Message from the Minister for Foreign Affairs
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Race Begins for Japan's Top Spot
As of 12 p.m. ET DJIA 10132.62 À 1.08% FTSE 100 5151.32 g 0.23% Nikkei 225 9603.24 g 1.12% Shanghai Comp. 2571.42 À 0.12% Hang Seng 19471.80 g 0.13% Sensex 16741.84 À 1.02% S&P/ASX 200 4381.03 g 0.73% Hon Hai to increase wages Japan looks for a new for its workers in China by 30% leader and new ideas BUSINESS & FINANCE 17 EDITORIAL & OPINION 11, 13 KKDN PPS 648/11/2010 (028507)Malaysia: RM6.00, Pakistan: Rs140.00, Philippines: KKDN Peso80.00,Australia: PP A$6.00(Incl Singapore: 9315/10/2010 S$4.00(Incl GST), (025811) Brunei: GST), Sri B$5.00, Lanka: China: Slrs180(Incl RMB25.00, VAT), Hong Taiwan: Kong: NT$60.00, MICA HK$18.00, Thailand: (P) India: Baht50.00, NO. Rs25.00, 048/10/2009 Vietnam: Indonesia: US$2.50 Rp18,000(Incl PPN), Japan: Yen500 SK. MENPEN R.I. NO: 01/SK/MENPEN/SCJJ/1998 TGL. 4 SEPT 1998 VOL. XXXIV NO. 192 (India facsimile Vol. 1 No. 253) ** ASIA Thursday, June 3, 2010 asia.WSJ.com Race begins for Japan’s top spot Kan plans to run; In the wings | Potential Hatoyama successors U.S. plan to shift a big job will be Okinawa base to ease voter ire Naoto Kan, 63 stays contentious BY YUKA HAYASHI Finance Minister BY YUKA HAYASHI TOKYO—After Prime Min- Kan won fame in the 1990s TOKYO—The contentious ister Yukio Hatoyama’s sud- as health minister for issue of relocating U.S. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Undivided PDF Version
Japan’s Official Development Assistance White Paper 2011 White Paper Assistance Official Development Japan’s Japan’s Official Development Assistance White Paper 2011 Japan’s International Japan’s Official Development Assistance Japan’s International Cooperation Japan’s Cooperation White Paper 2011 Japan’s International Cooperation Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan’s Official Development Assistance White Paper 2011 Japan’s International Cooperation Ministry of Foreign Affairs Cover Photographs A staff member from the NGO Association for Aid and Relief, Japan distributes relief supplies to a mother and child who were affected by the large- scale drought in the Garissa District of eastern Kenya (Photo: NPO Association for Aid and Relief, Japan) On the deck of a patrol vessel, a Japanese Coast Guard officer gives an explanation to maritime security organization and coast guard members from Asia and the Middle A medical team from Jordan gives aid to residents of East as part of the training “Maritime Law the affected areas in Minamisoma City, Fukushima Enforcement for Asia and MIddle East” Prefecture, following the Great East Japan conducted in Japan Earthquake (Photo: Riho Aihara/JICA) This White Paper can also be viewed on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs website (http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/oda). In addition to information about official development assistance (ODA) disbursed by Japan, the website also provides a collection of reference materials regarding aid provided by other countries and the activities of international organizations, etc. All titles of individuals given in this White Paper are those current at the time of the applicable event, etc. -
Download the Publication
A TIME FOR CHANGE? JAPAN’S “PEACE” CONSTITUTION AT 65 Edited by Bryce Wakefield Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Photo: A supporter of Article 9 protests outside the National Diet of Japan. The sign reads: “Don’t change Article 9!” © 2006 Bryce Wakefield ISBN: 978-1-938027-98-7 ©2012 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In provid- ing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confronting the United States and the world. The Center promotes policy-relevant research and dialogue to in- crease understanding and enhance the capabilities and knowledge of leaders, citizens, and institutions worldwide. Created by an Act of Congress in 1968, the Center is a nonpartisan institution headquartered in Washington, D.C., and sup- ported by both public and private funds. Jane Harman, President, CEO and Director Board of Trustees: Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair Public Members: Hon. James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; James Leach, Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members:Timothy Broas, John Casteen, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M. -
Newsletter 4
