Public Voices, Private Closets, and Naked Truth: The Pamphlet Wars, 1640-1660

Georgia Lee Wilder

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Enylish University of Toronto

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Jim and Barbara McBride Georgia Lee Wilder ZOO0

Public Voices. Private Closets, and Naked Truth: The Pamphlet Wars. 1 640- 1 660

Doctoral Thesis. 2000 Graduate Department of English by Georgia Lee Wilder

Abstract

In 1640. George A. Thornason. perceiving that he lived in interesting times. attempted to colIect every pamphlet which the presses produced. Censorship collapsed the following year. In an unprecedented printculture revolution. women and nien îkom a wide range of social backgrounds and ideologicd perspectives entered into a war of words. As this pamphlet warfare is fimdamentally dialogic, my thesis investigates a wide range of printed ephemera with emphasis on texts which occasioned an extended series of responses. To its participants. the levelling of the press engendered anarchy and babble. In Bak ht i nian terms. this pamphlet warfare constitutes heteroglossia. The tendency of respondents to utilize each other's rhetoric. however, created a dependency on shared tropes and images. with the human body. ofien feminized or transgendered, being a common figure for the timcs. 1 argue that the body becomes the dominant literary iopos of this factioned state.

My Introduction notes that the pamphlet wars are tiequently dismissed as a literary aberration, and reconsiders the value of the aberrant. Chapter 1 addresses the perception that civil war pamphlets are anti-literary products of a unified 'Puritan' agenda. and acknowledges the critical repositioning of civil war literature within this past decade. This chapter outlines some rhetorical innovations of the pamphlet wars. discussing tigurations of the body in the pamphlet genre. Chapter 2 focuses on images of the transgendered body. and traces the politicization of gendering from Jacobean fashion debates through 10 interregnum satires. Chapter 3 investigates the politics of early modem cooking manuals. Using the titular conceit of a 'closet opened' or

'cabinet unlocked.' cookbooks promise to expose the female body and its private space to the public gaze. Chapter 4. by contrast. discusses vying masculinities. In debates regarding monarchy versus constitutional govemment. the body politic becomes an ailegory featuring a (male) ruling head and its (female) govemed body In Chapter 5.1 argue that Milton's Presbyterian detracton equate his divorce tracts with a 'domestic violence' which creates faction and schism in the body poiitic. Under the aegis of Crornweil's tolerationism. Utopian socialists levelled the body politic, refusing to subordinate to any head that was determined either by gender or estate. My

Conclusion points to Restoration imperatives to re-embody masculine. monarchical authonty, and reinvent the boundaries of female space. Acknowledgements

1 would first Iike to thank Professor A. H. de Quehen. who has been a superb supervisor.

Professors Michael Dixon and Mary Nyquist. who formed my advisory cornmittee, have also been enomously attentive throughout every stage of this project. 1 am doubly indebted to

Professor Dixon, who has supported my endeavoun as both a member of my cornmittee. and as the Director of Graduate Studies in English. As well. 1 would like to extend a very special Thank

You to Professor Nyquist for entrusting me with her unpublished work. and for her friendship and support while we were in Wales. Working with this committee has ken both a privilege and a pleasure. 1 would also Iike to thank Professor Heather Campbell, my extemal examiner, for responding to my work with such interest, enthusiasm. and attention to detail. Throughout my studies at the University of Toronto, 1 have also been guided by the wisdom and thoughtfihess of Professor Emeritus F.T. Flahiff. 1 am extremely gratetùl to a11 those who shared their expertise, and expressed their confidence in my abilities and ideas. 1 hope that in- the cornpletion of this project 1 have fûlfilled their expectations.

Funding for my graduate studies has ken provided by Ontario Graduate Scholarships, the

University of Toronto English Department. and the School of Graduate Studies. 1 would especially like to thank Sharon Walton and Cecilia Martino. who have frequently gone beyond the cd1 of duty to organize and expedite the enormous flow of papework which has made this endeavour possible. In the process of researching my topic. Professor Joseph Black at the Centre for Renaissance and Reformation Studies. Toronto. the librarians at the Bodleian Library,

Oxford, and the micro-text staff at Robarts Library. were extremely helpful. A11 images which 1 have reproduced in this dissertation are fiom micro-text. and 1 am very grateful to University Microfilms international for having the opportunity to utilize their resources.

Throughout my years as a student at the University of Toronto. 1 have had many outstanding mentors, fiends. and colleagues. 1 would like to express rny admiration of Dn. Mark

McDayter, Chantel Lavoie, Susan Glover. Tanya Wood. and David Tortell. who have been my role models in graduate studies. and who have been extrernely generous with their time and ideas. Joan Rawlins and Ned Djordjevic deserve outstanding thanks for editing and proof-reading rny thesis, and for providing me with their expert advice. Any emors which remain are, of course. my own. Finaliy, and most importantly. 1 would Iike to thank Anna Gutmanis for her love, patience, intelligent insights, and constant encouragement - and for tenaciously enduring some difficult times x, that we cmnow ceiebrate together. Preface

My primary resource for printed ephemera is the Thomason Tracts ( 1640- 166 1), available through microtext facsimiles. AI1 citations from the Thomason coIIection are followed by the catalogue number. Where texts cited predate the Thomason Tracts. 1 have viewed the works catalogued by Pollard and Redgrave, and have prefaced the short-title catalogue number with

STC. For works which Thomason omitted, or texts published after 166 1. 1 have cited the second edition of the Donald Wing shon-title catalogue. and indicated the Wing number. In cases where more than one copy of a text exists, 1 have attempted to cite the copy which is most complete and legible. Frontispiece illustrations and title pages. for example. tend not to be available on al1 extant copies. Where possible, 1 have exarnined original texts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, or at the Fisher Rare Book Library and the Centre for Renaissance and Reformation Studies,

Toronto. 1 have noted the location of these holdings in my bibliography.

I have preserved original spellings. but replaced the -long s' with "S." and "Wwith

"W." 1 have retained capitaiization and italics within quotations. but amended titles to conform to

MLA style. 1 have also altered the Lady Day dating to represent the year as begiming January 1.

As pamphleteers frequently use anomalous spellings- improper ternis. and colloquid language in wordplay, 1 have inserted 'sic' only in instances where a typographical error interferes with the sense of the text. In cases where the text provides a putative author. 1 have listed the text under that name, even if it pseudonymous. Where Thomason provides an anribution, 1 have followed his attribution, and cross-indexed it with any corresponding pseudonyms. 1 have not followed

Donald Wing's attributions unless an entry in the Stationer's Register or modem scholarly evidence confins the attribution. Table of Contents

Abstract

Acknowledgements

Preface vi

Table of Contents vii

List of Illustrations viii

List of Abbreviations i x

Introduction: Aberrant Literature, 1640-1660 1

Chapter 1. The Pamphlet Wars: Heteroglossia and Critical Utopian Socialism 8

Chapter 2. This Body is Not a Lovesong: Public Voices and Uncivil Wars 53

Chapter 3. Private Closets, Secret Recipes. and Monstrous Appetites 100

Chapter 4. Masculine Constitutions: The Naked Truth 148

Chapter 5. Divorce and the Levelled Body 183

Conclusion: Response Texts and Restoration 23 1

Appendix 1. John Taylor and The Parlament of Women ( 1640): An Attribution 236

Bibliography 243

vii List of Illustrations

Figure 1 "The Rebellion of the Hands and Feet" ( 165 1)

Figure 2 A Deciaration of a Strange and Wondertul 1 ,Monster ( 1 646)

Figure 3 The Ranters Monster ( 1652)

Figure 4 John Taylor. Mad Fashions (1 642)

Figure 5 John Taylor. The World Turn'd Upside Down ( 1647)

Figure 6 The Welsh-Mans Postures ( 1 643)

Figure 7 John Partridge's pnvate study ( I 573 )

Figure 8 Frontispiece fiom The Good Huswi fes lewell( 1 596)

Figure 9 Frontispiece from The Accom~lishtLadvs Delight ( 1677)

Figure 10 A Portrait of Henrietta Maria. The Oueens Close? Owned ( 1655)

Figure 11 A New Plav Called Canterburie His Change- of Diot ( 1641)

Figure 12 A Portrait of Elizabeth Grey. Countess of Kent (1655)

Figure 13 Portrait of Hannah Woolley ( 1 677)

Figure 14 Em blem of a headless woman ( 1 6 1 5)

Figure 15 A New Sect of Reliszon Descmed, Called Adamites ( 164 1 )

Figure 16 "The Divorcer." from A Catalogue of the Severall Sects (1 647)

Figure 17 "The Divorcer." from Ephraim Pagitt. Heresiographv (1647)

Figure 18 Bloudv Newes from Dover ( 1 647)

Figure 19- The Parlament of Women (1640) List of Abbreviations

AEB Joumal of Analvtical and Enmerative Bibliom~hy

Bod. Bodleian Libtary shelf nurnber

CSPD Calendar of State Papers Domestic

DNB Dictionarv of National Biogradw

ELR Enelish Literary Renaissance

HLQ

JBS Journal of British Studies

OED Oxford English Dictionarv (on-line edition)

PRO Public Record Office holdings. Great Britain Introduction: Aberrant Litetalure, 1640-1660

"The English republic of the mid-seventeenth century is traditionally viewed as an aberration in political and literary history." proclaims tlis sditorial synopsis of David Norbrook's

Wnting the English Republic: Poetrv. Rhetoric and Politics. 1627-1660. Norbrook's text is one of a small number of recent works dedicated to rescuing mid-seventeenth-century writing tiom obscurïty. demonstrating that rnany ephemeral works are not aberrational. but missing links. which are instrumental in explaining the transition from Renaissance to Restoration orthodoxies.

