A Re-Examination of the Past 3

iii ARe-Examination I! of the Past I ,

• U. S. Foreign Policy in the Clouds • The Crisis in American Education , Origins 'of the Venezuelan Revolt by Juan 'arao STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP. MANAGEMENT. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL THE NEW INTERNATIONAL AND CIRCULATION REQUIRED BV THE ACT OF CON· A Marxlsf RevIew GRESS OF AUGUST 24. 1912. AS AMENDED BV THE ACTS OF MARCH 3. 1933. AND JULY 2, 1946 (Title A Marx',' aey'ew 39, U. S. Code, Section 233) of THE NEW INTERNA· Yol. XXIII. No. 4 Whole No. 177 TIONAl, published quarterly at New York. N. V •• for 1957. Yol. XXIII. No. 4 FALL 1957 Whole No. 177 FALL 1957 New York 11, N. Y. 1. The names and addresses of the publishe~, editor, managing editor, and business managers are: Publisher and Editor, Max Shachtman; Managing Editor. Julius Falk; TABLE OF CONTENTS Business Manager, L. G. Smith, all of 114 W. 14th St., NNew York 11, N. Y. Ameritlln Communism: 2. The owner is: The New International Publishing Co., ArtIcles: Yetta Barsh, Max Shachtman, Albert Gates, all of 114 W. 14th St., New York 11, N. Y. AMERICAN COMMUNISM: A RE- A Re-Examination of the Past 3. The known bondholders, mortgagees, and other secur EXAMINATION OF THE PAST...... 207 ity holders owning or holding 1 per cent 0: .more of total by J\fax Shachtman amount of bonds, mortgages, or other SeCUrItIes are: None. The radical movement ken away from it in thirty years, only 4. Paragraphs 2 and 3 include, in cases where the stock in the United States has been shat the Independent Socialist League, the AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE holder or security holder appears upon ~he books. of the CLOUDS ...... 245 company as trustee or in any other fidUCIary relatIOn, the tered by a cumulative crisis. If we A merican Socialist group and a sub name of the person or corporation for whom such trustee by Sam Bottone is acting' also the statements in the two paragraphs show define the radical movement, for the group exist, all the others having van the affia~t's full knowledge and belief as to the circu!Il THE CRISIS IN EDUCATION ...... 251 stances and condition under which stockholders and securIty purposes of this review, as the organ ished without trace or regret. To com holders who do not appear upon the books of the company ized expression of those who avow plete the picture by adding the names by Frances Wright as trustees, hold stock and securities in a capacity other than that of a bona fide owner. the goal of socialism, it would be an of any other groups that exist would ORIGINS OF VENEZUELAN 5. The average number of copies of each ~sue of this exaggeration if we said that it lies in only make it more dismal. REVOLUTION ...... 254 publication sold or distributed, through the mails or oth~r wise, to paid subscribers during the 12 months preceeding utter ruin, but not if we said that by Juan Parao the date shown above was: Where does this picture present it JULIUS JACOBSON, every section of it has suffered a deb self, and when? In the United States Magazine Chronicle: acle. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 26th daJ of today. Practically every other capital HOOK GOES SOFT ON GOMULKA ...... 269 September, 1951. The oldest of the organizations in ist country in the world has an influ by Michael Harrington ZENO JOSEPH DiPASQUALE, Notary Public, State of this country, the Socialist Labor Par ential and even a powerful socialist New York No. 31-0960125. (My commission expires March ty, leads a hermetically-sealed vege (or Communist) movement; in the Booles in Review: 30, 1959.) table existence, uninfluenced by the United States, the most advanced of WHAT Do You KNOW ABOUT world and witheut influence on it. all the capitalist countries, the one LABOR? ...... 272 The I.W.W. is nothing more than the materially ripest for socialist reorgan Reviewed by Ben Hall Published quarterly by The New International Publlsh Jug Co., at 114 West 14th Street, New Yori 11. N. Y. dream of a gloried but irretrievable ization, there is none. Wherever a Re-entered as second class matter March 8, 1950, at the past. The principal traditional organ significant labor movement exists, oost omce at New York, N. Y•• udner the Act of March 3, ization of socialism, the Socialist Par there is also a socialist movement MAX SHACHTMAN, Editor i819. subscription rates: In the U. S.• Canada and Australia ty, which had well over 100,000 mem which finds in it its political nourish JULIUS FALK, Managing Editor $2.00 per year; bundles 35 cents each for five copies and up. Britain, Ireland and Europe, 10/-British, or $1.40 bers almost fifty years ago-in 1912, to ment and not only the historical bear U. S. per year; Asia 1/-British, 01 $1.00 per year. be exact-and still had over 100,000 er of its ideas. But not in the United Advisory Sta. Address all editorial and business communications to Michael Harrington George Post The New International, 114 West 14th Street, New York members forty years ago, is reduced States which now has the largest and Cy Jackson Max Martin 11. N. Y. to a small regiment now trying again most powerfully organized labor move to rebuild the party into a significant ment in the history of the world. movement. The Communist Party, Here, support for an organized so which managed to build itself up in cialist movement from trade unions the Forties to a membership of al embracing eighteen million men and 'THE NEW INTERNATIONAL' most 100,000 and a tremendous in women is next to zero. Here, the most Is the leading Marxist magazine in the United States, internationally fluence outside its immediate ranks, militant and significant mass move recognized as among the foremost organs of Marxist thought and is now a wreck that is not only ridi ment of that tenth of the population culecf but discredited and despi~ed. made up by the Negro people is un political analysis in the world. The Trotskyist organization, after folding without any serious socialist SEND SO¢ FOR THE CURRENT ISSUE three decades of existence, remains a influence upon it. OR SUBSCRIBE AT $2.00 A YEAR wing without a body, unable to fly, These are the realities. They are unable to land. Of the multiplicity of bitter ones. The socialist worthy of New International, 114 West 14 Street, New York City groups that broke away or were bro- the name must be ready and able to acknowledge even the most dismaying European capitalism and must travel WITH THIS FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPT al consideration of all the forces in facts, to examine them with sober ob exactly the same road in exactly the ways well in mind, the problem of the volved. jectivity and the utmost of critical same way. On the contrary: Ameri socialist movement here must never The "one side" to be examined is freedom, to reconsider and re-evalu can capitalism is indeed unique and theless be examined in another as the Communist Party. For this bias, ate the past in the light of the present. so it has been from its earliest days. pect. The various theories, ideas, there is more than a little justifica There is no other way to decide on It is indeed-to employ a once un analyses, polic i es, tactics practises tion. The Communist Party has been those steps which are necessary and justly - scorned term - "exceptional," adopted by one or another section of the dominant section of the radical possible for changing today's reality even if within a definite and limiting the movement-what part did they movement in this country for forty into a reality more favorable to the framework. It can even be said that play in contributing to or in averting years. In addition, the Communist advancement of socialism. the distinctive national peculiarity its present sorry state? We cannot as Party is unique in that, among other of the historical development of Amer sign everything to objective condi things, it embraces within its own To reconsider and re-evalute the ican capitalism, and therefore of its tions over which we have little or no history a wider range of theories, pol past does not automatically imply working class, and therefore of the so control at any given moment, above icies and practices than any other or the necessity of rejecting and repudi cialist movement and its problems, all to the conditions of the historical ganization avowing socialism has ever ating it. It does mean such a critical has never been fully or adequately past. The socialist movement has as known. It has run the full gamut, up re-examination as makes it possible thought out by the very socialists who its purpose not merely to understand and back, from insurrectionism to for those who have not been inun possess the analytical instruments re conditions but to alter them. And parliamentary opportunism, from rev dated by helplessness and hopeless quired for the task. This fundamental while we cannot jump over our own olutionary trade-unionism to collabor ness, for those who are both confident task is one of the most important and heads, let alone over society as a ation with the most conservative of of the socialist future and determined urgen t ones to be performed by those whole, we can and must work out trade-union officialdoms, from revo to bring it closer, to choose from concerned with the reconstruction of those policies best calculated under lutionary boycottism in elections to among the elements of the past. It socialism in this country. To the ex given conditions to achieve the so support of the most conservative of should by now be a commonplace tent that it is conscientiously per cialist goal. The socialist movement capitalist candidates, from extreme that much in the past of the socialist formed, we will be armed with an is not primarily a theoretical move opposition to war to extreme chau movement-of its theories, its policies, understanding of the objective condi ment but a political movement; or yinist support of war, from extreme or its conduct-has been proved faulty. tions) historical and contemporary, more exactly, it is a theoretical move apparently extreme inner-party free But not everything-indeed, far from that createP the barriers to American m€nt only to the extent required to dom to extreme bureaucratism-and it-has proved to be sterile, fruitless, socialism in the pas t as well as of become an effective political move everything imaginable in between. So worthless. Two outstanding facts re those that indicate its encouraging ment. Right there is where political that, even if there had been no other fute such a belief, if anyone seriously prospects for the future. mistakes and crimes of the past de section of the socialist movement in holds it: one is that before and dur It is to these objective conditions mand judgment and re-judgment. The existence during this period, the ing the first world war a significant that the Marxist assigns the primary judgments that concern us are not courses pursued by the C.P. alone socialist movement was built up in and principal cause for the difficulties moral or personal, but political. would provide more than ample mat this country under the banner of the. of the socialist movement in this ter, and in more than ample variety, Socialist Party; and the other is that country in the past and to its dispers To reconsider the past of the move for reconsidering the past of Ameri what appeared to millions to be a ment from this standpoint is not, it al and feebleness today. To explain so can socialism. socialist movement was built up in tremendous a political phenomenon cannot be emphasized too often, a Furthermore, most socialists who re this country in the Forties under the substitute for the more fundamental as the absence of a socialist move gard themselves as "left-wingers" or banner of the Communist Party. problem referred to before. Be it un ment in this country to the malevo Marxists, look upon the C.P. as hav derstood that it is not within the pur We do not therefore believe for a lence of Smith or the blunders of ing been, if not at one time then at pose of these lines to deal wi th it. moment that there is some divine law, J ones or the crimes of Robinson, or another, the historically-justified suc That is for another time and it is or some law of nature, or some singu even of many Smiths and Joneses and cessor, with all its defects, to the S.P. not a task for anyone day or for any lar magic about the nature of Ameri Robinsons, is ludicrous not only to a as the authentic socialist movement one person. These lines aim at treat can capitalism and its working class, Marxist but can not be taken serious in the country. In fact, some even pro ing only one aspect of the movement's that automatically exempts this coun ly by any intelligent political person. pose that the reconstructed socialist try from the operation of those per Only objective conditions, only the problem: what has it itself done to movement of tomorrow must take its sistent forces that have built and su interaction of great social forces which help in the debacle? Even this ques inspiration, if not its model, from the stained socialist movements every no person or group of persons can tion must be limited, on this occasion, Communist Party in its "early days," where else. That is not to say that arbitrarily determine, provide the to a deliberately one-sided treatment. or its "best days." American capitalism is identical with basic explanation. No claim is made here of a rounded What then has the Communist Par- 208 THE NEW INTIRNATIONAI. Fall 1957 209 ::y contributed to the progress of seriously about the American Com a rare measure of success in recreating analytically, and than to assemble American socialism, or to its retarda munist movement. There is nothing for himself and for the reader the them into conclusions appropriate to tion? in existence to compare with it. The life and unfolding of the C.P: He his thesis. His thesis (the term is The answer to the question is nec official histories manufactured by the shows a .full sense of responsibility really not exact, in so far as it may essarily based to a large extent upon Communist Party itself are notorious toward hIS subject; conscientiousness suggest that the view obtrudes itself hindsight. This is admitted without ly untrustworthy, for the innermost without pedantry; the enlightening all over the book and that the facts apology. Hindsight has the advan nature of the Party guarantees the warmth of understanding with no less are stretched and squeezed to fit it) tage of dealing with conditions estab quality that it demands. It is the only of the mandatory critical spirit; and is formed out of two related views: lished, known and tested in the flesh. party in the world whose history can a complete freedom from the vinegary The first is a denial of the be written only by ex-members or op And, after all, without hindsight, pref sneer-~nd-snarl with which so many opinion that the American Communist erably judicious hindsight, foresight ponents. The conclusive proof of this appraIsers of the early Communist movement was totally unrelated to the cannot be equipped with much wis fact, while not the aim of Draper's movement approach its history. Socialist Left Wing of 1912. This view dom. In arriving at the answer, the work but only a natural by-product, seems to minimize historical continuity. .It is not .always possible to agree The Bolshevik revolution transformed w:iter claims some advantage from is one of the many merits of his book. with the weIght he ascribes to this or It relegates to their proper places-if the Left Wing, but it did not create a dIrect personal participation, knowl that element that played a role in the new one out of nothing. On the contrary, edge and experience in the Commu there is a proper place for them Communist movement. He attaches the leading roles were played by men and nist movements, both as supporter police romances about the C.P. such too great a significance to the part women who were prepared for them by and then as opponent. Yet this ad as have been written by government played in the early days by the mem past inclinations and experience. The vantage is not of overwhelming im spies like Jacob Spolansky or spicy Bolshevik revolution came to fulfill, not bers or leaders of the Lettish Federa to destroy. The peculiar development of portan~e and certainly not indispen confessions by ex-members of the Par tion of the Socialist Party which be ty like Ben Gitlow in which the facts American Communism can be under sable; It merely helps. The documen came the Lettish Federation of the stood only in terms of the way in which tation by itself should be enough for groan under the burden of pushcart Communist Party. It is perhaps a the new Bolshevik influence impinged on the critical student and analyst. gossip and enough lubricous tales are natural tendency in a historian to American radical traditions. The inter told to excite the philistine's fantasy. ascribe exaggerated importance to a action of the two was a long, painful, Even such a serious work as James complex process. Nevertheless, there can THE JOB OF examining it has just been phenomenon which he has rescued Oneal's American Communism, writ be no doubt that something new was born vastly facilitated by an independent from unmerited obscurity. The same with the Bolshevik revolution. It was and invaluable study, The Roots of ten thirty years ago and covering applies to the exceptional regard he born precisely because the old Left Wing about the same period of time, is far was famished for something new, dif American CommunismJ by Theodore manifests for Louis C. Fraina (known Draper.'" It is a volume in the series surpassed by Draper's. also as Lewis Corey when he reap ferent, more successful. But as with all newborn things, the flesh out of which on "Communism in American Life" The author does not fall into the pear~d publicly after leaving the Com it came was not new. under the general editorship of Cli~ easy trap that awaits the historian munIst movement). Perhaps this is ton Rossiter, part of a project spon who relies on documentation. He has also a reaction against the attempts The second, including a re-state gone through all the available writtcp sored by the Fund for the Republic. ?f the la~er leaders of the party to den ment of the first, comes at the very end material of the period, most of which It deals with the origins of the Com Igrate ~I~ name, if not to consign it of the study. It is its summary and the is extremely' difficult to find, and munist Party in this country and car ~o oblIVIOn. Fortunately, these mis implied preface to the concluding vol ries the subject to the year 1923 when checked it with exceptional scrupulos Judgments, and some inaccuracies of ume to come. It refers to the aid given the. "underground" party emerged ity. But he has also checked and cross ?ther kinds, play no important part by Moscow-by the Communist Inter a?,aIn as a legal and public organiza checked it, in turn, wi th personal in In the book and do not detract sig national leaders-to the early Ameri tIon under the name of the Workers terviews granted him by a number nificantly from its value. Even more can Communists to resolve fruitfully of the party leaders of the period who Party. (Another volume is promised gratifying i~ the. fact that, although those problems of theory and tactics soon which will bring the party's his had worth-while information and the author IS ObVIOusly not a Marxist that they seemed less able to resolve by tory up to the year 1945.) opinions to offer, and the freedom to and has a familiar bias against the themselves: offer them. As a historian of a move Draper's work is an extraordinary Bolshevik revolution, his work re In addition to all the other boons which success. Anyone who does not exhibit ment in which he did not :1ctually mains first-rate. live and work among the people he Moscow held out to them-the reflected a thorough acquaintance with the ma It is not a mere heavy-handed, rou glory of the Russian Revolution, the in deals with and thereby actually know terial he has so ably assembled in this tine compilation of relevant and ir ternational glamor of the Comintern, their thoughts and feelings (Draper's the desperately needed subsidies and volume, deprives himself of the right, relevant fa~ts. Draper exercises the membership in the C.P. came at a other technical assistance-this last dis and certainly of the ability, to speak historian's right (and obligation) to covery of Moscow's usefulness was the distinctly later stage than the one choose the facts that are important as *The Roots of Russian Communism The Vilrtne Press, covered in his book), he has achieved most seductive and the most ruinous .... New York. 395 pp. $6.75. ' well as relevant, to separate them Something crucially important did hap- THf NEW INTERNATIONAL 210 Fall 1957 211 pen to this movement in its infancy. It to destroy," and surely not less so than is positively striking. Especially so if The peak strength of the S.P., as was transformed from a new expression in the United States. the reference is back to Draper's un well as of its Left Wing, was reached of American radicalism to the Ameri There was a peculiarity about the happily chosen "Socialist Left Wing of around 1912. The Left Wing had the can appendage of a Russian revolution early Communist movement in this 1912." At the Indianapolis convention support or sympathy of a good third of ary power. Nothing else so important ever happened to it again. country (one among several others, it of the Socialist Party in 1912, the max the Party. It was composed over may be noted), but it lies in precisely imum number of delegates the loose, whelmingly of native-born, or at least If we were to restate this second the other direction from that indi variegated Left Wing and its sympa English-speaking, members, who could view in our own terms, it would only cated by Draper. It was peculiar pre thizers could muster on the key divi count on foreign-language Federation be to put it more emphatically, and cisely to the extent that it was not re sion (Hillquit's proposal for Article support mainly from among the Finns the rounded reasons for it will be set lated to the "Socialist Left Wing of II, Section 6 of the party constitution -the "Red Finns"-in upper Michi forth later on. Agreement with the 1912" or more generally to "American that provided for the expulsion of ad gan, in Minnesota, and generally in first view, however, is not so simple a radical traditions." Draper is not alto vocates of "sabotage," directed against the Northwestern and Mountain matter. It is stated so loosely and gether wrong in denying that the Com members of the I.W.W. inside the states. Many Left Wingers quit the vaguely as to invite ambiguity. Every munist movement was "totally unre Party) was 90, against the 191 who sup Party after 1912, but there was a re other sentence evokes strong disagree lated" to the old Left Wing, for within ported Hillquit. Less than ten per cent surgence of their spirit at the time of ment; and the sentences in between very narrow limits the relationship is of the 90 delegates ever found their the St. Louis Emergency Convention permit agreement only with challeng obvious; but he is quite wrong in his way to the Communist Left Wing or of 1917 at which the famous militant ing reservations. emphasis. Parties in 1918-1919 or afterward; and anti-war manifesto was adopted. If the matter were only of academic The difference may be pointed up of that fragment, only two minor fig How many of them came into the historical importance, it would barely by contrasting the German movement, ures ever played a role in the Commu Communist movement? A sufficiently be worth the paper needed to discuss for example, with the American-al nist leadership-C. E. Ruthenberg and good guess can be made on the basis it. From the standpoint of present-day ways with due respect, as the French Edward Lindgren. If you go back two of the English-speaking membership politics, it has even less importance: say, for the difference in proportions. years, to the 1910 convention in Chi of the two Communist Parties at the the Communist Party of 1957 has as The first Communist Party in Ger cago, there are not even half a dozen end of 1919, right after their found much in common with the Bolsheviks many, the Spartakusbund, could trace delegates out of the more than one ing and before they were driven un of 1917, let alone the Socialist Left its origins clearly and unmistakably to hundred who ever joined the Commu derground by the "Red Raids" of At Wing of 1912, as dishwater has with the Left Wing of the Social Democ nist movement or became leaders in it. torney-General Palmer. A generous well-water. But from the standpoint of racy and, theoretically and program Of those who dropped out of the So estimate of the total membership of the development of the early Commu matically, to a traditional revolution cialist Party after 1912 in anger over the two parties at that time would nist movement and its consequences, ary Marxian position. Its leadership the adoption of the famous Section 6, not greatly exceed 30,000. Of this the question does have instructive im incarnated the continuity: Rosa Lux we know of only one individual who figure, no more than ten percent and portance. emburg, Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehr rejoined it, supported the Left Wing probably somewhat less was repre WHAT IS "PECULIAR" about the devel ing, Klara Zetkin, even Karl Radek, as in 1919, and became a prominent sented by the English-speaking mem opment of American Communism well as younger men like Paul Levi, Communist leader, Earl Browder. Of bership. Of these a good 800 were which "can be understood only in Wilhelm Pieck, Heinrich Brandler, Left Wingers who remained in the members of the Michigan state or terms of the way in which the new August Thalheimer. Correspondingly, S.P. after 1912 and later joined the ganization (which later became the Bolshevik influence impinged on the leaders of the Left Wing of the In Communist Left Wing and the party Proletarian Party), who soon with American radical traditions," when dependent Social- Democratic Party (or rather, parties, for the split in the drew from the C.P. They were no the development of German (and who won the majority of the organiza Socialist Party in 1919 simultaneously more Communist than were the peo French and British) Communism tion at its Halle congress in 1920 for produced two of them, the Communist ple the old Socialist Party of Canada substantially identical with the Ameri affiliation with the Third Internation Party and the Communist Labor Par (or its inspirer, the S.P. of Great can-are likewise understandable "only al and then merged it with the Sparta ty), there were remarkably few. The Britain) from which they took over in terms of the way in which the new cists to form the United Communist Communist Labor Party convention their weird theories. Even of the very Bolshevik influence impinged" on Party, represented prominent and un had perhaps a dozen or two who came few old Socialist Left Wingers who German (and French, and British) debatable continuity with the Left out of the old Socialist Left. Only a joined the Communist Parties, we can radical traditions? In the European Wing positions they had occupied in fraction of these stayed with the Com think of only two who had attained countries, the "interaction" was an the pre-war Social Democracy (there munist movement. The Communist national prominence in the pre-war even longer, more painful and more were and always will be individual Party, completely dominated and over S.P., L. E. Katterfeld, who once di complex process. There too the "Bol and accidental exceptions). whelmingly composed of the Slavic rected the Lyceum department of the shevik revolution came to fulfill, not The difference in the United States language Federations, had even fewer. S.P. national office (the speakers' bu-