September 14, 2009 CANADA-ASIA AGENDA www.asiapacific.ca Series Editor Brian Job Issue 2 Japan’s “electoral revolution” – changes at home and abroad By Tsuyoshi Kawasaki The Japanese general election was revolutionary: it brought to power for the first time since the end of World War II a majority government not led by the Liberal Democratic Party and it saw the final transition to a two-party system brought about by the introduction of single- member electorates 15 years ago. Like any revolution, it will be some time before it is clear if the pressures of real power will allow the new government to bring about promised change. The general election of August 30, 2009 in Japan was was not in power, Japan was governed by coalition extraordinary. The Democratic Party (DP) won 308 seats governments as none of the non-LDP parties had a out of 480 in the House of Representatives, ousting the majority.) In other words, it was the first “decisive and Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) from power. Since its true change of power” in post-World War II Japan. Of inception in 1955, the LDP had always governed Japan, course, this type of situation -- that is, a majority of seats either alone or in a coalition, except for ten months in secured by a former opposition party after an election -- is 1993-1994. This time, it lost almost two thirds of its nothing new to Canadian politics. But for the Japanese, previous seats, down to a mere 119 from 300, which this election has ushered in a new era of politics, as it was nothing short of disaster. -
Strategic Forum
SF213_201-887.qxd 11/30/04 9:26 AM Page 1 No. 213 Strategic Forum November 2004 Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University http://www.ndu.edu/inss Japan’s Constitution and Defense Policy: Entering a New Era? by Rust Deming Japan’s postwar defense policy was set by (1) Aspiring sincerely to an international peace Key Points the 1947 constitution. Early in the occupation, based on justice and order, the Japanese people hanges in the security environment and General Douglas MacArthur and his staff con- forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the th the rise of a new generation have cluded that the 19 -century Meiji constitution nation and the threat or use of force as a means of Cended Japan’s taboo on discussion of needed to be revised or entirely replaced if settling international disputes. amending the 1947 “peace constitution.” Japan were to become a true democracy, with (2) In order to accomplish the aim of the pre- While many wish to maintain the current the Emperor removed from any political role. ceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as document, the center of gravity in the debate In January 1946, convinced that the elitist and well as other war potential, will never be main- has shifted. authoritarian Japanese establishment was tained. The right of belligerency of the state will The movement to amend the constitu- incapable of producing a democratic constitu- not be recognized. tion is connected to and stimulated by a tion, MacArthur ordered his staff to produce a draft. One week later, an entirely rewritten Ashida later testified that the new phrase parallel debate on defense policy. -
Japan's ''Coalition of the Willing'
Japan’s ‘‘Coalition of the Willing’’ on Security Policies by Robert Pekkanen and Ellis S. Krauss Robert Pekkanen ([email protected]) is assistant professor of international studies at the University of Washington. Ellis S. Krauss ([email protected]) is professor of interna- tional relations and Pacific studies at the University of California, San Diego. This paper is based on a paper presented at fpri’s January 27, 2005, conference, ‘‘Party Politics and Foreign Policy in East Asia,’’ held in Philadelphia. The authors thank Michael Strausz for his research assistance. n 1991, Japan was vilified by many for its ‘‘failure’’ to contribute boots on the ground to the U.S.-led Gulf War. Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu (1989– I 91) found it difficult to gain support for any cooperation with the U.S.-led coalition in that conflict. Today, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces are stationed in a compound in Samuur, Iraq, part of President Bush’s ‘‘coalition of the willing,’’ and four of its destroyers are positioned in the Indian Ocean to aid the counterterrorism effort in Afghanistan. While many of the United States’ nato allies have been reluctant to aid current American security efforts, especially in Iraq, Japan has been among the staunchest supporters of American military ventures in the Middle East and of its stance toward North Korean nuclear development. As a result, Washington has moved from ‘‘bashing Japan’’ in the 1980s over trade policy and ‘‘passing Japan’’—ignoring it in favor of the rest of Asia—to lauding it for surpassing most of American’s other defense partners. -
The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: a Crisis Postponed
