Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum Summit: Promoting the Spirit of Co-Operation in the Baltic Sea Region

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Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum Summit: Promoting the Spirit of Co-Operation in the Baltic Sea Region Baltic Development Forum Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum summit: Promoting the spirit of co-operation in the Baltic Sea Region Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum summit 1 Baltic Development Forum Written by Christian Toksvig Rapporteurs: Sir Garry Johnson (stability) Stefan Widomski (business) Erkki Toivanen (culture and identity) Kaj Juul-Pedersen (IT/telecom) he 1999 summit of Baltic Development Forum marked the first time that the Baltic Sea Region's leading politicians, academics, and business and media executives convened for discussions and networking. The T broad theme of the summit was advancing partnership and growth in the Baltic Sea Region, and the concept of partnership was clearly embraced by the more than 250 participants who spent three sunny spring days in Copenhagen building networks across borders. There are already numerous ties between businesses and organisations in the region. However, most of them lie within close-knit circles of specific industries or political fields. The Baltic Development Forum summit was the first opportunity for intense cross-sector networking between Baltic Sea executives. 32 speakers provided an educating and entertaining background for the discussions, covering such diverse topics as stability, management, investment, culture and identity, energy and IT/telecom. This report summarises and puts into perspective the discussions and messages brought forth at the Baltic Development Forum summit, as seen by the secretariat and the respective rapporteurs on each of the summit's themes. NATO and EU enlargement the ball is rolling he accession of the Baltic states and Poland to the European Union and NATO is a recurring theme in every discussion of the Baltic Sea Region, underlining that the security situation in the region remains unresolved, T albeit much improved. The opening address by US former security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski reflected the urgency of building long-term, stable relationships between nations in the region, particularly between Russia and its former annexed republics on the east coast of the Baltic. The European Union and NATO are to be the primary vehicles for building such ties, regardless of the difficulties and protests along the way. Dr Brzezinski noted that both institutions are expanding not because someone is dictating or imposing them on others, but because the peoples of Europe desire their expansion. The principle that “...the expansion of both the European Union and NATO should not be imposed on anyone, but also, no one can be prevented from joining” was Dr Brzezinski’s simple and unequivocal message. Also, the region’s decision-makers should stop arguing about whether the accession of new countries should be individual or in clusters. Accession should be granted to those states that satisfy the requirements of membership and desire to join, he said, noting that Estonia is furthest on the path to EU membership and Lithuania on the path to NATO membership. Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum summit 2 Baltic Development Forum This sentiment was echoed by General Sir Garry Johnson, former NATO Commander of Northern Europe, who urged the leaders of the Baltic states to accept that there are differences in their degree of readiness. This means that one will almost certainly become member before the others. And this should in no way be seen as an exclusion but as a reassurance that all three countries will eventually and inevitably be members. General Johnson suggested that the summit participants adopt the pragmatic principle put forth by the Latvian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Valdis Birkavs: “One good. Two better. Three best.” NATO: Catalyst for increased Baltic unity or herald of a new cold war? The partnership and stability elements of the summit were set into a particularly urgent context by current events in the Balkans which served to many as a dire example of how things could have ended up in the Baltic Sea Region. During the session on stability, the Balkans conflict was drawn forth several times, as an example of both regional conflict and of NATO’s new role as a unilateral aggressor. NATO is going to be a crucial factor in the future stability climate of the region. That is as far as Russia and the western European NATO members can agree. Russia sees NATO’s enlargement process and its recent campaign in a sovereign country outside its sphere of interest as a severe security threat. The Russian view was conveyed by Dr Sergei Karaganov, Chairman of Russia's influential Council of Foreign and Defense Policy. Dr Karaganov, also a foreign policy adviser to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and President Yeltsin, stated that NATO will become a destabilising force in the Baltic Sea Region because it has now effectively changed from a purely defensive to an offensive organisation. According to Dr Karaganov, by its actions in Kosovo NATO has betrayed its own principles, disregarding the UN Charter as well as the NATO/Russia Founding Act, both of which forbid the use of force by one sovereign state against another. To say that Dr Karaganov was concerned about NATO’s new role would be an understatement. He called NATO a threat to the security of other nations and saw the alliance’s action against Kosovo as providing the precedent for further attacks on other nations, including possibly Russia. The result, he predicted, was that the cooperative spirit of the Partnership-for-Peace-years would soon come to an end. Russia will be forced to look to other partners for security, to remove the limits set on its own offensive capability and to consider the early use of nuclear weapons in its own defence. “We can no longer cooperate with NATO. There will continue to be some talking, but it will be a different conversation,” he warned. Among present and aspiring NATO members, the tone was remarkably different. Sir Garry Johnson, while expressing some concern over the long- term effects of NATO’s involvement in the former Yugoslavia, called NATO “the only credible guarantor of peace in the Baltic Sea Region.” Danish Defence Minister Hans Hækkerup praised NATO for its ability to create peace in western Europe after World War II. He said that integration in Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum summit 3 Baltic Development Forum NATO has transformed the relationship between Denmark and Germany, than whom Denmark now has no greater ally. He added that the guarantees which have preserved western European security for half a century should now logically be extended to other countries seeking the same degree of protection. Hækkerup employed both carrot and stick in encouraging stronger Russian ties with the Euro-Atlantic system: He invited Russia to participate actively in the process and even offered Russia eventual membership of the European Union and NATO. At the same time, he noted that whatever reservations the Russians may have at present, “there is no alternative for the future development of Russia than co-operation with the West.” Russia will choose Europe Despite the presence at the summit of a large Russian contingent, most of the analyses of Russia’s current situation and future seemed to come from Western observers. Zbigniew Brzezinski summed up his analysis by saying that “Russia will at some point make a grand choice for Europe.” He assessed that despite Russia’s current turmoil and its scepticism towards western Europe and North America, the emerging generation of Russian leaders will reassess the position of Russia in the world and acknowledge the reality of the new geopolitical setting in which Russia finds itself. To the east of Russia there is now a power contiguous to Russia, far more powerful than Russia economically and far more numerous in population. And to the south of Russia there now exists a belt of states susceptible to strong dogmatic religious appeals. Thus, it is in the interest of Russia to become more closely integrated with the European venture, simply because Europe is the most attractive partner Russia can get at present. Vytautas Dudnas, Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Lithuanian Parliament, added that the Russian region of Kaliningrad would also benefit from the integration of its neighbours, Lithuania and Poland, into the Euro-Atlantic institutions. Estonian President Lennart Meri, himself representing one of the “front-line” states, argued that Russia’s difficult economic predicament has acted as an impetus for its leaders to show the Russian population that it is still a strong nation. President Meri said he believed that although the Russian government strongly opposes NATO enlargement, there are many Russian politicians who, in the light of potential security threats east and south of Russia, do not. “That would be a great advantage to Russia and I am sure there are politicians in the Duma who see the positive in it for Russia,” he said. He mentioned the success his country has had in approaching the European Union and NATO and expressed the hope that Russia will understand that this also matches her own interests. “In a way we are presenting Russia with a guarantee that its western borders will be absolutely stable and I think that will be a great achievement,” he said. The message: NATO must enlarge as quickly as possible Despite continued debate, the clear message at the summit was that NATO should admit new members as quickly as possible. The question of NATO Report on the 1999 Baltic Development Forum summit 4 Baltic Development Forum enlargement has changed from if to when and how. Applicant countries should not necessarily be considered in clusters but individually, based on transparent evaluation criteria. Countries should be admitted as soon as they fulfill these criteria and not be kept waiting for political or strategic reasons.
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