DOCSLIB.ORG

Differents: Essays About a Human (And Humans) Will Gerdes-Mcclain [email protected]

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Differents: Essays About a Human (And Humans) Will Gerdes-Mcclain William.Gerdesmcclain@Bobcats.Gcsu.Edu Georgia College Knowledge Box Creative Nonfiction MFA Theses Masters of Fine Arts Theses Spring 4-26-2021 Differents: Essays About a Human (and Humans) will gerdes-mcClain [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://kb.gcsu.edu/nonfiction Part of the Nonfiction Commons Recommended Citation gerdes-mcClain, will, "Differents: Essays About a Human (and Humans)" (2021). Creative Nonfiction MFA Theses. 7. https://kb.gcsu.edu/nonfiction/7 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Masters of Fine Arts Theses at Knowledge Box. It has been accepted for inclusion in Creative Nonfiction MFA Theses by an authorized administrator of Knowledge Box. Differents: Essays About a Human (and Humans) A thesis presented to The Graduate Faculty of The College of Arts and Sciences Department of English Georgia College & State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Fine Arts in Creative Writing will gerdes-mcClain April 2021 Differents: Differents: Essays About a Human (and Also Humans) by will gerdes-mcClain Approved: _____________________________________________ _____________ Professor Peter Selgin, Chair, Thesis Committee Date _____________________________________________ _____________ Professor Laura Newbern, Committee Member Date _____________________________________________ _____________ Dr. Alex Blazer, Committee Member Date _____________________________________________ _____________ NAME HERE OF OUTSIDE READER (if any) Date _____________________________________________ _____________ Dr. Kerry Neville, Graduate Coordinator Date _____________________________________________ _____________ Dr. Eric G. Tenbus Date Dean, School of Liberal Arts & Sciences Table of Contents Mans in the Mirror ....................................................................................................................... 4 Last, Do No Harm ...................................................................................................................... 36 White Space (Lost Souls of the Internet Part One) ................................................................ 55 Anxiety Fuel (Lost Souls of the Internet Part Two) ................................................................ 84 Differents (Lost Souls of the Internet Part Three) ................................................................ 116 Bullet Points .............................................................................................................................. 141 iii Mans in the Mirror Among my many regrets in life, a recent one that stands out is a tweet that I didn’t like. I mean, I liked it, in my mind, but I didn’t hit the little heart button with my stubby little finger, thereby marking it and making it easy to return to. For whatever reason, I’m always focused on retaining precise wording and being able to attribute ideas correctly to their source, so it bothers me that I failed to archive this one properly. Nevertheless, the tweet’s content stays with me (however memory has garbled it): I’m so over white people who are perpetually stuck on recognizing their own privilege, as if that in itself is a form of antiracism. I just keep thinking about it. … … … I honestly feel so attacked right now. ~~~ 4 When I’m Fucked Up, That’s the Real Me I’m drunk. I mean, I’m at the 2017 College Composition and Communication Conference (4C’s, colloquially) in Portland, OR. No; I mean, I’m drunk. I’m not, like, knee-walking, falling down drunk, but more than drunk enough. Before coming to this restaurant, Ana and I went to a reception held by Bedford St. Martin, or some other publisher, and there was free wine. There was also food, but that didn’t seem as important. We got lost on the way there, but made it just in time to have plenty of wine. We’re walking everywhere, so there’s no urgent need to be mindful of my intake, which is nice, because the stress of being at a huge conference and being a capable version of myself is taking a toll. Once we got to this restaurant, I saw that, in addition to my partner and one other person who I know, there’s like seven or eight strangers, so I needed to order a Bloody Mary. I’ve had a couple, at