allows for a better understanding of British imperial discourses, as well as Haiti’s role within Atlantic-wide networks of imperialism. The presence of an independent so- called ‘Black Republic’ in the Caribbean produced anxieties in Britain over the condition of empire and colonial rule. As Britain consolidated and expanded its empire in the Caribbean and Africa respectively, Haiti was redefined as a justification for ‘white rule’, but also as a warning against certain forms of such rule, such as that of Haiti’s ex-colonial overseer, France (see Chapter One), or an ‘excess’ of democracy (see Chapter Five). These multiple meanings of Haiti, and vi the repeated attempt to redefine Haiti in relation to British rule over ‘black’ populations, highlights the ambivalence and instability within imperial discourse itself. vii viii Contents Acknowledgements iii Abstract v Introduction 1 Chapter One 48 Representing France and Haiti: Soulouque (Faustin I) and the Illustrated London News Chapter Two 98 ‘A Second Hayti:’ Ideas about Haiti and the Morant Bay War Chapter Three 160 Hayti or the Black Republic Chapter Four 214 Domesticating Haiti: Hayti or the Black Republic and Representations of Haiti in Nineteenth-Century Novels Chapter Five 260 Vive Dessalines: The Spectre of Haiti at the Pan-African Conference Conclusion 307 Bibliography 316 ix x xi Introduction In 1843, a ‘black prince and princess’ arrived in Southampton from Haiti.1 The Times reported that the pair styled themselves ‘the Prince and Princess Louis Napoleon Christophe’, the prince being the brother of the deceased King Christophe.2 In this report, the prince was condemned as a charlatan: ‘He has nothing to indicate, by his appearance or manners, either rank or station above the common run of negroes.’3 According to The Times, the prince and princess lived ‘in a sumptuous manner’ in London, but consistently failed to pay their landlords.4 Eventually, the prince was prosecuted ‘on the charge of swindling another hotel-keeper.’5 In court, the prince was sentenced to two months in prison, ‘after repeatedly asserting he was Prince Christophe, brother to the King of Hayti.’6 This interrogation of the supposed ‘legitimacy’ of Haitians to represent a nation state reoccurred in Britain throughout the Victorian period. In this thesis, I examine ideas about Haiti in Britain between 1847 and 1904. As its nineteenth-century title, the ‘Black Republic’, indicates, Haiti was to some extent defined by the perceived obscurity of a place governed over by a black population.7 Jean Jacques Dessalines had declared independence in 1804, following the expulsion of British, Spanish and French military powers, the latter of which had previously colonised and ruled over the territory, importing 1 [Anonymous], ‘A Black Prince and Princess’, The Times, 22 May 1843, p. 7. This referencing style is in accordance with the M. H. R. A. Style Guide. 2 ‘A Black Prince’, p. 7. 3 ‘A Black Prince’, p. 7. 4 [Anonymous], ‘Prince Christophe of Hayti’, The Times, 1 November 1848, p. 6. 5 ‘Prince Christophe’, p. 6. 6 ‘Prince Christophe’, p. 6. 7 The title of the ‘Black Republic’ appeared sporadically in press reports after the declaration of independence in 1804, but became widespread following the publication of Spenser St John’s Hayti or the Black Republic (London: Smith, Elder, 1884).