A Re-Examination of the Past 3
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Conservatism and Pragmatism in Law, Politics and Ethics
TOWARDS PRAGMATIC CONSERVATISM: A REVIEW OF SETH VANNATTA’S CONSERVATISM AND PRAGMATISM IN LAW, POLITICS, AND ETHICS Allen Mendenhall* At some point all writers come across a book they wish they had written. Several such books line my bookcases; the latest of which is Seth Vannatta’s Conservativism and Pragmatism in Law, Politics, and Ethics.1 The two words conservatism and pragmatism circulate widely and with apparent ease, as if their import were immediately clear and uncontroversial. But if you press strangers for concise definitions, you will likely find that the signification of these words differs from person to person.2 Maybe it’s not just that people are unwilling to update their understanding of conservatism and pragmatism—maybe it’s that they cling passionately to their understanding (or misunderstanding), fearing that their operative paradigms and working notions of 20th century history and philosophy will collapse if conservatism and pragmatism differ from some developed expectation or ingrained supposition. I began to immerse myself in pragmatism in graduate school when I discovered that its central tenets aligned rather cleanly with those of Edmund Burke, David Hume, F. A. Hayek, Michael Oakeshott, and Russell Kirk, men widely considered to be on the right end of the political spectrum even if their ideas diverge in key areas.3 In fact, I came to believe that pragmatism reconciled these thinkers, that whatever their marked intellectual differences, these men believed certain things that could be synthesized and organized in terms of pragmatism.4 I reached this conclusion from the same premise adopted by Vannatta: “Conservatism and pragmatism[] . -
The Failure to Attain Socialist Unity [June 1908] 1
Bohn: The Failure to Attain Socialist Unity [June 1908] 1 The Failure to Attain Socialist Unity by Frank Bohn Published in The International Socialist Review [Chicago], v. 8, no. 12 (June 1908), pp. 752-755. The unity of the Socialist movement should risk its fundamentally correct principles in the rough undoubtedly have been attained in 1901. Failure to and tumble of a united movement. The scientific truths secure the desired end by all of the then existing fac- at the bottom of the revolutionary upsweep were made tions was due to a wrong position taken by some com- over into the mumbled litany of a sectarian clique. rades, who will now pretty generally admit their error. And thus Truth lost its beauty and saving power. There is no doubt, of course, that selfish conceit had The SLP failed, second, because of its wrong no small part to play in the matter. The error was that methods of propaganda and organization. Men and each element in the Socialist movement of a nation women who will develop into revolutionists worth- should have a separate organization and oppose one while to the movement are sure to demand respect another openly before the working class. This posi- and decent treatment from their teachers while they tion, long felt to be wrong by those of the Socialist are learning. This consideration the honest utopians Labor Party who were active in the IWW, has finally and reformers in the movement (and all of us were been officially surrendered by that party. But every such) have never received from The People, by which argument which can be massed for unity today was the work of the SLP is ever judged. -
History 600: Public Intellectuals in the US Prof. Ratner-Rosenhagen Office
Hannah Arendt W.E.B. DuBois Noam Chomsky History 600: Public Intellectuals in the U.S. Prof. Ratner-Rosenhagen Lecturer: Ronit Stahl Class Meetings: Office: Mosse Hum. 4112 Office: Mosse Hum. 4112 M 11 a.m.-1 p.m. email: [email protected] email: [email protected] Room: Mosse Hum. 5257 Prof. RR’s Office Hours: R.S.’s Office Hours: T 3- M 9 a.m.-11a.m. 5 p.m. This course is designed for students interested in exploring the life of the mind in the twentieth-century United States. Specifically, we will examine the life of particular minds— intellectuals of different political, moral, and social persuasions and sensibilities, who have played prominent roles in American public life over the course of the last century. Despite the common conception of American culture as profoundly anti-intellectual, we will evaluate how professional thinkers and writers have indeed been forces in American society. Our aim is to investigate the contested meaning, role, and place of the intellectual in a democratic, capitalist culture. We will also examine the cultural conditions, academic and governmental institutions, and the media for the dissemination of ideas, which have both fostered and inhibited intellectual production and exchange. Roughly the first third of the semester will be devoted to reading studies in U.S. and comparative intellectual history, the sociology of knowledge, and critical social theory. In addition, students will explore the varieties of public intellectual life by becoming familiarized with a wide array of prominent American philosophers, political and social theorists, scientists, novelists, artists, and activists. -
Socialist Labor Party: 1906-1930 (Pdf)
SSOOCCIIAALLIISSTT LLAABBOORR PPAARRTTYY:: 11990066 ––11993300 A 40TH ANNIVERSARY SKETCH OF ITS EARLY HISTORY By Olive M. Johnson OLIVE M. JOHNSON (1872–1954) [EDITOR’S NOTE: For purposes of continuity, it is recommended that Henry Kuhn’s sketch of SLP history from 1890 to 1906 be read first.] EITHER the grilling financial struggle nor even the conspiracies and treacheries tell the whole tale of the Party’s history during the decade from NN1895 to 1905. The really important thing is that in the crucible of struggle its principles and policies and with it the principles and policies of the revolutionary movement of America were cast and clarified. De Leon himself grew in stature and conception during these trying years. It is necessary here to review the situation. Party Policy Clarified. Long before 1905 De Leon, and with him the Socialist Labor Party, had perceived that the policy known as “boring from within” the labor unions would never accomplish its aim of turning the members of the “pure and simple” faker-led American Federation of Labor (A.F. of L.) into classconscious Socialists. The most active members in fact were “boring themselves out.” At the same time it was becoming ever clearer to the S.L.P. that the political movement of the workers must have “an economic foundation.” This foundation, of course, pointed directly to the shop and factory; but the shop and factory were either left entirely unorganized or in the hands of the A.F. of L., which, as was becoming increasingly clearer, while an organization of workers, was officered by “lieutenants” of the capitalists, hence just as much a capitalist organization as the German army was a ruling class Socialist Labor Party 1 www.slp.org Olive M. -
Michael Harrington
Michael Harrington What Socialists Would Do in America If They Could L et's pose a far-reaching question, without socialist alternative. It is with this thought in pretending to answer it fully. What would mind that I undertake an attempt to define a happen in America if we were able to make it socialist policy for the (still unforeseeable) come to pass? How would we move beyond middle distance. First, I will try to outline the welfare state? What measures would be some of the general problems raised by such taken on the far side of liberal reform, yet well an imaginative definition of the future. Then, short of utopia? there will be a brief sketch of that possible These questions are not academic. In socialist future. And finally, I will try to relate Europe today there are democratic socialist these speculations to the immediate present, mass parties that are putting them on the since I am convinced that projecting what political agenda. In America there is, of should be must help us, here and now, in de- course, no major socialist movement, yet. But vising what can be. this society is more and more running up against the inherent limits of the welfare state. I: Some General Problems We can no longer live with the happy as- sumptions of '60s liberalism—that an endless, noninflationary growth would not only allow Capitalism is dying. It will not, however, us to finance social justice but to profit from it disappear on a given day, or in a given month as well. -
Journal of Transcendental Philosophy 2021; 2(1): 71–83
Journal of Transcendental Philosophy 2021; 2(1): 71–83 David J. Stump* The Kantian Elements in Arthur Pap’s Philosophy https://doi.org/10.1515/jtph-2020-0013 Published online October 30, 2020 Abstract: Arthur Pap worked in analytic philosophy while maintaining a strong Kantian or neo-Kantian element throughout his career, stemming from his studying with Ernst Cassirer. I present these elements in the different periods of Pap’s works, showing him to be a consistent critic of logical empiricism, which Pap shows to be incapable of superseding the Kantian framework. Nevertheless, Pap’s work is definitely analytic philosophy, both in terms of the content and the style. According to Pap, the central topics of analytic philosophy concern meaning, modality, and analysis. Pap was also influenced by pragmatism, especially in his dissertation, although he does not fully embrace it in either its classical or its Quinean form. Keywords: Arthur Pap, Ernst Cassirer, a priori, analytic philosophy, neo- Kantianism 1 Introduction Arthur Pap studied with Ernst Cassirer at Yale, writing a Master’s thesis under his supervision. He then returned to Columbia where he had received his under- graduate degree, to earn his Ph. D. under the supervision of Ernest Nagel. One might wonder if either Cassirer, the neo-Kantian, or Nagel, the logical empiricist with a pragmatist streak,1 had a lasting influence on Pap, given that his oeuvre is 1 Nagel is a complex figure and hard to categorize. He studied under Morris R. Cohen, who could be described as a rationalist and his early work includes some very important historical pieces on mathematics. -
University Microfilms
INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. ' 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: a Political Portrait and Personal Recollection
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: A Political Portrait and Personal Recollection Rachelle Horowitz Editor’s Note: The names of Tom Kahn and Rachelle Horowitz should be better known than they are. Civil rights leader John Lewis certainly knew them. Recalling how the 1963 March on Washington was organised he said, ‘I remember this young lady, Rachelle Horowitz, who worked under Bayard [Rustin], and Rachelle, you could call her at three o'clock in the morning, and say, "Rachelle, how many buses are coming from New York? How many trains coming out of the south? How many buses coming from Philadelphia? How many planes coming from California?" and she could tell you because Rachelle Horowitz and Bayard Rustin worked so closely together. They put that thing together.’ There were compensations, though. Activist Joyce Ladner, who shared Rachelle Horowitz's one bedroom apartment that summer, recalled, ‘There were nights when I came in from the office exhausted and ready to sleep on the sofa, only to find that I had to wait until Bobby Dylan finished playing his guitar and trying out new songs he was working on before I could claim my bed.’ Tom Kahn also played a major role in organising the March on Washington, not least in writing (and rewriting) some of the speeches delivered that day, including A. Philip Randolph’s. When he died in 1992 Kahn was praised by the Social Democrats USA as ‘an incandescent writer, organizational Houdini, and guiding spirit of America's Social Democratic community for over 30 years.’ This account of his life was written by his comrade and friend in 2005. -
Electrification and the Ideological Origins of Energy
A Dissertation entitled “Keep Your Dirty Lights On:” Electrification and the Ideological Origins of Energy Exceptionalism in American Society by Daniel A. French Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree in History _________________________________________ Dr. Diane F. Britton, Committee Chairperson _________________________________________ Dr. Peter Linebaugh, Committee Member _________________________________________ Dr. Daryl Moorhead, Committee Member _________________________________________ Dr. Kim E. Nielsen, Committee Member _________________________________________ Dr. Patricia Komuniecki Dean College of Graduate Studies The University of Toledo December 2014 Copyright 2014, Daniel A. French This document is copyrighted material. Under copyright law, no parts of this document may be reproduced without the express permission of the author. An Abstract of “Keep Your Dirty Lights On:” Electrification and the Ideological Origins of Energy Exceptionalism in American Society by Daniel A. French Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree in History The University of Toledo December 2014 Electricity has been defined by American society as a modern and clean form of energy since it came into practical use at the end of the nineteenth century, yet no comprehensive study exists which examines the roots of these definitions. This dissertation considers the social meanings of electricity as an energy technology that became adopted between the mid- nineteenth and early decades of the twentieth centuries. Arguing that both technical and cultural factors played a role, this study shows how electricity became an abstracted form of energy in the minds of Americans. As technological advancements allowed for an increasing physical distance between power generation and power consumption, the commodity of electricity became consciously detached from the steam and coal that produced it. -
The Intellect As a Weapon for Freedom