this point, so I’m drunk. And I am doing a lot of talking. Indeed, I’m rolling. Who can say how, but the topic has turned to race and/or gender, which I always have plenty to say about, though I’m also usually much, much more reserved, even around people who I know, let alone around strangers. However, in this city, in this restaurant, with these people, in this moment, due to the stress of the past couple days and the fact that I am decidedly drunk, I am on one. I’m saying the stuff that I usually only say to my partner, the stuff that I am aware of myself enough not to put out there with people who I know don’t know me and love me unconditionally. My friend, Ana, who is Latina, is 5 sitting beside me, and three women, two of whom I’ve never met before, all graduate students from the University of Maryland, are sitting across from me, as I talk some serious shit, holding forth with my sophisticated, nuanced views on these complex topics. My deluxe vegetarian nachos are getting cold on the table in front of me. “I don’t know if you all know it, but there’s a Run the Jewels song called ‘Close Your Eyes (and Count to Fuck)’—it’s an amazing song, by the way, if you haven’t heard it, just so fucking good—it’s during Killer Mike’s verse. He’s describing a prison riot—actually, he’s exhorting prisoners to riot—and he’s talking about killing the guards and the warden, and he says ‘Even if some good ones die, fuck it; the Lord’ll sort ‘em.’ I love this line, because it’s the truth. I don’t think I’m one of the good ones—I hope I’m not one of the worst ones, but I also know I’m not a ‘good one’—but even if I was, I know that when the revolution comes, I’m gonna be at the end of a noose, swinging from a lamp post. And that feels right, to me. I haven’t done anything, I don’t do anything that excuses my culpability in the system.” In my memory, everyone is just letting me talk. They’re all surely used to White Dudes Who Have Shit to Say, and they’ve probably had plenty of practice listening politely, waiting for us to tire ourselves out. My mind is racing even more than usual, rapidly running through all the calculus, trying to keep myself from saying anything too stupid. I can’t stop my mouth from running, but I also know that I need to do my best to be thoughtful, keep from upsetting anyone or making myself look too bad. I’m doing a better job than usual of looking the people across from me in the eye, especially considering the fact that two of them are strangers. I’m not looking at Ana, partly because she’s sitting next to me, making it awkward, and partly because she’s the one I’m most afraid of upsetting, the one whose 6 opinion is genuinely important to me. The waiter asks if anyone would like another drink, and of course I would. Now I’ve moved on to talking about how the only thing I can think of that makes sense, for a white person, is to just be John Brown. My partner sits on my other side, engrossed in a separate conversation. She’s heard this shit before. “When I really think about it, that’s the only way I can think of to even come close to stopping being part of the problem. Just spaz out and attack the system, go for its throat in a way that there’s no coming back from. Short of that, you’ve always got your privilege, you’re not really committed, because you are still complicit, because you’re still benefitting. Honestly, I’m not even totally sure that that’s enough, but it’s the most that I can imagine that an individual can do. I’m too much of a coward to ever do what I should do—I’m too scared to even talk to strangers if I wasn’t drunk right now—and I should to be held to account when it goes down. I’m not John Brown.” I think I feel like this is a mic drop statement, but I don’t really know. I mean, I built up to it, and it feels meaningful that I’ve indicted myself, held myself accountable, but it’s very, very possible that I just sound silly. In the end, regardless of how forceful I am, I’m just talking, putting on a show; not doing anything. Maybe all I’ve accomplished is identifying myself as the worst, most infuriating white person there is: the one who needs you to know how truly, madly, deeply woke they are. Ugh. The three women sitting across from me probably nod, thoughtfully. I don’t look at Ana’s reaction. Someone probably has a response, but I don’t remember it. I’ve disappeared back up my own asshole, wishing I had kept my mouth shut. 7 Actually, maybe I’m wishing I hadn’t shared this story. Maybe I should have kept my mouth shut right now. ~~~ By the Time I Get to Oklahoma, Pt. 1 Do you remember the SAE Fraternity Incident at the University of Oklahoma in the spring of 2015? You probably heard about it. A video recording of a bunch of white frat guys on a bus, singing a song about how ‘there will never be a n****r in SAE,’ and how ‘you can hang them from a tree, but they’ll never sign with me’ was posted online and quickly went viral. There was a Daily Show segment about it.