I am greatly indebted to the groundbreaking scholarship of David Norbrook. Nigel Smith. Sharon

Achinstein, and a number of other w-riters. whose works 1 review in Chapter 1. Although generic prejudices against pamphlet litenture remain widespread. recent critics have made great strides in promoting the literature produced by the English re\ oliition. and the study of English revolutionary literature continues to be an emerging and sxciting field of discourse.

My project. however. is not to reinforce the seemingly familiar. cornfortable. orthodox elements of these ephemeral works. but to challenge the nsgative inilection of the aberrant. The pamphlet wars of the 1640s and 1650s produced radical. Iieterodox. and ofien bizarre works.

They articulate anxiety. disorder. and estrangement. The ephemera of pamphlet warfare deserve critical attention because they are estraordinary: but such \+orksdid not emerge ex nihilo upon the collapse of censorship in 1 64 1. Literary deviancr invol ves innovation and the manipulation of existing rhetorical strategies. Controversial eschanges required the suasiveness of classical oratory. forcing pamphleteers to create texts which could both reflect and comect the sense of 'a world turned upside down.' Immediacy of occasion demanded concision and imagistic clarity. In pamphlet warfare. a text necessari!>. commanded the pou c'r and violence of weaponry, C3 challenging received notions of deconun. The unprecedented events of actual revolution created modes of discourse which are --revolutionary" in both srnses of the term. The aberrant, 1 argue. should not be swnmarily dismissed as inferior.

One of the fascinating aspects of the mid-se\-enteenth-century pamphlet wars is the range of diverse voices which gained access to printing. The col Iâpse of censorship brought an unprecedented number of diverse voices into the public sphere. These voices bear uncanny resemblances to modem ones. Although press freedom uas temporaq- and tenuous. lapses in censorship throughout the period provided democratic access to printing. Pamphlets variously promote religious toleration. increased suffrage. womsn's political and religious activism, proletariat enfranchisement. a proto-communis~redistri bution of wealth. a proto-capitalist drive towards a market economy and meritocratic earning and the rejsction of monarchical and ecclesiastical authority. With the uncertainties of uar and protectorate politics. however. came the desire to explain the inexplicable through prophecy. millenarian visions. superstition, and paranoid voyeurïsm. Amidst new and emerging voicrs. those writiny in support of kingship needed to reconsider thrir rhetorical approaches. The nionarchist viewpint became counter- culture. While the initial revolutionq imperati vt: spl i ntercd into multiple. disparate ideologies. cornplaints of disorder and babble becarne a constant refrain. Linguistic confusion mirrored state disorder. Ironically. the cornplaint of babble emanates e\.sn tiom those who are major contributors to the confusions of pamphlet \vartàrtr.

This chaos of linguistic ditlierences. ofien espressed ivithin a single pamphlet, constitutes

Bahktinian heteroglossia. In the pamphlet wars. ho\vc\.cr. there exists no overarching unity or authority to frame the heteroglossic discourse. The vocal disunity of pamphlet warfare reflects the historical situation. From the initial war against the king led by General Fairfax. to the

termination of a protectorate headed by Richard Crom~vsll.anti-kingship movements were

constantly shifiing, and could not sustain univocal authorit? No singular political. religious, or

economic mode1 of govemment predominated. This historical situation corresponds to what

Marx and Engels term "critical-Utopian socialism'~:a stats of post-îèudal. but pre-capitalistic

revolution marked by disunity. The Utopian repubiic ultimately fails because its emerging

proletariat has no solidarity. and its proto-capitalist movement has yet to gain an economk power

base. The resemblances to modernity are premature. Even the small sects and political factions of

mid-seventeenth-century England rarely present a uniform ideological program. In the absence of

a defined program. the propagandist largely promotes his or her individual perception of an

ideology. thus creating further diversification. Also. with the formation of new sects and factions

within the period. individual alliances tend to shi fi.

Writing a thesis on the pamphlet literature produced between 1640 and 1660 inevitably

poses certain problems: 1 ) The enormous output ot'ths presses and the diversity of voices create challenges in selecting representative works: 2) The events of the period, and the pamphlets which respond to those events do not tend themselvrs to a linear narrative. My response to the first problem was to discover some type of common ground: something which facilitated communication between disparate w-riters. yet which is unique to the discourse of the pamphlet wars. What is shared by disparate writers and comrnon ewn in diverse genres is the image of the human body. In the destruction of social hierarchies. the confusion of shifiing ideologies, and the perceived babble of diverse voices. the body remains common to a11 as a shared site of discourse.

In a warring and anxious nation. however. the body is not stable. Even that which is most basic to human experience enters a state of chaos. In controversial eschanges. the body becomes the dominant literary topos of political anxiety. As pamphlet uarîàre is generically dialogic, 1 have chosen texts which occasion an extended series of responses. While nurnerous pamphlets daim to be answers to other pamphlets. the response test doss not ahvays announce itself as an answer.

The appropriation of tropes. characters. and other tictive dsvices undercuts the ethos of allusion, distorting the voice and the body of the opponent.

In consideration of the second problem. 1 have chosen to discuss five separate ways this corporeality is utilized. with each chapter exempli f'ing certain aspects of the revolutionary body.

By choosing distinct sites of pamphlet warfare. I hope to demonstrate the range of civil war and interregnum voices without forcing disparate works into a single linear narrative. Chapter l, "The

Pamphlet Wars: Heteroglossia and Critical-Utopian Socialism." examines the state of literary cnticism and historicisms. proposing ways in which revolutionary Iiterature can be recovered fiom a long history of critical neglect. This chapter introduces a number of authors who feature prominently in revolutionary discourse. It provides an own-iewof the tropes and fictive devices which are specific to the genre of pamphleteering. and features examples of the body as a revolutionary topos.

Chapter 2. "This Body 1s Not a Love Song: Public Voices and Uncivil Wars," marks the transition between the body as a Renaissance love object. and the body as a site of violence in civil war discourse. The heterodox body becomes weaponry in the war of words. It is variously transgendered. englarged. monsterized. and deformed. The body wit hin the text draws attention away frorn the corporeality of the pamphleteer. kvho fiequently employs anonymity or pseudonymity to separate the author from the test. Corporate authorship. another phenornenon of 5 the pamphlet wars. ofien represents the speaking body as rnlarged by mass support. Wornen as corporate writers and collective protestors. working in solidarity with apprentices and tradesmen. are associated with an emerging proletariat. Satires rrspond by representing vocal women as

Iarger-than-life viragos. cornmanding mies and establishing parliaments of women. Vocal women represent state disorder. Their putative weapon. the female tongue. increases babble and

eossip. ferninizing political confusion. C

Chapter 3, "Private Closets. Secret Recipes. and Monstrous Appetites" investigates the

development of early modem cooking manuals as domestic. private. and predominantly feminine

space. These works promise to expose the female body to the reader. Cookbooks fkequently use the titular conceits of a 'closet opened' or a 'cabinet unlocked.' which contains a 'treasuy' of

'secret deiights.' That the offerings of a cooking manual are implicitly sexual accords them a certain popularity amongst satinsts. Bodily appetites become pditically inflected. Faux recipes claim to reveal an oppnent's monstrous sexual and cannibalistic cravings. During the civil wars. the cookbook al1 but vanishes. and pamphlets claiming to be 'cabinets opened' expose

intercepted miiitaq correspondence. The cookbook returns in full force during the interregnum, as the King's former cooks attempt to restore hegemonic order. adwomen writers begin to control the production of their 'secret' recipes. WhiIe the early modem cooking manual initially advertises a virtuous domestic space. pamphletesrs cal1 into question domestic virtues such as hospitality charity. Domestic. ferninine space bscomes the site of suspected plots. intrigues, and sedition.