212 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 213 , reau) and Ruthenberg, the latter to prove that the political focus of the completely disrupted, at least so far fect example of that familiar figure in I~ as its principal traditional leadership the radical movement who swims like really only in 1917. And even of these Left Wing was not enough to hold it two it cannot be said that either one together, let alone move it forward. was concerned. The effect upon the a fish in the sea of theoretical dispu of them was prominent in the intel It sterilized its attachment to the basic Left Wing here could not but be shat tation and gasps like a fish on the lectual or political leadership of the principle of the socialist movement, tering. Its rank and file, without na sands of politics. Lore was beginning traditional Socialist Left Wing. (The the class struggle, by its sectarianism tionally-known and experienced lead to attain prominence in the German name of Louis Boudin cannot be ad that dread curse of every Left Wing in ership, was partly demoralized, large Federation and the New York or ded, even though he was nationally the history of radicalism in this coun ly disoriented. We need only recall ganization. He possessed a rich social that the famous St. Louis convention ist culture, a far higher degree of po an~ even internationally known, for try, and not this one alone. anti-war declaration was jointly pro litical intelligence than any of the whIle he supported the Left Wing, he When the United States entered the duced and sponsored by C. E. Ruthen other Communist-leaders-to-be, an in steamed out of the convention of the war (in 1917), the principal leaders berg . . . Morris Hillquit . . . and tellectual independence and critical Communist Labor Party and never of the Left Wing, the ones best known Algernon Lee; and that the I.W.W., faculties that distinguished him from joined it.) Most of the other leading nationally, the ones who had done which valiantly pursued the class all the others. These fatal gifts guar Communist Left Wingers were barely the main theoretical and political struggle on the economic field during anteed his expulsion from the Com known outside their own localities work of the Left Wing, collapsed al the war and suffered from brutal re munist Party after only a few years in before . the Bolshevik Revolution' most to a man. They not only aband pressions at the hands of the war its ranks. many of them had no past at all t~ oned the Left Wing; they abandoned mongers, remained so true to its syn speak of in the socialist movement. the Socialist Party altogether. Many dicalist unconcern with "politics" and To READ THE FIRST, declarative, issue What had happened to the old So of them joined with Sam Gompers in "the state" that it did not find it nec of The Class Struggle is to 5ee how cialist Lef!? It nullified itself, came an organization to stimulate support essary to adopt a declaration against far removed it was from the old Left apart and lost its bearings before the of the war in labor and socialist cir the war (or, to be sure, in support of Wing and from the political issues Communist Left Wing came on the cles. Some of them even went to the the war). that concerned it, and, on the other scene. That was inevitable. In so far length of public agitation against So What remained of the Left Wing hand, how far it was from the Com as the multiplicity of strains that com cialist Party candidates, and even had the task of reorienting and re munist Left Wing that was soon but posed it could be called a Left Wing, called on the government to take po assembling its ranks. It did not even so unexpectedly to arise in the So It ~as characterized, positively, by a lice action against the party. Right make a serious attempt until the Feb cialist Party. It can also be seen that fervId revolutionary spirit and an un Wingers contributed their good share ruary, 1917, revolution in Russia the Left Wing was not continuing but c?mpromising attachment to the prin to the war-supporters who quit the startled the world and uplifted the recommencing. It was unsure of its cIple of the class struggle. But in every party. But to the Left Wing, it was its spirits of all socialists, the Left Wing own foundations ( its old ones had other respect - theoretical, political own former leaders who counted, and ers in particular. Its most notable and practically crumbled), and, as a defi and tactical-it had no cohesive plat that disastrously: William English authentic reappearance was marked nite tendency, all but isolated in the form that could be defended from the Walling, Frank Bohn, A. M. Simons, by the publication of the first issue Party. The editors did not hestitate standpoint of Marxism in general, or Henry Slobodin, G. Phelps Stokes J. of The Class Struggle. Its editors were to proclaim unpleasant truths: ~at could stand up against the poli and Rose Pastor Stokes, Robert Rives Louis B. Boudin, Louis C. Fraina and CIes of the leadership that was gradu La Monte-in a word, most of the There is practically no independent Ludwig Lore. Boudin was the only Socialist thought in this country, and ally developed by and around Morris prominent intellectual leaders of the personal connection with the old Left the Socialist ideas elaborated abroad Hillquit, the political leader of the Left Wing who had set the tone in Wing, but as already mentioned, he usually reach us only as soulless and Party. The gnawing discontents of its unofficial organ, the old Interna tneaningless formulae and often as mere never joined the Communist move thousands of rank-and-file mi1itant~ tional Socialist Review. In no other reflexes of o1d-world racial and nation ment. At bottom, he was an inflexible over the moderation of the dominant section of the Second International alistic sympathies, animosities and strug Kautskyan, whereas Hillquit was a party policies rarely rose above the did its Left Wing suffer such a blow gles.... flexible Kautskyan, a distinction so The bulk of the Socialists of American primitive radicalism, at one stage, of from its own leadership. In almost trivial as to generate in the former a Atock, whom the currents of European opposition to "reform" or "immedi every country, there were individual throbbing animus toward the latter. Socialist thought have hardly reached, ate" demands in the party program, cases of such extreme reversals: Herve are steeped in ... vulgar pro-ally-ism.... Fraina, practically unknown in the and at a later stage;< of support or in France, Cunow in Germany, Mus Opposed to this is the offensive and party, had a brilliant but restless the degrading pro-Germanism of a large ~ympathy for the aggressive syndical solini in Italy, some Russian Bolshe oretical mind which never alighted proportion of our membership and the Ism of the I.W.W. Against such rad viks in Paris, Hyndman in England. on a definite theoretical position for party bureaucracy.... icalism, Hillquit and his comrades But in general the continuity of the longer than a year before flying to a There was no reference to any exist had fairly easy sailing, and under European Left Wing was maintained. radically different one. He was a per- ing Left Wing in the party, but only standably so. It did not take too long In the United States, it was almost Fall 1957 215 214 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL to saving the Party by revolutionizing "the Socialist Left Wing of 1912." perialist posItIOn an obstacle to the attachment to principle, critical inde "the concepts and modes of action of There was not enough of it left by fight for their interests and ideals, as pendence of thought, comradeliness, our movement." This meant no more 1917-1918 to be transformed into any was the case in France with the Left serious study and analysis of problems than a rejection of the notion of "na thing. It would be far truer to say: Wing Socialists and their allies among of the movement, and above all the tional defense," and a return to the the Bolshevik Revolution created the the non-party syndicalists who jointly authentication of all these by years class struggle and internationalism. Communist Left Wing and its pro formed the Communist Party. (In the of positive experience in the political Where indeed was the once powerful gram and its leadership. United States, the workers' movement struggles of the working class and the Left Wing? The position of "the bulk From this fact it does not follow, that stood to the left of the Socialist struggles within the movement itself. of the Socialists of American stock" as some epidermal thinkers have put Party was represented only by the None of these was in them. They re has already been cited, and so has the it, that the ideas of the Revolution I.W.W., which played, it is important lied instead on the more fundamental posi tion of the "pro-Germanism of a were "alien" and "unacclimatizable" to note, no role at all in the formation qualifications: their birth certificates, large proportion" of the other mem to the American social soil. The same of the Communist Left Wing and the and the ability to read Russian in the bers and leaders. Of the foreign-lang epidermal reasoning held for a long Parties founded by it.) original and translate it badly for uage Federations of the Party, the Let time that the importation of Marxian It came into existence in a fervently "socialists of American stock" whom tish alone was distinguished by a ideas in general by German immi enthusiastic response to the victories they enfieffed. These entitled them Left-Wing position. It was confined gran ts a hundred years ago proved the of the two Russian revolutions in to all the letters of mark and reprisal pretty much to Massachusetts and was incompatibility of these ideas with 1917, especially of the second. The re they needed, and they used them with virtually unknown elsewhere. Its in American problems. The reasoning is sponse reached its highest intensity in out wince or scruple. spiration was not the Bolshevik theo false, but the originational fact is not. the Slavic Federations, which experi And the others-the Left Wing "so ries but the mystical abstractions of It is with its consequences that we are enced a hypertrophic growth surpas cialists of American stock?" It is hard the Dutch radical sectarians, Panne concerned. By virtue of what we in sed only by the growth of self-esteem even for their contemporary to recre koek, Gorter, and their representative sist is "the fact," we can understand among their leaders, again, especially ate in his mind the nightmarish real in this country, S. J. Rutgers (who the "peculiar development" of Ameri and primarily the Russians. Literally ity of the intellectual, political and exercized a tremendous but inevitably can Communism which caused it to overnight, they became the leaders of organizational terror exercized over brief influence upon the volatile Frai be transformed, more easily and more the Left Wing with whose past strug the entire Left Wing by the Russian na). The Germans, under Lore's in rapidly than any other Communist gles and traditions they had had noth Bashibazouks. In exchange for their fluence, were moving to the Left in a movement of importance, "from a new ing whatever to do. They stoked it, position as the Russian Federation general way. In an even more general expression of American radicalism to poured it, forged it, rolled it, cut it of the American Socialist Party, they way, this was true of the South Slavs. the American appendage of a Russian apart, stamped it, wrapped it up, wanted to establish here an American But the Jewish Federation was mod revolutionary power." Draper's first sealed and labeled it and tied it in Federation of the Russian Party. erate and even pro-war. The Polish "thesis" is wrong to the very extent knots. The solemn and earnest Letts, worse, the Federationists knew prac Federation wa~ pro-Pilsudski. The that it makes such an understanding authentic radicals of the day before, eration" was under rigorous obliga Finnish Federation, having lost the difficult. ceased forever after to playa leading tion to adopt all the theories and pol "Red Finns," was conservative and role and were confined to providing icies of Bolshevism and its revolution, unobstrusive in Party affairs. The THE COMMUNIST LEFT WING in this the Left Wing with a solid bloc vote and apply them to the radically dif Russian Federation, formed only in coun try was formed, swelled, led and in the party dispute. The leadership feren t soil of American sodal rela 1915, was weak, uninfluential, and dominated by the Slavic, primarily was entirely in the hands of the "No tions and political developments. Still overwhelmingly inclined to the Men the Russian, and East European Fed vember Bolsheviks," the pashas of the worse, the Federationists knew prac shevik position-and not the Left erations of the Socialist Party. It did Russian Federation, Hourwich, Stoke tically nothing and understood abso l\.fenshevik position, either. None of not come into existence as the natural litsky, Tywerousky, Missin, Lunin, lutely nothing about the history of the other language groups of the Par product of militant rank-and-file re Ashkenudize and others. Only the the Bolshevik party, about its political ty was particularly marked by radical volt against a party leadership prose mellowing influence of time allows us and theoretical evolution, about the ism. cuting the war in intimate collabora to speak of them gently as political developments and conflicts in its If, then, it is true, in the literal tion with an imperialist government babblers. Their like was never known course during the revolution itself or sense, that the Bolshevik Revolution and steeped in chauvinism, as was the to the American movemen t since the about the problems of its further un "did not create a new [Left Wing] out case in Germany with the Spartacists riotous days of Johann Most, from foldment. If that is how it was with of nothing," as Draper says, it is not and then with the Independents. It whom they differed only in lacking the Russians-and that is literally how true, or it is "misleadingly true," that was not the product of a movement his talent and character. They scorned it was-it is not hard to guess how it the revolution "transformed the Left of workers to the left of the traditional the superficial qualifications for so was with the native Left Wingers. Wing"-if he is speaking, as he is, of socialist party who found in its im- cialist leadership: personal integrity, The l~tter, it goes without saying, 216 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 217 knew far more about American class hand by virtue of numbers. They dom only the Left Wing of the S.P., al tainly was perfected in the later Com realities and political problems than inated all the other by-now Left Wing though it was most true during that munist movement. did the Federationists; indeed, it was language Federations and thereby the period. It was true even after the form With the third aspect of the hardly possible to know less. All their Left Wing as a whole. The votes of al organization of the two Commu "triple-trap," we are at the end of the best political instincts and experience the Federation members were cast in nist Parties, and during the several key to an understanding of the "pe urged them on to create a movement bloc. The S.P. leadership was first to splits and partial re-unifications that culiar" development of American that could function effectively for rue this discovery. The native Com f~ll~w~d.. It was true, in painfully Communism. class-struggle socialism under Ameri munists found it out for themselves a dImInIshIng degree, until end-I 922- The weakness in numbers of the can social conditions. They therefore little later but no less ruefully. The beginning-1923, when the millstone of native Communists, as compared with rebelled against the rule of the Rus native Communists had no access to foreign -language - group domination the language-Federation people, was sians from the very beginning of the the Federation membership; neither was finall y lifted from the neck of only a reflection of something else. Communist Left Wing and through one could speak the other's language American Communism. The Russians in the Left Wing en out the early days of the Communist -and that in more than one sense. In It is worth while noting that dur joyed immense authority, as well as Parties. But their rebellion was caught the Left Wing, the language groups ing the five years from 1918 to the the power of numbers. That the basis in a triple trap and could not get out represented a good ninety percent of end of 1922, what may be roughly for their claims to this authority was of it. the 'strength, and that strength was called the "native Communists" were preposterous, even grotesque, is true, First, even though the native Left almost entirely at the unrestricted never really in the majority in the and not a single one of them proved Wingers were not the continuators of disposal of the Russian Federation ~~vement, were never really the de his right to leadership of any kind or the old Left Wing, they took over leaders. It is to this overwhelming CISIve . force in its leadership, and in any country when in the course of most of the negative, that is, the sec majority that the S.P. administration found It necessary to fight against a ma time they were subjected to reasonable tarian, traditions of the old Left Wing had refused to bow. To prevent the jority-a diminishing majority, but a tests. But the fact of their authority which were in turn the transmuted Left Wing from capturing the party majority-until the very end. They did during the early period remains inheritance of impotent American convention, the party national office, not fight in strict accordance with the nevertheless. agrarian radicalism: opposition to under the public inspiration of Hill proprieties of democratic procedure. The native Communists enjoyed no "immediate demands" and "reforms," quit, had suspended or expelled Left In this respect they followed essential comparable authority. There were a hemi-semi-demi-opposition to parlia Wing organizations before the Chica ly the same course that the S.P. lead few exceptions, but only a very few. mentary activity, opposition to the go convention assembled in 1919. The ership had pursued in its defense All of them, even those who humbly existing labor movement, the unre violation of democratic procedure was against the whole Left Wing in 1919. dissolved their kneecaps before the quited amour passionel for the unmistakable. So were the reckless The condemnations of the Hillquit Russians, were regarded by the latter I.W.W., and radicalism of language provocations of the Left Wing. To leadership for thwarting the will of with hostility or suspicion, at best which passed for radicalism of this day, socialists of Left Wing incli the majority by bureaucratic measures with wary tolerance. Except for two thought. The Russians had all of that nations denounce the 1919 leadership were effective factional war-cries of or three already mentioned, none of -and more. Both groups looked upon for its abuse of democratic procedure, the Left Wing in the 1919 fight. But them was known as an experienced the Bolshevik Revolution as the un and there is no lack of proof for the the Communist movement itself re national political leader with a po questionable, last and authoritative charge. It is ironical, however, that sorted to substantially the same mea litical past as spokesman for the tra word, and believed, quite mistakenly, the day after the Chicago split, which sures. The minority of native Com ditional Socialist Left or as a leader that it had come "to fulfill, not to de produced the two competing Com mun~st.s, some ?f whom started by ig of workers outside the socialist move stroy" these ideas. So the ground was munist parties, the native Left Wing nomInIOUS capItulations to the Feder ment. None of them, in a word, had taken from under any native Left ers, who were dominant in the Com ~tion statesmen-Ruthenberg and Fra the authority that such a record would Wing fight against the Russians on munist Labor Party, acted in sub Ina were the prime examples-finally invest him with. None of them had a political or principled grounds. They stantially the same way as had the old broke loose, one after another, and "constituency" of followers from the were confined, and they confined S.P. administration. They refused to fought their way to the top by me older movement which would have themselves, to amending the Rus bow to the decided majority of the chanical organizational maneuvers been the natural complement and sians, changing a word here, modify Communist movement, that is, to the a.nd devices of every sort; and expul mark of this authority. ing a thought there, but leaving the Federation - ruled Communist Party SIOn of the majority of the member Had they really been the modern substance intact. They lived in trepi which they had insisted on inflicting ship was one of them. If, as someone ized representatives and continuation dation of being denounced as "Men upon the S.P., but which they declined of the old Socialist Left, we would said, the method of mass expulsions sheviks." After forty years some peo to inflict upon themselves. have another story to tell or read. The was invented by Hillquit as a solu ple still live like that. This was true not only during the trouble was that, on the whole, they Second, the Russians held the whip period when the Communists were tion to thorny party problems, it cer- were not. Fall 1957 218 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 219 From the Socialist Party, as we have tried repeatedly to win Elizabeth Gur them. Besides, time was pressing and course and against the wrong one. It indicated, the new Left Wing got ley Flynn to the new party but in the underground party (parties) was supported and gave its prestige to the only a meager, unrepresentative, even vain. She waited until it was com stifling and shriveling for lack of air. wiser and better leaders as against the accidental fragment, at least so far as pletely corroded by Stalinism before The native Communists (we are still less wise and less able. It freed the the native old Left Wing was con joining it. . using the term a little loosely) were party from the ludicrous dogma of cerned. The Socialist Labor Party contrIb- unable to acquire the necessary au undergroundism by authorizing it to From the I.W.W., which repre uted even less to the Communist thority and with it the strength to form a legal public organization. It sented the most compact and extreme movements. Boris Reinstein joined rid the movement from the verbiage of authorized the legal party to adopt a group of the broader pre-war Left the Comintem in Moscow, but he did its ultra-radical dogmas and the dog program (at the end of 1921) which Wing, the Communist movement got not represent the S.L.P., was a minor mas of its ultra-radical verbiage, that the unreconstructed undergroundists astonishingly little. Bill Haywood figure in it in the first place, and was is, to acquire it by their own efforts. labelled, not unfairly, as a "proto took out a card in the C.P. later, just never in the American Communist They were imprisoned in the triple type of the- decadent Socialist Party." before going to Moscow to die of movement. Caleb Harrison, also a trap they had unwittingly sprung by Had the Left Wing adopted that pro heartbreak, but he played no part minor figure, was made national sec the very way in which they had or gram as its own in 1918-1919 it is whatever in the American Commu retary of the "legal" C.P. (the Work ganized the Left Wing fight and split hardly conceivable that there would nist movement, let alone in its lead ers Party) for a few minutes, and then in the S.P. They now had their mul have been a serious fight in the S.P. ership. Of the handful of other Woh vanished as unobtrustively as he had tipley-distilled revolutionary party. It over it, let alone a split. In all like blies who joined the C.P., Harrison appeared. Fraina had of course been was not only barren-it was a greater lihood Hillquit would have "capitu George became a· minor Party journ in the S.L.P. for a while, had even obstacle to the advancement of the lated" to it cheerfully. If the new alist, George Hardy and Charles Ash been a protege of De Leon, but he socialist cause in the country than the leadershi p of the Workers Party was leigh were swallowed in the apparatus played no leading part in it. That is austerest critic of the Socialist Party aware of this profoundly significant of the Profintern (Red International the maximum we can recall of the con had ever charged it with being. fact, it gave no outward expression to of Labor Unions), George Andrey tribution the S.L.P. made to the Com it. It authorized the legal party to chine also went to the Profintern and munist movement and its native wing. IT DID GET OUT OF the trap neverthe abandon the last remnant of anti was later murdered by the G.P.U. for The anarchists? Just about nothing. less. After three years, four years, five parliamentarism. It authorized it to supporting the Trotskyist opposition. Robert Minor is the only name to years of existence as an independent abandon "revolutionary unionism" Sam Hammarsmark ran a party book remember. When he joined the Com movement, the native Communists and to adopt a policy of working in shop. Perhaps there was a handful of munist Party, it was a case of double acquired the necessary authority and side the A.F.L. It authorized it, later others whose names escape us, but jeopardy and double injustice-to him leadership to begin reconstructing the on, to promote and participate in the they left no mark anywhere. Foster self and to the party. As an anarch party in the image of ideas they had formation of a Labor Party based on had long ago quit the LW.W. and ist he had always believed that politics once dared only to whisper but could the trade unions. made a career in the A.F. of L.; his is a dirty business; he does not seem now confidently proclaim. But, trag Not one of these ideas was con mark on the Communist movement to have changed his belief after he edy and disasterl They emerged from tained in the program of the Left was of course deep. The same goes for joined the C.P. But-de mortuis nil one trap only to plunge with glee into Wing or of the early Communist Par James P. Cannon, but he had dropped nisi bonum. another that proved to be worse. In ties-except in so far as the ideas were out of the LW.W. during the war and, The native Communists, then, had the old one they were restless and de violently denounced. Not one of these it seems, abandoned political activity next to nobody of authority to resist termined to break out. The new one ideas, or forward steps, was invented, for a while, to join the S.P. and si and break the hammerlock of the Fed they hailed enthusiastically. They wel as it were, by the Comintern. They multaneously its Left Wing when the eration leaders. They first had to ac comed it with relief and then with were all well estabiished in the old Bolshevik Revolution took place. But quire this authority in politicalstrug passion. Every party leader and group S.P. They were taken up again in even he, known to the old Wobblies gle inside the party-participation in of leaders thereafter sought to pull their militant form by the native Com and highly esteemed by them, never the class struggle outside the party the trap more snugly around him. The munist leaders themselves. Yet, not had any success in recruiting one of was altogether precluded by the very trap was "the Comintern." one of these ideas could prevail in them to the Communist movement. At nature of the party at the time. This The new, upcoming party leader the party until authorized by the Com one time he tried his very best with struggle they began, one after another