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Can We Still Talk Things Out?: a Case Study of Campus Hate Speech Regulations at the University of Texas
    Can We Still Talk Things Out?: A Case Study of Campus Hate Speech Regulations at the University of Texas ARI HERBERT† There’s a lot of ugly things in this world, son. I wish I could keep ‘em all away from you. That’s never possible. - Harper Lee, To Kill a Mockingbird INTRODUCTION Intolerance is a persisting issue. The meme “Pepe the Frog” became a common racist and anti-Semitic symbol in the last year, with captions like “kill Jews, man.”1 But this is not a purely American issue either. Local French law tried to ban “modest swimwear.”2 “[F]rom July 2014 to July 2015, in the United Kingdom, there were more than 800 anti-Muslim hate crimes in London. By November 2015, when the terror attacks in Paris occurred, there were 878 reported anti-Muslim attacks in that city alone. Additionally, in Germany, the number of racially motivated attacks [was] higher than any year since the end of World War II.”3 This article focuses on hate particularly as it manifests itself as speech on American university campuses. Specifically, this article turns to recent incidents on and the response by the University of Texas at Austin. The aim in this case study is to analyze how universities may try to preserve speech while simultaneously fostering an inclusive and productive environment— surely a legitimate prerogative.4 In Part I of this article, I explain the recent hate speech incidents at the University of Texas and the University’s response. In Part II, I assess the constitutional issues in the University’s responses, and I identify a potential future difficulty that the University may have to face.
    [Show full text]
  • The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
    Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists.
    [Show full text]
  • Download?Doi=10.1.1.133.5901&Rep=Rep1&Type=Pdf Zarei, A
    Volume 3, June 2020 ISSN: 2591 - 801X JALT J o g u n r i n h a c l a o Te f & Ap ng plied Learni Vol.3 No.1 (2020) Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching DOI: https://doi.org/10.37074/jalt.2020.3.1 Editor-in-Chief Jürgen Rudolph Editor-in-Chief Jürgen Rudolph, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore Associate Editors Joey Crawford, University of Tasmania Margarita Kefalaki, Communication Institute of Greece Nigel Starck, University of South Australia Shannon Tan, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore Eric Yeo Zhiwei, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore Editorial Board James Adonopoulos, Kaplan Business School, Australia Nelson Ang, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore William Baker, University of Tasmania, Australia Abhishek Bhati, James Cook University, Singapore Rob Burton, Griffith University, Australia Mike Christie, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore Joseph Crawford, University of Tasmania, Australia Ailson De Moraes, Royal Holloway, University of London, UK Fotini Diamantidaki, University College London, UK Michael D. Evans, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore Lucy Gill-Simmen, Royal Holloway, University of London, UK Matt Glowatz, University College Dublin, Ireland Lena Itangata, University of Portsmouth, UK Rhys Johnson, Kaplan Higher Education Singapore Margarita Kefalaki, Communication Institute of Greece Bashar Malkawi, University of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates Paola A. Magni, Murdoch University, Singapore Justin O’Brien, Royal Holloway, University of London, UK Orna O’Brien, University College Dublin, Ireland Can-Seng Ooi, University of Tasmania,
    [Show full text]
  • How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
    GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election.