Chapter 4 turns the gaze ont0 the male bodl.. "Mascutine Constitutions: The Naked

Truth" examines the gendered body politic allegon. in u kich the male head niles over a female body. For civil war parnphleteen. the relationship beturen King and Parliament. or King and

Subject. is a marriage - two bodies united in a single tiesli. Potrer is detined by masculine headship. As anti-monarchical writen appropriate ihis al kgoq of nationhood. however. they atternpt to re-gender it. not wanting to be represcnicd rth a lkriialr bod'. Evepone wants headship. The debate moves awq- from marriage. turning to images of \.>*ingmasculinities. and the development of constitutionalisrn. This c1iaptt.r csriiii iiirs the mascul ine discourses of Filmer.

Hobbes. Milton. William Prynne. and Lucy Hutcliirison- as neil as a number of lesser-known parnphleteers.

Of those writers who employ the marital üIlc.g~~r~.Milton is unique in promoting divorce as the virtuous. manly method of dissolving kingsliip. In C'hapter 5. "Divorce and the Levelled

Body." 1 argue that Milton's divorce tracts are îùndanit.iiirilly political. and were received as such by his immediate respondents. Following the battk ot'\llirston bloor. Presbyterians. fearing

Cromwell's tolerationism. represent the 'Divorcer' as a scctarian and schismatic. For Milton, however. a divorce of the people from state autliorii> \\aiiecrssap for the reform of church governrnent. The workers who comprised the sccts \\o~ilcfbe responsible for usine their diverse skills in building an ideal cornrnonwealth. Wliile \liltoii coiitinued 10 enLision a body politic ordered by male rule and fernale subsewience, Iiis detrwroru noticed that milt ton lefi divorced women independent of masculine authority. Anti-tolerritionists fiequently derided the sectarian acceptance of women's preaching. and featured swrarimism as a corrupt. ferninine power in the body politic. Paradoxically. Milton's detractors tigured liini both as a wife abuser. and as a promoter of female independence. For the millenarians. hrx\t.\*er. the gendered body existed as a hierarchical. woridly fom. the eradication of n liicti \\oiild ushrr in God's kingdom on earth. 7

These Utopianists level and de-gender the body politic. and often promote some form of gender equality. They never fully succeeded in their social levrlling programs. but they destabilized masculine discourse in the revolutionq period.

Whether or not the events of mid-seventernth-century England constitute a completed revolution in the eyes of historians. parnphleteers perceived that a revolution was unfolding before them. The Restoration imperative to dismiss the literature of the civil wars and interrepnum as aberrational and inferior was a pditical necessity. not an objective evaluation.

Yet the force of the Restoration imperative continues to condition our own methods of evaluation, and to contribute to our own marginalization of these revoiutionary and aberrant works. Chapter 1

The Pamphlet Wars: Heteroglossia and Critical-Utopian Socialism

Oh let that day from time be blotted quite. And let belief of t in nest age be waived. In deepest silence th'act concealed might. So that the Kingdom's credit might be saved. -- Lord Gsnenl Fairfax. 1649.'

I see a troop of Horse on the skyline - Parliament's. They charge our pikemen: now they vanish like moving cloud-shado\\-sacross the field. 1 cannot follow the clouds: I am chained to my carcass hovering. as others are. above their unburied selves. -- Gladys Mary Coles '

General Fairfax. commander-in-chief of the New Mode1 Amy since its inception in

1645. could neither anticipate. nor condone regicidr. Despite king head of the Parliamentarian forces for four years. he seemed to have Iittle awareness that the events in which he participated were part of a revolution which would topple the monarch-. The above verse records his response to the exrcution of Charles 1: the atrocity must be forgotten. The only method by which the kingdom could regain its honour was. paradosicail>..through deception. The past must be blotted out. Gladys Mary Coles's late-twentieth-centun. poem. "Afier Edgehill." an evocative

' Thomas Fairfax. "Oh Let That Day fiom Timr Br Blotted Quite." The Faber Book of English Historv in Verse. ed. Kenneth Baker (London: Faber. 1989) 183. Baker gives the date of the poem as 1649. but it does not appear to have besn published during the period. See Joseph

Frank. Hobbled Penasus:- A Descriptive Bibliographv of Minor English- Poetw. 1641-1660 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 1 968 ). Neither does it appear in modem anthologies of the penod such as Henq Merle>-. ed. The Kinv and the Cornmons: Cavalier and Puritan Song (London: Sampson Low. Son. and Marston. 1868): George Saintsbuq. ed., Minor Poets of the Caroline Penod 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon. 1 905): Peter Davidson, ed., Poetrv and Revolution: An Anthologv of British and Irish Verse. 1 625- 1660. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998). ' Gladys Mary Coles. "After Edgehill." Leatburners: New and Selected Poems (London: Duckworth. 1987). and historically detailed work. serves as a remembtiring. .A ghost speaks. Bodies are "unburied."

and will not be forgotten. What has nearly been forgotten. however. is that the men and women

who participated in the Engl ish Rsvolution had thsir oun \.oices. and used these voices to create

diverse and innovative Iiterature.

In the last decade of the twentieth centun-. a small nurnber of excellent books and articles

began to investigate the epherneral literature of England's civil wars and interregnum. Although

much of mid-seventeenth-century tractate literature. referred to as the pamphlet wars, had been

previously cataiogued and investigated for its historical and political signiticance. the treatment

of diis material as literature remains a fiesh but rapidly enpanding area of critical discourse.' In

this chapter. 1 wiil provide an overview of the current scholanhip in this tield. to which 1 am

greatly indebted. These critics invariably note the long tradition of critical negiect: and 1 will

posit thac the neglect of this material is not merely an oversiyht. but a deliberate act of forgetting

which stems from a variety of factors. 1 ) The periodization of English literature: included as the

latter part of the English Renaissance (1 550- 1660). civil war material does not reafinn

Renaissance notions of ethos and decorurn. It does not fit the period. The Restoration's libertine

poetry and courtly excesses appear to be reactions to an sra of asceticism and sexual repression

rather than a continuation of the linguistic freedorns introduced by the collapse of censorship. 2)

Despite the theoretical 'death of the author.' criticism remains fixated on authorship. In the

' See. for example. S.R. Gardiner, Histon. of the Great Civil War, 1642-1649 4 vols.. (London: Longmans. Green. 1893-94): S.R. Gardiner. Histon. of the Commonwealth and Protectorate. 1649-1 660 4 vols. (London: Longmans. Green- 1903): William Haller. ed., Tracts on Libertv in the Putitan Revolution. 1638- 1647 3 vols.. (New York: Octagon. 1965); David Masson. The Life of John Milton: Narrated in Connexion ~iththe Political. Ecclesiastical. and Literarv Historv of Mis Time 7 vols. (1 859-1 880: Glouwstsr: Peter Smith. 1965). pamphlet wars. authors frequently publish their works anonymously. pseudonymously. or corporately. 1 will address these fint two problems in more dstail in Chapter 2. 3). Parnphleteen not oniy disparaged their opponents. but displaw open disdain for the genre of pamphleteering.

The Restoration subsequently instituted forgettùlnsss. This contemporaq bias is noted and re- examined in recent works on the pamphlet wars. 4) The misperception that pamphlet-war literature is du11 and didactic stems from generic assumptions imported into the discipline of

English literature from conservative historicat narratitxs.

The sense that rnilitary or political discourse is masculine discourse remains a problem.

Evidence fiorn contemporary sources records the participation of Royalist. Parliamentarian, and vigilante club-women in medconflicts throughout the civil wm. Women were also active participants in the political debates and protests of the period. Parliamentary forces are frequently dended as a "thirnble and bodkin amy" because womrrn donûted their jewellery and personal effects to the military cause. Although women were not accorded officiai status or rank, their presence was sufficiently alarming: the militant u-oman bttcame a sign of the times. The actual participation of women. and the contemporaq perception of their activities is rarely integrated into modem historicat narratives. Seventeenth-centun. histories frequently note the participation of women. but position such representations propagandistically: that defenders of a siege resort to female assistance demonstrates their desperation. Enemy Lvomen are unnatural. rnonstrous, or barbarous. Heroic women are lauded for their mimetic- rather than rational abilities, conveying a spirit of 'masculine' virtue. Learned and vocal women are frequently disparaged as 'talking parrots.' Educated, vocal. and active women tend to be tiamed as curiosities. and vestiges of this treatrnent continue to seep into modem historical discourses ~vhichdefine female involvement in 11

the wars as a rare but interesting novelty.

