Vol. 9, No. 2, Autumn 1974
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Manolis Glezos Manolis Glezos Giving a Speech in Omonoia Square, Athens in 2015
Manolis Glezos Manolis Glezos giving a speech in Omonoia Square, Athens in 2015. “WHY DO I GO ON? WHY I AM DOING THIS WHEN I AM 92 YEARS AND TWO MONTHS OLD? I COULD, AFTER ALL, BE SITTING ON A SOFA IN SLIPPERS WITH MY FEET UP. SO WHY DO I DO THIS? YOU THINK THE MAN SITTING OPPOSITE YOU IS MANOLIS BUT YOU ARE WRONG. I AM NOT HIM. AND I AM NOT HIM BECAUSE I HAVE NOT FORGOTTEN THAT EVERY TIME SOMEONE WAS ABOUT TO BE EXECUTED DURING WWII, THEY SAID: 'DON'T FORGET ME. WHEN YOU SAY GOOD MORNING, THINK OF ME. WHEN YOU RAISE A GLASS, SAY MY NAME.' AND THAT IS WHAT I AM DOING TALKING TO YOU, OR DOING ANY OF THIS. THE MAN YOU SEE BEFORE YOU IS ALL THOSE PEOPLE. AND ALL THIS IS ABOUT NOT FORGETTING THEM.” On 30 May 1941 Glezos and Apostolos Santas climbed on the Acropolis and tore down the swastika. On 3 March 1948, he was put to trial for his political convictions and sentenced to death multiple times by the right-wing government. His death penalties were reduced to a life sentence in 1950. Post-war period On 5 December 1958 he was arrested again and convicted for espionage, which was common pretext for the persecution of the supporters of the left during the Cold War. His release on 15 December 1962 was a result of the public outcry in Greece and abroad, including winning the Lenin Peace Prize. 10/6/2018 After the restoration of democracy in Greece in 1974, Glezos participated in the reviving of EDA. -
Greece During the Second World War
GREECE DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR It is indeed an unusual experience for an ancient historian to lecture on a theme of contemporary history. The experience is doubtless valuable for the ancient historian. Its value for contemporary historY may be most charitably regarded as indeterminate. Historians present will, I am sure, agree that the profession is beset with obstacles, frustrations and difficulties. But there is one difficulty which the ancient historian can assume he will not encounter; that is, to have his assertions challenged by eyewitnesses to the actual events. In this room there are indeed such eyewitnesses. Among them are Professor William H. McNeill, who wrote the first good and responsible book on Greece during the Second War,1 and Professor D.George Kousoulas, whose really admi rable historY of the Greek Communist partY is of a significance far exceeding the specifically Greek context.2 To both these scholars this lecture is greatly indebted. Those familiar with this period of Greek historY are aware of its fantastic complexity. This complexity explains the over-simplified and dogma tic character of what follows. The First World War was ignited by an incident in the Balkans. The Second World War was not. Throughout the difficult and increasingly dangerous years from 1918 to 1939 the Balkan nations, both victors and vanquished, faced extraordinary difficulties — the acquisition of new territories or the loss of old, the problems of minorities and exchanges of population, industri al and technological backwardness, the legacy of centuries of Ottoman rule, with the resulting economic difficulties which in turn produced increasing social unrest. -
Dodecanese Campaign from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Dodecanese Campaign From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The Dodecanese Campaign of World War II was an attempt by Allied forces, mostly Navigation Dodecanese Campaign British, to capture the Italian-held Dodecanese islands in the Aegean Sea following the Part of the Mediterranean and Middle East theatre of Main page surrender of Italy in September 1943, and use them as bases against the German- World War II Contents controlled Balkans. The Allied effort failed, with the whole of the Dodecanese falling to Featured content the Germans within two months, and the Allies suffering heavy losses in men and Current events ships.[3] The operations in the Dodecanese, lasting from 8 September to 22 November Random article 1943, resulted in one of the last major German victories in the war.[4] Donate to Wikipedia Contents 1 Background Interaction 2 Initial Allied and German moves — The Fall of Rhodes Help 3 Battle of Kos About Wikipedia 4 Battle of Leros Community portal 5 Naval operations Recent changes 6 Aftermath Map of the Dodecanese Islands (in dark blue) Contact Wikipedia 7 In popular culture Date September 8 – November 22, 1943 8 References Location Dodecanese Islands, Aegean Sea Toolbox 9 Sources 10 External links Result German victory What links here Territorial German occupation of the Dodecanese Related changes changes Background [edit] Upload file Belligerents Special pages Further information: Military history of Greece during World War United Kingdom Germany Permanent link II and Mediterranean and Middle East theatre of World War II Kingdom of Italy Republican State of Page information South Africa Italy The Dodecanese island group lies in the south-eastern Aegean Sea, and had been Data item Greece under Italian occupation since the Italo-Turkish War. -