ship was invested with its authority intern. Vincent St. John, the real head of the and each according to his lights. But and position by the Comintern. Once, Little by little and one after the I.W.W., whom he once idolized, but while they could make the Federation twice, three times and then in rou other, everybody in the Party, from he didn't quite make it. The old war ists give way a step here and a step tine repetition, "Moscow" intervened the leaders down to the humblest rior smiled skeptically and went off there, they could not overcome them in the internal affairs of the Ameri rank and file members began to see to prospect for gold in the West. He and the solid, stolid majority behind can Party in behalf of the correct the correctness of the Comintern's de- Fall 1957 220 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 221 cisions. Draper quotes from an article stand on its feet. Because the Comin that illegality was an inviolable rev THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL and by Cannon, then chairman of the tern, from 1921 to 1923, made it touch olutionary principle. it~ Executive Committee were estab American soil, it was overcome with Workers Party, in reply to a criticism It was the year 1922-not 1952. Can lished with the grand aim of being by Scott Nearing: "The fraternal the toxic illusion that it was stand "the general staff of the world revolu ing on its feet. It was not. It was ?on met a cold reception. One Com union of native and foreign born Intern leader and functionary after tion." This is not the place for an workers in our party; realistic tactics standing only on the crutches rented analysis of the Comintern. But this to it by Moscow in full fore-knowl another to whom he spoke and whose adopted to the concrete situation in support he solicited, was either non much can be said: The aim, to begin America; leadership of the movement, edge of the acquiescence of the Amer commital, evasiv~, cool or unfriendly. with, was only a hope. It soon became icans. Feet, like any other organ, as a rule, in the hands of the native He was even aSSIgned to an inferior a myth and an illusion. It ended as a wither and die from disuse. By learn ,":orkers-that is the sound point of hotel. Finally, in desperation, he en monstrosity. It was never a reality. ing, and with such gratitude! to rely VIew finally adopted in our party. And listed the good offices of Max East Even before the triumph of Stalin, entirely ··upon Moscow (whether it who said the final word in favor of it? man for an interview with Trotsky, the Comintern and its Executive was the "good Moscow" or the "bad The 'Moscow Dictators'! We who have who granted him an hour. An hour never organized or directed or led a fought for a realistic party have found Moscow") for its policies and its lead revolution. It did organize or bear was ~nough. Trotsky'S support was ership, the Communist movement lost our best friend in 'Moscow.''' Can speedIly assured, which was to be ex the responsibili ty for several disast its feet and then its head. It was not non unquestionably expressed the ex pected from any intelligent political rous putsches~ in Germany, in Bul hilaration felt by almost the entire long before it ceased to have any value garia, in Esthonia. The Executive perso~. "He said he would report the as a socialist movement. A head that party. What he said was true, or so it InterVIew to the Russian Central Committee began to function as the cannot turn, lips that cannot speak, seemed to be. But it was all an illu Committee and that the American authoritative leadership of the world feet that cannot move of their own sion. It assured, or at least helped to Commission would soon hear their Communist movement, but the limits accord, are the necessary properties assure, the rapid stultification and de opinion." . Once Lenin's support was of its authority were narrowly circum of a marionette. The lips may be generation of American Communism. also obtaIned, everything changed! scribed, it never got beyond a begin made to speak words of wisdom, but Nobody in the party saw the fatal All the other Russian leaders came out ning and it lasted for no more than just as easily to speak nonsense; the flaw .in ~?e victory of "the sound point sternly for the legal party, and so did two-three years. feet may be made to move forward, of VIew and leadership, and one of the rest of the Comintern Executive The basic policies of the Interna but just as easily to move backward; the reasons why it was not seen was and all the functionaries. The under tional and all its important sections the head may smile or frown, be that the victory was, in and of itself, grounders were left without a single were decided by five men, Lenin, Trot real. twisted to face behind or be removed friend or spokesman. Cannon was sky, Zinoviev, Radek and Bukharin. altogether. It is all an illusion. Social It is a rule that can now be as promptly shifted to a more pleasant Within the general course they laid ists can be turned into marionettes serted (or reasserted) with the flat hotel. The legal party was as good as down the actual political, organiza ness of dogma: a working-class party but no marionette is a socialist. established: it had been authorized tional and administrative direction of ca~~ot develop. and fulfill its great Countless times, Cannon, one of in Moscow. the Executive Committee was wielded mISSIOn unless It stands on its own the best and in many respects the by Zinoviev. Zinoviev was an extraor feet, makes its own errors, where these ablest political leader produced in the .Cann~n has always told this story dinarily gifted man in many ways are . unavoidable, listens carefully to Communist movement, has told the WIth relIsh and honest pride in the and many fields, as much underrated adVIce from good friends everywhere, story of his first delegation by the ea~ly Co~inte~. He could hardly after his removal from the post of heeds the direct and implied criticism American Party to the Fourth Con h~v~ . subjected It to a more biting Chairman of the Comintern as he was of the working class itself but debates gress of the Comintern in 1922. Dra CrItICIsm. The fate of the American overrated while he held the post. But and decides its policies and its lead per publishes it in part from notes Communist movement, on a problem he was temperamentally and politic ership freely, without coercion from supplied by Cannon and it is essenti "",:hose s~lut!on was so simply and ob ally unfit to discharge the responsibili within or from without. The Commu ally corroborated by Max Bedacht v.I~usly . In~I~ated to any rational po ties assigned to him as well as those nist m?vement of the first few years who accompanied him to Moscow. lItical IndIVIdual, depended entirely he arrogated to himself. at no time stood on its feet; it did not Cannon was seeking support from the ?n th~ avail.ability of Trotsky for an The Executive Committee became even touch the ground. Like Moham International for the American "liqui InterVIew, hIS agreement with the ob a farce, Zinoviev became increasingly med's coffin, it was suspended between dators," that is, those who proposed vious necessity, Lenin's concordance, the aU-determining reality. He insti and the guaranteed rubber stamp of heaven and earth, living in Russia to establish an open, public, legal tut~d t~e system of plenipotentiary without. inhabiting it and inhabiting Communist party, to get out of the the Executive Committee of the Com emISSarIeS to the various parties with ~he UnIted States without living in suffocating self-imposed underground intern. That made it a command to full power to dictate policies and I~. The prerequisite of all prerequisi existence, to free the party from the the American party with expulsion as l~adershi~s .. He introduced the prac ties for usefulness to socialism was to dead hand of the people who insisted the penalty for non-compliance. tIce of WIpIng out established party 222 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 213 leaders and manufacturing synthetic foreword to a pamphlet by Karl Kaut throughout the world for complete eman We must always and everywhere advo ones out of whoever was handy among sky on the driving forces and prospects cipation, needs authorities, naturally, cate the drawing together between the the subservient and the sycophantic. of the Russian revolution. In reply however, only in the sense in which young trade unions and the socialist party of workers need the experience of old the working class; but [the question of] This technique he soon improved by to a questionnaire from Plekhanov, fighters against oppression and exploi which party is the genuine socialist par ousting whole leaderships and impos Kautsky had set down his views on tation, of fighters who have carried ty or the genuine party of the working ing new ones by mere cablegram from some theoretical and political prob through many strikes and taken part in class in one country or another, in one Moscow and in utter disregard for the lems agitating the Russian Marxist a number of revolutions, who have grown nation or another-that is a question for decisions of the membership of the movement. Lenin translated it, and wise through revolutionary traditions itself, which is not decided by resolu and a broad political horizon. The author tions of international Congresses, but by party concerned. He established the published it in a Russian edition with ity of the international struggle of the the course of the struggle between the system of deciding everything in Mos an introduction of his own. It should proletariat is needed by the proletariat national parties. cow, or through "Comintern repre be borne in mind that Lenin, at that of every country. We need the authority sentatives" to the affiliated parties, not time, hailed Kautsky as "the leader of the theoretician of the international Every word of Lenin, as well as the only dictating what shall be the pol of the German revolutionary Social Social Democracy in order to become spirit imbuing the whole, is clear. It clear about the program and tactics of is correct. It was grossly violated in icy of the party (including the policy Social Democrats," as the man whom our party. But this authority naturally the Comintem under the regime es to be followed in some local strike "the vanguard of the Russian work has nothing in common with the official five thousand miles away!) and who ing class has long known as its writer," authorities of bourgeois science and of tablished by Zinoviev which was, alas, shall be its leadership, but who shall and more of the same. In presenting police politics. This authority is the au not repudiated or corrected by Lenin. occupy this post in the party and who his views, Kautsky had said, "Before thority of a manysided fight in the com He had discarded his old and wise the Russian comrades I nevertheless mon ranks of the international socialist position; the Americans never even that one, including posts of local or army. Important as is this authority for ganizers. feel myself in the position of a stu knew he had held it. The argument the broadening of the horizon of the that the Third International had to Under Zinoviev's direction, the dent [Lernenden] when it is a matter fighter, so inadmissible would it be in a "general staff of the world revolution" of Russian affairs." On this score, workers' party to lay claim to deciding be organized and to operate different did not confine itself to giving coun Lenin, who was quite content with the practical and concrete questions of ly from the Second International, was sel on the basis of wider experience Kautsky's views on the controversial policy for the next period from the out quite correct, but only within limits. side, from a distance. The collective mind and knowledge, or to employing its questions, makes the following obser These limits were exceeded in the of the advanced, class-conscious work most reckless way before they could great moral and political authority to vation: ers of every single country who are car persuade the members and leaders of rying on the direct struggle will always even be properly established. We now This modesty is not the mendacious have forty years behind us. Life has the other parties. It substituted pur would-be-modesty of a "General" of the be the greatest authority in all these ely disciplinary dictates. The only Social Democracy who first affects the questions. settled all the arguments of 1917-1919. rights which the respective party mem air of a philistine only to end up by A year later, reviewing the work of Can anyone in his right mind ima bers and even leaders were soon left acting like a Bourbon. No, Kautsky con the Stuttgart Congress of the Second gine leaders of socialism like Lenin, fined himself in actuality only to an with, were to approve and obey. In International (1907), Lenin wrote: Trotsky, Plekhanov, Martov, Karl swering those questions whose examina Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Jaures, Gues comparison with the Zinoviev regime tion enable him to be of assistance to The great importance of the Interna which was speedily duplicated in all thinking Social Democrats of Russia in tional Socialist Congress in Stuttgart de, Hardie, Debs, De Leon, Haywood the parties, the machine that led the their independent examination of the lies precisely in this, that it signifies the -to name only a few that come quick Socialist Party in Hillquit's time was concrete tasks and slogans of the day. final consolidation of the Second Inter ly to the eye-racing back and forth Katusky refused to play the role of' the national and the transformation of the a paragon of democratism. Under the between their countries and the seat General who issues commands: right international Congresses into business of the Second International, appeal Comintern regime, first of Zinoviev face or left face! He preferred to re like sessions which have the greatest in and certainly of Stalin, it was absolut main in the position of an outside but fluence upon the character and direction ing to its Executive to make the deci ely impossible for the Communist for that a reflective comrade who shows of socialist activity in the entire world. sion on what policy their parties Parties to develop an authentic, qual the ways and means by which we our Formally the decisions of the interna should be commanded to adopt? Can tional Congresses are not binding upon ified, responsible leadership of their selves must seek an answer. you imagine them a ppearing before Toward the end of his foreword, the individual countries, yet their moral the Executive in the hope that its own-or to educate a membership cap '. I importance is so great that non-compli able of promoting the cause of social Lenin adds: ance with the decisions is in reality an decision would appoint them and not ism. In conclusion, a few words about exception.... someone else, to the leadership of How illuminating and instructive '~authorities." Marxists cannot adopt the A few months after that (in March, their parties? Can you imagine the it is, in this vital connection, to recall familiar standpoint of the radical intel 1908) in recommending the endorse Executive sending a plenipotentiary lectuals who declare with pseudo-revo emissary to the Russian party telling the wisdom of Lenin in the earlier lutionary abstractness: "No authorities." TYlent by the Russian party of the In days of the revolutionary movement. No. The working class, which is con ternational's resolution on the trade it how its leadership should be appor In December, 1906, Lenin wrote a ducting a difficult and obdurate fight union question, he wrote: tioned between the various factions, 224 THE NlW IHTElHA.TIOHAL Fall 1957 and who should be party organizer of backed by the moral authority which Ruthenberg faction. Any doubts on the Spanish; all of them quickly paid the Moscow district? And can you they enjoyed in the radical movement the meaning of the cablegram are the penalty. Zinoviev launched the imagine what Lenin (and Plekhanov, of the early days as no leaders had promptly dispelled by Zinoviev's nun notorious "Bolshevization" drive and and Martov, and Trotsky, and every ever before enjoyed in the socialist cio in Chicago who knows as much the Comintern was good as done for, body else) would have said and done movement. Instead, they established about the problems of the United a few short years after its formation. to the emissary? Can you imagine, in a "General" of the Communist move States as you can fling through a In only one of the important par an earlier day, Bebel, Wilhelm Lieb ment who issued commands to the needle's eye but who proceeds to de ties of the Comintern was there no knecht, Adler, Lafargue, Vaillant or far corners of the earth-"right face or cide who shall have what post and resistance in the ranks or in the lead any of the others comporting them left face" -and who decided who is who shall do what and when and ership, the American party. Lore was selves in this style toward Marx and the leader and who is not. The mem where. Everyone of the party leaders, the single exception. He disliked the Engels, who were not altogether in bership, which was rallied to the Com and alas, the party members, accepts Zinoviev regime. He sympathized ferior in stature to Zinoviev and his munist movement in rebellion against this procedure. with Trotsky but when he tried to colleagues? The very questions sound the bureaucratism prevalent in the It is hard to say who degraded him publish one of his writings which had grotesque. Second International? The member self more: the one who accepted it already been published in Russia, the These men were all authentic so ship was treated like serfs of the man with delight or the one who accepted Central Committee of the Party un cialist leaders in their own right. or. What other term is more appro it with chagrin. They approved it animously prohibited him from doing They didn't start that way. They all priate? heartil y when it was done by Zinoviev so-this in 1924. He disliked the prac began without experience and wis Browder is elected to the party ~o other parties; they had to approve tice of scurrying to Moscow to be be dom, and with native gifts that swelled leadership by the totality of the mem It when the shoe was on their foot. rated and abused and ordered to come with the rise of the movements they bership, after having been appointed to heel. Zinoviev ordered his head on built. They were not appointed as to it in the first place. A snap of the \VAS IT "AS BAD" in the earlier days the block, and all the other party leaders, like Walis were appointed by finger in Moscow in 1945, and Brow as it was in the later da-ys. No, cer leaders, who had only the day before the Ottoman Porte for its subject der is not only out of the leadership tainly notl Pathetic consolation I It begged for Lore's faction support, provinces. They grew to the leader but of the party as well, cursed, re was bad, wrong, insufferable and fatal climbed over each other in shameless ship of their parties in the only way viled, debased. Lovestone is elected from the day the notion was so eagerly zeal to win Zinoviev's benediction by that is worth a pinch of snuff, in the to the party leadership by ninety per accepted that the policies and leader being the first to lower the guillotine's course of political struggle in the cent of the membership. Off he goes ship of the party here would be de blade. The American party leadership ranks of their parties and their class. to Moscow in 1929, for official inves cided not "in the course of struggl~" in its entirety (again, except for It was the members who lifted them titure. A snap of the finger, and he is and not by democratic decision of the Lore) accepted having its thinking, to their posts of eminence, and only out of the leadership. He reminds the membership, but "from the outside, its deciding, and its selecting of lead by virtue of that fact did they enjoy finger-snapper that he was elected by from a distance" and by "Generals," ership done for it by Zinoviev or the respect of the members. ninety percent of the members of his one or five. If this was not proved to whomsoever he selected to speak for But were not the leaders of the party and Moscow rolls on the floor the hilt years and years ago-that a him. If the Moscow decision deposed early Communist movement young, laughing. In a matter of minutes, he respected and self-respecting leader one of the leaders, it would not de untutored and unpracticed, and need is out of the party with a handful of ship .and a respected and self-respect light him but he would not think of ful of the wisdom of a collective lead followers-a hundred percent of the ing socialist movement cannot be es resisting the decision, let alone the ership in the new International? That remaining Party members endorse tablished by that method-it will not unconscionable and humiliating sys may be, but it is beside the point. everything and join in the chorus of be proved in another hundred years. tem by which the decision was reached Lenin was not born at the age of 50 vilification. Foster and Cannon get a The Zinovievist system was resisted, and imposed upon the party. Nor with the owl of Minerva on his shoul good fifty-five percent of the member to one degree or another, in the early would he think of rallying the sup der; neither were the others. There ship and delegates to the 1925 conven days and by the early leaders of most port of the party membership against was no collective leadership in the tion and are all ready to take over the of the European parties, a resistance such a decision. His only thought was Comintern, and the attempt to set it leadership from the defeated faction that reached its height and its end of what device he could employ, what up never got off the ground. And if of Ruthenberg-Pepper-Lovestone. A when Zinoviev sought to bludgeon contact he could make in Moscow, to there had really been wisdom in Mos trip to Moscow is not even necessary. every party into uncritical support for cozen Zinoviev (later Bukharin or cow, it would have systematically Zinoviev sends a contemptuous cable the brutal, dishonest, reactionary cam Stalin) into issuing a new and favor taught the leaders how to stand on gram to the convention which informs paign against Trotsky. Resistance able ukaze. their own feet, it would have offered the American party that its majority came from leaders of the German the other parties aid and comfort, means nothing to him, or to it, for party, of the French, the Italian, the THE "PECULIAR DEVELOPMENT" OF counsel and guidance, resolutions the leadership must go instead to the Polish, the Czechoslovak, the Belgian, American Communism, as we have 216 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 227 tried to set it forth, was such-the American party with absolutely none. Left Wingers, not merely one in Left Wing. It has long ago rejected completeness and eagerness with Ruthenberg and Foster, Lovestone 1 which the Left Wing would seek to the theory and practice of anti-parlia which it abandoned its self-reliance and Cannon, Pepper and Bittelman, have its ideas and leadership prevail mentary, anti-electoral activity which and self-development for the crutches Gitlow and Browder, each sought to over the Right Wing by normal means the Left Wing foisted on itself forty provided by "the Comintern" was outdo all the others in speech and in but in which the Right Wing could years ago, and has indeed adopted a such-that it was the only important writing to "Bolshevize" the party, have no place, from which it would position on political action (support party in the International where no that is, to reduce it to a sodden pulp be excluded in advance? of Democratic Party candidates, the resistance was offered, no objection without mind, without soul, without The problem embedded in these ory of the "anti-monopoly peoples' was raised, but on the contrary, firm, character. At the very moment when questions has plagued the radical coalition") which would have shaken solid and unanimous support was the leaders of each faction were reach movement in this country (although the bones not only out of its founding given from the very start (once again, ing for the jugular vein of the leaders not here alone) for forty years. It fathers but out of Hillquit and Victor except for Lore) to the crushing of of the other, they all loudly demanded plagues it to this day. It is a funda Berger as well. It is strongly in favor the Trotskyist Opposition in Russia "Bolshevization," a party that pro mental problem. If the all-important of immediate demands and social and in the European parties. Not even hibits factions (yes, yes, that prohib question of reconstructing an effec and political reforms of all kinds, a a point of information was raised. its factionsl), a party that is mono tive socialist movement in the United position specifically and violently de The leadership blindly endorsed lithic with a discipline of iron (no States is to be solved, this problem is nounced by the Communist Left everything in the Bolshevik Revolu softer metal would do )-and more and the first one to be clarified. Indeed, Wing as simon-pure Hillquitism, tion when it had only a vague and more of the same reactionary theol unless it is clarified, no reunited so Menshevism and the like. It is stoutly superficial knowledge of what had ogy. cialist movement will be effective or in favor of working in the most con .1",: taken place and against what histori It did not take much longer before ~, ~ ~ even remain united. It will split and servative of trade unions, of "boring cal and political background it had the party was saved and cleansed of 11 split and split and split. It will be from within," and the alliances it has occurred. Those who remember the factions and faction fighting and was ..:1 permanently menaced by the kind made and still tries to make in the effect of the revolution on the entire converted to monolithism, the disci - I of factional warfare that has no fruit unions would have precipitated an socialist movement of that time will pline of iron included. By the same ful issue. It will inevitably resolve epidemic of apoplexy in the Left find this understandable, and will not token and in the same process it was thi,s condition by turning into a ster Wing of 1919. It supported American, judge it harshly. But just as blindly converted into the greatest single ob ile, petrified object, a monolith French and British imperialism dur did it endorse and support the begin stable to the development of a social crowned by an arch-bureaucratic ap ing the second world war, and with ning of the counterrevolution in Rus ist. movement in the United States. paratus. a patriotic frenzy that would have sia, about which it knew nothing at Draper is right, and even if we ques Was the 1919 split and formation of made the extreme Right WingeTs of all, had no understanding at all, and tioned his language, his essential an independent Communist Party his the Socialist Party in 1917 -not Hill sought none. This was inexcusable. thought is above question. torically justified? quit and not even Berger, but John All the leaders were abjectly prompt Something crucially important did If we simply compare the Commu Spargo, William English Walling and in voting against Trotsky with the happen to this movement in its infancy. nist Party today with the Left Wing Charles Edward Russell-blush pur foreknowledge that to do otherwise It was transformed from a new expres of forty years ago which brought it ple. It disavows the dictatorship of tVould jeopardize the prospects of sion of American radicalism to the into existence, the answer is clear the proletariat as its aim in a way winning Moscow's support for their American appendage of a Russian revo and obvious and altogether beyond that would have made Hillquit curl factional posts and