Also. terms such as "puritanism." "Puritan Party." and more recently. "ultra-Protestant."

artificially uni@ disparate groups and individuals associated with anti-monarchical. and anti-

episcopal politics. Hence. anti-Royalist writing becomes generically classed as mordistic,

didactic writing. This sense of party politics obscures the diverse and dikeersely heterodox nature

of voices which emerge on a11 sides of the war and throughout the interregnum. It also obscures

the fluidity of alliances. and the extent to which individual authors utilize original genres and

new rhetoricai strategies.

Civil war pamphlets tend to be occasioned by vsq- specific. and ofien minor, historical

events. Frequently they are dense with proper narnes and topical allusions. Literary critics are

necessady reliant upon the writings of historians for basic ducidation. rather than king

exclusively reliant upon approaches within the discipline of English literature. The myth of

puntan unity has been extremely usehl in constructing linsar narratives such as the development

of modem Parliamentary process: the nse of bourgeois capitalism: the formation of a modem

rnilitary system; the development of journalism: and the movemcnt from patronage to textual

comrnodity. These narratives are applied to English studies. as texts are categorized according to

their historical penods. and valued according to their ability to reassen the validity of an

established narrative. In removing this sense of ideological unity from the events of the 1640s and 1650s. we return to what contemporary pamphleieers perceived as babble. or the various

languages of Babel's confusion - a print-culture phenomenon which is itself revolutionary. As it is. the editors of the Norton Antholo~y,for example. summarily dismiss the pamphlet wars as "hoarse and incoherent ~arfare.'~without considering that incoherency is itself a rich topic for

cntical reassessment. Instead of retuming to a theory of unified puritanism. or to a substinite

order prornoting linearity. 1 will suggest that this situation of ideological and vocal disunity

reflects what Marx and Engels term -'critical-Utopian socialisrn." In formulating a corresponding

literary analysis. the discordant voices of the parnphiet \vars can be viewed as a forrn of

Bakhtinian heterogtossia - but one which is de\-oid ot'an>-overarching authority. 1 do not wish to

suggest that the pamphlet wars must be seen through this particular theoretical lem; but what 1

contend is that this approach is usehl in deconstructing the tnditions of critical neglect and

institutionalized forgetfûlness.

Despite using voices so diverse that the? can be construed as disparate Ianguages,

pamphleteers communicated with each other. often sngaging with their opponents in an extended

series of response texts. What pamphleteers have in coninion is not a political or religious

framework. or even a particular language. but a shared place or topos of discourse. which is the

body. I will argue throuphout my thesis that the body is the dominant topos of revolutionary

literature; and most fundamental to the body's construction are issues of gender. Other bodily

aspects. such as sexuality. regimen and appetite. heal th and sickness. beausr and deformity,

fecundity and impotence. fashion and nalcedness. namr and voice. are necessarily part of the

body as topos. but also. they frequently function as aspects of the body's gender. In the pamphlet

wars. that which is most tactile. and most fundamental to one-s existence had become destabilized. The body in pamphlet literature does not contorm to the tixed polarhies of male and

' M. H. Abrarns. et al.. eds.. The Norton Xntliolocv of Enalish Literature 5th edn. vol.1, (New York: Norton, 1986) 1056. female, nor does it lead to narrative coherence. Rarher. i t functions as a space on which text cm

be Witten, embodied. and enacted. The importance of gendcr is frequently articulated by critics

concerned with the revaluing of the pamphlet wars.

Literature Review

One of the main fields of study which has fostsrcd recent interest in the mid-seventeenth

century is that of early modem women. The pamphlet explosion of the 1640s brought an

unprecedented number of women w-riters into print. yst thsse numbers declined sharply at the

Restoration.' For the most part. attention to women's ii riting and representations of women during the English Revolution fom parts of larger studies concemed with the roles of women in the Renaissance. Stuart. or early modem periods. The works of Patricia Crawford, Isobet Grundy,

Hilary Hinds. Elaine Hobby. Phyllis Mack. Mary Prior. Hilda Smith. and Diane Watt. to name but a few. have ken important to rny project. Nso. Julie Crawford's dissertation. -"'Lessons and

Scholynges for Us AH': Monsters As Siens in Earl). Modem Popular Literature" (1999),

investigates images of monsters and monstrous momen in mid-seventeenth-century ephemera. bringing to light a large quantity of pamphlet-war \vritingr'

Regarding texts specific to the English Rr\.olution. James Holstun's collection of essays by nine authors. Parn~hletWars: Prose of the Enelish Revolution ( 1992).' is one of the first tex&

5Patricia Crawford. "Appendix 2: Statistical Analysis of Women's Printed Writings 1600- 1 700," Women in English Societv 1500-1800. ed. Mary Prior (London and New York: Methuen, 1985) 265.

Julie Crawford. '-'Lessons and Scholynges for Us AH': Monsters As Signs in Early Modem Popular Literature." diss.. U OF Pennsylvania ( 1999).

7 James Holstun. ed.. Pamphlet Wars: Prose of'tht: Enelish Revolution (London: Frank Cass. 1992) first appeared as a special edition of Prose Studies 14.3 ( 1992). devoted entirely to this topic.' It includes essays by Sharon Achinstein. Ann Marie McEntee,

Rachel Turbowitz. and Susan Wiseman. which specitically point to various issues of gender and rev~lution.~Holstun's Introduction notes the marked absence of references to the English

Revolution and its literature in modem published tests. --The revolutionary era disappears from anthologies. litemy histories and critical studies of the pcriod with an alaming reg~larity.'"~

What Holstun finds most puuling. however. is neglect from supposedly uvanf-gardecntics.

Post-structuralists have argued for the -'essentially political nature of ail writing." yet continue to focus on the "identifiable canonical author. even if the' problematize that figure ruthlessly."

Proponents of new historicism and cultural materialism are "still much more likely to engage their formalist predecessors on their own poetic and drarnatic terrain than to view them fiorn the perspective of the mid-century pamphlet wars."' ' While The Pamphlet Wars investigates the dialogic nature of pamphleteering. Lois Potter's slightly rarlier study looks specifically at

Royalist texts.

Lois Potter's Secret Ri tes and Secret Wri t i nrr : Ro\.al ist Li terature 1 641 - 1 660 ( 1989)

8 One text which attempts to display material tiom the pamphlet wars. but which offers very little in the way of critical reassessment. is Jerome Friedman. The Battle of the Frogs and Fairford's Flies: Miracles of the Pulp Press Durinn the English Revolution (New York: St. Martin's Press. 1993).

Y Sharon Achinstein. "'The Politics of Babel in the hg1ish Revolution." Parn~hletWars 14-44; Anne Marie McEntee. "'The wn]Civill-Sisterhood of Oranges and Lemons': Female Petitioners and Demonstrators. 1642-53," Pam~hletWars 92-1 1 1 : Rachel Turbowitz, "Female Preachers and Male Wives: Gender and Authority in Ci\.il War England." Pamphlet Wars 112- 133; Susan Wiseman. "'Adam. the Father of Ail Flesli': Porno-Political Rhetoric and Political Theory in and Afier the English Civil War." Pam~hletWars 134- 157.

'O Holstun, "Introduction." Pam~hletWars 2.

' ' Holstun. "Introduction." Pamphlet Wars 3-4. investigates the unprecedented phenornenon of Ro>alist literature as counter-~ulture.'~During the

English Revolution. Royalists appl ied their knowlrd gr of anagrams. coterie pseudonyms,

ciphers, emblems, dramatic devices. foreign lanpuages. and formal rhetoric to the production of

clandestine texts. While Potter focuses exclusive1y on Royal ist wri ting. Royalists held no patent

on cryptic literature. and the educationally privileged did not always conform to the Royalist

agenda. Potter's discoveries may apply to non-Royalist cryptic writers such as Abiezer Coppe. or

foremost anagrammatist of the period. Eleanor Davies/Douglas. If the study OF English literature

excludes such cryptic texts. it is not because they are rhetorically infenor. but because their

erudition creates intentional opacity. and their innovations resist standard cntical approaches.

While the Renaissance poet anticipates an audience îàrniliar with particular rhetorical codes, and

the civil war parnphleteer operates under the assumption that only a very select audience wili be

capable of deciphering his or her text. figurative language frequently functions as codification.

What emerges from Potter's study is a realization that al1 literature is coded. but that readers

continue to value the epistemological coding which can be deciphered in known literary terms.