A Discussion with Theodoros Stamos 45 Turkish Coffee in Greece by Elias Petropoulos 53 Documents: the O.S.S
JO THE LLENIC 001ASP RA A Quarterly Review VOL. IX, No. 4 WINTER 1982 Publisher: LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU Editorial Board: ALEXANDER KITROEFF PASCHALIS M. KITROMILIDES PETER PAPPAS YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS Founding Editor: NIKOS PETROPOULOS The Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora air mail; Institutional—$25.00 for one is a quarterly review published by Pella year, $45.00 for two years. Single issues Publishing Company, Inc., 337 West cost $4.50; back issues cost $6.00. 36th Street, New York, NY 10018, U.S.A., in March, June, September, and Advertising rates can be had on request December. Copyright © 1982 by Pella by writing to the Publisher. Publishing Company. Articles appearing in this journal are The editors welcome the freelance sub- abstrated and/or indexed in Historical mission of articles, essays and book re- Abstracts and America: History and views. All submitted material should be Life; or in Sociological Abstracts; or in typewritten and double-spaced. Trans- Psychological Abstracts; or in the Mod- lations should be accompanied by the ern Language Association Abstracts (in- original text. Book reviews should be cludes International Bibliography) or in approximately 600 to 1,200 words in International Political Science Abstracts length. Manuscripts will not be re- in accordance with the relevance of con- turned unless they are accompanied by tent to the abstracting agency. a stamped, self-addressed envelope. All articles and reviews published in Subscription rates: Individual—$15.00 the Journal represent only the opinions for one year, $27.00 for two years; of the individual authors; they do not Foreign—$20.00 for one year by surface necessarily reflect the views of the mail; Foreign-425,00 for one year by editors or the publisher. -
To the Crucible II
To the Crucible II: A Further Irish Engagement with the Greek Crisis and the Greek Left Helena Sheehan This is a sequel to http://www.irishleftreview.org/2013/01/21/crucible-irish-engagement-greek- crisis-greek-left/ The Dominant Narrative “Things have gone very quiet in Greece, haven’t they?” So many people said that to me in the past six months or so. I responded that there was a lot going on, even if international media weren’t covering it. There were civil mobilisations of teachers and transport workers, as well as rising unemployment, emigration and impoverishment, being met with continuing protest, strikes, occupations. Even so, I sensed a lull in the rhythm of resistance, since the big demonstrations opposing the passage of the third memorandum last autumn. Obviously people couldn’t keep going at that pitch all the time, but how many were succumbing to exhaustion, despair, defeat? How many were quietly going about their work in solidarity networks, policy development, political education? The story circulating in May, promoted by its government, was that Greece had stabilised and protest had subsided. Grexit had given way to Grecovery. Antonis Samaras, who was most actively articulating this, touring the world with the good news, even heralded a Greek ‘renaissance’. The feeblest of economic indicators were offered as evidence, although international commentators, even ones who wanted to believe this story, found it hard to get past the fact that most indicators still pointed in the opposite direction. In other statements, Samaras conceded that they hadn’t really changed the numbers yet, but insisted that they had eliminated the ‘negative psychology’. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 UNNEGOTIATED TRANSITION . SUCCESSFUL OUTCOME: THE PROCESSES OF DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN GREECE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Neovi M, Karakatsanis, B.A., M.A. -
The Greek Civil War in the Czech Press Konstantinos Tsivos
The Greek Civil War in the Czech Press Konstantinos Tsivos | Neograeca Bohemica | 15 | 2015 | 65–87 | Abstract The Greek Civil War was the fi rst open confrontation in Europe between the Eastern block and the West aft er the Second World War. This confrontation did not only develop on the battlefront, but also on the propaganda front, inside Greece and abroad. Czechoslovakia was actively involved in the Greek Civil War, mainly by sending military equipment to Greece and by providing asylum to approximately 4,000 child refugees. The Greek Civil War was prominent in the Czechoslovakian press throughout its duration (1946–1949). This article, based on material from the Prague National Archives, analyses the events of the Civil War as presented by Czech newspapers. In addition, this presentation refl ects on the confrontation between the political forces that formed the National Front government of Czechoslovakia, before and aft er February 1948. There is also special reference to the activities of the propaganda machine that the Greek Communist Party had established in Prague at this time. Keywords Greek Civil War, Czechoslovak Press, Cold War, February 1948, polarization, propaganda 67 | Th e Greek Civil War in the Czech Press In March 1945 the Czechoslovak National Front government was formed. All the Czech and Slovak anti-fascist parties were equally represented in it, each by three ministers. The Communist Party, which had the leading role in form- ing the government liberation program, took control of three ministries that played a crucial part in the orientation of the country: these were the minis- tries of Interior, Agriculture and Information. -