    [Show full text]
  • Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions: White Anti-Racism, New Abolitionism & Intersectional Anti-White Irish Diasporic Nationalism
    Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions: White Anti-Racism, New Abolitionism & Intersectional Anti-White Irish Diasporic Nationalism By Matthew W. Horton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Education and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Dr. Na’ilah Nasir, Chair Dr. Daniel Perlstein Dr. Keith Feldman Summer 2019 Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions Matthew W. Horton 2019 ABSTRACT Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions: White Anti-Racism, New Abolitionism & Intersectional Anti-White Irish Diasporic Nationalism by Matthew W. Horton Doctor of Philosophy in Education and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory University of California, Berkeley Professor Na’ilah Nasir, Chair This dissertation is an intervention into Critical Whiteness Studies, an ‘additional movement’ to Ethnic Studies and Critical Race Theory. It systematically analyzes key contradictions in working against racism from a white subject positions under post-Civil Rights Movement liberal color-blind white hegemony and "Black Power" counter-hegemony through a critical assessment of two major competing projects in theory and practice: white anti-racism [Part 1] and New Abolitionism [Part 2]. I argue that while white anti-racism is eminently practical, its efforts to hegemonically rearticulate white are overly optimistic, tend toward renaturalizing whiteness, and are problematically dependent on collaboration with people of color. I further argue that while New Abolitionism has popularized and advanced an alternative approach to whiteness which understands whiteness as ‘nothing but oppressive and false’ and seeks to ‘abolish the white race’, its ultimately class-centered conceptualization of race and idealization of militant nonconformity has failed to realize effective practice.
    [Show full text]
  • We're Not Nazis, But…
    August 2014 American ideals. Universal values. Acknowledgements On human rights, the United States must be a beacon. This report was made possible by the generous Activists fighting for freedom around the globe continue to support of the David Berg Foundation and Arthur & look to us for inspiration and count on us for support. Toni Rembe Rock. Upholding human rights is not only a moral obligation; it’s Human Rights First has for many years worked to a vital national interest. America is strongest when our combat hate crimes, antisemitism and anti-Roma policies and actions match our values. discrimination in Europe. This report is the result of Human Rights First is an independent advocacy and trips by Sonni Efron and Tad Stahnke to Greece and action organization that challenges America to live up to Hungary in April, 2014, and to Greece in May, 2014, its ideals. We believe American leadership is essential in as well as interviews and consultations with a wide the struggle for human rights so we press the U.S. range of human rights activists, government officials, government and private companies to respect human national and international NGOs, multinational rights and the rule of law. When they don’t, we step in to bodies, scholars, attorneys, journalists, and victims. demand reform, accountability, and justice. Around the We salute their courage and dedication, and give world, we work where we can best harness American heartfelt thanks for their counsel and assistance. influence to secure core freedoms. We are also grateful to the following individuals for We know that it is not enough to expose and protest their work on this report: Tamas Bodoky, Maria injustice, so we create the political environment and Demertzian, Hanna Kereszturi, Peter Kreko, Paula policy solutions necessary to ensure consistent respect Garcia-Salazar, Hannah Davies, Erica Lin, Jannat for human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • The Culture of Wikipedia
    Good Faith Collaboration: The Culture of Wikipedia Good Faith Collaboration The Culture of Wikipedia Joseph Michael Reagle Jr. Foreword by Lawrence Lessig The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Web edition, Copyright © 2011 by Joseph Michael Reagle Jr. CC-NC-SA 3.0 Purchase at Amazon.com | Barnes and Noble | IndieBound | MIT Press Wikipedia's style of collaborative production has been lauded, lambasted, and satirized. Despite unease over its implications for the character (and quality) of knowledge, Wikipedia has brought us closer than ever to a realization of the centuries-old Author Bio & Research Blog pursuit of a universal encyclopedia. Good Faith Collaboration: The Culture of Wikipedia is a rich ethnographic portrayal of Wikipedia's historical roots, collaborative culture, and much debated legacy. Foreword Preface to the Web Edition Praise for Good Faith Collaboration Preface Extended Table of Contents "Reagle offers a compelling case that Wikipedia's most fascinating and unprecedented aspect isn't the encyclopedia itself — rather, it's the collaborative culture that underpins it: brawling, self-reflexive, funny, serious, and full-tilt committed to the 1. Nazis and Norms project, even if it means setting aside personal differences. Reagle's position as a scholar and a member of the community 2. The Pursuit of the Universal makes him uniquely situated to describe this culture." —Cory Doctorow , Boing Boing Encyclopedia "Reagle provides ample data regarding the everyday practices and cultural norms of the community which collaborates to 3. Good Faith Collaboration produce Wikipedia. His rich research and nuanced appreciation of the complexities of cultural digital media research are 4. The Puzzle of Openness well presented.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School THE