Naval War College Review Volume 66 Article 5 Number 2 Spring 2013 The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Smith, Paul J. (2013) "The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed," Naval War College Review: Vol. 66 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol66/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Smith: The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed THN E SE KAKU/DIAOYU ISLAND CONTROVERSY A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith n 11 September 2012, the Japanese government signed a contract worth 2.05 billion yen ($26.1 million) with Kunioki Kurihara, a private business- Oman, to purchase three of the five main islands that constitute the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Island group, an action that effectively nationalized the islands.1 Ironi- cally, the government purchase was designed to head off more ambitious moves by Tokyo’s governor (東京都知事), Shintaro Ishihara, to purchase the islands with cash collected in a national fund-raising campaign. Ishihara, known for his nationalistic views, had told an American audience in April 2012 that the Dr. Smith joined the Naval War College’s National “Senkaku Islets will be purchased by the Tokyo Security Affairs Department in July 2006 and teach- Metropolitan Government . -
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers History Of Japan’s Environmental Policy Kenji Someno, Research Fellow, Tokyo Foundation am speaking here today in place of former ronmental pollution. From 1955 to 1965, en- IEnvironment Minister Sakahito Ozawa, ergy consumption tripled, and the industrial who unfortunately is unable to attend due to structure shifted toward heavy industries. This Diet obligations. resulted in air, water, and soil pollution, which I’ve been involved in pollution measures became serious health hazards. and climate change for over 20 years as a People’s perceptions of economic growth former official of the Environment Ministry, also changed. In the early 1970s, a majority, where I headed the government’s Team Minus for the first time, came to view growth nega- 6 Percent campaign to lower the country’s car- tively as being a threat to their health. bon dioxide emissions. The Basic Pollution Control Law was en- Japan experienced high economic growth acted in 1967. The business community was from the late 1950s to early 1970s. People opposed to the law, as it feared that the higher became more affluent, the material symbols of costs for pollution countermeasures would such prosperity being purchases of the “three hurt their competitiveness. They called for sacred treasures,” namely, the black-and-white balance between business growth and pollu- TV, washing machine, and refrigerator. Later, tion measures. as the country grew richer, the color TV, au- If you replace the word “pollution” with “cli- tomobile, and air conditioner emerged as the mate change,” I think it pretty much sums up “new sacred treasures.” the attitude of the business community today. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
Japan's Dual Security Identity: a Non-Combat Military Role As an Enabler of Coexistence Isao Miyaoka International Studies 2011 48: 237 DOI: 10.1177/0020881713485017
International Studies http://isq.sagepub.com/ Japan's Dual Security Identity: A Non-combat Military Role as an Enabler of Coexistence Isao Miyaoka International Studies 2011 48: 237 DOI: 10.1177/0020881713485017 The online version of this article can be found at: http://isq.sagepub.com/content/48/3-4/237 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for International Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://isq.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://isq.sagepub.com/content/48/3-4/237.refs.html >> Version of Record - Aug 5, 2013 What is This? Downloaded from isq.sagepub.com at GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY on April 16, 2014 Article International Studies Japan’s Dual Security 48(3&4) 237–255 © 2011 JNU Identity: A Non-combat SAGE Publications Los Angeles, London, Military Role as an New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC Enabler of Coexistence DOI: 10.1177/0020881713485017 http://isq.sagepub.com Isao Miyaoka Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s acceptance and institutionalization of a non-combat military role to aid the US has led to its new identity as a US ally and has transformed the content of its ‘peace state’ identity. It is this role that has made these two identities more compatible. This article first attempts to meas- ure the long-term shift in Japan’s two identities by conducting a content analysis of Japan’s Defence White Papers and then seeks to trace the formation process of Japan’s dual security identity through which it accepted and institutionalized a non-combat military role.