Potter explains one of the reasons for critical neglect of the period: the common

perception that civil war texts fall into '-the history of politics and religion. not litemture" is partially the result of authonal self-mythologizing. "Milion's autobiographical asides (e-g. in

Reason of Church Government ) frequently remind the rrtadrr that his political activities are an interruption of his true vocation. writing an epic portni": "The Age of Dryden. on his own account. begins only in 1660." Dryden. notes Potter. rekrs to pre-war dramatists as "the giant

" Lois Potter, Secret Rites and Secret Writiiiz: Rovalist Litenture 164 1 -1 660 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1989). race before the flood." melding the biblical image of global destruction with the prodigious outpourings of civil-war pamphleteers." Potter's text retricves writers from their own self- rnythologizing. Political necessity created revolutionary genres. and Potter illustrates that radicai, heterodox writing is not restricted to the domain of anti-monarchical writers.

Also instrumental to my project is a special edition of Women's Studies. entitled Gender,

Literature and the English Revolution. edited by Sharon Achinstein ( 1994). Achinstein invites an

interdisciplinary approach to the English Revolution. and is particularly interested in responses to

Whig. Marxist, and revisionist historicisms. Her Introduction articulates questions which 1 have considered throughout rny thesis: 'What cmthe study of gender contribute to our understanding of the English Revolution?"; "Did the political turmoil of the revolutionary period mean that gender lines . . . and boundaries were also bl~rred?"'~The six authors who contribute essays to this collection have also shaped rny own readings of revolutionary literature.'*

Nigel Smith's Literature and Revolution in Enrrland. i 640-1 660 ( 1994). frequently discusses the problematics of the body. and includes women writers. whose works, alongside

'' Lois Potter, Secret Rites xi.

IJ Sharon Achinstein. "Introduction," Women's Studies: .An interdisci~linarvJownal. S~ecialIssue: Gender. Literature and the English Revolution. ed. Sharon Achinstein. 24 (1994): 2.4.

l5 Rachel Tmbowitz. "Feminizing Vision: Andrew Manrell and Fernale Prophecy," Women's Studies 15-30: Teresa Feroli. "Sodomy and Fernale Authority: The Castlehaven Scanda1 and Eleanor Davies's The Restitution of Prophecy ( 1 65 1 ).-' Women's Studies 3 1-50; Rosemary Kegl, "Women's Preaching, Absolute Property. and the Crue1 Sufferinas (for the Truths Sake) of Katharine Evans and Sarah Chevers." Women's Studies 5 1-84; Mary Nyquist, '"Profbse, Proud Cleopatra': 'Barbarism' and Female Rule in Early Modem English Republicanism," Women's Studies 85- 130; Sharon Achinstein, --Women on Top in the Pamphlet Literature of the English Revolution," Wornen's Studies 13 i - 164: Heather Dubrow, "Foreign Currencies: John Collop and the 'Ugly Beaut).' Tradition." Women's Studies 165- 188. 17

those of Hobbes, Marchmount Nedham. Thomas Edwards. James Hamn~on.and numerous

lesser-known pamphleteers are analysed us lirercrttri-c. Smith argues "literature wus part of the

crisis and the revolution. and was at its epicentre."Ih Smith demonstrates. through his own

analyses. that pamphlet war literature [ends itsetf to a \-aristy of critical and theoretical

approaches. My own sense of revolutionary 1iterature is indebted to Smith's assertion "that the

literature of mid-seventeenth century England undenvent a series of revolutions in genre and

form, and that this transformation was a response to the crisis of the l6JOs."" Dagmar Freist's

Governed bv O~inion:Politics. Relieion and the Dvnamics of Communication in Stuart Enpland,

1637-1645 (1997). is particularly attuned to this crisis. and pays close attention to the

prominence of women as civil-war newsbook hawkers- printers. and vocal participants in the

events which preceded the outbreak of actual war.''

Of the many journal articles which have infornird this project. Clement Hawes's "'Man

is the Woman': Levelling and the Gendered Body Politic in Enthusiastic Rhetoric," has ken

particularly helpfùl. Hawes focuses primarily on the writings of Abiezer Coppe. but his ideas

allow for a broader range of applications. In confronting the issue of critical neglect, Hawes

points to a recent inclusion of Coppe's writing in the Norton Antholorv of Enelish Literature.I9

16 Nigel Smith, Literature and Revolution in Endand. 1640- 1660 (New Haven: Yale UP, 1994) 1.

l7 Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 18.

18 Dagmar Freist. Govemed bv O~inion:Politics, Religion. and the Dvnamics of Communication in Stuart London, 1637-1 645 (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 1997).

19 M. H. Abrams et al.. eds.. The Norton Antholorrv of Enrlish Literature 6th edn. vol. 1 (New York: Norton, 1993) 1 744-48. While this inclusion would seem to suggest a re\aluing of Ranter vinting. the critical positioning

of Coppe by the Norton editors only underlines their onyoing sense of pamphleteering's

'hoarseness and incoherence.' The Norton editors portray Coppe as an "ignorant tub preacher."

writes Hawes:

an annotation explains Coppe's reference to his own body as a 'corpse' by way of his supposed ignorance of the difference betwecn the English corpse and the Latin corpus (Norton 1746). In fact. however, Coppe refers to his body as a 'corpse. to drarnatize the 'death' of his extemal camal self in the violent process of awakening into a new identity animated by divine inspiration. Used thus. 'corpse' is both a figure of speech and an enthusiastic topos."

Coppe's use of macaronic puns. word association. and densely allusive. strearn of consciousness

style, has been greatly overlooked. If his work could draw the attention of modemists, he might

be perceived as James Joyce's literary antecederit. playfully and self-consciously creating

linguistic confusion. Hawes's article represents an increassd interest in the period's antinomian

sects, and most recently. David Cressy's Travesties and Transgressions in Tudor and Stuart

England (2000). devotes its final chapter to an in-depth discussion of the Adamites and the cults

of nudity which began to appear in 164 1 ."

David Norbrook's Writing the English Re~ublic:Poetrv. Rhetoric and Politics. 1627-

-91660 is significant for its detailing of interregnurn republicanism and its earlier deve!opment.

Norbrook elucidates the formerly negiected writings of Payne Fisher. John Hall, James

Harrington. Henry Marten. Thomas May. and George Wither. along with canonical works by

'O Clement Hawes. '--Man is the Woman': Lelveiling and the Gendered Body Politic in Enthusiastic Rhetoric," Prose Studies 18 ( 1995): 37. " David Cressy. "The Adamites Exposed: Naked Radicals in the English Revolution." Travesties and Transgressions in Tudor and Stuart Endand: Tales of Discord and Dissension (Oxford: Oxford UP. 2000) 25 1-280. 19

Hobbes. Marvell, Milton. and Edmund Waller. In confionting the issue of critical neglect.

Norbrook notes, '*the Act of Indenmity and Oblivion bannsd 'any name or names. or other words of reproach tending to revive the memory of the lats diftkrences of occasions thereof."' He positions his work as a "an attempt to counter that process of erasure. which has had long-term effects on the English literary history."" 1 will argue that the Restontion imposed one of many acts of oblivion.

Other Acts of Oblivion

This erasure of memory. imposed by the Restoration's Act of Indemnity and Oblivion. is embodied in Milton's Satan. and is imposed by the Abyss through which Satan travels:

Lerhe the River of Oblivion roils Her Wat'ry Labyrinth. whereof who drinks. Forthwith his former sate and king forgets. Forgets both joy and grief. pleasure and pain. Beyond this flood a frozen Continent . . . Where Annies whole have sunk."

AAer travelling thruugh the Abyss. Satan has no rnemory of his daughter Sin. Yet her monstrous female fom and defonned progeny would certainly recall. to the contemporary reader. the proliferation of such images dunng the pamphlet \vars. The term "re-membering." coined by

Mary Nyquist and Margaret W. Ferguson. seems particularly apt in this regard. as it implies not only mental recollection. but the act of reconstructing the body." Here. Milton seems to be

--i 7 David Norbrook, Writina the Enelish RepubIic: Poetrv. Rhetoric and Politics. 1627- 1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1999) 1.

Milton. Paradise Lost. John Milton: Complrte Poems and Maior Prose. ed. Memt Y. Hughes (New York: Macmilian. 1957) Book II: 583-594 '' Mary Nyquist and Margaret W. Ferguson. eds.. Re-Memberina Milton: Essavs on the Texts and Traditions (New York: Methuen. 1987) sii-nii. involved in his own act of "re-membering" - an act not followed by his conternporaries.

including General Fairfax.

As Lois Potter points out. writers of the Restoration are quick to condemn the writing of the civil war period. The English Revolution. however. was revisited in satire. Survivors of the wars. such as Samuel Butler. and newcomers such as Aphra Behn. exempli@ the Restoration need to disempower and make ludicrous the revolutionaries of the previous age? Dryden and

Marvell may have found it politically expeditious to forget their encomia to Cromwell, but the pamphteteers who maintained their Royalist positions throughout the 1640s and 1650s are forgotten for other reasons.

By engaging in the pamphlet wars. Royalist writers utilized invective weapons equal to those of their opponents. and this war of words was not fought with the heroic ideals of Augustan decom. Even pamphleteers themselves display a self-reflexive loathing of their form while engaged in the act of writing. The most popular title for works of the revolutionary period is probably "An Answer to a Pamphlet" yet no one really admits to writing a pamphlet. A pamphlet entitled No Pamphlet. but a Detestation Apainst Al1 Such Pamphlets (1642)16 illustrates this authoriai detestation of parnphleteerîng. Pamphleteers attempt to disguise their own pamphlets as oratory, weaponry. medicine for distracted times. or an instrument of justice, such

'' See, for example Samuel Butler. Characters (Cleveland: Press of Case Western Reserve U, 1970); Samuel Butler, Hudibras; Aphra Behn. The Rover. or. the Banished Cavaliers, and Roundheads: or the Good Old Cause, ed. Janet Todd. The Works of A~hraBehn 7 vols. (London: W. Pickering, 1992). While this disempowerment of the Parliamentarians rnight be expected fiom court poets. even Bunyan's Grace Aboundinrr; to the Chief of Simers (1666) alrnost omits the war experience. Bunyan does not tvish to perceive militaq and potitical hirmoil as aids to his persona1 salvation.

'' No Pam~hlet.but a Detestation against Al1 Such Pamphlets (1 642) E. 134 (3). as a whip, a trial, or a public humiliation. inflicting upon the opponent's textual body a physical and personal punishment. These images exemplie the tvays in which the body acts as a space on which text can be written, ernbodied. and enacted.

Richard Overton envisions his pamphlet An Arrow Against a11 Tyts(1646) as a weapon which is "shot from the Prison of New-Gate into the Prerogative Bowels of the

Arbitrary House of Lords." His opponent is figured as a physical body which his "Arrow" can kill." Prynne uses his pre-war pamphlet. Histriomastix. or ThePlayen Scourge" as a mechanism for punishing the vices of the Caroline theatre." Prynne's trope remained popular, wi th similar neologisms such as Puritanomast ix and Medicomastix offering corporal punishment for the vices of a warring nation." Enemy pamphlets are not only pamphlets. they are monstrous, transgendered, dismembered. or contagious bodies which spread the diseases of the cornmonwealth. The Fables of Aesop. Paraphras'd in Verse. retells the fable of the Belly, a farniliar moral tale? When one organ rebels. its rebel l ion destroys the entire organism, claims the fable. It becomes "the Rebellion of the Hands and Feet." in its retelling. and the Levellers

" Richard Overton. An Arrow aeainst All Tvrants facsimile rpt. (October 20. 1646; Exeter: The Rota. 1976) title page.

" William Prynne. Histrio-Mastix. The Pla\.ers Scourae ( 1633) STC 20464.

'9 E.A.. Medico Mastix. or a PiIl for the Doctor . . . bv E. A. a She Presbyterian (November 7, 1643) E.308 (22): Antibrownistus Puritanomastix. Three S-peeches . . . The First bv Master Warden . . .The Second bv Mistress Warden . . - to Certain Gentlewomen of Ratliffe and Wa~pina.The Third bv Mistris Wardens Chamber-Maid (October 9, 1642) 41 :E.240 (3 1). Note that both these correctives purport to present the \.oices of women.

'O Menenius, in Shakespeare's Conolanus retells the fable of the belly. prefacing it with the following iines: "1 shall tell yod A pretty tale. It ma' be you have heard it.1 But since it serve my purpose. I will venture/ To stale't a Memore." I.i: 86-89. 22

represent the body's rebellious. self-defeating memben:" A woodcut depicts the body cutting off

its own head. (See fig. 1 ). Thomas Edwards's Gannnena also invokes the body politic to inveigh

against sectarian division. but in this case. the only method of halting the spread of gangrene is

through amputation." The body. or in these tko esamples the body politic. is the shared site of

discourse, yet each resolution is quite different. This constant reconfiguring of the body as

literary ropos reflects the generic conventions of the prose-based response text. the dominant

genre of this ers."

Cnticism, however. continues to promote poetry as the primary signifier of seventeenth-

century literary achievernent. Kevin Sharpe and Steven Z\c-icker state. "Our focus. then. is upon

high culture and prinçipally upon poetry. not becauss the!- embrace al1 our concerns but because

here :he most innovative work is currently in progress which rnay elucidate those broader

concerns." " Implicitly. the prose-based pamphlet \vars become viewed. not as a revolution in

literature, but as a 'low-culture' digression from the -real' literature produced by a seemingly stable elite. Sharpe and Zwicker are not the only critics to disparage or ignore pamphlet literature.

Thomas Corns's Uncloistered Virtue: EnaIish Politicai Literature. 1630-1 660. claims. "much of

" John Ogilby, The Fables of Aesoo Para~hras'din Verse (December 30. 165 1 ) 12 1 : E.792 (1 ). Sig. Bbb 3.

" Thomas Edwards. Ganaraena 3 pts. hcsimile rpi. ( 1646: Exeter: The Rota, 1977).

j3 Joseph Frank estimates that prose works account for more than 94% of the writing published between 1640 and 1660 in England. Hobblttd Perrasus 5.

"Kevin Sharpe and Steven Zwicker. '-Politics of Discourse: Introduction," Politics of Discourse: The Literature and Historv of Seventeenth-Century Endand (Berkeley: U of California P, 1987) 1-20. Holstun provides a more &borate response to Sharpe and Zwicker's assertions. See James Holstun. '.Introduction." The Pamphlet Wars 1 - 13. Figure 1

"ïhe Rebellion of the Hands and Feet"

John Ogilby. The Fables of Aeso~Para~hras'd in Verse (December 30, 165 1) the matenal collected by Thornason. though vital in contestualizing texts which do reward a close reading, is trivial. ephemeral. repetitive. sometimes dull."" Despite Corns's wonderfully suggestive title. evoking images of recusancy and rrlciass from the single-sex cloister, his work is surprisingly focussed on male, Protestant pets and parnphleteers. Coms does. however. elucidate a large nurnber of epherneral works by Diggers. Levellers and Ranters. Another sornewhat tempting but misleading title is Michael Wilding's Dragon's Teeth: Literature in the

English Revolution. The only representative works from the English Revolution are the canonical favourites, Marvell's "Upon Appleton House." and "An Hontian Ode." Regardless of Sharpe and Zwicker's assertions. the canonical poetry of the period does not 'elucidate' the 'broader concerns' of the period. "We ordnance plant. and pouder sow." writes Marvell. yet that '%weet militia" of General Fairfax's tulip bed j6 provides Iittle insight regarding the battles in which,

*'each man sharpened a sword to slay his brother." and none regarding that '-worser fiercer warre, a warre of the pen."" This 'war of the pen' or -war of words.' becarne a cornmonplace of pamphleteenng rhetonc in the print-culture revolution of the 1640s and I~~OS.'~Jean E. Howard provides a detinition of literature which is useful in reconsidering the pamphlet wars:

Literature is an agent in constructing a culture's sense of reality. It is pan of a much larger syrnbolic order through which the world at a particular historical moment is concepnialized and through which a culture imagines its relationship to the actual

'' Thomas Coms. Uncloistered Victue: Encrlish Pol itical Literature, 1640-1 660 (Oxford: Clarendon. 1 992) 3.

j6Andrew Marvell. Uwn Ap~ietonHouse lines 344. 330.

j7 Match Me These Two (July 29. 1647) E.400 (9) 3.

38 Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 38. conditions of its existence.''

The print-culture revolution of the 1640s and i 650s articulates the symbolic orders (and disorders) of a particular historical -moment.' Its conditions of existence. and its self- conceptualization of that existence. are very different tiom sixteenth and earlier seventeenth- century cultural conceptions. That a print-culture revolution followed the collapse of censorship in 1 64 1 is well documented and evidenced by tlie 22.000 texts collected by Thornason over the following two decades? The resistance to accepting this material as literature stems from the narratives constnicted by Whig. Mamist. and revisionist historians.

In the nineteenth century. Whig historicisrn established that a *PuritanRevolution' dismantled the literature of the Court, replacing it with sermons and political polemics as poetry and drama vanished. Macaulay writes,

The Puritan austerity drove to the King's faction al1 who made pleasure their business. who affected gallantry. splendeur of dress. or taste in the lighter arts. With these went al1 whe live by arnusing the leisure of others. tiom the painter and the comic pet, down to the ropedancer and the Merry Andrew. For thesr artists well knew that they might thrive under a superb and luxurious despotism. but must starve under the rigid rule of the precisians. JI

Macaulay defines the English revolution as a -puritan' sntrrpri~e.~'In this model. poeüy and

'' Jean E. Howard. "The New Historicism and Renaissance Studies." Arthur F. Kinney and Dan S. Collins, eds., Renaissance Historicism: Selections from English Literarv Renaissance (Amherst: U of Massachusetts P. 1987) 15.

'O Catalogue of the Pam~hiets.Books. Newmaoers. and Manuscri~ts. . . Collected by

George- Thornason. 1 640- 1 66 1 xxi .

" Thomas Babington Macaulay, "Introduction." The Historv of Enaland from the Accession of James II ( Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott. 1865) vol. 1. 79.

" Guizot, in the early nineteenth centuq applied the term "revolution" to the English civil-war period. and Macaulay is the first to vis\v the Englisli revolution was the product of a drama vanish. and no revolution- literature emerges in their stead. Macaulay lauds the puritan for earning his money through hard work rather than u.allowing in decadence. These observations point to an asceticism which Marx and Engels would later associate with pre- industrial proletariat uprisings." yet twentieth-centun Xlarxisrn builds on the Whig paradigm.

Art and literature vanish with the revolution. claims Chnstopher Hill:

In the revolutionary decades. political pamphleteers were writing for a new public. of insatiable curiosity. but lacking the intellectual and cultural standards. and the pedantry of the select and secluded audience . . . Thsir prose uas functional rather than leamed and allusive; its object could no longer be fine u-riting for its own sake. U

The "Puritan Revolution," while not producing great literature. claims Hill. alIowed for the increasing possibility for "one to earn a living as a litsrq free-lance'' through "expansion of the literary Macaulay associates poetry and drama with court decadence. while Hill criticizes the austerity of this period as anti-intellectunl. The- agree. however. that a '*puriian" imperative ended both monarchy and literature for the interregnum period. and created an economy in which one could better oneself financially by producing consumer goods rather than art. 46 Hill, capitalizing on the position detailed by Whig historicisrn. anachronisticaily reads

-puritan' movement. Gardiner. near the end of the century. coins the terni '-Puritan Revolution."

"j Karl Marx and Friederic Engels. The Communist Manifesto. trans. Samuel Moore (1 888; London: Penguin. t 985) 1 15.

" Christopher Hill. The Cenwof Revolution. 1603-1 714 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1982) 157. 1 am not convinced that earlier witing \vas art "for its own sake." Earlier Tudor and Stuart poets. for example. while witing fine poetry. souglit to elevate their position within the CO urt .

" Hill, The Centurv of Revolution 158.

46 Pamphleteering was not a particularly Iucrati~xenterprise. especially in cornparison to the theatre of both earlier and later years. Shakespeare's interest in The Globe allowed for his "puritanism" as an emerging form of bourgeois capitalism. Through the Maxxist lens, civil-war writing becomes, not inspired literature. but a glut of anti-intellectual propaganda which satisfies a market demand. Without venturing into the tests tlirmseli-es. one receives the impression that revolutionary pamphlets are self-similar. boring. and didrictic.

Sermons and other didactic genres continued to be published throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Occasionally. such works stand oui as topical and innovative. For the most part. however. these relatively stable. self-simitar tsxts are not the most obvious indicators of the

Iiterature which distinguishes revolutionary genres from earlier or later wnting. The pamphlet wars witnessed nwnerous generic changes. Prose pamphlets. for exarnple. replaced the traditional ballad form, and a new genre of politicai bailads ernerged. Pamphlet plays replaced the public theatre, and the anti-theatrical tract fell into obsoles~ence.'~While the anti-theatrical tract has been associated with puntan iconoclasm. this genre virtually vanished after the chsing of the theatres in 1642, and makes a few bnef appeannces again in the early 1650s. with movements to reopen a provisional public theatre. Both the ballad and rhe almanac undenvent generic changes during the civil wars.

Throughout the Elizabethan period and into the carly part of the first civil war, ballads popdarized both traditional legends and the neus of the period. frequently providing moral instruction through humorous. sensational. or tragic songs. "It seems that even rural audiences

economic advancement. Dryden could not make a living as a witer without the proceeds fiom his plays. '' The revolution. while closing the public theatrcis. did not prevent the emergence of new plays and playwrights. See Dale B.J. Randail. Winter Fruit: Endish Drama 1642-1660 (Lexington: U of Kentucky P. 1995). were eager for material of this kind . . . The Civil w.ar gave far greater scope for political and polemical songs. mostly Cavalier and often mixed ~vithbawdy. till in 1643 Parliament attempted to suppress bal lad-selling alt~~ether.'~'While the bal lad ma? have retained a certain populariw, prose pamphlets soon became the dominant mode of conveying news items. satiric news items. or fictional and sensationalistic narratives which purported to be journalistic accounts of actual events. "Most ballad-writers. it appears. sooner or later began to wnte prose booklets. the superiority of which over ballads for personal attacks and strective ridicule was king felt, largely because of the comparative newness of the medium and the greater space at the writer's dispo~al.'*~The transition from the ballad to the prose pamphlet as a dominant form of popular writing created a significant overlapping of genres. '-During the interregnum. there was practically no distinction between ballad-writers and pamphleteers. The influence of the balladists was en or mou^.^^^^ Prose narratives sventually superseded the ballad. and other traditional genres undenvent significant rhetorical changes. In the revolutionary era, the expenmental language and unconventional rhetoric of aniinomians. women preachers. and various millenarian prophets separate these pamphlets from conventional didactic material. and stand as prominent examples of revolutionary witing.

While Hill and others record a general movement towards plain language. Nigel Smith, in

Perfection Proclaimed notes that millenarians "read the Scriptures allegorically and analogously."

'' Bernard Capp. "Popular Literature." Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Centw Enpland, ed. Barry Reay (New York: St Martin's Press. 1985) 227.

49 Hyder Rollins. Cavalier and Puritan: Bal lads and Broadsides lllustratine the Period of the Great Rebellion (New York: New York UP. 1923 ) 3 1.

'O Hyder Rollins. Cavalier and Puritan I 5. They perceived that '-the Ancient Israelites. not having a distinction between the mental and the physical. talk in synecdoches and metonymies. Godly language was implicitly tropological . . . metaphon were the key to the politics of the person and the community."" Visions of an approaching apocalypse. however. were not confined to the voices of sectarian preachers. and almanacs attest to the popularity of millennial prophecizs.

Almanacs were incredibly popular. as the!. proposed to decode the most widespread esoteric occurrences such as the unusual weather patterns. meteors. eclipses. and revolution itself. in easily comprehensible and completely partisan ternis." While the outbreak of civil war initially brought a halt to the publication of common almanacs. a new genre of almanacs, emerging in 1644, brought astrologers into the war of words. George Wharton raised the morale of the Royalists through his propagandizing and predictions. while William Lilly's mix of vitriol

'' Nigel Smith. Perfection Proclaimed: Lanrua~eand Literature in Enelish Radical Religion. 1640- 1660 (Oxford: Clarendon. 1989) 14- 16.

--C 7 During the mid-seventeenth centun. u-sather patterns shified dramatically. bringing harsh winters and crop failures to Britain and other parts of Europe. Intemationally. sightings of meteors rose drarnatically. as did volcanic action. Xstronomers noted an absence of sunspots, and the Aurora Boreaiis vanished from their sight. Internationally. riots. insurrections and civil wars occurred due to economic hardship and food shortages. Reports of these activities corn continental Europe and Asia added to the miilennial anxieties of the English revolution. Whether or not these events constitute what some historians percci vr as a '-general crisis," the perception that such a cnsis existed had a marked impact on English rsvolutionary-era writing. See Geoffrey Parker and Lesley M. Smith. eds. The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Centurv (London: Routledge, 1997). In England. the Book of Orders. published 1587. and reissued 1594, 1595. 1608, 1622 and 1630 "contained a series of regulations of the market designed to help meet the subsistence needs of the poor." It was not reprinted after 163 1. This lack of relief not only added to the popular sense of cnsis in Britain. but ma- help to esplain why the face of popular protest and petitions changed through the pre-war years. Only three known incidents of J.P.s attempting to enforce its regulations are recorded between 1631 and 1660. See Buchanan Sharp Po~)uIar Culture in Seventeenth-Centurv England. eQ. Bam Rra! (New York: St Martin's Press. 1985) 278,289. and star-gazing lent support to the Parliamentarian cause." Almanacs reached a wide readership, with "some tracts aimed at very specific groups such as ueawrs or apprentices. some ai urban readen in general. and others at the rural poor: by the mid-crntury there were almanacs designed for different political and religious groups. and for difkrent pans of the country." "

Religious writing of the period represents a variet? of literary genres. Laurence

Clarkson's confession, The Lost Shee~Found subvens its generic conventions through a picaresque tale. as his personal discovenes of the Nakcd Truth become a travelogue of sexual experience." Eleanor Davies/Douglas accurately predicts the beheading of Charles 1 in a rollicking ballad to the tune of "Who list a Soldier's Life. &c."" Fifth Monarchist Anna Trapnel bnngs both her religious visions and her atrophied body into her spiritual autobiography, The Cy of a Stone. The author of the pamphlet Eliza's Babes ( 1651). for esample. uses the extended metaphor of childbirth to defend her right to preacli publicl>.. Her opening apologia is presented initially in verse, then expanded through prose. "Look on these babes as none of mine J For they were but brought forth by rneJ But look on them as they are divineJProceeding from divinityWs7

The argument rests on the Aristotelean theory of peneration in which the female does not

" Hany Rusche. "Prophecy and Propaganda. 1611 to 165 1 ." English Historical Review 80 (1965): 322.

