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THE UNIFIER KING and the RESCUE of the JEWS from UNIFIED Bulgariapage 1 of 200
THE UNIFIER KING AND THE RESCUE OF THE JEWS FROM UNIFIED BULGARIAPage 1 of 200 THE UNIFIER KING AND THE RESCUE OF THE JEWS FROM UNIFIED BULGARIA (ON THE ROLE OF KING BORIS III OF THE BULGARIANS DURING THE YEARS OF THE HOLOCAUST) Contents: БЪЛГАРС Two statements contradicting a third one (Foreign The "it was all Hitler's fault" argument BULGARI Minister and Prime Minister vs. President) The "it wasn't our jurisdiction" argument The issue and the response of official Bulgaria The impediments to a solution STARTING Why is it to the best Bulgarian public interest to What could the Prime Minister do today? POINT FOR name the culprits? Bulgarian Civil Society as a savior THOSE WIT Is there a place for Boris among the saviors? A magic formula: "Nothing could be done in NO PREVIOU The credit that goes to Boris Bulgaria without the King's involvement" KNOWLEDG The Government's responsibility The role of Bulgaria's diplomacy today ON THE The arguments in favor of Boris Who was saving the Jews from whom? SUBJECT The "they were not Bulgarian citizens" argument What is of greater importance - the label or the policy? ↓ The real saviors ☼ Two statements "The King must have obviously shown great ingenuity in negotiating with the contradicting a third Nazi leaders to substitute the internal administrative and police measures one (Foreign Minister for the deportation. A policy act of the magnitude of the revocation of the and Prime Minister vs. deportation, which had already begun, couldn’t be done without the support of the head of state." [...] "At the same time my compatriots deployed lots of President) efforts, alas, unsuccessful, to save 11000 Jews – who were not Bulgarian citizens – from Aegean Thrace and Macedonia, where, notwithstanding the Bulgarian military presence, the highest authority were the Nazis." Excerpts from the statement of Foreign minister Solomon Passy at the OSCE conference on anti- Semitism in Vienna, 19 June 2003 "We mourn, of course, the fate of those who could not be saved. -
Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again?
Southeast European Politics Vol. IV, No. 2-3 November 2003 pp. 157-174 Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again? ROSSEN VASSILEV The Ohio State University ABSTRACT This article deals with the much debated question of whether post-Communist Bulgaria should restore the monarchy abolished by the 1946 referendum. The prospects for bringing back the monarchy are believed to be negligible, given the existing constitutional hurdles and the population’s pro-republican sentiments. But ex-King Simeon’s triumph in the June 2001 parliamentary election has dramatically changed his standing at home. Any restoration of the monarchy will depend on the perceived success of his coalition government, especially in rebuilding the ailing national economy. It is questionable whether Simeon II will be able to live up to the overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who believe that like a Messiah he will save their country from the economic, social, political and institutional turmoil into which it has descended. But with a population distrustful of the politically bankrupt old parties and politicians and despondent enough to grasp at straws, a revival of the monarchy cannot be ruled out. Introduction Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan consider the issue of constitutions and constitutional formulas to be a significant, if neglected, aspect of democratic transitions (Linz and Stepan 1996: 81-83). They offer a classification of six different possible constitution-making environments, ranging from those that present the most confining conditions for democratization to those -
1 America's Relations with Greece to 1945: from Aloof Soft Power to The
1 AMERICA’S RELATIONS WITH GREECE TO 1945: FROM ALOOF SOFT POWER TO THE ONSET OF REGIONAL HARD POWER The Inaugural Demetrios and Demetra Partalis Kales Annual Lecture in Modern Greek History delivered at the Michigan League on November 12, 2009 by S. Victor Papacosma, Emeritus Professor of History and Director of the Lemnitzer Center for NATO and European Union Studies at Kent State University, Executive Director of the Modern Greek Studies Association The interest and involvement of the United States in Greek affairs began a slow trajectory from rather peripheral in the early nineteenth century to a level of increased concern by the end of World War II. But even by the beginning of 1945, as the following comments will try to point out, projections pointed to a limited regional presence for the United States, essentially a continuation of softer, relatively idealistic policy objectives. By early 1947, however, a dramatic reorientation would manifest itself, and not just for US relations with Greece. We must start at the beginning. George Washington in his 1796 Farewell Address had advised American abstention from European political and military entanglements. The level of American contact with the more distantly located, Ottoman-dominated Balkans developed even more slowly than that with other European regions during the nineteenth century. If any official American policy existed toward the problematic Eastern Question with its accompanying great power rivalries, it was that, in the issue of the Turkish Straits, freedom of the seas and therefore freedom of transit and navigation in the Straits should prevail both for naval and commercial vessels.1 The first Balkan people to attract the significant attention of America were the Greeks. -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