controversies, lutionary power. Nothing else so im reasonable debate: No. Let us take portant ever happened to it again. his lips in scorn. It has an internal which were so quickly to prove trivial the formal position of the present party regime which makes Hillquit's and wretched in the light of the ONE QUESTION THAT DRAPER does not CP. It repudiates the idea that armed rule of the Socialist Party, which was fundamental conflict that was wrack deal with at all-except, perhaps, in insurrection is the only road to a so bitterly denounced by the Left ing and ruining the Communist move directly and above all in the form of workers' government; therewith it re Wing, a veritable paradise of party ment of the whole world. the material he supplies for examin pudiates the central position 'which democracy. Its theoretical and intel Its "peculiar development" was ing it, is this: Was the split itself jus the Communist Left Wing held to be lectual-political level, is far below such that in a party which was more tified, politically and historically? Was its basic distinction from the Socialist that of the socialist movement of 1917, hopelessly faction ally ridden than the formation of a separate and inde Party. It repudiates the idea: that So and that was not too high. any other in the world (except for pendent Left. Wing (i.e., Commu viets are the only form under which On the basis of what the Commu the Hungarian), Zinoviev's "Bolshe nist) party correct, necessary, in the socialism can be established, and nist movement stands for today in vization" campaign was clamorously interests of the socialist movement? claims adherence to the parliamentary these respects, there would not only welcomed. In every other important Was it right to plan, work for and road to socialism; therewith it rejects have been no split in the Socialist party it met with resistance; in the construct a party consisting only of another basic position of its founding Party in 1919, but there would not 228 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 229 on parliamentarism, wrong on the even have been a fight conducted by one and only one thing need be said: in blindly and completely, without dogma of Soviets and armed insur the Left Wing. In fact, there would ~nyone who splits or justifies a split any reservations, subordinating them rection as the only road to power un have been no Left Wing. So, if we In the movement on the basis not of selves to "the Comintern"-whether der any and all circumstances, wrong go by the resultant after forty years the differences as they exist but of it was a hope, a myth or a monstrosity. on the I.W.W. and wrong on the of experience, the split, and even the what they may one day become, does There is not a single survivor of the A.F.L., wrong on tactics and wrong on fight, in 1918-1919, proves to have not belong in politics. early Communist movement in this party regime. been devoid of historical, theoretical, Or if we take, finally, the Commu country who would seriously propose To argue that they were honest and political or organizational justi~ca nist Party after it emerged from the to reconstitute the Comintern and sincere revolutionists, that they were tion. In all the important questIOns underground and its ultra-radicalism, its 21 conditions for affiliation, or irreducible enemies of capitalism and around which the old conflict revolv after the "sound point of view" was anything comparable to them. of any compromise with it-and this ed, the present CP acknowledges, not at last adopted, the case for justifica To say that the continuation of is true,unquestionably true-that they exp1icitly but nonetheless unmistak tion of the split becomes not better the split (that is, the maintenance of were right in standing on the funda ably, that even if the Hillquit leader but worse, and precisely because of a separate Communist Party as the mental principle of class-struggle so ship was not altogether right, the Left the triumph of the "sound point of distinctive organiza tion of Left Wing cialism, is beside the point. Socialism Wing on the Qther hand was alto view." The program and policies of socialism) was justified because, even has known ultra-leftists by the score gether wrong. That conclusion, it the Workers Party (1922-1923) were where the S.P. leaders said or wrote who had these qualities, but they were a.ppears to us, is inescapable. immeasurably closer to the position the same thing as the C.P. leaders, the nonetheless wrong and a paralyzing But that comparison is unfair and of the Socialist Party than to the po latter really meant it and the others influence. Or to take a different case: misleading, it may and probably will sition of the Communist Left Wing of did not, is to leave the ground of so the Stalinist faction in the Twenties be objected to by some. The present 1918-1919. ~he class struggle? Hill cialist politics. We do not want to was led and supported by men who Communist Party is not a real Com quit emphatically presented the class ignore or even to minimize the fact also had these qualities, but they were munist Party, it is Stalinized through struggle as the basic principle of so that there were differences, on those nonetheless a pestilence to socialism. and through. The authentic Commu cialist thought and deed as late as questions in which the two sides took It is the political positions that decide. nist movement was ravished and 1921. The Bolshevik Revolution? As avowedly different positions and even ruined by Stalinism. But even if it is granted that the late as 1921, Hillquit argued that it on those in which both said or seemed We will grant the objection in the Left Wing was not only wrong on was a proletarian revolution that to say the same thing. Those differ interests of a more thorough discus many questions, but that it was right established an authentic worker's gov ences existed, they were real and sig sion of the question. We will take on many others, the question still ernment. The dictatorship of the nificant. We leave aside here the the Communist movement before it stands: On those questions or aspects proletariat? The Workers Party no question of which position was cor swallowed the poison of Stalinism. of questions on which the Left Wing longer used that term, but in any rect, not because the question has no If we consider the Communist Party was right against the S.P. leadership, case, the same Hillquit defended the importance-quite the contrary-but at the very start, the claim for justifi were the differences wide enough to dictatorship of the proletariat and because it is not, in our view, germane cation of the split has hardly a toe to be incompatible with membership in denied that it was in conflict with to the problem that concerns us, stand on. Hillquit was far from right a common party, or so irreconcilable democracy or socialism. The critique namely: granting the existence of the on every disputed question; but he with common membership as to jus of capitalist parliamentarism? It is avowed differences; granting the fact was far closer to being right than tify a split and a separate party for also to be found in Hillquit of 1921. that where both stood for the same were his Left Wing adversaries. A the Left Wing? That is the question. The Communist International, with policy formally, one took it more se re-examination of the dispute as it It would take a mighty courageous which the W.P. was secretly affiliated? riously, one emphasized it more stood at that time-provided it is an man to reply, after looking backward There the difference was important, heavily, one was more determined objective re-examination, which ex carefully, in the affirmative. For our to be sure. The Communists were upon implementing it in practise, one cludes considerations of pride and part, the answer is an emphatic No. still, as they had been from the start, was more aggressive and militant in vanity, of self-righteousness and "hon We are aware that it may be said for uncritical and unconditional ac carrying it out in life, and the like or"-establishes this as a fact. In any (indeed, it has often been said) that ceptance of the famous 21 conditions were the divergences of such a nature case, Hillquit's leadership is a matter the real differences were not clearly (there were actually 22, but no mat as to justify and maintain a split? for another time and it is irrelevant evident in 1917-1919, but they were ter) for affiliation to the Comintern. Was it politically impossible to con to the question: was thf? split justifie~? there in incipient form, potentially; Hillquit had stood, even after the tain the two tendencies in a single The Left Wing was wrong on Its and later developments (the test of split, for affiliation with reservations socialist party, given loyalty on both estimate of the international situa time!) proved that the two tenden and the S.P. majority supported him. sides? We are not speaking, of course, tion, wrong on its estimate of the cies were divided by an unbridgeable The American (and all other) Com of the Stalinist movement, but of the situation in the United States, wrong gulf. Even if that point be granted, munists made a calamitous mistake early Communist Left Wing and Com- THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 230 Fall 1957 231 munist Party. Our answer to these basis for a revolutionary socialist factor, more imperialistic than imperial class by a "distribution" of the profits of questions is again an emphatic No! movement. The aristocracy of labor istic finance itself, where formerly plum Imperialism; and this policy is extended 1I ing itself in the colors of freedom, de Yet the split did take place and was is more or less "bourgeoisified," is in to groups of skilled labor. Skilled labor mocracy and even revolution! .•. rejects the general class struggle perpetuated. Such a split cannot terested in preserving imperialist de The new middle class? Its aginst Capitalism, and acts as a caste simply be explained by bad manners mocracy and the preferential position the psychology and action of which are or stupidity or malice or personal am it derives from it. Its authentic po various elements are wholly dependent determined by the aspiration to absorb bition, even if all four are present in litical representative is the old Social upon concentrated capital and its im itself in the ruling system of things. The adequate quantity. The explanation Democracy which has been taken over perialistic manifestations.... This new general process creates a reactionary mass.... must be sought in more fundamental completely by a social-imperialist, middle class is thoroughly reactionary, although it develops a peculiar type of Therefore? considerations. counterrevolutionary ideology and "liberal ideas." leadership. Hence the need for a dis All social groups, except the industrial THE COMMUNIST LEFT WING and the tinctive revolutionary party opposed A "certain category of ordinary proletariat of unskilled labor, have be parties that followed it have shifted to the Social Democracy. skilled labor ... clerks, stenographers, come reactionary, are in a status where from one extreme to another in a In the United States, the theory was mechanics, etc?" They are their interests are promoted by Im first elaborated by Louis C. Fraina, perialism, and are counter-revolution dozen political questions, tactical an adjunct of this new middle class ... ary.... Non-proletarian groups can no questions, even theoretical questions, the theoretical leader of the Commu all of :w~om are dependent directly upon longer be utilized in the struggle against in the course of their existence. But nist Left Wing, in the book he pub ImperIahsm and become its prophets in dominant Capitalism: they are now an to one fundamental proposition they lished a year after the Bolshevik Rev more or less conscious degree. integral part of this Capitalism...• Un have unvaryingly clung. Where it olution, Revolutionary Socialism. Al The "intellectual proletariat"? Frai skilled labor . . . alone is the revolu was not explicit, it was clearly im though it was published only in the na expounds: tionary class, as it alone represents the dominant factor in industry and is the plicit. It is their basic justification name of the "Central Executive Com A stage arrives when there is a real carrier of the new social system of com for the organization of a party sepa mittee of the Socialist Propaganda over-production of this class of work munist Socialism; all other classes or rate and distinct from the old social League," which was just going out of ~rs .. Temporarily, their imagination is social groups are reactionary, decay, dis ist parties and hostile to them. This existence, the book was widely dis mtrIgued by liberal social movements appear, or become absorbed in the gen proposition, this theory, did not con seminated among all Left Wingers. An and, occasionally, by Socialism. But in~ eral reactionary mass of ruling class in if gradually, their petty bourg terests. [This passage alone indicates fine itself to explaining the reason apprentice sectarian with a penchant ev~tably, eOl~ ~ouls scent the flesh-pots of Im how much Fraina understood, a year for the crisis in the Social Democracy for mysticism could hardly find a bet perIa.hsm, and they become its prophets after the Bolshevik Revolution, of the which exploded in 1914 and produced ter model to study than the auto-hyp m every imperialistic country it is social forces and policies that assured the capitulation of the Second In notic prose out of which Fraina wove precisely these "workers of the brain" its triumph; the Left Wing as a whole ternational to the imperialist war. In his theoretical cosmography. In it who manufacture and carry into the understood even less. M. S.] this respect the theory was held by were still contained swollen rem ranks of t~e workers the ideology and ~he enthUSIasm of Imperialism. These Well, then, is it possible at least to circles far wider than the Commu nants of the theories of the Dutch mtellectuals, which the older Socialism organize the unskilled workers? nists. It went further to justify the radicals which' he soon abandoned, expected would become a mighty ally of In terms of infinity, it may be conceiv necessity and desirability for an in but he already showed a substantial the proletarian revolution, are a corrupt and corrupting social force. able that some day, somehow, the ma dependent and separate socialist (that knowledge of Lenin's theories of the jority of the proletariat, or an over is, Communist) party. 1915-1918 period even if he presented "Radical and liberal social move whelming minority, may become organ This theory was drilled into the them in his unique way. At all events, ments"? They ized into industrial unions under Cap deepest thinking of every Communist the book was the theoretical vade italism. [Fraina was no dogmatist.] In ~e:ge !nd ?evelop into a new "progres terms of actual practice, this is incon in the country from the beginning of. mecum of the Left Wing. SIVIsm: .Thls progressivism is an ally of ceivable. The proletariat of unskilled la the Left Wing and was inculcated Fraina's analysis of class relations ImperIalIsm, promotes it and is itself bor, which alone may accept industrial into them even more thoroughly after under imperialism has to be read promoted by Imperialism. The liberal unionism, is a class difficult to organize· the Comintern was formed. It is the twice, once to see it and again to be Ideas . a~d social reform program of pro its conditions of labor discourage organ~ greSSIVIsm proceed within limits which theory that capitalist imperialism has lieve what you see. ization.... The supremacy of the pro n?t only do not hamper Imperialism, but letariat is determined by its action, and divided the workers into two camps. The old middle class? dIrectly promote its growth and ascend not by its organization. On one side is the unskilled prole ancy. tariat. On the other, the aristocracy It straggles along dependent upon fi But since the unskilled workers are The skilled workers? of labor corrupted by a part of the nance capital, its miserable petty bourg in the minority, are hard to organize eois soul bought and paid for by the even into unions, and do not have super-profits exacted by the capitalist master. And under these conditions, the Monopolistic finance-capital secures sup classes from their empires. The un remnants of the industrial petite bour port for its imperialistic adventures even the possibility of finding allies skilled proletariat is the authentic geoisie become a repulsively reactionary among the other layers of the capitalist among the middle classes, old and Fall 1957 232 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 233 new, among the intellectuals, among Now, the relationship between the in expressed fundamentally the same progressives and liberals, or even development of capitalist imperialism which triumphed over revolutionary conception as Engels, only in a way among the skilled workers, including and the division in the working class, 1 socialism. And since we were enter that is even more to the point for the clerks and stenographers, all of whom and the reflection of this relationship ing the epoch of world revolution (in problem under consideration. In his form a reactionary mass which is an in the development of the socialist cluding the revolution of the colonies article on the Stuttgart Congress of the integral part of capitalism, is there movement, did not originate with Len against imperialism, bear in mind), Second International, written toward the opportunistically - conquered So not a darkling edge to the prospects in in 1915-1917. That is not his unique the end of 1907, he wrote: for the socialist movement and the so contribution to socialist thinking. Al cial Democratic Parties could not be cialist revolution? Not at all and not most a hundred years ago (October 7, Only the proletarian class, from whose relied upon to lead the revolution, in the least! 1858), in his familiar letter to Marx, work all of society lives, is capable of but only to oppose it. The revolu carrying through the social revolution. The revolution is an act of a minority, Engels wrote that "The English prole tionary elements had to break out, Now, however, the expanded colonial pol constitute themselves independently, at first; of the most class-conscious sec taria t is becoming more and more icy has created such a situation for the tion of the industrial proletariat, which, bourgeois, so that this most bour European proletariat in part, that so and assume the task of revolutionary in a test of electoral strength, would be geois of all nations is apparently aim ciety as a whole lives not from its labor leadership. a minority, but which, being a solid, ing ultimately at the possession of .a but from the labor of colonial natives Lenin's drastic revision proved to industrially indispensable class, can dis who are reduced almost to slaves. The perse and defeat all other classes through bourgeois aristocracy, and a bourgeOIS be wrong in four important respects. English bourgeoisie, for example, ex First, like all the Bolsheviks and the annihilation of the fraudulent democ proletariat as well as a bourgeoisie. For tracts greater profits from the millions racy of the parliamentary system implied a nation which exploits the whole upon millions of the people of India and all the Left Wingers throughout the in the dictatorship of the proletariat, im world this is, of course, to a certain ex other colonies than it does from the world (and like many, many Right posed upon society by means of revolu English workers. Under such conditions Wingers, for that matter) , Lenin mis tionary mass action. tent justifiable." A quarter-century later (September 12, 1882), Engels there arises in certain countries a ma judged the speed of development of That was the intellectual equip terial, economic basis for the infection wrote his equally familiworking class party and writing we believe, was correct and it remains fore the Comintern) were obliged to gardless of the contradictory political letters to friends to express his con correct. recognize that they had misjudged the and practical conclusions they draw tempt for the "revolutionary Marxist" situation in Europe (to say nothing In the war period and afterward, of the United States!). from it at different times), of the Trot sects in England even though "they Lenin changed his thought. Why? skyist movement throughout most of have accepted our theoretical program There were, of course, many "rev Victory over opportunism in the so olutionary situations" in Europe its existence, and of other radical and so acquired a basis ...." cialist movement had not proved to groupings of similar tradition. Another quarter-century later, Len- throughout the Twenties and the be inevitable; it was opportunism Thirties. Nowhere did they lead to 234 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 235 socialist power. In some of these sit countries, at all times and under all this had to be done simultaneously of the working class) to win the bulk uations there were organizations that circumstances. 1 and in all countries, proved to be of the workers. were considered revolutionary parties. Second, Lenin did not properly re wrong through and through. If the conservative leadership of a free of control by the Right-Wing so late that part of his theory which Since we are trying to confine the united movement tries, under such cialists, free of the membership of the referred to the imminence of anti examination, to as great an extent as circumstances, to gag and bind the Right-Wing socialist leaders, and also imperialist revolutions of the colonial the subject permits, to the United radical wing, to deny it its elementary free of the membership and support of peoples with his theory of the tri States, we will add: the application of democratic rights inside the move the workers who followed these lead umph of opportunism in the social this principle to the Socialist Party in ment, to prevent it from advocating ers. In none of these situations were ist movement. If opportunism arose on this country, in 1917, or 1919, or 1921, its views and winning support for the revolutionary parties able to lead the basis of the expansion of world or 1924 or after, was particularly them in a loyal manner, a new situa the workers to power. Merely to say, imperialist power, then the colonial wrong. It revealed such a lack of a tion exists. That is essentially what in one case, that the Social-Democrat revolutions would destroy its eco sense of proportion, such an ignoring the German "Majority Socialists" did ic leaders prevented the establishment nomic foundations and therewith of the concrete reality, as to be fan during the first world war, not only of a socialist regime, or in another (sooner or later, allowing for the fa tastic. with the Spartacist Left but also with mous "cultural lag") the ideological the Center group of Haase, Ledebour, case, that the Stalinist leaders did the Third, if an independent Left Wing same, is true and important, but it and political strength of opportunism Kautsky and Bernstein. A split was in party is needed because a revolution evitable and it occurred. Both the Left explains remarkably little. It evades in the workers' movement. ary situation exists or is imminent, it One thing or the other: Either im and the Center set up their own inde a posing and answering of the really is necessary to ask, first of all, what perialism would succeed in maintain pendent parties. But the responsibility important question: since the work constitutes a revolutionary situation, ing its world power and thereby be for the split was clear and unmistak ers who follow these leaders are for not in some general way, but one in in a position to sustain the dominance able in the eyes, not merely of doc socialism, how were the leaders able which the prospects for socialist vic of opportunism in the working class. trinaires, but of the socialist workers. to prevent them from attaining it, tory are real and substantial? One of Or world revolution and with it the But for a Left Winger to take that especially when there were clear-cut the most important symptoms of such anti-imperialist revolution was a real outstanding example, even if he adds revolutionists on the scene to tell a situation is that the great mass of ity, at least in the broad sense, and to it the conviction that it may, or these workers the truth and point out workers (we are not even speaking of the influence of socialist opportunism surely will, be duplicated in such criti the right road? To reply that in all other social forces whom the workers these revolutionary situations, the was speedily doomed in the working cal situations, and then draw the con must have as allies) is not only ready clusion that long before such a situa "revolutionary vanguard" was too class. for a new regime but is increasingly In the first case, summoning the tion occurs or is even on the distant weak in numbers to reach enough hostile to anyone whose course would revolutionary wing out of the social horizon, he must abandon working as workers with the truth about the lead perpetuate the old one by means of a ers, mayor may not be true, but it ist movement could only emphasize persuasively as he can for his views in rotten compromise. Where this is not does furnish the clue to the real answ its isolation from the mass of workers a united socialist movement, is to the case, then conditions are not really er. who were still inclined to opportun make the kind of salto mortale in ripe for the direct fight for a socialist ism and compromise with capitalism logic and in politics that has kept the The revolutionists had isolated regime that promises success, whether and who were because of that very Left Wing in mid-air, isolated and in themselves in separate organizations it be a fight on the parliamentary fact unprepared to fight for socialist ever-recurring crisis, for forty years. from the very workers whose support plane where capitalism leaves the dem power. In the second case, by remain Nowhere does this apply more clearly was indispensable for a socialist vic ocratic road open to the working class, ing inside the socialist movement, the than in the United States. tory. A socialist movement of any or a fight with arms in hand where a revolutionary wing would be in a Fourth, Lenin was not, contrary to serious nature cannot be established despotism leaves the workers no other far more favorable position to influ widespread opinion, a putschist~ and overnight; it cannot be established by choice. That is, a truly revolutionary ence and win to the fight for social the Bolshevik Revolution was not a si tuation is marked precisely by the arbitrary mechanical means; it can ism the mass of workers who would be putsch. But Lenin's revised theory in rapid decline of the self-confidence, not be established by decree. It can more and more inclined that way by vited putschism~ that is, the armed at the influence and the power of com not be established without the work the crisis of imperialism. Whichever tempt of a resolute minority to seize promisers of all kinds in the labor ing class, and above all it cannot be case is chosen, the establishment of political power without the support movement. But that is precisely when established in head-on opposition to the absolutist principle that the Left of the majority of the people or even the Left Wing of the movement, if it the existing movement of the work Wing must break from the old social the majority of the working class, and is in the movement, has its best oppor ing class. And above even that, it can ist parties, set up its own party from in opposition to the majority. Let us tunities (IF its political course is cor not be established by virtue of a un which all Right Wingers and Cen see to what exent there was a relation rect and it represents