Issues in the Economy and Politics of Swaziland Since 1968
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Issues in the Economy and Politics of Swaziland Since 1968 ISBN 0-7978-229(1-9 OSSREA Swaziland Chapter 2003 Editors: Ackson M. Kanduza Sarah T. Mkhonza OSSREA Swaziland Chapter, c o Faculty of Humanities. University of Swaziland. Private Bag 4, Kwaluseni. Swaziland. Blue Moon Printing. P O. Box 31. Matsapha Swaziland. Tel: 505 4766. Fax: 505 4367. Email: [email protected] 3 PREFACE The papers published here were presented at the first OSSREA national workshop which was held at the New George Hotel on 25 April 1998. This was a result of a new policy which OSSREA had adopted to support and promote research and scholarship at chapter level in each country which is a member of the organisation The workshop was well attended The University of Swaziland supported the workshop enthusiastically. Consequently membership of OSSREA in Swaziland increased. The workshop attracted researchers from the University of Swaziland. Teacher Training Colleges and Non Governmental Organisations. Certain Circumstances delayed the publication of these papers. However, they still represent what a group of scholars considered, individually, to be important issues in the history of the nation in 1998. A number of issues addressed in the papers arc still attracting much national interest today. Therefore the belated publication of these papers does not diminish their historiographical and scholarly value 5 CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE 3 CHAPTER ONE 7 - 16 Social Welfare Provision in Swaziland: A Profile by John K Ngwisha, Rajan Mathew, Mamane Nxumalo. CHAPTER TWO 17-23 Economic and Social Aspects of Farm Squatters in Swaziland Since 1982 by Ackson Kanduza CHAPTER THREE 24-29 Youth Participation in the Development of Swaziland: Challenges and Prospects During the Transition by Suffian H. Bukurura CHAPTER FOUR 30-42 Development and Change: Issues of Housing For Women In Post-Colonial Swaziland by Miranda Miles CHAPTER FIVE 43-51 Environmental Degradation and Economic Retardation in Rural Swaziland. 1960s and 1970s, by B.A.B Sikhondze CHAPTER SIX 52-58 Language Rights and the Constitution of Swaziland by Sarah Mkhonza CHAPTER SEVEN 59 - 67 Towards a Language Policy of Empowerment in Swaziland by Sihle Zwane CHAPTER EIGHT 68-82 Christianity and the Ideological Base of the Swazi Monarchy by M.H.Y Kaniki CHAPTER NINE 83-88 From Christian Exclusivism to Religious Pluralism by Christopher B. Zingara CHAPTER TEN 89-97 Demoralisation in the SADC Region: From One Party State to Multi-Party Democracy in Zambia and Lesson For Swaziland by Sitwala Mutonga CHAPTER ELEVEN 98 - 111 Regional Cooperation and Swaziland: Which Option? by Grace Peter CONTRIBUTORS 112 7 CHAPTER ONE SOCIAL WELFARE PROVISION IN SWAZILAND: A PROFILE John K. Ngwisha Rajan Mathew Mamane Nxumalo INTRODUCTION According to Davies. et al, (1985:1) the Kingdom of Swaziland came into being, during the violent upheavals known as the iMfecane which transformed African Societies in Southern African in the first thirty years of the nineteenth contury. During this period, the Dlamini clan consolidated its dominance over other clans leading to the transformation of the Swazi from a number of divided groups of clans to a single unit formation - the present Swazi nation and which later became the Swazi stale. Since the creation of the Swazi state at the turn of the nineteenth century, one can detect that the formation has undergone through three evolutionary stages of development. The first stage manifests itself as a state moulded on the basis of feudal relations. Its responsibilities for the population was limited to ensuring the stability of the social order by ensuring law and order, security and stability of the key institutions of the nation. For obvious reasons, it did not assume responsibly of a modern unitary state which has clearly marked borders, formal diplomatic relations, an economic, social infrastructure and a formal structure for the provision of social services. Most important was the fact that the state operated an economy based on barter-trade. An economy based on barter trade docs not exert pressure on the family in terms of equal access to means of survival to the same extent as a market economy does because the wealth of the family nourishes all its members. Moreover, the family under a feudal state docs not experience disorganisation in its functions. For the simple reason that the family is capable of dealing with social problems such as poverty, indigence and loss of means of survival through catastrophy such as famine. The family can deal with social problems affecting it very efficiently due to the relative stability of society . The second phase of the Swazi state was the colonial experience, which started with the advance of the Boers into Transvaal and later the advance of the British into Central Africa. Swaziland was formally declared a British Protectorate in 1881. It became part of the British sphere of influence in Central and Southern Africa. As a protected