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School THE ORGANIZATIONAL LANDSCAPE OF WHITE SUPREMACY A Thesis in Sociology by Isaiah Gerber Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science December 2019 ii The thesis of Isaiah Gerber was reviewed and approved* by the following: Gary Adler Assistant Professor of Sociology Thesis Advisor John McCarthy Distinguished Professor of Sociology Charles Seguin Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Data Analytics Jennifer Van Hook Roy C. Buck Professor of Sociology and Demography Director, Graduate Program in Sociology *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT Little past research has examined how the partitioning of the white supremacist social movement industry (SMI) compares to other SMIs. This is in spite of evidence that organizations within this SMI may be unique in their deployment of protest tactics and willingness to utilize violence. Scholarly analysis of other SMIs indicates that identifying diversity in organizational characteristics like professionalization, membership, frames, and organizational strategies is useful for partitioning SMIs. By evaluating the white supremacist SMI in terms of these four organizational characteristics, this study finds substantial evidence that there are eight distinct organizational clusters operating within the white supremacist SMI, that this diversity is driven by deployed organizational strategies, and that this SMI is unique in its use of violence and willingness to deploy a merchandizing-based organizational strategy. These findings provide both an alternative framework through which to understand diversity in the SMI of white supremacy, as well as evidence that the SMI of white supremacy is distinct within the US social movement sector in its deployment of violence and the merchandizing organizational strategies.
    [Show full text]
  • Course Listings for Spring 2018
    AADS Course Listings Spring 2018 AFRICAN & AFRICAN DIASPORA STUDIES Course Listings for Spring 2018 AADS 1101 Africa Since 1850 M W F 1:00-1:50 Cross Listed with HIST 2180 This course provides an overview of the recent history of sub-Saharan Africa. It begins by examining colonization and the dynamics of colonialism, then traces the development of anti- colonialism and nationalism, and concludes by surveying the trajectories of post-colonial states and societies. Throughout the semester we will think about popular experiences in addition to institutional or elite narratives, ask questions about the changing position of Africa in the world, and contemplate the stakes of conceptualizing African history in the present. Materials will include a range of academic literature, fiction and non-fiction works by African intellectuals, and visual media. Priya Lal AADS 1105 African-American History II M W F 1:00-1:50 Cross Listed with HIST 2482 Satisfies Cultural Diversity Core Requirement The two-semester survey examines the history and culture of African-Americans from the pre- colonial period to the present. The first semester focuses on the period before the middle passage, the evolution of slave and free society, the development of Black institutions, and the emergence of protest movements through the Civil War's end. During the second semester, the emphases are placed on issues of freedom and equality from Reconstruction, urban migration, civil rights struggles through current consideration of race, class, and gender conflicts. Karen Miller AADS 1110 Intro to African Diaspora Studies T TH 3:00-4:15 Cross Listed with SOCY 1045 Satisfies Core requirement for: Cultural Diversity, Social Science A survey of the African continent and the Diaspora that would include geography, history, politics, economics and literature.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Rhetorical Analysis of Selected White Supremacist Hate Sites Peter Weinberg
    Rhode Island College Digital Commons @ RIC Honors Projects Overview Honors Projects Spring 2011 A Critical Rhetorical Analysis of Selected White Supremacist Hate Sites Peter Weinberg Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/honors_projects Part of the Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons Recommended Citation Weinberg, Peter, "A Critical Rhetorical Analysis of Selected White Supremacist Hate Sites" (2011). Honors Projects Overview. 50. https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/honors_projects/50 This Honors is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Projects at Digital Commons @ RIC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects Overview by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ RIC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contents: Chapter 1: The Problem: Page 1 Chapter 2: International Attempts to Regulate the Problem: Page 13 Chapter 3: A General Assessment of the Threat Posed to Youth: Page 21 Chapter 4: Selection of Sites: Page 30 . Content Analysis Chart: Page 33 Chapter 5: Rhetorical Analysis of Selected Hate Sites: Page 35 . Part I: Page 35 . Artifact (1): Page 36 . Artifact (2): Page 42 . Artifact (3): Page 50 . Part II: Page 58 . Part III: Page 66 Chapter 6: Findings, Implications, and Conclusion: Page 73 Appendix: Page 84 Bibliography: Page 88 Chapter 1: The Problem Introduction to the Problem Hate, as a principle, is a word that usually carries with it negative connotations, and when put into practice, should always be taken seriously. On the internet, however, this is not always the case. In the virtual world, hate is becoming more and more common, is increasingly easy to propagate, and is easily accessible by nearly anyone, including youth.