Incompatible Allies: Greek Communism and Macedonian Nationalism in the Civil War in Greece, 1943-1949
Incompatible Allies: Greek Communism and Macedonian Nationalism in the Civil War in Greece, 1943-1949 Andrew Rossos, University of Toronto Such is the Slav Macedonian distrust of the Greek that even the KKE [Communist Party of Greece] is suspect.... KKE may be communist, but in the eyes of the Slav Macedonian it is primarily Greek. The development this summer of KKM [Communist Party of Macedonia] must offer a prospect of far greater appeal to the Slav-Macedonians in Greece than KKE can provide.[ 1] The Macedonians of Aegean or Greek Macedonia made a significant, indeed a critical contribution to the communist side during the Civil War in Greece. They were mobilized for the struggle by their own movement, the National Liberation Front (Naroden Osloboditelen Front, or NOF), which was or sought the role of an autonomous ally and partner, even if a junior one, of the Communist Party of Greece, Kommounistiko Komma tis Elladas (KKE). The two looked like natural allies. They shared a common ideology, Marxism-Leninism, since the NOF was also a communist organization; they both rejected the status quo and wanted to replace it with a communist people's democracy, and, by the late autumn of 1946, they seemed to agree that this aim could probably be attained only through force of arms. In reality, however, the KKE and NOF were divided by deep-seated mutual distrust and animosity. For the former, the struggle was exclusively ideological and its aim was the seizure of power in Greece. For the latter-without in the least questioning its ideological commitment-it was primarily a national struggle, a battle for the national liberation of the Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia.[ 2] These two perceptions of the struggle were not altogether contradictory, but the divergence in priorities exacerbated the already-existing mutual suspicions. -
Hima and Globally Threatened Species
I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Medscapes is a project to demonstrate the management, and decision making on social, importance of landscape and establish a political, economic, natural, and cultural Level common approach towards its management within a landscape area and to help adapt the and conservation in Mediterranean countries. Hima approach in the partner countries. This MedScapes Project is funded by the “Mediter- is done through promotion of the Hima par- ranean Sea Basin Programme” which is part ticipatory framework and its adaptation to the of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) context of the partner countries. As a result of and its financing instrument (European Neigh- Work Package 6, this text, the Hima Guideline borhood and Partnership Instrument - ENPI) Manual as well as a short film documentary for the period 2007-2013. MedScapes links are being issued to represent the results and together eight partners from four countries in activities in the work package and the case the Mediterranean Basin for this two-year pro- studies of the different Hima sites that were ject: Cyprus, Greece, Jordan and Lebanon. Each established during the project. This will be country is represented by one non-governmen- useful as a capitalization tool for building on tal organization (NGO) and one University1, the project and moving from theory to action and are led by the Laona Foundation for the in the Hima sites in Cyprus, Greece, Jordan, Conservation and Regeneration of the Cyp- and Lebanon. The manual targets audiences riot Countryside. The project aims to support from all fields and sections of landscape activ- stronger protection of and reduced risk to the ity, including such as environmental, cultural, landscape heritage through the introduction of social, policy-making, planning, law enforce- an integrative landscape character assessment ment, and educational sectors. -
Syriza's Rise and Fall