colony. Swaziland as did other colonial states in the region, experienced a process of transformation. The state as a first step lost its sovereignty to the British and Transvaal Boers as it became a politically dependent nation. Secondly its economy changed from that based on barter to money economy. Third, but not last, the Swazi were coerced into accepting a foreign value system based on the Judca- Christian religion. As a consequence of these forces, two changes happened simultaneously. First the state and the family changed functions and secondly the relations between the state and the family changed. The Swazi state which had hitherto enjoyed autonomy, became one of the dependencies of the British in Africa. In practical terms this meant that the policies, programmes and value system practised in Swaziland were determined by the Colonial office in London. Colonialism engenders dependency. Fostering dependency is a deliberate mechanism used by colonialists in order for them to manipulate and exploit the resources freely without hinder. The family as a basic unit of society was not spared by impact of the process. For example, there was a direct assault on its functions as a result of the value system based on Judca-Christian. The introduction of payment of personal taxes in hard currency forced males to migrate to work places outside their community 8 to earn hard currency so as to pay tax. Taxation is a colonial power strategy which was used very successfully in disorganising the family. As we know, initially migration occurred as trickle but later it became an avalanche, exerting a debilitating impact on the Swazi family. The family has not been able to recover from this assault since. Figure I A chronicle of the development of social welfare and social legislation in Swaziland 1884 Convention of London 27 February 1884 created Swaziland as a state. 1902 Administration of Estate Act 1902 Leprosy Act 1915 Hut Taxes introduced 1948 African Community Centre in Manzini and Mbabane formally included in the "Eight Year Development Plan" 1949 Africa Woman Community Organiser employed 1952 Adoption of Children Act 1954 Boys Scouts Organisation created Pauper relief scheme instituted by the Government and Non- Government Organisations (NGOs) 1955 Wills Act 1956 Tinkhundla Centres formally created 1958 Case of Lepers formalised by the Government 1959 Urban and Rural Community Development formalised 1959 Formulation of Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) involved in mutual aid and voluntary welfare work. 1962 Social Welfare Section established under the District Administration and Education Department. 1963 Vagrancy Act 1964 Cooperative Society Act Marriage Act Council of Social Services formally established Directory of Social Welfare agencies in Swaziland prepared District Administration of Hhohho. Manzini, Lubombo, and Shiselweni created 1965 Social Welfare Policy formulated Social Welfare function shifted from District Administration and Education Department to the Local Administration Department Rural Youth Development Project launched Social Welfare statf appointed by the Government United Nations Advisor on Community Development seconded to Swaziland by the United Nations Aided Urban Housing Project initiated 1966 Widows and Orphans Pensions Act Swaziland National Youth Organisation initiated. Juvenile reform facility Malkerns established 1968 Pensions Act Public Service Retirement Regulation Statutory Retirement Age set of 55 years both sexes Deeds Registry Act 1969 Urban Development Act 1970 Maintenancc Act 1977 Education Act Rules Child Care Services Order 1978 Mental Health Act 1980 Employment Act 1982 Industrial and Vocational Training Act 1983 Workers Compensation Act Marriage and Death Registration Act 1990 Swaziland National Provident Fund (General Regulations) In the absence of a father, the mother assumed two roles that of father and that of mother. As formal education in the nature of a school became part of the new form of socialisation, this meant that the family lost one of its basic functions: socialisation. These two examples of change in the role of the family are an indication of the fact that the family lost its independence through no fault of its own Circumstances, such as payment of tax. sending children to a school to be educated by strangers, or getting coerced to accept a new set of Judea-Christian values, irrevocably affected the functioning of the family. What we have described is the manifestation of the process of social change forced on the Swazi nation by powers of imperialism. For the sake of clarity, social change here refers to change in the constitution of 9 by powers of imperialism. For the sake of clarity, social change here refers to change in the constitution of social entities, such as the state and the family, over time and change in the relations among entities over time. The important thing to keep in focus is that for the purpose of this profile we limit the meaning of change to the relation between man and man. In other words, we will be concerned with the consequences of social change in society.