    [Show full text]
  • “I'm Not Racist; Some of My Best Friends Are .
    ESSAY 25 “I’m Not Racist; Some of My Best Friends Are . ” Debunking the Friends Defense and Revisiting Allyship in the Post-Obama Era Cherise A. Harris distribute Connecticut College or f all the names White Americans could be called in American society, racist ranks as one of the worst. As psychology professor Beverly Daniel Tatum says, “The word racist holds a lot of emotional power. For many White O people, to be called racist is the ultimatepost, insult” (Tatum, 1997). One of the reasons why the term is considered anathema by most Whites is because of the images it con- jures in the public imagination. For example, in Joe Feagin and Hernán Vera’s (2000) book White Racism, one of their White respondents referred to Blacks a number of times as “apes” and admitted that her parents “always instilled in me that blacks aren’t equal,” but she nevertheless maintained: “I don’t consider myself racist . when I think of the word racist, I think of KKK [Ku Klux Klan], people in white robes burn- ing black people oncopy, crosses and stuff, or I think of the Skinheads or some exaggerated form of racism” (pp. 215–216; see also Ashmore, 2009; Culp, 1993). Essentially, many Whites are reluctant to admit their racial prejudices and instead believe that “racism does not exist among the people of goodwill in America, who include most Americans. Racismnot and white supremacy are relegated in our time to the David Dukes and the few white supremacists” (Culp, 1993, pp. 211–212; see also Feagin, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • 4 Annual Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States in 1999
    4th Annual Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States in 1999 · Cooperation · Conflict · Human Interest · Shared Experiences Foreword by Hugh Price, President, The National Urban League Introduction by Rabbi Marc Schneier, President, The Foundation For Ethnic Understanding 1 The Foundation for Ethnic Understanding 1 East 93rd Street, Suite 1C, New York, New York 10128 Tel. (917) 492-2538 Fax (917) 492-2560 www.ffeu.org Rabbi Marc Schneier, President Joseph Papp, Founding Chairman Darwin N. Davis, Vice President Stephanie Shnay, Secretary Edward Yardeni, Treasurer Robert J. Cyruli, Counsel Lawrence D. Kopp, Executive Director Meredith A. Flug, Deputy Executive Director Dr. Philip Freedman, Director Of Research Tamika N. Edwards, Researcher The Foundation for Ethnic Understanding began in 1989 as a dream of Rabbi Marc Schneier and the late Joseph Papp committed to the belief that direct, face- to-face dialogue between ethnic communities is the most effective path towards the reduction of bigotry and the promotion of reconciliation and understanding. Research and publication of the 4th Annual Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States was made possible by a generous grant from Philip Morris Companies. 2 FOREWORD BY HUGH PRICE PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE I am honored to have once again been invited to provide a foreword for The Foundation for Ethnic Understanding's 4th Annual "Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States. Much has happened during 1999 and this year's comprehensive study certainly attests to that fact. I was extremely pleased to learn that a new category “Shared Experiences” has been added to the Report.
    [Show full text]