Interview: New Masses—13 stathis kouvelakis SYRIZA’S RISE AND FALL Syriza won power in January 2015 as an anti-austerity party—the most advanced political opposition so far to the hardening deflationary poli- cies of the Brussels–Berlin–Frankfurt axis. Six months later, the Tsipras government forced through the harshest austerity package Greece had yet seen. This trajectory was a predictable outcome of the contradiction embod- ied in Syriza’s programme: reject austerity, but keep the euro. Why was Tsipras so incapable of envisaging a course inside the eu but outside the Eurozone, the position of Sweden, Denmark, Poland and half a dozen other European countries? irst, one shouldn’t underestimate the popularity of the euro in the southern-periphery countries—Greece, Spain, Portugal—for whom joining the eu meant accessing political and economic modernity. For Greece, in particular, it meant Fbeing part of the West in a different way to that of the us-imposed post- civil war regime. It seemed a guarantee of the new democratic course: after all, it’s only since 1974 that Greece has known a political regime similar to other Western countries, after decades of authoritarianism, military dictatorship and civil war. The European Community also offered the promise of combining prosperity with a social dimension, supposedly inherent to the project, which sealed the political com- pact that emerged after the fall of the Junta. Joining the euro seemed the logical conclusion of that process. Having the same currency as the most advanced countries has a tremendous power over people’s imagination—carrying in your pocket the same currency as Germans or Dutch, even if you are a low-paid Greek worker or pensioner—which new left review 97 jan feb 2016 45 46 nlr 97 those of us who’d been in favour of exiting the euro since the start of the crisis tended to underestimate. -
Revision of the Baeoglena Species of the West Palaearctic
ZOBODAT - www.zobodat.at Zoologisch-Botanische Datenbank/Zoological-Botanical Database Digitale Literatur/Digital Literature Zeitschrift/Journal: Beiträge zur Entomologie = Contributions to Entomology Jahr/Year: 2019 Band/Volume: 69 Autor(en)/Author(s): Assing Volker Artikel/Article: Revision of the Baeoglena species of the West Palaearctic Region (Coleoptera: Staphylinidae: Aleocharinae) 1-32 ©www.senckenberg.de/; download www.contributions-to-entomology.org/ 69 (1): 001 – 032 2019 © 2019 TheSenckenberg Authors Gesellschaft für Naturforschung Revision of the Baeoglena species of the West Palaearctic Region (Coleoptera: Staphylinidae: Aleocharinae) With 67 figures and 7 maps V>?@AB ACCDEF 1 1 Gabelsbergerstraße 2, 30163 Hannover, Germany. – [email protected] Published on 2019–06–24 DOI:10.21248/contrib.entomol.69.1.001-032 Abstract The subgenus Baeoglena T!"$%"&, 1867 of the speciose aleocharine genus Oxypoda M'&&()!(*$, 1830 has been subject to considerable taxonomic confusion rendering a reliable identification of material from regions other than Central Europe and the Canary Islands virtually impossible. Based on a revision of abundant material from various major public and private collections, seven species are distributed in the West Palaearctic region exclusive of the Canary Islands. Two new species are described and illustrated: Oxypoda (Baeoglena) rectacia spec. nov. (East Mediterranean, from South Greece to the Middle East) and O. (B.) derecta spec. nov. (West Caucasus, Northeast Anatolia). Diagnoses and illustrations of the genitalia are provided for the remaining five species. The following synonymies are established: Oxypoda nova B()&!';(), 1902 = O. giachinoi P'<(, 2001, syn. nov.; O. hispanica F'?(J, 1958 and its replacement name O. inexpectata F'?(J, 1965 are removed from synonymy with O. -
La Grecia Senza I Leonida, Occupata Dai Serse, Governata Dagli Efialte
La Grecia senza i Leonida, occupata dai Serse, governata dagli Efialte (come tutti i Paesi membri della UE) Alcune note su questo lavoro La Grecia è una terra antica come il suo popolo. In quella terra è nata, ed è giunta fino a noi, la capacità di osservare la natura, le sue leggi, l’umanità, i suoi limiti, la sua grandezza nel saperli superare. La famiglia di mia madre aveva origini greche. Mio padre aveva un impegnativo nome greco, Temistocle. Come potevo, dunque, i primi tempi, senza accorgermene, non portarmi dentro la Grecia antica? Questo è il concreto motivo che mi ha spinto a scrivere un micro-saggio su quello che stava accadendo in Grecia. Attanagliata dal debito, incapace di liberarsene. Una storia di aggressioni e di invasivi controlli dall’esterno. Nel raccogliere i dati (che vedrete corposi) mi sono reso conto che stavo scrivendo un libro. Mi sono detto: la Grecia merita questa fatica, una fatica donata alla sua terra antica. Nel cercare di comprendere da dove venissero tutti quegli impedimenti alla sua autonomia; perché, soprattutto dal secondo dopo guerra, la Grecia stava subendo l’affronto della privazione della sua 1 _ P A sovranità, della sovranità del suo popolo, costringendola ad aderire ad organismi internazionali imprigionanti. La Nato, la UE, l’Eurozona. Ponendomi questi interrogativi, è nato questo lavoro di ricerca documentale, che qualcuno potrebbe anche chiamare: libro. Questo lavoro è diviso in quattro parti. – La prima, Quando la sovranità in Grecia era sacra, si basa e si radica nella Grecia Antica. – La seconda, Le radici velenose dell’Unione Europea cerca le motivazioni della costruzione dell’Europa unita, mostrandone i lati oscuri.