the best interests between Lenin's new theory of the iversal formula applicable to all trists are excluded by statute, and that Fall 1957 237 236 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ments could not convince them. The an instrument of the fundamental pol party and the development of putsch It turned out there, from the day the revolution must be imposed on them icy they have never disavowed, that is, ist ideas. Communist Party was formed in 1919 1 the rest will follow. Fundamentally, to split and destroy our party which, An independent party had to be to the victory of Hitler, that the So that is how the putschist spirit satu with all out complaints about it, is formed not because, as was the case in cial-Democratic workers of the Right rated the early German Communist nevertheless our party. Why should we the wartime German Social Democ or the Center constituted the vast ma movement. lend ourselves to their maneuver?" To racy, the Right Wing refused to allow jority, the Communist workers the The Sparatacist uprising in 1919 make matters worse, the Bolsheviks the Left Wing to remain in the party much smaller minority. The refusal to was a putsch, undertaken against the had by then adopted it as a principle and to enjoy the democratic right to remain in the same party with the So pleadings and warnings of Rosa Lux that no other party but their own can advance its views and seek to have cial-Democratic workers was tanta emburg. It was one of several putschist be permitted to exist under the dicta them prevail. No, it did not matter if mount to a declaration by the Com attempts, all of them undertaken with torship of the proletariat. On the the Left Wing minority was allowed munists that they did not need their out the socialist workers, who were the whole, the socialist workers, to say its rights or not. Could it not stay in support,. even though they were for great majority, and against them. The nothing of their leaders, felt: "Why side the united movement and try to socialism in their own way. It was a most disastrous attempt was the no should we agree to any policy which win a majority for its position and declaration, in effect, that these work torious "March Action" in 1921, or will facilitate the advent to power of leadership? Yes, according to Lenin ers could not be included in deciding ganized by three Hungarian adven the Communists? Once in power, they and the Comintern. But only provided the course toward the socialist revolu turers, Bela Kun, Mathias Rakosi and will not allow our party to exist eith the same outcome was assured: the tion. To deny this on the ground that Josef Pogany (later known in this er, and that is not an attractive pros splitting of the party into two organi the Communist Party always urged country as John Pepper), all emissaries pect." Against this, the Communists zations. That is, either the Left Wing the Social Democratic workers to join of Zinoviev, with the support of the had all sorts of arguments, but none would leave the old party as a minor it, is positively absurd. If, as members German leadership. It all but wrecked that was effective. ity, set up its own party, and leave the of a united organization, you cannot the German Communist movement The Third Congress (1921) told majority under the control of the get a given group of workers to aban and threatened to wreck the entire every Communist: revolution in the Right Wing; or the Left Wing could don their leaders and their program Communist International. Most of the West is a distance away, perhaps a stay in the old party for a short time if in favor of yours, it is preposterous to important European paries were led long distance. For success, the support it had the immediate prospect of win believe that just because you split the by partisans or sympathizers of putsch of our program by the socialist masses ning the majority to its side, but as organization and form a new one, the ism, the Germans, the French, the is absolutely indispensable. It occur soon as it had control, it would have to same group of workers will enter your I talians among them., The situation red to nobody even then that it might expel the leaders of the Right Wing ranks because they are urged to do so. was so serious that at the Third Com be ten and a hundred times easier to and of the Center. So it was nominated From the conception that the ma intern Congress, Lenin, proclaiming win this support in a united socialist in the bond, plainly and aggressively jority of the socialist workers are not himself pugnaciously as being "in the movement than to win it for a party in the famous 21 conditions. The trou needed (even, in a sense, not wan ted) Right "\Ving at this Congress," virtu which openly proclaimed its intention ble was that the Right Wing and Cen in the party which is to decide the ally threatened to split the Interna to eliminate the socialist movement. trist leaders, even when a minority, policies to achieve the socialist revolu tional if putschism and the putschists Lenin's theory of the independent still had the support and confidence tion, not too far a jump was required were not repudiated. Only the tremen revol u tionary party and how to of their followers, who numbered to the conception that these workers dous authority of Lenin and Trotsky achieve it proved to be false for the thousands, tens of thousands, and in are not needed to carry out the social (Zinoviev and Radek and Bukharin Left Wing in the Western world at some cases hundreds of thousands. ist revolution. The jump was facili were to one degree or another friendly least. With the possible exception of And these followers would not remain tated by the theory that, essentially, to the putschists) won the day for their Great Britain, it was nowhere more in a party which expelled their lead these workers are corrupted economi view. injurious to the cause of radical so ers, not because of a violation of party cally and ideologically by the bour cialism in particular and of the so discipline, but because of the views geoisie to the point where they are op THE REMEDIES of the Third Congress cialist movement as a whole, than in they held. Nevertheless, one way or posed to the socialist revolution. and the Fourth Congress-"To the the United States. the other, the split was demanded and If the educational influence of the Masses!" and "United Front with the Only one significant attempt was assured, universally and uniformly. class struggle as it unfolds is not need Social Democracy"-did not really get ever made in Left Wing ranks, so far And from the Communist standpoint, ed to persuade these workers of the to the heart of the problem. No united as we are aware, to reconsider Lenin's the split meant the exclusion from the correctness of our policies for a social front ever came into existence on any theory. It was undertaken by Trotsky movement not only of the Social-Dem ist revolution, perhaps it is not needed significant scale. On the whole, the so in 1934. We are not referring merely ocratic leaders but in practical effect to persuade them before we can act ~or cialist workers took the position: "The to the advice he gave his followers to also of the Social Democratic workers. the socialist revolution. Our actwn Communists want a 'united front' as enter the Socialist Parties "as a tac- will "electrify" them where our argu- Let us take Germany as an example. Fall 1957 239 THE HEW INTERNATIONAL 238 tic." That policy is well known. Less munist Left Wing from 1918 onward. kept alive socialism will never come party, and began fighting for a party well known is his more fundamental Following the split, when he told to life. Of all the positions adopted that would expel Hillquit, all his co re-evaluation of the relationship be Trotsky of the "pitiful state" of the and maintained by the Communist thinkers, and in consequence all their tween Left Wing socialists and the So S.P. after the Trotskyists were out of Left Wing from the beginning, this followers in the organization. The cial Democratic parties, which he it, Trotsky "said that alone would and this one alone was and remains Left Wingers drew first, as we say in warned his followers to stop approach have justified the entry into the or valid. We do mean, however, the the West, but Hillquit got in the first ing "with ready-made formulae of ganization even if we hadn't gained theory that only those who agree with shot. That is how it was. All stories yesterday: 'reformism,' 'Second Inter a single new member." Cannon con the revolutionary position as defined about the 1919 split that do not center national,' 'political support of the tinues: and refined (and re-defined and re-re around this fact, belong with Grimm.) bourgeoisie:" and the like. But his Partly as a result of our experience in fined) by any given group of comrades The theory, including the mythol re-evaluation was only a beginning, the Socialist Party and our fight in there, at any given time, can belong to the ogy surrounding it, dies hard. Forty and it proved to be only tentative. He the Socialist Party was put on the side socialist movement, and all others are turbulent and instructive years have never developed it further, he never lines. This was a great achievement, be excluded for non-agreement. This is passed, and it is still difficult for many returned to it, he merely abandoned cause it was an obstacle in the path of the theory we are talking about. And building a revolutionary party. The prob a sincere Left Winger to believe that it and resumed the old position. Too lem is not merely one of building a revo it is this theory which was the most it is possible to build and maintain a bad. It would be worth while on an lutionary party, but of clearing obstacles important distinguiShing mark of the united socialist movement in which all other occasion to revert to his 1934 from its path. Every other party is a Communist Left Wing from its real tendencies-Right, Left, Center or position, or half-position, in detail. rival. Every other party is an obstacle. beginning (although not quite from anything in between or above-can The "old position," stoutly pro There you have a consummate ex its very beginning in 1917 in this coexist loyally and without the hair claimed to this day, isolated and pression of the orthodox malady that country) and distinguishes it and all suspended sword of split over their harmed the Trotskyist movement even warped the Communist Left Wing its ideological derivatives to this day. heads to paralyze the party as it para more completely than the Communist and its offshoots for forty years. As (It is somewhat remarkable that lyzed Damocles of Syracuse. movement out of which it came. In he puts it down, it is a mite crude, this point does not appear to impinge Do you really believe that after 1936 it had its first real opportunity perhaps, and a mite imprudent, per upon Draper's studies at all. The everything that the Right Wingers to break out of this isolation, to ad haps, but then, prudence is not for point appears to us to be of decisive have done and shown themselves to vance its ideas, and at the same time the intrepid soul. It speaks out in significance. It challenges the conten be, Left Wingers can live and worl to build a broad socialist movement. blunt and shaggy language for the tion that the Communist Left Wing wi th them in the same party for It adopted the decision, against the whole world to understand. What he was a continuation of the traditional longer, at the most, than a minute? fierce opposition of the "Leninist" himself never quite manages to under Socialist Left, for such a theory was Yes, and firmly. In the first place, sectarians in its ranks, to enter the stand is why, having spoken forth alien to it. The old one fought the the terms "Right" and "Left" as used Socialist Party. In the Socialist Party, rightly, his amicable approaches to Right Wing, but never thought that in the past have acquired a mis it helped to realize some of these op other organizations, the "rivals," are it could not live with it in the same significance. The Stalinists are widely portunities with remarkable success, not so amicably reciprocated, for the party-quite the contrary. Even the regarded as "Left," when to us they for the party as a whole and for its perfectly ludicrous reason that they De Leonists never held or put for represent the extreme totalitarian own ideas in particular. But the "old do not consider themselves obstacles, ward this theory, for there was more Right Wing in the working class. position" asserted itself in the end. It do not relish being cleared from any than one attempt made on both sides That is only one example and there split from the S.P. (although the re body's path, and do not glow at the to unite the S.L.P. and the S.P. The are many. In the second place, the sponsibility for that split is by no prospect of being reduced to a pitiful attempts were vain, only because of firm "Yes" is valid only if you mean means a one-sided affair; both sides state. the way in which the S.L.P. insisted what we mean, namely, a united dem wanted it and worked for it), and on the adoption of its point of view, ocratic socialist movement, in a double reconstituted the independent revolu THE THEORY OF THE independent rev but not because it contended that sense: That regardless of all other tionary ... sect. A few years later, olutionary party dies hard. We do not the socialist movement could not in differences-on history, on theory, on Cannon published a book in which for one second mean the idea of a clude both themselves and "the Hill tactics, on the road to socialism-there he found it appropriate to inform the working class socialist party complete quitites." The light of the tradition is clear agreement that socialism radical public of the authentic Trot ly independent of the capitalist class, of the Socialist Left flickered in the means the fullest achievement of de skyist view on the episode. It is worth of capitalist politics and capitalist new Communist Left for only a short mocracy and that the socialist move citing only as an example of the con ideas, with a program and activity while. and the new Left became really ment is committed to democratic ception of the revolutionary party based upon the principle of the class Communist only to the extent that it means in attaining its goal and does and how to go about building it which struggle. That theory does not die, extinguished this light. They stopped not seek to impose it upon the \\1'ork entered the bloodstream of the Com- and it should not die, for if it is not fighting Hillquit for leadership of the ing class or against the working class. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fan 1957 240 241 And in the sense that the party and dets-does this not require the com marily, if not only, of the Communist everyone in it zealously respects full plete rupture of organizational rela their best qualities and bring them to movement in the United States, not and equal democratic rights for all tions, that is the split? We believe flower. But they did not succeed. They only as an obligation to the book un members and tendencies. The only that this is not the case, and all Bol could not. They did not understand cement that can assure the unity of sheviks think so .... Without getting der review, but because the building why they failed. of a movement in this country is and a party in which there are differences nervous, like the intellectuals [Ahem!], We do not share the ludicrous the must remain our primary concern. of opinion on the best way to achieve we are therefore duty-bound to main ory that the present state of the social a common end, is compounded of tain the unity of the party now, where All energy must be concentrated ist movement is due entirely to the democracy and loyalty. No individual by we place our reliance upon the upon the task of reconstructing the Communists. This view has nothing or group in the socialist movement steadfastness of the revolutionary pro American socialist movement as a to do with Marxism; or with any kind has a right to demand more of any letariat, upon its sound class instinct." united democratic movement, and not of objective political thinking. (Is other individual or group: equal dem But what if a local party organization, in the image of the Communist Party the present state of the liberal move ocratic rights accorded to all and profiting from the permission to vote at any stage of its development. It ment due entirely to the Commu loyalty to the party from all. Under for Cadet candidates, decides to do must base itself upon American soil, nists?) There were objective economic these elementary conditions, a united so? "After a decision of the [local] upon American social conditions as and political forces at work, historical socialist movement was possible in bodies having jurisdiction, all of us they really are, upon the American forces as well, which pretty strictly the past and is possible, and necessary, who are party members will act as one working class as it really is, upon the delimited the possibilities for building today. man. The Bolshevik in Odessa must language as it is really spoken. That a socialist movement at various -Have you really learned nothing put a ballot with the name of the requires a great deal of learning and stages of its development here. To from the history of the reformist move Cadet in the box, even if it makes him re-Iearning which is not achieved study these forces. and their effects is ment? sick to do it. The ~Ienshevik in Mos merely by the old "quotations," the one of the most important tasks of Yes, we have tried to learn. But we cow must put in the box a ballot ones that apply as well as the ones socialists today, all the more impor have also tried to learn from the his carrying only names of Social Demo that do not. The American C.P. tant because it has been so badly ne tory of the Communist and Trotsky crats, even if his soul may yearn for lived in Russia, at first in the Russia glected. But within the limits of what ist and Stalinist movements, and in the Cadets." of the Bolshevik Revolution and then was possible, the share for the failure all their stages. -But that was in a different era in the Russia of the Stalinist counter of the socialist movement in this coun -Do you really mean that it is and we live today in a revolutionary revolution. As Eastman once said try that falls upon the shoulders of the possible to remain in a party where, epoch, the situation was different, the about the early Communist move Communist movement was enormous for example, the majority abandons problem was different! You can't solve ment, its face is so unvaryingly turned and fundamental- the Communist the class struggle by voting for capi it by a quotation! to Moscow that it leaves only the most movement before it was devastated by talist candidates, for example? Lenin wrote that on December 6, unattractive part of its anatomy to be Stalinism and a thousand times more Yes, we do mean that, above all in 1906, when he believed that the revo seen in this country. so of the Communist movement after the present stage of development of lutionary situation was still at hand, It is entirely true that at one stage ward. the working class movement and of or at least imminent. With the rest, after another, the best of the American Nor do we share the view that the our shattered socialist movement. If we could not agree more. Our prob Communists tried with earnestness and Communist movement was always an Lenin found it possible, and he was lem is different, our situation is dif intelligence and only a normal num "evil conspiracy" and that it had noth known as quite a radical, you can ferent. No problem can be solved by ber of mistakes to convert it into an ing to contribute and contributed find it possible. When the Mensheviks a quotation, from no matter how emi American movement with its roots in nothing. That is not so at all. The in Russia proposed to vote under cer nent an authority. That is why it is the American working class and its Communists, both those we knew as tain conditions for candidates of the time to pu t an end to the practice mind on American political problems, comrades in the same movement and Cadet Party (the party of bourgeois of tightening the ever-handy screw without forgetting that the United those we knew as opponen ts in a hos liberalism, very roughly the equiva vise around every problem until it States is part of the world and that tile movement, were sincere and de lent of the Northern Democrats here), cracks and you have no problem and the American workers are part of the voted socialists and revolutionists. And Lenin called for "the most unrelent no solution. international working class. Ruthen they were good militants, with a ca ing ideological struggle" against them berg tried, Cannon tried, Foster tried, pacity for fighting surpassed only by in the party (Bolsheviks and Menshe THE ORGANIZATION AND maintenance Lovestone tried, Browder tried (even a readiness for sacrifice. They did not viks were in one Social Democratic of the Communist Party was a heavy Pepper tried!), each in his own way. want a new despotism, but socialist Party then) for abandoning the class mistake-and despite the bypaths we All of them were able and intelligent freedom, as they understood it, alas. struggle. But, he asked, "If Social have felt obliged to take in the course men who would be a blessing to a Their animus against the socialist Democrats permit blocs with the Ca- of this analysis, we are writing pri- healthy socialist movement traveling movement was nourished to a large on good rails and able to stimulate extent by its conservatism, its lack of 242 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 243 imagination and daring, its passIVIty thought to abuse or ridicule it. Our Socialist thought and policy can set to hurl a rebuttal with, as Heine and, at a later stage, by its own va purpose is to understand it, as, we only be clarified in critical and loyal wrote, "jedes Wort ein Nachttopf, riety of sectarianism. Their personal trust, we do. The importance of un exchange. There is no other way and und kein leerer," that will not be too qualities, so to speak, and we are writ derstanding is not to condemn, or for no one is likely to invent an improve bad because for hygiene's sake we can ing here of their good ones, were not that matter, to fulfill the Christian ment. We are making here our con always duck. But there should and the whole of the story. obligation to forgi~e. We feel neither tribution to a discussion, in confor surely will be fruitful contributions The Communists were the principal self-righteous piety nor maudlin con mance with the principle that the to the discussion from others. They animators of the post-war movement descension. We are re-examining not needs of socialism must be supplied need only shdw a concern for social in the trade unions in favor of indus merely its past, but our past as well. by each according to his ability. We ism to be welcome. trial unionism, of amalgamating the The purpose of understanding the await and invite the contributions of We want to purge the Marxian ten craft unions, of organizing the unor past is to learn. others, here or elsewhere. There will dency in socialism of its primitive ganized workers, and many of them But not less important than the be enough of them that deserve ear radicalism, of dogma and superstition, did magnificent work in all these need to acknowledge these .precious nest reflection. We are sure that the so that it can resume the place war fields. The main motor drive for the contributions is to see this: everything screech of the Daker hen will no ranted for it. We want a socialist Labor Party movement in the ranks positive that the Communists did longer be heard. And even if there movement that works. of unionists and farmers in the Twen contribute to the cause of socialism in should still be an amiable critic all MAX SHACHTMAN ties was provided by the Communists. this country, could have been con They were the most active force in tributed just as well, with tenfold bet mobilizing the unemployed workers ter results, with tenfold mO're effective Notes of the Quarter: during the crisis for an improvement ness and durability, and with a hun in their grim conditions. They were dredfold more assurance of correctives actually the first political organization for shortcoming and error, if they had U.S. Foreign Policy in the Clouds in this country to take up seri worked, as they could have done with THE KREMLIN AIMED at many targets more than a decade has been a smug ously the Negro problem, to stimulate out serious difficulty, as an integral when its scientists sent two satellites assumption that in dealing with Ru interest in it, to organize the Negroes part of a broad, united socialist party. racing toward their orbits. There themselves, to arouse support for Nobody would have prevented them sia one is dealing with an industrially was the obvious. military objective of them among whites, on a scale and doing it, nobody could have prevented backward nation whose technological establishing Russian military suprem with a courageous aggressiveness that them. The mountainous tragedy of advances, never truthfully and fully acy in the field of rocketry. But nearly no other political movement showed the American Communists is that all acknowledged, were almost entirely as apparent and hardly less important (we say political movement to make their activities were more and more due to captured German scientists and were the political objectives: to under the distinction from such organiza paralleled, interseeded and saturated pilfered American scientific secrets. cut American foreign policy and dis tions as the N.A.A.C.P.) They pro with a virus that twisted and misshap This assumed Russian weakness en orient Washington's policy makers; to vided many of the solid troops and ed everything they accomplished, en couraged the military approach of organizers in the veritable revolution venomed the organism and its achieve reduce further American' prestige not American statesmen: the first and that produced the C.1.0. Under Brow ments, and in the end brought a uni only in the West and in the uncom most important task was to build a der they were the first organization versal revulsion against the remains. mi tted areas bu t behind the Iron Cur superior military machine in the that undertook to relate the fight for tain and within the troubled world West. Once this military force was in socialism in this country to the lushly OUR CONCLUDING THOUGHT IS that we Communist movement; to drive deep readiness, the U.S. would be in a rich tradition of progress and revolu do not regard these lines as having er the wedges in the already tenuous position to settle its differences with tion of the American bourgeoisie, the dealt with all the significant problems unity of the North Atlantic Treaty the Russians. The latter, compelled American working class and the Amer of the American movement today, or nations. That the Russians have es by the overwhelming might of West ican Negroes. These are real contri with all the factors and currents that tablished their military-scientific su ern arms, would make concessions butions. They are not trifles. contributed to its enfeeblement and premacy in rocketry, at least for the perhaps even submit-to American in Despite all the bitterness that just dispersal; and that we do not regard coming period, is now incontrovert terests. cannot be repressed at the thought of these lines on the limi ted aspect of ible, and each day new evidence points The Russian Sputniks have explod what this movement did to tens of the problem to which they have up that in large measure they have ed both the premise and conclusions thousands of first-rate militants who sought to confine themselves, as being succeeded in the political application contained in this military approach to entered it with socialist idealism and the last word or the whole and ulti of their technological achievement. Stalinist imperialism! were politically and morally eviscer mate truth, indivisible, insoluble and The simplistic and erroneous prem WASHINGTON's RESPONSE TO SPUTNIK ated by it, it is furthest from our incon trovertible. ise of American foreign policy for was not altogether coherent or (on- 244 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL FaU 1957 245 sis tent. There was the element of de blance of an intelligent policy to of governments held in Paris would that Adenauer and other European moralization bordering on panic when counter the Russians. Such threats have been beset by the above among leaders are opposed to equiping it was forced to concede that the Rus repeated often enough by both sides many other-problems, all tending to NATO with atomic weapons; they sians were ahead in the contest to might, almost accidentally, slip into pull the alliance apart at its seams. have expressed neither moral nor mil conquer space and harness it to a mili the nightmare of actuality. But the Russian satellites posed new itary nor political reservations on this tary machine. It acknowledged, in ef problems and exacerbated old ones. score. But they prefer to see NATO equipment limited to tactical atomic fect, that the premises of its military THE PROBLEMS POSED BY Sputnik were For the State Department, with typi oriented foreign policy were no longer not the only ones threatening the cal illogic, it meant that its policy of weapons-such as those used in Japan valid. At the same time, Washington Western alliance. From its inception preparing for massive retaliation was -as opposed to massive thermonuclear diplomats joined bluster and obtuse N A TO was an uneasy alliance of gov not only correct but that it was now bombs. Presumably, if Europe is to ness to panic by refusing to adapt ernments held together by American imperative to dot the European con be defended by armies equipped with their foreign policy to the reality of a influence and fear of the Russians. tinent with missile bases; for most of tactical atomic weapons the Russians shifting relationship in the balance of But external pressure and anxiety can the Europeans the strategy of massive would be inhibited from hurling world military and political forces. not permanently or effectively cement retaliation and missile bases took on thermonuclear bombs on Europe cap Before the December conference of nations. Where the Russian bloc has a new and frightening meaning with able of reducing the continent to NATO heads of government, both the immediate advantage of appear Russian satellites passing overhead ashes. Eisenhower and Dulles reiterated ing as a solid, united phalanx in its every 103 minutes. This was one rea A fatal flaw in this approach is its their pre-Sputnik military emphasis: dealings with the West, the \Vestern son European representatives, now assumption that between the United combat the Russian threat with more alliance is based on a large number oJ disenchanted with America's capabili States and Russia there exists a tacit NATO divisions, establish missile independent nations, each with its ties, resisted the President at the con agreement to limit any possible con bases in Western Europe as a deter own distinctive interests coming to ference. flict in Europe to weapons of limited rent to Russian aggression, and, above the fore and often in conflict with The disaffection in Paris, in fact, destructiveness. The Kremlin, how all, not to budge from a negative at other NATO members. The Ameri was so widespread that the sole suc ever, is not bound by any ties to titude toward the Kremlin's effective, cans have one attitude toward Ger cessful aftermath of the conference NATO's limited war strategists; on albeit hypocritical, request (i.e. chal man rearmament, the French have for the Americans was just in keeping the contrary, Khrushchev has made it lenge) for a new summit conference. an