During the Second World War
DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR _______________StK______________ SK MARSHALL LEE MILLER Stanford University Press STANFORD, CALIFORNIA I 975 Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 1975 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America is b n 0-8047-0870-3 LC 74-82778 To my grandparents Lee and Edith Rankin and Evelyn Miller Preface SOS h e p o l it ic a l history of modern Bulgaria has been greatly ne T glected by Western scholars, and the important period of the Second World War has hardly been studied at all. The main reason for this has no doubt been the difficulty of obtaining documentary material on the wartime period. Although the Communist regime of Bulgaria has published a large number of books and monographs dealing with the country’s role in the war, these works have been concerned mostly with magnifying the importance of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP) and the partisan struggle. Despite this bias, useful information can be found in these works when other sources are available to provide perspective and verification. Within recent years, German, American, British, and other diplo matic and intelligence reports from the wartime years have become available, and the easing of travel restrictions in Bulgaria has facili tated research there. As recently as 1958, when the doctoral thesis of Marin V. Pundeff was presented (“Bulgaria’s Place in Axis Policy, 1936-1944”), there was very little material on the period after June 1941. It is now possible to fill in many of the important gaps in our knowledge of Bulgaria during the entire war. -
The Role of Military Education in Harmonizing Civil-Military Relations (The Bulgarian Case)
THE ROLE OF MILITARY EDUCATION IN HARMONIZING CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS (THE BULGARIAN CASE) FINAL REPORT Todor D. Tagarev Presented in fulfillment of the Fellowship Agreement NATO Democratic Institutions Fellowship Programme Sofia, Bulgaria June 10, 1997 Tagarev, T.D. The Role of Military Education in Harmonizing Civil- Military Relations (the Bulgarian Case). NATO Democratic Institutions Individual Fellowship Project, Final Report, June 1997. - 50 pp. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was supported by an individual grant from the NATO Democratic Institutions Fellowships Programme. The author received helpful suggestions from Col. (Ret.) J.A. Warden, USAF, Dr. Karl Magyar and Dr. Abigail Gray, US Air Command and Staff College, Lt.Col. Jan Kinner, USAF, Dr. Plamen Pantev, Director of the Institute for Security and International Studies, Bulgaria, and Col. Valeri Ratchev, Center for National Security Studies, Bulgarian Ministry of Defense. The author is especially grateful to Col. (Ret.) Russi Russev, Bulgarian Ministry of Defense, and Lt.Col. Georgi Tzvetkov, General Staff of the Bulgarian Armed Forces, for their assistance in providing all necessary documentation and invitations for participation in all major events, related to the reform of the Bulgarian system of military education, as well as to Dr. Detlef Herold who provided a copy of the NATO Defense College Monograph Series, No. 3 on “Democratic and Civil Control Over Military Forces - Case Studies and Perspectives.” Ms Petya Ivanova’s technical assistance, especially in preparing computer charts and tables, saved valuable time and allowed the author to accomplish the project on schedule. The selfless support of all these people made the study possible. However, the author alone is responsible for the concepts, opinions, omissions, and mistakes in this report. -
States, Societies and Individuals in Central and Eastern Europe
FOUREMPIRES ANDAN ENLGARGEMENT States, Societies and Individuals in Central and Eastern Europe Edited by Daniel Brett, Claire Jarvis, Irina Marin FOUR EMPIRES AND AN ENLARGEMENT States, Societies and Individuals: Transfiguring Perspectives and Images of Central and Eastern Europe Edited by DANIEL BRETT, CLAIRE JARVIS AND IRINA MARIN Papers from the 5th International Postgraduate Conference held at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies UCL School of Slavonic and East European Studies, UCL 2008 FOUR EMPIRES AND AN ENLARGEMENT STATES, SOCIETIES AND INDIVIDUALS: TRANSFIGURING PERSPECTIVES AND IMAGES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE EDITED BY DANIEL BRETT, CLAIRE JARVIS AND IRINA MARIN Studies in Russia and Eastern Europe No. 4 ISBN: 978-0-903425-80-3 Editorial matter, selection and introduction © Daniel Brett, Claire Jarvis, Irina Marin 2008. Individual chapters © contributors 2008 All rights reserved. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Contents Mysterious knocks, flying potatoes and rebellious servants: Spiritualism and social conflict in late imperial Russia 1 Julia Mannherz The Ukrainian Stundists and Russian Jews: a collaboration of evangelical peasants with Jewish intellectuals in late imperial Russia 17 Sergei Zhuk “Forebears”, “saints” and “martyrs”: the politics of commemoration in Bulgaria in the 1880s and 1890s 33 Stefan Detchev Celebrating the nation: the case of Upper Silesia after the plebiscite in 1921 49 -
Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki Krajowej W Kutnie
Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie NR 11 CZERWIEC 2019 PÓŁROCZNIK ISSN 2353-8392 KUTNO 2019 Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie Wydział Studiów Europejskich Rada Programowo-Naukowa Przewodniczący Rady: prof. dr hab. Anatoliy Romanyuk, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie Zastępca Przewodniczącego: dr hab. Zbigniew Białobłocki, Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie Członkowie: prof. dr hab. Wiera Burdiak, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. Jurija Fedkowycza w Czerniowcach prof. dr hab. Walerij Bebyk, Narodowy Uniwersytet Kijowski im. Tarasa Szewczenki prof. dr hab. Markijan Malski, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie prof. zw. dr hab. Lucjan Ciamaga, Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie dr hab. Krzysztof Hajder, Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu prof. dr hab. Walenty Baluk, Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie prof. nadzw. dr Vitaliy Lytvin, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie prof. Pavel Pavlov, PhD, Prorektor ds Badań i Nauki Wolnego Uniwersytetu Warneńskiego prof. Galya Gercheva D.Sc, Rektor Wolnego Uniwersytetu Warneńskiego, ks. dr hab. Kazimierz Pierzchała, Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II Recenzenci zewnętrzni: prof. dr hab. Nataliya Antonyuk, Uniwersytet Opolski prof. dr hab. Walerij Denisenko Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie prof. zw. dr hab. Bogdan Koszel, Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu prof. dr hab. Janusz Soboń, Akademia Morska w Szczecinie prof. dr hab. Wasyl Klimonczuk, Narodowy Uniwersytet Przykarpacki im. Wasyla Stefanyka w Iwano Frankowsku prof. dr hab. Swietłana Naumkina, Narodowy Juznoukrainski Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. K. D. Uszynskiego w Odessie im. prof. dr hab. Galina Zelenjno, Instytut Etnopolitologii im. I. Kurasa w Kijowie dr hab. Krystyna Leszczyńska- Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie Redaktor naczelny: dr hab. -
Small State Autonomy in Hierarchical Regimes. the Case of Bulgaria in the German and Soviet Spheres of Influence 1933 – 1956
Small State Autonomy in Hierarchical Regimes. The Case of Bulgaria in the German and Soviet Spheres of Influence 1933 – 1956 By Vera Asenova Submitted to Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Julius Horváth Budapest, Hungary November 2013 Statement I hereby state that the thesis contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Vera Asenova ………………... ii Abstract This thesis studies international cooperation between a small and a big state in the framework of administered international trade regimes. It discusses the short-term economic goals and long-term institutional effects of international rules on domestic politics of small states. A central concept is the concept of authority in hierarchical relations as defined by Lake, 2009. Authority is granted by the small state in the course of interaction with the hegemonic state, but authority is also utilized by the latter in order to attract small partners and to create positive expectations from cooperation. The main research question is how do small states trade their own authority for economic gains in relations with foreign governments and with local actors. This question is about the relationship between international and domestic hierarchies and the structural continuities that result from international cooperation. The contested relationship between foreign authority and domestic institutions is examined through the experience of Bulgaria under two different international trade regimes – the German economic sphere in the 1930’s and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in the early 1950’s. -
Bulletin 10-Final Cover
COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN Issue 10 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. March 1998 Leadership Transition in a Fractured Bloc Featuring: CPSU Plenums; Post-Stalin Succession Struggle and the Crisis in East Germany; Stalin and the Soviet- Yugoslav Split; Deng Xiaoping and Sino-Soviet Relations; The End of the Cold War: A Preview COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN 10 The Cold War International History Project EDITOR: DAVID WOLFF CO-EDITOR: CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN ADVISING EDITOR: JAMES G. HERSHBERG ASSISTANT EDITOR: CHRISTA SHEEHAN MATTHEW RESEARCH ASSISTANT: ANDREW GRAUER Special thanks to: Benjamin Aldrich-Moodie, Tom Blanton, Monika Borbely, David Bortnik, Malcolm Byrne, Nedialka Douptcheva, Johanna Felcser, Drew Gilbert, Christiaan Hetzner, Kevin Krogman, John Martinez, Daniel Rozas, Natasha Shur, Aleksandra Szczepanowska, Robert Wampler, Vladislav Zubok. The Cold War International History Project was established at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C., in 1991 with the help of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and receives major support from the MacArthur Foundation and the Smith Richardson Foundation. The Project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to disseminate new information and perspectives on Cold War history emerging from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side”—the former Communist bloc—through publications, fellowships, and scholarly meetings and conferences. Within the Wilson Center, CWIHP is under the Division of International Studies, headed by Dr. Robert S. Litwak. The Director of the Cold War International History Project is Dr. David Wolff, and the incoming Acting Director is Christian F. -
From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe.