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The Challenge of Engaging Informal Security Actors in DFID's

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The Challenge of Engaging Informal Security Actors in DFID's Lisa Denney Thin Security? The challenge of engaging informal security actors in DFID’s security sector reform programme in Sierra Leone Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University Submitted October 2010 THESIS SUMMARY The United Kingdom‘s Department for International Development (DFID) has undertaken a highly innovative development strategy in Sierra Leone, reforming the security sector of the post-conflict state in order to ensure a stable environment in which investment and development can occur. Yet in doing so, DFID has not engaged with the actual locus of security provision in Sierra Leone and the effectiveness of reforms thus remains limited. This thesis seeks to understand why DFID has been unable to engage with informal security actors in its security sector reform (SSR) programme in Sierra Leone. Informal security actors are the dominant providers of policing and justice in Sierra Leone, with approximately 80 per cent of the population relying upon their services. Despite this, however, this thesis illustrates that DFID‘s bureaucratic and political nature produce particular understandings of security and the causes of war that focus overwhelmingly on state capacity and security provision. As a result, DFID engages with only state security providers and state failure aspects of the causes of war. Ultimately, this approach limits the ability of DFID‘s SSR programme to comprehensively address the causes of conflict and sustainably transform security provision in Sierra Leone. These limitations must be overcome if DFID is to remain at the forefront of SSR policy and practice. CONTENTS Acknowledgements page ii Acronyms iii Maps iv-v Introduction: 1 CHAPTERS 1 The United Kingdom‘s ‗African Albatross‘: DFID‘s policy on Sierra Leone 24 2 Challenging UK policy: ‗Thicker‘ understandings of conflict, security and governance 58 3 The thickening blue line? Challenges of informal policing for DFID‘s Family Support Units 97 4 Courting local justice: DFID‘s Justice Sector Development Programme 143 5 Security sector reform by liberal, bureaucratic means? 189 Conclusion: 225 Interview List 235 Bibliography 238 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis has benefitted from an eclectic team of outstanding supervisors. Professor Michael Williams inspired me to begin the PhD process in the first place. His enthusiasm, humour and rigorous supervision have made me a better scholar. Upon Mike‘s departure from Aberystwyth, Professor Hidemi Suganami has provided meticulous reading of my argument in an area far from his own research interests. Thank you Hidemi for being a willing Africanist! My secondary supervisor throughout, Dr Alastair Finlan has offered constant support and been perhaps the only person to read my footnotes! Alongside this team has been my unofficial fourth supervisor, Professor Richard Rathbone, who has been immeasurably generous in both time and spirit. Thank you for remaining excited by my work, for arguing with me and for being a dear friend. Dr Carl Death, Dr Julia Gallagher, Neville Smith and Dr Kamila Stullerova also deserve thanks for reading parts of this thesis. Your time and advice was very much appreciated. This research would not have been possible without funding from the EH Carr studentship, provided by the Department of International Politics at Aberystwyth University, the Overseas Research Scheme of Aberystwyth University, the Gareth Jones Memorial Travelling Scholarship awarded by the University of Wales and the Caroline Adams Travel Bursary. My thanks also go to the Centre for International Policy Studies at the University of Ottawa for facilitating a study trip in my final year to continue working with Professor Williams. To Mike and Rita – thank you for making our time in Canada so enjoyable and for your ongoing advice and friendship. To those who so generously offered me their time for interviews – thank you for allowing me into your homes and for imparting your work, experience and wisdom to enrich this thesis. In particular my thanks go to Keith Biddle, Adrian Horn, Kadi Fakondo and members of the Promoters of Peace and Justice in Freetown and Bo. Every field researcher should have a Lilian Barson-Frost – whose humour and warmth have sustained me now for two stints in Sierra Leone! Betty and Ali, the best of informants, also deserve special thanks for making fieldwork in Sierra Leone a wonderful experience. To my fellow inmates and friends Ross Bellaby and Matthew Fluck – may the spirit of Office No. 1 live on for many years to come! Clare Paine and Laura Routley have eased the PhD journey with many coffee and brownie breaks and their passion for their own research in Africa has been a continual source of inspiration. To Mum and Dad - I owe an irreparable debt. Your support, love and belief have made all else possible. Finally, to Daniel McCarthy – your insights and indefatigable enthusiasm for scholarship continually push me further. Thank you for being the joy at the end of each day. October 2010 ii ACRONYMS ACPP African Conflict Prevention Pool AFRC Armed Forces Revolutionary Council APC All People‘s Congress CCSSP Commonwealth Community Safety and Security Project CDF Civil Defence Forces CDIID Complaints, Discipline and Internal Investigations Department CGRP Chiefdom Governance Reform Programme CHAD Conflict and Humanitarian Affairs Department CPDTF Commonwealth Police Development Task Force CPP Conflict Prevention Pool DDR Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DFID United Kingdom Department for International Development ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group FCO United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office FSU Family Support Unit GCPP Global Conflict Prevention Pool GoSL Government of Sierra Leone IGP Inspector General of Police ISU Internal Security Unit JSCO Justice Sector Coordination Office JSDP Justice Sector Development Programme LCU Local Command Unit LDP Law Development Programme LNP Local Needs Policing LPPB Local Police Partnership Boards MoD United Kingdom Ministry of Defence NCOIC Non-Commissioned Officer in Charge of Crime NPFL National Patriotic Front of Liberia NPRC National Provisional Ruling Council ODA Overseas Development Agency OSG Operational Support Group PCRP Paramount Chiefs Restoration Programme PPJ Promoters of Peace and Justice PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper RUF Revolutionary United Front SILSEP Sierra Leone Security Sector Reform Programme SJSR Security and Justice Sector Reform SLA Sierra Leone Army SLP Sierra Leone Police SLPP Sierra Leone People‘s Party SSD Special Security Division SSR Security Sector Reform UNAMSIL United Nations Assistance Mission in Sierra Leone UNOMSIL United Nations Observer Mission in Sierra Leone iii MAPS Sierra Leone and regional surrounds iv Provincial map of Sierra Leone District map of Sierra Leone Chiefdom map of Sierra Leone Chiefdom map of Sierra Leone v Introduction In the car park next to a disused swimming pool in the United Kingdom Department for International Development‘s (DFID) Freetown compound, white four-wheel drives pass in and out of fortified gates. Sierra Leone‘s eleven year civil war, which left 10,000 amputees, 35,000 orphans, and which partly had its roots in a dilapidated education system, might lead you to assume that the 4WDs were carrying medical supplies or returning from visiting schools upcountry.1 In fact, until 2009, DFID‘s projects in Sierra Leone focused overwhelmingly on the police, military, intelligence service and judicial system. Its funding more frequently supported the provision of uniforms, training in teargas and baton use, supplementing the salaries of judges and lawyers to deter them from private practice and building living quarters for the armed forces. Such work is indicative of the changing nature of development assistance, from being concerned primarily with education, healthcare and human rights up until the 1990s, to focusing increasingly on security since the end of the twentieth century.2 Security, DFID policy and practice suggests, is a prerequisite for more traditional development.3 As a result of this purported security-development nexus, ‗programming in what traditionally were two discrete sectors is increasingly meshing.‘4 Furthermore, this cosier relationship between security and development seems set to continue for the foreseeable future, with DFID spending under David Cameron‘s coalition government focusing on security in conflict and post-conflict countries.5 This more proximate relationship between the concepts of security and development has combined with a zeal for social-engineering, resulting in a proliferation of peacebuilding interventions that aim to recreate societies that will supposedly ensure a more peaceful world order.6 As Francis Fukuyama notes, ‗the ability to shore up or create from whole cloth 1United Nations Children‘s Fund, ―At a Glance: Sierra Leone,‖ http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sierraleone_statistics.html, accessed 31 August, 2010. 2 Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars (London: Zed Books, 2001). 3 DFID, ―Eliminating World Poverty: Making globalisation work for the poor,‖ White Paper, December 2000; DFID, ―Poverty and the Security Sector‖ (London: DFID, 1998). 4 Agnes Hurwitz and Gordon Peake, ―Strengthening the Security-Development Nexus: Assessing International Policy and Practice Since the 1990s,‖ Conference Report, International Peace Academy, April 2004, 1. 5 BBC News, ―UK to spend £1bn on ‗war‘ nations,‖
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