248 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 249 of disengagement from Germany and ations are the precondition for arma aged to come out on top in the prop which the U.S. is anxious for Western aganda duels because it has made its withdrawal of U.S. troops from the ment. Europe to accept will not be ready military policy an adjunct of its po Continent. The danger today is not for at least a year, this has become the The demand for negotiations, how litical strategy while Washington has only that Khrushchev and Bulgahin essence of conservative wisdom. The ever, has become irresistible. It comes made its political policy an adjunct of will seduce all of Western Europe Herald-Tribune summed up this con from almost every quarter, and even its military strategy. with their "peace" offensive. The servative strategy and paid tribute to John Foster Dulles has b~en swept The problem is not one of for or danger also exists that Dulles and its leading protagonist in an editorial: along unwillingly by the tide. From against negotiations. To make any Eisenhower, abetted by Adenauer and opposition to summit meeti~gs as be His [Adenauer's] own shrewd can~y change in U.S. foreign policy condi Macmillan, will manipulate the sen ing more harmful than meanIn~ful, ~o game is now quite clear. Beset as h~ IS tional upon a possible agreement with timent for peace, as expressed by th.e at home by millions fearful of acceptmg a position (at the NATO meeting) III the Kremlin is to play into the hands demand for negotiation, into a JUStI rocket bases, he seeks to parley with fa vor of discussions between the for of those who see no other alternative fication for the same old military the Soviets during the period while eign ministers, Dulles now has been thap the continuation of the arms arms race once they can demonstrate N A TO military experts are preparing forced to agree to such a conference the logical case and plan for massing race and the discredited policy of ne that negotiations with the Russians based on the bares t of prior discus rockets. If by that time the Soviets have gotiations through strength. The in can lead nowhere. again proved enemies to peace and dis sion, that is, without a meeting of itiative must come from the American armament, as doubtless they will, the foreign ministers. No one could in people to put into effect a program old Chancellor will be able to say: 'Men definitely fight in the face of world SAM BOTTONE cry peace but there is no peace. Can you wide pressures the seemingly simp~e imagine any people being so stupid as proposition: the U .S. an~ RUSSIa not to defend themselves by doing what Notes of the Quarter: the best generals in the world tell them should sit down and negotiate. The is necessary?' He will then have an air history of the post-war decade, for all tight case for missiles. its evidence of irreconcilable differ The Crisis in American Education In sum there are still more ways than ences between the rival imperialist one of skinning a cat. blocs, cannot be counterposed to the Sputniks I and II, the ir ficiency of Soviet methods. The Uni Dulles' arguments against any ne fear of the consequences of doing refutable proof of Russia's tremendous ted St~tes Office of Education had pub gotiations at this time must have been nothing. scientific and technological advances, lished a report, entitled Education in have brought about in the United the USSR) which underlined the rig only semi-comprehensible to conser However, as long as the alternative States some strange and very instruc orous training in science and mathe vatives like Adenauer, and Macmil is just to negotiate, the struggle will tive things, not the least of which was matics, the demand for individual ex lan. The initial reaction in Washing remain whether Washington or Mos the sudden interest, a few weeks ago, cellence in school performance, the ton which labeled the sentiment to cow will best be able to manipulate of the Eisenhower Administration in high quality of teaching on all levels negotiate as "neutralist and defeatist" public opinion to its own interes~. certain aspects of the U. S. educational in Russia. By U. S. comparative sta can only be ascribed to the essential The U.S. will tend to present maXI system. This high-level evaluation of tistics, the Russians were far ahead in ly provincial character of American malist proposals designed to make ne our schools was, admittedly, a hasty turning out scientists and engineers. statesmanship even at the point where gotiations as difficult as po~sible: Giv operation, cut short by more pressing Even beyond the first necessity of the U.S. is the leading power and en the built-in military bIas of U.S. governmental duties-such as the plan~ quieting public dismay at these facts, spokesman of the capitalist world. foreign policy anything seemingly as ning of new billions of dollars of "de the government was faced with a seri This backwardness is a political fac inocuous as a non-aggression treaty fense" spending-but while it lasted ous situation, with serious implica tor which cannot be ignored in any will tend to erode the sense of mili it provided a fascinating view of the tions for future success in the competi analysis of the actions of U.S. policy tary urgency and political support for inner workings of U. S. officialdom. tion of the cold-or a hot-war. makers. Although the dispute be large scale arms budgets. Russia will tween the internationalist and isola tend to present minimal proposals The Administration's concern in ed The trouble was, though, that Ad tionist wings of the bourgeoisie has with maximalist objectives designed ucation was real enough; the nation ministration spokesmen couldn't get long since been fought and decided, to sap the political will of the enemy. had become painfulIy aware that Rus close to the problem without revealing the statecraft which ought to accom The difference is not that the Krem sian progress in the rocket race had a a raft of contributing issues-which pany America's position as a world lin has a built-in desire for peace and great deal to do with the fact that they officially did not exist. There were power is missing as an element in its Washington a ravenous appetite for were mass-producing the scientists es rumblings from private education au political character. On this occasion war. But each side has different means sential to their war machine-while thorities of deeper faults in the Amer it is the failure to understand that at to pursue its imperialist objectives. we were not. There was even a made ican school system than a mere neglect this juncture of the cold war, negoti- Time after time, Moscow has man- in-the-USA documentation of the ef- of science and math, reports of the 250 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 251 mediocre quality of many schools and rendy averaging $2000 per year. American educational methods, the jecting dictatorial requirements of po colleges, of the national shortage of Turning to the reports of the pres President said, for deficiencies, if they li~ical conformity which are totally good teachars, of the lack 6f incentives tige position of teachers in the USSR, existed, were merely a matter of a alien to our free way of life." (Ob for exceptional students, of the pro Folsom compared the American sit temporary lack of emphasis on sci serve: When against his own better hibitiva cost of higher education. But uation: entific study. All we needed was a judgment a Russian capitulates to the to acknowledge the existence of these It doesn't do much good . . . to pro "system of nation wide testing of high demands of ideological cant, it is "po things, to publicly admit their truth, vide quality graduate study facilities school students; a system of incentives litical conformity"; in a similar situ might further upset people, might and fellowships for potential teachers for high aptitude students' to pursue ation, an American is exercising his bring a logical demand for improve if what lies beyond graduate school is scientific or professional studies; a "freedom of choice" in our "free way social and economic disappointment. It ment and reform. is nothing short of a national disgrace program to stimulate good quality of life.") American education, Folsom Amazingly, it was a top member, no that we are discouraging people who teaching of mathematics and science; concluded, would continue to stress less, of the Eisenhower team who want to teach by offering salaries that provision of more laboratory facilities the development of "broadly educated beautifully illustrated the dangers in are far below the level justified by their and measures, including fellowships, men who have the intellectual 'ability training.... to increase the output of qualified and the moral conviction to make volved in tangling with reality. Speak In a sense, however, ·low salaries for ing in Chicago on November 2 be college teachers are simply a reflection teachers." And if the responsibility for those difficult and often unpopular fore a conference on scientific educa of a more fundamental fault-the lack developing this fine-sounding formu decisions that determine the course of tion, Secretary of Health, Education of respect accorded to teaching by the la was vague, so it was intended to be. mankind's advance." (Interesting public. A society that has become pre With the discussion back on safe statement, that; too bad Secretary Fol and Welfare Marion B. Folsom was occupied with action has, I am afraid, actually blunt in his critical compari tended to neglect those whose function ground, good Eisenhower Republi som himself lacked the intellectual son of Russian and American educa is somewhat more remote from the cans-or, for that matter, Democrats ability and the moral conviction to tional methods. His exact words are arena of activity. The task of reestablish hastened to support these words From continue in an unpopular examina worth recording; referring to the op ing the college professor as a key figure On High. The New York Times, in its tion of the real faults in American in our society, worthy of society's high enthusiasm, hailed the President's education.) portunities offered the talented in regard and reward, is a task that re Russia, the Secretary said: "The most quires more than raising salaries. . . . speech as a "New Look at Schools." With unanimity restored in its qualified Russian high school gradu And in Washington, Commissioner ranks, the Administration has sub This was strong stuff, venturing far of Education Lawrence G. Derthick mitted an education bill to Congress, ates - about thirty percent - are of beyond the assigned task of providing fered free higher education, and all assured himself a headline with the a program that restates the points more scientists for "national defense." sweeping statement that education, in made in Eisenhower's November but the weakest students are actually It could be, in fact, potential dyna paid for going to college." He applied this best of all possible countries, was speech. The bill asks for an "emer mite. \\Tho, among the members of the the best in the world. Some adjust gency" program, for federal assis tance this to the u.S. situation, "It disturbs Team, would care to change, or even me greatly that the best estimates ments to new situations might be to scientific study, and for govern evaluate, the traditional role of the necessary, Derthick added, but in his mental encouragement of potential available indicate that about one intellectual in the capitalist society? third of the top quarter of our high view the President's speech, which pre scientists and science teachers through (Besides, such a foray might conceiv sented a "many sided program for ed a limited number of scholarships. And school graduates do not now go on to ably reveal the disasterous toll of Mc college. This is a serious national ucation," covered the essential modifi the passage of even this modest re Carthyism on the professorial popula cations. quest, in a Congress concentrating on waste ... it tends to limit opportunity tion-and nobody wanted to bring up for higher education to those who are And Marion B. Folsom? Not sur defense demands and monumental that subject.) relatively wealthy." prisingly, his recantation was immedi military appropriations, is, according What was this? A plea for subsidy Folsom's plain talk, his unprece ate and complete. Of course, said Fol to the opinions of congressional lead for needy students, or a suggestion of dented critical attitude, was obviously som, he had not advocated change; ers of both parties, extremely "doubt some system of federal selection of out of line. From the rarified atmos there would be no imitation of the ful." Thus the furor has died down, qualified youths? A tactic admission of phere where official speeches are writ Russian system, for to do so would be the pressure is off, the crisis has passed, the hardships caused by the spiraling ten came more typical pronounce "tragic to mankind." (Translation: and education in the U. S. continues costs of college education? Official rec ments, cutting off the rough e~ges of All hail the glory of "free enterprise!" as before. But the fizzle of the "New ognition of actual conditions would criticism, soothing public uneasiness, In this system the state never subsi Look at Schools" has not been entire be heartening indeed to children bar and in effect burying the whole dis dizes students; private corporations ly wasted; for the critical observer it red by poverty from any thought of turbing subject. In his mid-November buy them.) The Russian advance, con offers still another picture of the pa higher education, and to students and speech in Oklahoma, Eisenhower set tinued Folsom, "had been achieved tent phoniness of the Eisenhower Ad parents recently advised to "go into the tone with a positive approach: by the sacrifice of freedom of choice ministration. debt" to pay for college ~xpenses cur- there was really nothing wrong with for the individual student and by in- FRANCES WRIGHT l. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 153 Origins of the Venezuelan Revolt All electoral propaganda was to be and to reach conclusions regarding strictly forbidden. future perspectives, it is necessary to Baclcground of a Heroic Struggle for Freedom Within hours of the presentation of cast a brief look at Venezuelan eco this bill, all State Governors, Prefects nomic and political history, and also and Civil Chiefs (township represen at the history of the present regime The following article by Juan Parao was written a few days before the tatives of the central government) itself. dictatorial regime of General Marcos Perez Jimenez was overthrown-a mo went into action. They sent prepared mentous event predicted with prophetic insight by the author. The beginning statements, endorsing the electoral of Jimenez' end oceured when the Venezuelan dictator tried to "legalize" his THE SPANISH CONQUERORS who invaded tottering regime by a rigged plebiscite on December 15. The plebiscite boom bill and praising the "genius" Perez t?e Venezuelan wilderness in the early eranged and touched off, on New Year's Day, a revolt by Air Force officers Jimenez, to every business firm, pro sIxteenth century were attracted by backed by some Army units. This uprising was swiftly repressed, but not the fessional association, rural commun two economic factors: gold and land. widespread, and irrepressible hatred for a regime which, in the words of a New ity and association of foreign resi The young merchant class of Spain York TIMES columnist, "implanted a pattern of terror seldom matched in the dents within their jurisdiction, with and of the Empire lusted for the form Hemisphere." strict orders that the paper be signed Perez Jimenez reshuftled his cabinet to give the military greater voice in er, while impoverished nobles, dispo domestic affairs, but the revolutionary populace could not be pacified. Anti by every member or employee of ssessed by rising commercial capital Jimenez protests continued. On January 13, the new Defense Mh'lister was these organizations. The collected ism, arrived in the new world to con forced to flee the count.ry after another attempt to oust Jimenez. A series of "statements of support," "petitions," quer territorial fields. The gold-seek student demonstrations ensued, momentarily suppressed by police action. and "enthusiastic manifestoes" were ers represented the relatively more The following weekend the Junta Patriotica-consisting of all opposition published in all major newspapers. Venezuelan parties-issued a call for a general st.rike. On Tuesday morning pr~gressive element among the con the church bells in Caracas sounded the signal for the general strike and the For several weeks, page after page of quzstadores~ and among them the people responded. Huge crowds massed in t.he streets shouting "Down with these newspapers was filled by thou Spanish kings recruited their colonial tyranny!" and the fighting with police and army units began. The next day sands of signatures. Approximately administrators and supervisors. The the army went over to the revolution. Perez Jimenez could crush the revolt of 400,000 to 500,000 Venezuelans were l~nd-s~ekers, who established planta the military officers, but not a revolt by an entire, aroused nation. thus forced to sign statements in fa Comrade Juan Parao, a Venezuelan socialist, is a left-wing activist in tIons In the South American colonies Venezuela's leading political party, the Accion Democratica. He has written vor of the dictator's "re-election." A constituted a feudal, anti-centralis~ a detailed and stirring account of the actual revolutionary events published in ref?sal to sign on the part of a capi element. The planters' feudalist hos LABOR ACTION of February 24 and March 10, 1958. talIst would have meant financial ruin. ~ility towards the mercantilist-capital- Refusal on the part of a worker or 1st mo~archy was to explode into open In the summer of 1957 hacks of the dictatorship, "the union office worker would have meant im rebelhon at the beginning of the some Venezuelan liberals entertained of t.he great Venezuelan family in a mediate arrest. nineteenth century. a faint hope that the Perez Jimenez common task of national construc The students of the University of It should be pointed out that the dictatorship might be willing to tion, undisturbed by party strife, dem Caracas and of various secondary feudal system became rooted less "fade away" and hand over the power agoguery and politicking." ~chools were the only ones to organ strongly in Venezuela than in other to a conservative democrat like' Dr. The plebiscite which confirmed the IZe large-scale demonstrations, pro provinces of the Spanish Empire. Rafael Caldera of the C.O.P.E.Y. continuation of Perez Jimenez' rule testing against the "electoral" law. In Venezuela there were no rela (Christian Democratic Party). The was prepared painstakingly. On No Special riot squads of the National tively advanced agricultural natives groundlessness of that hope became vember 4, Minister of the Interior Val Guard (military police) broke up the on whom the conquerors could im obvious as soon as Caldera announced lenilla Lanz appeared before a joint demonstrations, wounded and arrested pose feudal rule directly (as in his willingness to run as an opposi session of both houses of Congress a number of students, and then in Mexico or Peru). The pre-agricultural tion candidate. Caldera was jailed and read the Executive's proposal for vaded the University buildings, de Indians of Venezuela proved incap and C.O.P.E.Y.-the last political par an electoral statute: the election stroying class rooms, laboratories and able of efficient slave labor, and Afri ty which until then was allowed a would be a mere plebiscite, with no libraries in an unprecendented out can Negroes had to be imported to theoretical existence - was outlawed. opposition candidates. Every citizen, burst of vandalism. In addition to work in the gold mines and on the Perez Jimenez proclaimed that the male and female, above 18 years of the students' protest, a "Patriotic coffee, cocoa and sugar plantations. "New National Ideal" in whose name age, and also all foreigners who had Junta," representing different classes Aside from the Negro slaves, the Span he is ruling is incompatible with the resided in the country for more than ~nd parties, spread illegal leaflets, urg ish colonists ruled over a serf class existence of any political parties what two years, would vote "yes" or "no" Ing the population to protest against which was mostly composed of mesti soever. The "New National Ideal" on the question of Perez Jimenez the "elect.ions." zos~ instead of being purely Indian as means, according to the ideological serving as president for another term. In order to understand the social in Mexico or Peru. Only a part of the nature of the Venezuelan dictatorship cultivated land in Venezuela became 254 THE NfW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 255 feudal; much of the country's agri could only be achieved by the broad ants and artisans supported the Liber pean and North American imperial culture consisted-and still consists masses, in the name of democracy. By al Party sporadically, but remained ism struggled for control of the Vene today-of tiny plots of land cultivated one of those acts of free will of which politically passive at most times. Con zuelan market during the last decades mainly for direct consumption by men have been capable at all times, stant deadlocks between Conservatives of the nineteenth and the first decade primitive, semi-nomadic independent Bolivar broke out of the framework and Liberals rendered the feudal class of the twentieth century. When Euro peasants. Thus the backwardness of of his own class. He compelled the incapable of parliamentary-democratic pean powers sent warships to blockade the country rendered direct and im frightened and demoralized Creole self-governmen t. Lower-class chieftains the Venezuelan coast in 1903, the mediate feudalism impossible, and aristocracy to proclaim the abolition and warlords rose to power as dicta United States, armed with the Monroe made the importation of foreign of slavery and the equality of all cit tors of the country, basing themselves doctrine and the Big Stick, energetic slaves necessary. The capitalist na izens in 1815. The peasant masses, on their army, and exacting tribute ally bade them to depart. North Amer ture of the slave trade forced the col led by the guerilla general, J. A. Paez, from both the Conservatives and the ican mining companies (gold and as onists to adopt more flexible and came to the aid of the Republic, Liberal oligarchy. Many of these dic phalt) obtained sizeable concessions in mod,ern economic methods than chased the Spanish army out of Vene tators rose to power on the crest of Venezuela. But the Venezuelan agrari those of classic feudalism. At the same zuela, moved on into Colombia, and democratic waves, but inevitably de an ruling class, under the government time, the sparsity of the population joined with the revolutionary forces generated into reactionary despots af of presidents Crespo and Castro, made and the abundance of fertile land in there. Bolivar, torn between democra ter a few years. The former guerrilla use of the imperialist rivalry to pre the wilderness enabled at least half cy and aristocracy, ignored the peas general Jose Antonio Paez, the broth vent the predominant economic pene of the Venezuelan peasants to remain ants' half-conscious leanings toward ers Monagas and the efficient though tration of anyone foreign power. outside the feudal relationship and to a social revolution and led his men megalomanic "civilizing autocrat" In 1909 oil was discovered in west practice a pre-historic type of free southward across the Andes, in one Guzman Blanco were the most impor ern Venezuela. Shortly afterwards, the