34 Academic Questions / Summer 1996 The Intellect as a Weapon for Freedom John H. Bunzel: Past president of San Jose State University, former member of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, and senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305-6010. I never took a philosophy course from Sidney Hook, something I always regretted. But in the late 1970s I struck it rich. From 1978 until he died eleven years later, hardly a day passed that I didn't have an opportunity or a reason to spend time with Sidney at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, frequently over coffee in the afternoon but more often in his office or mine. We talked about everything because just about everything that provoked the clash of ideas was meat and drink to him and roused his love of argument and demanding skep- ticism. I admit unashamedly that I took unreasonable advantage of his gener- osity of mind and spirit. "It's been a good day," Sidney once remarked. "I've had three fights." He was happiest in intellectual combat, when he could draw on his seemingly unlimited energy and passion and, by his aggressive mobilizing of clear-headed and logical distinctions, expose the foolishness of muddle-headed adversaries who were unprepared for the sheer compellingness and discipline of his think- ing. It is little wonder that both his colleagues and students have remembered him for his brilliant teaching, his vision of excellence, and, above all else, his commitment to the cultivation of truth. When Sidney started to write his autobiography, I suggested he call it "Rebel With a Cause." He shook his head disapprovingly. -
Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Max Shachtman
The Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Max Shachtman Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Max Shachtman Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Cousin John * Marty Dworkin * M.S. * Max Marsh * Max * Michaels * Pedro * S. * Max Schachtman * Sh * Maks Shakhtman * S-n * Tr * Trent * M.N. Trent Date and place of birth: September 10, 1904, Warsaw (Russia [Poland]) Date and place of death: November 4, 1972, Floral Park, NY (USA) Nationality: Russian, American Occupations, careers, etc.: Editor, writer, party leader Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - ca. 1948 Biographical sketch Max Shachtman was a renowned writer, editor, polemicist and agitator who, together with James P. Cannon and Martin Abern, in 1928/29 founded the Trotskyist movement in the United States and for some 12 years func tioned as one of its main leaders and chief theoreticians. He was a close collaborator of Leon Trotsky and translated some of his major works. Nicknamed Trotsky's commissar for foreign affairs, he held key positions in the leading bodies of Trotsky's international movement before, in 1940, he split from the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), founded the Workers Party (WP) and in 1948 definitively dissociated from the Fourth International. Shachtman's name was closely webbed with the theory of bureaucratic collectivism and with what was described as Third Campism ('Neither Washington nor Moscow'). His thought had some lasting influence on a consider able number of contemporaneous intellectuals, writers, and socialist youth, both American and abroad. Once a key figure in the history and struggles of the American and international Trotskyist movement, Shachtman, from the late 1940s to his death in 1972, made a remarkable journey from the left margin of American society to the right, thus having been an inspirer of both Anti-Stalinist Marxists and of neo-conservative hard-liners. -
Eugene V. Debs: a Graphic Biography Study Guide
EUGENE V. DEBS STUDY GUIDE This Study Guide is intended to encourage individual and group discussion of the broader subjects raised in Eugene V. Debs, a Graphic Biography, available for purchase here. Our purpose is to help make the study of Socialist history popular again, within DSA and beyond. Discussion questions for each chapter follow: THE RISE OF EUGENE V. DEBS: 1. How did young Gene Debs grow into becoming a union activist, and how did he come to socialism? 2. What is the role of the outstanding personality within the socialist movement, then or now? 3. How does participation in electoral political change that role? Short Readings • Gene Debs and the American Railroad Union here • Labor in the Gilded Age here DEBSIAN SOCIALISM: 1. How did the Socialist Party create a wider public following and an electoral voting base? 2. How did it build influence within the labor movement? 3. How can we create that today, with the changes in media, politics and labor? Short Readings • Debs and the Industrial Workers of the World here • The socialist paper Appeal to Reason sold a half-million copies here TRIUMPH—AND THE EDGE OF TRAGEDY: 1. What was the impact on socialism of the changing cultural attitudes known as “Modernism” or “Bohemianism,” during the 1910s? 2. How did Socialists react to mass strikes and demonstrations during that period? 3. What are the major cultural shifts today and what are the expressions of mass insurgency? How do we act upon, and within, them to build the movement? Short Readings • Read The Masses, a major radical cultural magazine of the period here • Bread and Roses, the Lawrence, MA textile strike of 1912 here MARTYR DEBS: Repression decimated the socialist movement while internal divisions splintered its energies and demoralized its membership.