agriculture. of the most far-flung and titanic mil tant among the post-Bolivarian dicta warlord Juan Vicente Gomez over Nevertheless, when the Creoles (na itary campaigns ever undertaken. He tors. threw the government and became tive-born people of Spanish descent) liberated Ecuador and Peru, then !I In the fifties of the nineteenth cen president. He ruled as an aboslute dic i declared their independence from hastened back to Venezuela, pro I tury, Venezuela was tom by a bloody tator for twenty-seven years, granting Spain in 18lI, theirs was basically the claimed the Republic of Greater Co ~ civil war. The Liberals decreed the unlimited concessions to foreign oil revolt of a feudal landowning class lombia (Colombia, Venezuela and Ec definite abolition of slavery and called companies. The establishment of oil against a Spain which until that time uador) and called on all nations of on the people to support them against camps produced an exodus of peasants had been forcing them into the frame the 'Vestern hemisphere to establish the Conservative upper oligarchy. The from the agricultural lands toward the work of its monopolistic mercantilism. a Pan-American Union which was to popular response frightened the Lib wells and land ceased to be primarily The Creole's first uprising was at least be the nucleus of a future union of eral squierarchy, who had not intend a means of production to become an half reactionary: the freedom of trade free republics of the world. But while ed to start a revolution. Under the object of speculation. Soon not only which the Republicans demanded the Liberator was battling the royal leadership of the peasant general Eze all industrial goods but also most was the freedom to exploit their ists in Ecuador and dreaming of uni quiel Zamora, the serfs and former foodstuffs had to be imported from slaves and serfs without restraints im versal justice amidst the glaciers of slaves arose, massacred a considerable abroad. A new class of importers and posed by royal law. The serfs and the Chimborazo, the Creole feudalists, portion of the ruling class-which in agents of foreign firms, composed part artisans not only did not follow the wealthy and secure in their new role its turn slaughtered many thousands ly of foreigners and partly of members republican movement in 1811-1812, of furnishers of agricultural goods to of peasants-and burned down half of the native oligarchy, developed but actually turned against it and Britain, reorganized the liberated the country's plantations and lordly swiftly. crushed it bloodily, sensing quite cor provinces in their own way. Demo mansions. But the revolution fizzled Through the growth of the oil in rectly that the Napoleon-influenced cratic radicalism was repressed: sla olit; neither Zamora nor any of his fol dustry and of import-export firms, a Spain of that time was more likely to very was preserved despite Bolivar's lowers had a clear poli tical conscious native proletariat was born. Many tens protect their human rights than was decrees; the new republics disinte ness; decimated by slaughter, famine of thousands of landless and jobless the Creole squierarchy. Only after the grated into groups of squabbling 'war and pestilence, the Venezuelan peas peasants and agricultural workers defeat of the first republican uprising lords' domains. ant-artisan class fell back under the moved to the oil concessions and to the did the towering personality of Simon The Venezuelan landlord class was political and economic domination of industrial centers. A network of high Bolivar begin to dominate events. divided into Conservatives and Liber the squierarchy. ways was built-mostly by chain gangs Bolivar, a Creole aristocrat himself, als. The former party was composed The economic disasters resulting of convicted criminals or political but deeply imbued with the ideas of of the wealthiest feudal lords, while from the civil war brought Venezuela prisoners, who died by the thousands the French revolution, understood the latter represented the smaller bnd under the creditor rule of Britain, in the process. The great feudal lords, that Latin American independence owners and the merchants. The peas- France and the United States. Euro- who were holding both the economic 256 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 257 general pattern of Venezuelan govern however, won the support of all these and the political power in the interior lalba, Gustavo Machado, Rafael Cal ment was thus the following: the feu groups. of the country, were curbed by Gomez, dera, Romulo Betancourt. Sociologi dal-commercial oligarchy, divided into In 1941, after the invasion of the who killed or imprisoned some of cally, these men were sons of the small a purely feudal Conservative upper Soviet Union and the entry of the them, confiscated their immense es squierarchy-the old middle class. In crust and a Liberal lower half, was un United States into the war, the politi tates and placed his own henchmen in their thought and action they ex able to exercize its class rule directly. cal situation in Venezuela changed political control of the provinces. He pressed the stirrings of the small land A succession of military dictatorships drastically. The invasion of Russia thus transformed pure feudalism into owners, small merchants, native manu rose to power, with the army keeping caused the Communists to proclaim a commercial and capitalist dominat facturers-and ultimately of the work the balance between the feudal aristoc their wholehearted support of the Al ed, centrally controlled feudalism. In a ers and peasants-against the Gomez' racy and the small landlords and mer lied war aims. They thus adopted the way, he played the same role which led feudal-commercial oligarchy and chants. From the beginning of the same position as Democratic Action. the absolute monarchs of the sixteenth against the rule of foreign capital. twentieth century, the imperialist in The Medina government was moved century played in Europe, except for In exile, party programs were elab fluence of the United States supersed by Pearl Harbor to expel all Nazis and the fact that he was not working sim orated. Four main opposition parties ed the difference between Conserva to place Venezuela completely at the ply for a native commercial oligarchy appeared: the nationalist-democratic tives and Liberals, and the army be disposal of the Allied Powers for the but also-and even primarily-for for Republican Democratic Union came the preserver of a modus vivendi struggle against the Axis. In so doing, eign imperialism. Inasmuch as Vene (U.R.D.) led by Jovito Villalba; the between foreign capital and the native Medina was supported by the Left, zuela had become absolutely depend semi-Marxist workers and p~asant oligarchy. and members of the Popular Union ent on the export of a single product party Democratic Action (A.D.) led entered the government. oil-and inasmuch as the dominant by Romulo Betancourt; the Venezue It should be noted that the dictators economic power-the United States lan Communist Party (P.C.V.) led by and army leaders were usually from The war brought extraordinary was in a position to dictate any terms Gustavo Machado. In 1936, the three the Andes. Time after time, the moun prosperity to Venezuela. Commerce to her, she was a colony, as dependent left-wing groups joined together into a taineers swept down on the strife-torn flourished and expanded; native light as she had been at the time of the Popular Union, with a militant anti plains and established their military industries were founded; the native Spanish domination. fascist and anti-feudalist program. dictatorships, "reconciling" the differ bourgeoisie and a new petty bourgeoi sie, increased by a considerable inflow At the beginning of 1936, Gomez ent factions within the oligarchy by of anti-fascist refugees from Europe, THE TRANSFORMATION of a part of the died. His Minister of War, General brute force. From the rise of Gomez gained rapidly in importance; the pro oligarchy into a commercial and capi Eleazar Lopez Contreras, assumed the on, leadership of the army became letariat grew and became more insist talist class, and the growth of a prole presidential powers. He allowed the practically hereditary within Andean ent in its demands. Under the stimu tariat, produced important psychologi people to hold the streets for several families and clans. lus of international anti-fascism and cal phenomena among the eduacted days, to liberate the political prisoners In 1940, Lopez Contreras handed of the economic upsurge of the young grou ps. A genera tion of liberal and and to lynch the worst among the the presidency over to his Minister of commercial and industrial middle radical intellectuals grew up during Gomezist hoodlums. Then he dis War: Isaias Medina Angarita. When class inside Venezuela, Medina, sup Gomez' long reign. A series of con persed them with only moderate Congress elected Medina to be Lopez ported by the Left, began to apply spiracies against the dictator failed, bloodshed, and established a sort of Contreras' successor as political chief progressive policies. While increased partly because the revolutionary intel human Gomesisb in the place of be of the ruling oligarchy and of the na oil 'exports enriched both the feudal lectuals had not yet learned to seek stial Gomezism. He allowed the politi tion, the Popular Union presented the commercial and the bourgeois middle mass support. Gomez repressed the con cal exiles to return to Venezuela, but novelist Romulo Gallegos as opposi class, the Venezuelan government de spiratorial activities with the utmost refused to grant them the right to agi tion candidate for the presidency. But clared the trade unions legal and bestiality-he hanged his enemies by tate freely. Whenever they did, he the Stalin-Hitler pact had caused dis their testicles, or stifled them in their scolded them like a father and sent granted them the right to bargain col sensions within the Popular Union. lectively and to strike. It made Ameri own excrements-and a whole genera them to jail for a few weeks. While the Communists,and the demo tion of revolutionaries was forced into During Lopez Contreras' rule, Dem can and British oil companies raise cratic nationalists of Jovito Villalba their tax and royalties payments to 40 temporary exile, to other Latin Ameri ocratic Action and the Communist took a bitterly anti-North American can countries, or to Europe. Venezue Party were active among the oil and per cent of the total profits. The in and anti-British stand, and advocated creased government revenue was used la's finest men of letters-Romulo Gal transport workers, and trade-unions neutrality in the war, Democratic Ac legos, Andres Eloy Blanco, Rufino were formed. Lopez refused to give the for progressive public works. Slums tion chose the position of internation were cleared and low-cost housing Blanco Fombona-belonged to that unions legal recognition, and jailed al social-democracy in supporting the generation. So did the men who later some of the leaders. units built; schools and hospitals Allied Powers as the lesser evil against were to become the leaders of her From the death of Bolivar to the mushroomed; an advanced social se fascism. The personality of Gallegos, modern political parties-Jovito Vil- presidency of Lopez Contreras, the curity system with free medical care, Fall 1957 259 258 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL. unemployment insurance and mater under a political leadership which was country social movements must be as a whole, including the nationaliza nity and old-age pensions was intro still partly Andean-miltarist. Only the linked to a struggle against national tion of the oil industry, creation and duced. A new labor code established working class, peasantry and petty servitude. He believed that North protection of native industries under collective bargaining, minimum wages, bourgeois (small businessmen, profes American imperialism could be over economic planning, and a strictly neu maximum hours, industrial health sional men, students, etc.) could carry come through reasonable negotiations tralist position internationally. and safety controls, compulsory bonus out the program of bourgeois democ with U. S. liberals. At the same time While Democratic Action felt that es, labor courts, generous indemniza racy and at the same time lay the basis he was intransigent, and through his the Medina regime was unable to tion for dismissals, etc. On the politi for socialism. Democraitc Action never dogma tism antagonized the sections of bring about real democracy in Vene cal level, freedom of action for all non expressed this line of thinking in the labor movement who were under zuela, another group of men also op fascist parties was established. Marxist or even simply in sociological Stalinist influence, as well as indepen posed the government bitterly: the The Medina government was not a terms, but its program very definitely dent leftists who would have liked to young army officers. On the one hand, formal democracy in the parliamen stated that complete political democ give critical support to A.D. if allowed they represented the resentment of the tary sense, but it was extremely demo racy, a land reform, anti-imperialist the chance. new bourgeoisie against the feudal cratic in content. The reactionary measures tending towards the eco At the other extreme, Democratic aristocracy. On the other hand, they militarists, who had constituted the nomic independence of the country, Action included a group which con were moved by the purely professional main influence on the presidency at drastic social reforms and trade union sidered the struggle against imperial ambition to reinstate the army in the the time of Gomez and Lopez Con rule should lead the nation toward the ism to be the first and main task, and position it had enjoyed at the time treras, were evicted from responsible establishment of a "native" form of felt that the national industry, threat of the early dictators: arbiter between posts; Medina surrounded himself socialism. The program of Democratic ened by the importation of foreign different classes and interest groups. with democratic civilians. Trade un Action was very similar to that of the merchandise, should be supported and Inasmuch as the army in its role of ion representatives and leaders of all Revolutionary Party in the Mexican strengthened. This group was willing "arbiter" has always tended eventual democratic political broups had ready revolution and to that of A.P.R.A. in to consider temporary and limited al ly to lean toward the most reactionary access to him. The will of the organ Peru. Democratic Action's member liances with the C.P. and with the class, no Latin American military ized bourgeoisie and of the working ship was recruited mostly among the middle-class nationalist Republican coup d'Etat can be truly progressive. class was at least partly expressed by working class (including white collar Democratic Union. Any civil government, no matter how this government. workers) and partly among intellectu Betancourt represented the labor rightist, offers a better chance for a The Medina government constitut als and small businessmen. The party wing of Democratic Action insofar as democratic development than a mili ed a transition between feudal-oligar was influential in the trade unions. he advocated an immediate struggle tary government. Any movement chic and bourgeois-democratic rule. The fact that Democratic Action against native as well as foreign capi which strengthens the power of the Slowly the democratic influence in it was a two class party, representing tal, and at the same time he represent army is filled with implications that was growing. The anti-fascist climate both the lower middleclass struggle ed a section of the small importers, are ultimately reactionary. In spite of of the times, and the fact that a part of against the upper bourgeois and the who were anti-feudalist but closely this, in October 1945 Democratic Ac the feudal aristocracy was moderniz feudal oligarchy, and the working linked to foreign capital and opposed tion reached an agreement with the ing itself and taking up capitalist ac class struggle against capitalism in nationalist economic measures. young officers of the army for the over tivities helped to stimulate democratic general, was reflected in ideological The thoroughly anti-imperiailst throw of the Medina government. development. Eventually a new party differences among the party's leaders. wing of the party-including the was constituted, the Venezuelan Dem The Secretary-General of the party, writer Romulo Gallegos-represented MANY ASPEGrS of the "October revolu ocratic Party, with Medina at its head. Romulo Betancourt, a former Com the revolt of the working class and of tion" remain obscure. Democratic Ac This party included most of the for munist who had turned violently anti small manufacturers not only against tion was undoubtedly sincere in its mer groups of the Popular Union, Stalinist, had a position comparable the local exploiters but against the desire to establish a regime which with the exception of Democratic Ac to that of European social-democrats. whole international imperialist system would lead the country toward a form tion, which kept its autonomy and He was an implacable enemy of feu which rendered local exploitation in of socialism. On the other hand, the acted as a loyal opposition. dalism and of militarism on the one evitable. Betancourt seemed to have Medina government continued work hand and of Stalinism on the other. At the most revolutionary position at first ing in a progressive direction. Plans By 1945, DEMOCRATIC ACTION felt that the same time, however, he underesti sight, but actually his program im had just been drafted for a new agree Venezuela was ripe for more than a mated the dangers resulting from plied action within the framework of ment in the oil industry, which would transition to bourgeois democracy. United States imperialism. He advo a "reformed" imperialism, while the give the Venezuelan government 50 The democratic transformation of cated a social struggle inside Venezue anti-imperialist wing-which we shall per cent of the total oil profits in the Venezuela could not be carried to its la against the upper classes, forgetting henceforth call the left wing-advo form of taxes and royal ties. The completion by the bourgeoisie itself, to some extent that in a semi-colonial cated a revolution against imperialism United States was worried about the 260 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Fall 1957 261 fact that Medina continued to be sup it curbed the power of the church and of the most progressive democratic novelist Romulo Gallegos, Democratic ported by the Stalinists. The cold war reduced the privileges of religious charters ever established, similar, in Action's candidate, was elected presi was about to start. Inside Democratic schools; it built hospitals and schools, many ways, to the Mexican constitu dent of the Republic. The C.P. and Action, the pro-United States wing undertook a large campaign against tion. U.R.D. asked to be allowed to partici headed by Romulo Betancourt was in malaria, tuberculosis and venereal dis Under Democratic Action leader pate in the government but Gallegos, the majority. Even though Democratic eases, organized rural education pro ship, the trade union movement grew carried to power by an absolute ma Action showed revolutionary tenden grams and anti-illiteracy campaigns. mightily. A new trade union federa jority of the electorate, formed a ho cies, the United States may have felt Most important of all, the junta com tion was founded: the Federation of mogenous Democratic Action cabinet. that it was a bulwark against Com pletely cleared the administration of Venezuelan Workers. Unfortunately, Although Gallegos was president, it munism. In any event, the State De reactionaries, Gomezists and Andean this resulted in a split in the labor was common knowledge that the party partment granted de jure recognition oligarchs, and placed revolutionary movement: the Communist-influenced apparatus, and therefore the adminis to the revolutionary Democratic Ac members of the popular classes in all unions refused to join the Federation. trative machinery of the country, were tion government almost immediately. leading positions. At the same time, Eventually the Federation joined the thoroughly controlled by Romulo The overthrow of the Medina gov Democratic Action awakened the I.C.F.T.U., thus broadening the gap Betancourt. Gallegos himself dis ernment (October 18-20, 1945) was working class and the peasantry to po between itself and the unions which agreed with Betancourt in many re the work of the army forces led by the litical consciousness and activity, remained loyal to the C.T.A.L. (Latin spects. Gallegos belonged to the in young officers and of armed civilians through the holding of mass meetings American section of the W.F.T.U.). transigently anti-imperialist wing of belonging to Democratic Action. and rallies throughout the country. The leadership of the Communist-led party, and looked with some misgiv Bloody fighting took place in Caracas This latter aspect of Democratic Ac unions was divided as a consequence ings at Betancourt's strong sympathies and other cities for two to three days. tion's activities frightened and en of a split within the Communist Par with the United States. Betancourt Houses and estates belonging to no raged the oilgarchy and bourgeoisie ty. A group of dissident Communists had carried out, among other things, torious reactionaries were looted and including even the nationalist radicals founded a group called the Proletari a project establishing a 50-50 partner sometimes burned. The role of the of the U.R.D.-more than any other. an Revolutionary Party, which was ship between the Venezuelan govern Democratic Action militias was impor Before 1945 most political struggles labelled "Trotskyite" by the orthodox ment and Mr. Nelson Rockefeller for tant both in defeating the Medinist had only involved the oligarchy and Stalinists. Although the P.R.P. un the establishment of a "Venezuela police and security guard troops, and upper bourgeoisie. Democraitc Action doubtedly had Trotskyists in its ranks, Basic Economy Corporation," intend in preserving law and order after the brought the working masses to play an its orientation was essentially sydical ed to stimulate the growth of native fighting was over. The militia was in active historical role, and therein lies ist, i.e., it preached direct action, pref industries and the development of ag structed by the revolutionary govern its greatest merit. erably violent, and the general strike, riculture. Democratic 'Action's left ment to disband and to hand over its Through elections based on direct and refused to participate in parlia wing agreed with the Communists and arms after the end of the fighting. The and universal suffrage (for the first mentary politics. The P.R.P. obtained with the Republican Democratic Un monopoly of armed might was thus time in Venezuelan history), a Constit control of one of the two transport ion in that Mr. Rockefeller's interest retained by the army. Democratic Ac uent Assembly was elected. The fol workers' unions. The other transport in Venezuela was not an unmitigated tion mistakenly believed that the dis lowing parties were represented in this workers' union was led by Democratic blessing, but out of party solidarity re missal of the reactionary generals and Assembly: Democratic Action (with Action and belonged to the Federat frained from saving so loudly. In any colonels from the army sufficed to an absolute majority), the Communist ion. The oil workers also were divided event, Betancourt's influence in the make the country safe for democracy. Party, the Republican Democratic Un into two unions, with Democratic Ac party and the government remained so The labor-middle class revolution ion (middle-class nationalist) and a tion controling the larger, and the preponderant, as against that of the ary junta headed by Romulo Betan right-wing opposition party: C.O.P.E. Stalinists the smaller of the two. left wing, that people commonly re court decreed a number of progressive Y. (Christian-Democratic). Although As the trade-union movement grew ferred to the Party Secretary as "Big measures: it put the 50-50 agreement the opposition loudly complained in strength, strikes broke out in all in Romulo" and to President Gallegos as with the oil companies into the prac about Democratic Action's "dema dustries. Production decreased sharp "Little Romulo." tice; it extended and improved social goguery," everyone tacitly agreed that ly in some branches, foreign capital During this period, right-wing security and the labor ltgislation in the elections to the Constituent Assem threatened to desert the country, and groups, often linked to C.O.P.KY., troducing compulsory profit-sharing bly had been fair and honest. the upper classes gave forth a shout of conspired to overthrow the govern and the establishment of works coun The constitution which was elabor alarm. ment. A military putsch was crushed cils; it drew up plans for a sweeping ated by this Assembly reflected the in the city of Valencia. Other conspir land reform (which was never carried ideas held in common by Democratic IN DECEMBER 1947, elections were held acies were discovered. A number of out); it granted full freedom of action Action, the Communist Party and, to for a constitutional government to right-wingers were arrested, but re and expression to all political groups; a lesser extent, the U.R.D. It was one succeed the revolutionary junta. The leased again after some time. At the THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 262 Fall 1957 263 same time, ninety-five per cent of the native manufacturers, prevented the smaller, and whose immediate pro united by a common fear of the work press was anti-governmental, attacking expansion of national industrial pro gram did not advocate revolutionary ing class and the small peasants, the Democratic Action either from the duction, and made large-scale imports policies but only nationalist resistance army was able to profit from both. Right or from the Stalinist viewpoint. of foreign finished goods more neces against North American influence. The native manufacturers were made During the first months of 1948, so sary than ever. Perhaps this explains The Communist Party was finally out to pay exorbitant bribes in return for cial unrest grew more and more in why certain North American maga lawed in 1950. It is interesting to note protective tariffs, while foreign capital tense. Whole sectors of industry and zines, which reflect the opinion of big that the working class leaders of the was forced to accept national protec commerce were paralyzed by strikes; business, were and still are remarkably C.P. were all sent to concentration tive regulations and to share the prof clashes between workers and police friendly toward Betancourt: while a camps or killed, while the leaders of its with Venezuelan investors and the were frequent. Democratic Action's section of the American bourgeoisie bourgeois origin were sent off into ex army, in return for a guarantee against constantly growing working-class mem was interested in overthrowing Demo ile in a rather leisurely way. strikes or nationalizations. bership began to demand the nation cratic Action, another section was well The small, noisy and ineffective It should be emphasized that the alization of basic industries, including pleased with the Venezuelan disorder. P.R.P. was allowed to continue its ex Venezuelan national bourgeoisie is in oil, and for the immediate application When it was already too late, Betan istence for a few months after the out no way a revolutionary class. It is iden of the land reform. Betancourt con court finally decided to take up the lawing of the C.P.; then it disappeared tical with the old feudal oligarchy. tinued, however, to hesitate between revolutionary course of action for also. Like Japan, Venezuela has taken up the right and the left, verbally backing which the party's left wing had been Government henchmen were placed capitalism, not through the destruc the workers but refusing to take up a calling for a long time. To defend the at the head of the trade unions and tion of feudalism by a bourgeois revo revolutionary and anti-imperialist regime against an army coup, he be strikes were made illegal in practice, lution, but through the peaceful trans course of action. The oil companies gan feverishly to distribute arms though not in theory. The progressive formation of feudal into capitalist wished for Democratic Action's down among the workers, students and social legislation created by Medina property. The feudal landlord has fall; the United States government Spanish Republican immigrants. But and by Democratic Action was pre bought a factory-that is all. There worried about the growth of all sorts the army was ready; the Left was served, however, and continued to be has been no structural transformation of Marxist influences in Venezuela; weakened and disorganized by its in enforced in most cases. of society. The native capitalists of the Church screamed about godless ternal dissensions, and at the end of Political prisoners (their number middle class origin did not remain a ness and spread ridiculous rumors to November 1948, Democratic Action varying at different moments between separate class; they were absorbed by the effect that Democratic Action was was overthrown without a fight. 1,000 and 7,000) were sent to concen the modernized oligarchy. drawing up plans for the hanging of tration camps in the wilds of Venezue On the military junta, Carlos Del all priests and the raping of all nuns. A MILITARY JUNTA composded of three lan Guiana. The worst concentration gado Chalbaud represented the most The same bourgeois and anti-feudal colonels (who had been majors or cap camp .wa~ establ~shed on the swampy, moderate and liberal tendency. He officers who had supported Democratic tains in 1945) took over the adminis malana-ndden Island of Guasina in was an honest man personally, and sin Action in 1945 now decided that "the tration of the country. The members tn. the Orinoco delta. Many political cerely believed in an eventual return uneducated masses are getting out of of this triumvirate were: Colonel Car pnsoners-particularly those of work to bourgeois democracy-a liberal re hand" and got ready for a coup d'Etat. los Delgado Chalbaud, Colonel Llo Ing class extraction-died as a conse gim: from which the non-bourgeois The most varied sources of informa vera Paez and Colonel Marcos Perez quence of disease, undernourishment, partIes would be excluded. He de tion agree In that United States offi Jiminez. Delgado Chalbaud was presi blows and tortures. Some were shot plored corruption and failed to under cials seem to have had a hand in the dent of the junta. "while trying to escape." stand that corruption was the very rea preparation of the coup d'Etat. While The junta immediately dissolved . All important administrative posi son for existence of army rule. In 1952 this cannot be proved, it is obvious and crushed Democratic Action and tIOns were occupied by army officers, he was assassinated. that the oil companies and the Ameri jailed all leaders of the Federation of who established a regime of unprece Suspiciously enough, the killers can government had the strongest rea Venezuelan Workers. The Communist de.n~ed c?rruption, thievery and ad were shot by the police, so that they sons to hO}3e for the stemming of the Party was allowed to continue its ex mInIstratIve blackmail. were unable to testify in court. Perez rising proletarian-peasant tide. On the istence and to publish its newspaper The mili tary regime was backed by I i~enez has been suspected of organ other hand, it should be remembered for more than a year after the military two groups: the national bourgeoisie IZlUng the assassination himself, in or that United States exporters had every coup. The Venezuelan bourgeoisie, (native manufacturers and landown der to get rid of his rival for absolute reason to be satisfied with the Vene whom the military junta represented, er~) ~nd ~nited States imperialism P?wer. It seems more likely that he zuelan situation. Venezuelan social un knew perfectly well that Democratic with Its natIve commercial agents and dId not participate in this sinister rest, unsupported by any progressive, Action, with its tremendous influence other hirelings. Balancing itself be affair actively, but that he knew about socialist-oriented intervention on the on the masses, was far more dangerous tween these two groups, whose inter the plan, allowed the assassination to part of the government, harmed the than the Communist Party, which was ests were contradictory but who were· take place, and then destroyed the evi- Fall 1957 264 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 265 dence of his passive connivance. eign capitalists and strike-breakers. it formerly. Neve!theless the great ma remain stationary or almost so. The As soon as Delgado Chalbaud was He rejected Perez Jimenez' offer of jority of capital invested in Venezu working class' relative share in tbe dead, Perez Jimenez announced that an electoral alliance. ela continues to be foreign, so that total national income has been re elections would be held in the near The people elected the Republican basically Venezuela is still dependent duced. future. Democratic Union to power with an ?n the good or bad will of foreign To SUM UP, we can say that Venezue overwhelming majority. Interests. lan history has been that of struggles UNDER THE IMPETUS of colossal oil ex Alarmed, the United States govern The Perez Jimenez government between rival groups within the feu ports, the accumulation of native cap ment made it known to Perez Jimenez furthermore encouraged the develop dal and semi-feudal oligarchy. From ital had made great progress in Vene that it fully suported him as against ment and diversification of agricul 1909 on, the contradictions between zuela between 1948 and 1953. The na Villalba's "communists." Heartened ture. For the first time since the end foreign imperialism and native man tive manufacturing and investing by this North American endorsement, of the nineteenth century, Venezuela ufacturing interests was added to the bourgeoisie clamored for a larger and Perez Jimenez carried out a second became, by 1956, self-sufficient in all conflicts within the country. The peo larger place in the economic world. coup d'Etat. He arrested Villalba and the most important food products. ple (workers, peasants, lower middle While Delgado Chalbaud had leaned put him on a plane. to Mexico. ~e The national bourgeoisie and the class) participated in politics only to the side of foreign capital, Perez dissolved the RepublIcan Democratlc foreign investors need healthy and sporadically, supporting the more lib Jiminez was more sympathetic with Union, imposed a strict censorship technically advanced workers, and the eral among the ruling class groups, the native bourgeoisie, and more dis on the press, and published faked military government has accomplish but faling to rise to the level of in posed to intensify nationalist econom "election results" which gave him a ed a gigantic task of slum clearance dependent action. The army was, and ic measures. The United States gov large majority. He also imposed on construction of low-cost houing units: still is, the arbiter between large and ernment did not view Perez Jimenez' the people, by decree, the senators, construction of schools, almost total small feudalists, and between impe personality with pleasure, and both representatives and even municipal elimination of malaria and syphilis. rialism and native capital. And, above internal and external interests thus councillors who were to govern them Within. ten years the Venezuelan peo all, it carries out the traditional army pushed the dictator 0 permit opposi for the next few years. ple, whlch was one of the most disease task of defending the oligarchy a tion candidates to run against him in He had shown the United States ridden on earth, has come to be heal gainst the urban and rural poor, the 1953 elecions. how essential he was as a bastion thy. The level of nutrition remains against the vast, still undifferentiated The two opposition parties which against proletarian-peasant revolution. low, but the natural growth of the masses, within which the industrial still existed were the Republican In return for the service he rendered population, as a consequence of the worker, the peasant and the small Democratic Union, which put up Dr. the imperialists by keeping the work reduction of child mortality, is soar shopkeeper are still allies in a com Jovito Villalba as presidential can ers down and by safeguarding the in ing. (2.3% in 1956). mon struggle. didate, and the C.O.P.E.Y., with the terests of the oil industry, he was now These constructive works. like the Which political groups represent candidature of Dr. Rafael Caldera. free to work for the native bourgoisie destructive ones, are being carried the best potentialities for a revolu The C.O.P.E.Y. had shrunk to a tiny and to intensify his program of eco out with bourgeois-military brutality. tionary struggle tending in the gen group of idealistic Christian-Demo nomic nationalism. The workers are placed in the huge, eral direction of socialism? crats. The bulk of the party's former Through ever more severe protec modern, impersonal gm ernment a C.O.P.E.Y. is negligible. It repre rightist membership had deserted and tixe tariffs he made it unprofitable for partment buildings by force, without sents merely a few idealistic and con joined Perez Jimenez' "Independent foreign firms to export finished goods having the slightest say in the matter. science-stric'ken members of the oli Electoral Front." to Venezuela. Henceforth, in order Technical progre'is, made necessary garchy itself. Villalba was supported by all dem not to lose the Venezuelan market. by the rise of th~ national bourgeoi The RepubEcan Democratic Union ocratic and radical elements in the they had to invest capital inside Ven sie, is forced down the people's is unreliable. It is bourgeois ann anti country. Democratic Action and the ezuela and set u p subsidiary factories throats, and any independent action Marxist. It represents the new middle Communist Party, through their il in partnership with Venezuelan capi or thought on the part of the working class (liberal professions, small native legal resistance groups inside Vene tal. From 1953 on, the industrializa class is repressed with the greatest manufacturers). It wants a national zuela, exhorted the masses to vote tion of Venezuela thus made gigantic ruthlessness. The shadow of fear capitalism, independent of foreign for the U.D.R. Bourgeois as he was, progress. In a process of "decoloniza fear of the secret police, the 'securitv imperialism. Sincere as its anti-impe Villalba suddenly found himself to tion," the country ceased to be a mere guard and the concentration camp rialism may be, it is destined to be be the leader of the working class supplier of raw material and market hangs very visibly and individually caught between the real adversaries and the lower middle class. He cam for finished goods, to become an in over everyone. Furthermore, the the oligarchy and the workers and paigned radically, advocating the na vestment market. The native bourge health and housing programs do not peasants. Forced to chose sides be tionalization of the oil industry, a oisie thus won a large share in invest make up for the fact that prices and tween these major antagonists, it will land reform and the expulsion of for- ment fields which had been closed to profits are rising steadily while wages ultimately chose the side of reaction. Fall 1957 266 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 267 Its present attitude, even in exile, it again. It has resistance groups with fact that the oligarchy includes sensi with Democratic Action, has two gen shows that it is terrified at the idea of in Venezuela and remains in touch tive men and women who detest the eral tasks: a social revelution of the masses. It with the people. corruption, cruelty and obscene "new (1) Bring about a union of all anti wishes to replace the mili tary dicta Venezuelan independent revolu rich" attitude of the ruling gang on dictatorial forces, including those of torship by a "good," middle class, na tionary socialists in exile should work moral grounds-though they detest the liberal bourgeoisie, to overthrow tionalist dictatorship. It blames Dem in Democratic Action. They should the "communist mob-rule" of Demo the Perez Jimenez government, in tac ocratic Action for "stirring up the combine the struggle for a Marxist cratic Action even more. tical cooperation with the liberal good but barbarian masses which are education of the party members with Large sections of the oligarchy long members of the army itself; not yet ready for full self-govern a practical struggle against the bu for a decent, dignified, humane, civi· (2) At the same time, carry out an ment." reaucratic methods and policies of lian semi-democracy. The cynicism intensive political campaign among The Communist Party is also unre the Betancourt leadership. Inside Ven with which the December "elections" the working class. If the working class liable. It consistently places national ezuela, they should try to join the have been prepared, the obscenity can be brought to take an active part ism first and social revolution last. It illegal party. If this is not possible, with which governmental smut sheets in the overthrow of the dictatorship, wishes to fight for national economic they should establish their own illegal like "La Prensa" smear the exiled and to stand as an independen t social independence on the basis of a union groups, formulate their programs and opposition leaders (the dictatorship and political force as soon as the first of several classes, including the sec be ready to join Democratic Action tries to discredit its enemies by im liberating task has been done, the tion of the national bourgeoisie which individually or in groups, whenever it plying that they are all homosexuals) democratic struggle can then be is not linked up with foreign capital. may become possible to do so. -these things have helped to stir up The rank and file members of the bourgeois and oligarich resentment pushed on into a more advanced Struggle for democracy within the party are heroic, devoted, incorrup against the infamous little fat man phase. party, Marx.ist educ~tion, strengthen tible, truly revolutionary. Some of the whom journalistic hacks call "the ing of the anti-imperialist, "third The fulfilment of the first task leaders are admirable too. But the eagle from the Andes." camp" tendency: these are the tasks overthrow of the dictatorship and party's dependence on Russia, its The political parties in exile are in which Venezuelan independent social and re-establishment of bourgeois tendency to import read-made foreign tacit agreement on the following issue: ists should undertake within the ranks democracy-may come about very soon. formulas to deal with a specifically the immediate and most urgent task of Democratic Action. The preparation of the second task Venezuelan situation, its sectarianism is the overthrow of the dictatorship independent class action of the work and intolerance, its undemocratic and and its replacement by a civilian par WHAT CAN BE DONE at present and in ers and peasants-will require much hierarchical organization, its readi the near future? liamentary government, no matter patience, courage, devotion and, un ness for long-term cooperation with how conservative such a government The main weakness of the dictator fortunately, time. upper-class nationalists-all these are may be. For the moment, the liberal ship is the discontent of the oligarchy negative factors. Furthermore, the sections of the bourgeoisie and the Juan Parao itself. elections of 1947 showed that the CP Left can and must work together for enjoyed the support of only a rather The Venezuelan bourgeoisie has the accomplishment of that first, ba small section of the workers, peasants to pay a heavy price for the military sic task. This understanding has been and of the lower middle class. protection it enjoys: from the traffic expressed in the illegal, anti-govern That leaves Democratic Action. cops to the president of the country, mental pre-election propaganda of the MAGAZINE CHRONICLE The party is far from perfect. The every group in the national adminis "Patriotic Committee" (Junta patri Betancourt group has dangerous bu tration collects bribes. To avoid a otica). The Junta patriotica, which reaucratic and sectarian tendencies, fine for improper parking, one pays spread leaflets calling for free elec Hook Goes Soft and at the same time it is over-ready a bribe of 20 bolivares (US $6); to tions, represented the opposition of for compromise with imperialism. obtain an identification paper without members of all classes against Perez On Gomulka The left-wing of the party is subjec waiting all day, one pays 40 bolivares Jimenez.· The Fall 1957 issue of tively admirable but lacks a clear ($12); to obtain a government con In the same way, the student riots, Partisan Review contained a long, ser program on the basis of which it could tract for the construction of twenty which brought about the violation of ious and highly interesting article by neutralize the personal influence and apartment buildings, one pays a bribe the University grounds and buildings Sidney Hook entitled "Socialism and the political line of Betancourt. But, of 3.3,1) million bolivares ($1 million). by the security guard, were carried Liberation." in spite of this, it is the only party Furthermore, a bourgeois goes to jail out by students pledging allegiance There are so many remarkable which is a true, native outgrowth of as easily as a worker-free speech is to all parties, from C.O.P.E.Y. to Dem things about Hook's article that it is the exploited classes. It had the con impossible even for the wealthiest oli -7atic Action and the CPo impossible to treat them fully in the fidence of the masses and could win garch. And in the last place it is a The socialist Left, working in or brief space of this column. But let me

268 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL .c-.JI 1957 2-69

• there are sweeping conclusions drawn ulate, most conscious among the in take two points to give an idea of the does, seeking to anticipate the fate of from the words themselves. Almost at tellectuals, pervades the people and intellectual flux which is taking place an isolated and unassisted anti-Com random, I picked a Stalin pamphlet develops into action. in the mind of a man who, for almost munist revolution in one satellite, is from my book case and turned up Without that action, without the a decade, has symbolized a "hard" simply a way of foreclosing the possi with this: "What is the prinicpal mer support of the masses of people, the (heedless of many of the civil liber bility of any significant internal ~e it of the socialist method of industri intellectuals may "constitue a perma ties aspects of the problem) anti-Com velopment. (Can we forget, for In alization? It is that it unites the in nent opposition to cultural and po munism. stance, that Warsaw was the match terests of industrialization with the litical tyranny" as Hook affirms. But For one thing, Hook views changes which lit the powder-keg in Buda- interests of the basic mass of the la will they provide a way for the trans in contemporary Communism primar pest?) . bouring population, that it does not formation of the society? Will Hairich, i ly in terms of shifts in ideology and This is not to come out In favor of impoverish the masses but improves unaided by the German working class, in doing so he quite often seems to a sterile "revolutionism," to predict their living standards.... " It is from change Ulbricht? Hook does not face lapse into a strange methodology. that always and at every moment the a speech delivered against the Opposi this question, because he has ruled For another, this very approach leads Russian people are on the verge of tion in 1926, and these words are, of out the possibility of really answering him to an estimate of Gomulka which an uprising. But it is .to say .tha~ the course, the cover for a line of action them. Instead, he has become . . . soft is, to say the least, surprising in its question cannot be VIewed In Isola which was to be their direct contra on Gomulka, soft on Kardelj, overly softness and optimism. Indeed, at tion-or rather, that if you do, you diction. anxious to find change in the bureauc times one hears all kinds of echoes of will be forced, like Sidney Hook, to What is most surprising is that racy, overly optimistic. Isaac Deutcher in Hook's piece see hope in a "gradual transformation, Hook himself has given ample evi In all of this, it is, of course, im which is something we had hardly within the ideological tradition of dence that he understands this point. possible to assume the attitude of been prepared for, given his past Marxism-Leninism. . . ." Why then this change? The answer is, having the answer. The development writings. But the second thing which must I think, related to the first point. of the struggle against Communism For Hook, the destruction of the be noted about Hook's opening pre Hook has no perspective of decisive within the Communist world is an Hungarian Revolution rules out the mise is of greater methodological in mass revolutionary action within the agonizing, zig zag thing. But once one possibility of a sudden, internal trans terest: it is his emphasis upon change satellites because he takes the satel rules out the most fundamental dy formation of the Communist world. "within the ideological tradition of lites singly, he abstracts them from namic of that transformation, the ac Consequently, "The only realistic per Marxism-Leninism." (My emphasis) their relation to Russia and the rest tion of the workers and farmers, of spective in the next historical period This shows up most sharply in his of the world. Once having done this, the people united against tyranny, short of a revolution or civil war analysis of Gomulka. For example: his hope for change must then be di there are only two political choices: within the Soviet Union itself-is, it ". . . when Gomulka proclaims that rected toward the bureaucracy itself, "liberation" through the armed inter seems to me, liberation by evolution. 'the best definition of the social con or rather, toward the intellectuals. vention of the West; "gradual trans I mean by this the gradual transfor tents inherent in the idea of social "Even without war and foreign inter formation" through an inexplicable mation, within the ideological tradi ism is contained in the definition that vention, even without violent revolu process in the Communist world it tion of Marxism-Leninism, of the to socialism is a social system which tion, the intellectual elite of all Com self. The first alternative presupposes talitarian system of Communism in abolishes the exploitation and oppres Communist countries will produce in risking the destruction of humankind; satellite countries into a liberation sion of man by man,'. . . these pro each generation, and in every social the second, a Communist ruling class culture.... " Two points need com nouncements constitue a more radical group or class, critical spirits nur remarkably susceptible to abstractions ment here. The first is that Hook is revision of traditional Marxism-Len tured on the ideals of freedom ex and unmindful of class position. It is concentrating upon the satellite coun in ism-Stalinism than do Titoism and pressed in the classics of Marxism... " strange to find Sidney Hook, in this tries in isolation from Russian devel Maoism. Its sweep is as radical as Ock (my emphasis) Fine. That is, of article, tending toward the second opments. That is, he is mooting the ham's intellectual transformation of course, true and we have had ample choice. Aristotle. For it follows at once from really central issue, which is the evidence of it. But when does this MICHAEL HARRINGTON spread of the anti-Communist revolu this conception of socialism that it is transformation inside the intellectual tion into the heartland of Commu absent in the Soviet Union and the i: elite become politically operative, i.e. nism itself, into Russia. We now know alleged people's democracies.... " at what point does it constitute a sig /~------~, that the Hungarian and Polish events Such an approach is truly remark i, nificant threat to the ruling class THE NEW INTER.NATIONAL left their mark upon Russian society, able, for it is based upon Hook taking l (which will always put its Hairichs The Marxist review for BerioUB indeed that their impact penetrated Gomulka at his word. There is no in jail and tell its Dudinstevs how Btudenta of Bocial iB8'Ue8 China and was one of the reasons for analysis of the Polish leader's balanc to write books)? Clearly the answer 50 cents '2 a , ..r Mao's famous speech of February, ing between the Natolinist right wing is, when the spirit which is most artic- 19.17. Posing the question as Hook and the revolutionary left. Rather, ,~------,' Fall 1957 271 Z70 THI. HEW INTERNATIONAL pIe of democracy shall find expression not only in political life but in labor re lations and in economic systems .•. the I BOOKS IN REVIEW I extent of participation in the ownership WHAT DO YOU KNOW ABOUT and management of economic enterprise LABOR? by Harry W. Laidler by the common people, in one form or an and James :fIrlyers. John Day, 1957. ?th~r, is at once a final test of democracy m mdustry, and one of the surest guar 301 pp. $4.75. antees that industry will be run primari Some people know no ly for the service of all and n'Ot for the more about union labor than what profit and prestige of the few. they learn from the man who repairs Socialism, it could be added, is noth their plumbing. For this great middle i?g more than the complete and con class, the authors present an elemen SIstent ap~1ication of this principle: tary textbook-type work for easy read the extenSIOn of democracy into in ing. Laidler is executive director emer dustry. itus of the League for Industrial De mocracy and once a frequent socialist But our authors seem convinced candidate for public office; Myers is that the road to democracy in indus industrial relations secretary of the try runs through the harmonious col Federal Council of Churches of Christ laboration of the owners of industry in America. Unionism is painstakingly a!ld their employees. We suggest a described so as to stimulate maximum SImple democratic device to test this appreciation for its aims; occasionally, thesis. In politics, every man gets one it is admonished to make improve vote and everyone agrees that such a ments. system is fair enough: apply that prin In some detail and with obvious ciple, then, in industry. Let every sympathy they describe various plans worker have one complete vote and for labor-management cooperation no less while every manager gets one and mutual understanding; in these vote and no more in running industry. schemes they see ~ constant trend I am afraid that even the most ardent toward co-determination in industry employer advocate of cooperation leading increasingly toward an exten would shrink away in horror at such sion of "democratic ownership" in in "subversive" democracy demonstrat dustry. Their own views are best sum ing that industrial democracy must marized in this paragraph: be wrested away from capital by labor. It is imperative that the saving princi- BEN HALL

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