54 Bernard Capp. "Popular Literature." Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Centuw 201.

55 Laurence Clarkson. The Lost Sheep Found. Nigel Smith. ed.. A Collection of Ranter Writings fiom the Seventeenth Century (London: Junctioii Books. 198;) 176- 186.

56 Eleanor Douglas. Given to the Elector Prince Charls of the Rh~ne. . .Babvlon or Confiision (1 633: 1648 edn.) Wing D 1992.

'' Anna Trapnel. The Cry of a Stone (Februûq. 20. 1654) E.730 (3). conûibute hereditary information at conception. The pamphlsteen's mind. like her womb. provides the incubation and delivery of the -babes' ivhich have been planted there. in this case by

God. The prose portion of the defence necessaril!, rlaboratcis upon the legitimacy of this divine concepti~n.'~Eliza's Babes is not known to bt: the produci of any particular sectarian viewpoint. but its opening lines display a familiarity with the con\ ention of the apologia and the conceit of text as progeny. ALI of these authors utiIize and maniplilate sxisting genres and rhetorical figures to create unique texts.

Civil-war pamphlets. however. viewed as the climas of a long-standing -puritan' agenda. represent the culmination of 1iterature dismantled. The tenn "puri tan" epi tomizes opposition to theatre. poetry, and patronage of the arts.5g Sharpe and Zwicker's phrase "high culture" literature appears almost arcane. especially considering post-modemist deconstruction of popular culture in recent decades. 1 believe. however. that there esists mot her motive behind this continued defence of poetry: it protects established Iiterary genres against tests which self-consciously attempt to destabilize them. Can one defend the rhetorical anal>,siso t'a polemic which condemns rhetoric?

Could an anti-theatrical satire. no matter how witty and allusive. ever occupy a space in the canon alongside a revered Renaissance drama? A consenative ethos prevents works which are anti-literature fiom king analysed for their literary value. Sidney's Defence of Poetry, for example. responds to an anti-theatrical pamphlet by Stephcn Gosson. While Gosson's School of

58 Eliza's Babes (1652) 173:E.1289 ( I ) sig. A 142.

59Whilecurent approaches to seventeenthsentury writing generally associate puritanism with the condemnation of poetry. prominent examples from the penod do not support this viewpoint. Lucy Hutchinson. for example. a pet. ~nnslritorof Lucretius. and avid reader of contemporary poetry embraces the term "puritan." Sscr Lucy Hutchinson. Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson (London: Everyman. 1995) 64. Abuse is a well-known title. reasonably available and \vritten in accessible prose. it is not generally the subject of critical disc~urse.'~It is not considered f iterature because it condemns the very essence of literature-

The Marprelate Tracts pose a similar problem. Various authors. witing collectivety under the pseudonyrn Martin Marprelate in the late sixteenth csntury "attack the theatre as an ally of the

Established Church and Crown.'"' and Martinist imitations kept the popularity of Marprelate invectives dive throughout the civil war period."' "Rimers and stage playen (that is plaine rogues) . . . do the bidding of the Canterbury Caiphûs. with the rest of his AntiChristian beasts" claims The Just Censure and Reoroofe of Martin Junior ( 1589?)? The 1588 pamphlet, Rthvmes

Isic] aeainst Martin Marre-Prelat. appearing to anticipate regicide and the following Parliament of Saints. says of Martin Marprelate. "And when his head hath gotten some more strengthflo play the Prince as now he doth with people:/Yes. hci thnow saith. Why should.Bishops bec?/

Will next cry out, Why Kings? The Saincts are free.'"' Concerning mid-seventeenth-cenniry w-ïten, Russell Fraser asserts. The anti-prelatical pamphlets of William Prynne. Alexander

Stephen Gosson. The School of Abuse: Containing a Pleasant Invective Aeainst Poetrv, Pipers. Plaven. Jesters. etc. (1579: New York: AMS Press. 1970). See Arthur F. Ki~ey,ed., Markets of Bawdrie: The Dramatic Criticism of Steohen Gosson (Salzburg: Institut fur Englische Sprache und Literatur. U Salzburg. 1974).

61 Russell Fraser. The War Against Poetn ( Princeton: Princeton UP. 1970) 129.

6' See Joseph Black. .'Pamphlet Wars: The Marprelate Tracts and Martinism, 1588-1688," diss., (U of Toronto. 1996). Milton's Colasterion is one of the more prominent examples of civil war Martinist tracts.

63 The Just Censure and Reproofe of Martin Junior ( 1589?) STC 17458 sig. A2

Rhtymes [sicbainst Manin MarrePrelal ( 1588) STC 17465 sig. A2 33

Leighton. John Bastwick. and Henry Burton expressed an implacable hatred. testifling that a spirit of unrelenting fanaticism was loose in the land.'"' Tcrms such as '-hatred'. and

"fanaticism," deter critics from investigating anti-prslatical pamphlets as Iiterature. For Fraser. the pamphlet explosion parlays both religious fanaticism and conspicuous consumption. "The polemical literature of the period demonstrates concl usi \.el> t hr existence of an economic motive in the attack on poetry and play^."^ Again. the dichotom? bstween "high culture" poew and plays (i.e. literature) and civil war pamphlet l itenture ( i.e. anti-literature) occurs. upholding the ethos which prohibits entry cf civil war texts into the ticid of literary discourse.

Even tracts which oppose figurative langage- however. cannot avoid employing established literaxy systems as instruments of suasiveness. Those writers who are temed

"puritans" by nineteenth and twentieth-century critics olien embrace disparate ideologies.

Elizabethan pamphleteers. such as Martin Marprelate. rstablish tropes which twcome integral to the pamphlet genre in the civil war period. Marprelate. for esample. introduces the ironic impnnt. Marprelate's Hav Anv Worke for Cooper ( 1589). is '-Printed Oversea. in Europe, within two Furlongs of a Bounsing Priest. at the Cost and Charge of M Marprelate. ~entleman.'"' The device becomes appropriated by Marprelate's respondents. Promising a corrective to the vices of

Marprelate. John Lyly daims his pamphlet Pa~pewith an Hatchet (1 589) is '-Printed for the

Bayliue of Wi themam. ciim privilegio perennituti.~~and are to be sold at the Signe of the Crab

65PerezZagorin. The Court and the Country: The Beeinnine of the Enplish Revolution (New York: Atheneum. 1969) 192.

66 Russell Fraser. The War against Poe@. 53.

'' Martin Marprelate. Hav Anv Workc for Cooncr (March 1589) STC 17436. 34

Tree Cudgell in Thwack-Coat ~ane.'~'With the pre-\\ar collapse of censorship. a variation on

this particular imprint appeared. Vox Borealis ( 164 1 ). clainis to be -'Printed. by Margery Mar-

Prelat in Thwackcout-lune. at the Signe of the Cnb-trer Cudgell: without any priviledge of the

Cater-Caps.'*9 Richard Overton's An Anow Anainst .1II 'Tvrants ( 16-16) continues to use the

false imprint as a rhetorical device. His pamphlet is "Printrd at the backside of the Cyclopian

Mountains, by Martin Clm-Clergï. printer to the rawend Assembly of Divines. and are to be

sould at the signe of the Subjects Liberty. right oppositr to pcrsecutinp Co~n."~~As his phrase

"Martin Claw-Clergy" indicates. Overton assumes that his readers will recognize the Marprelate

influence. The ironic imprint stands as one of the rhrtorical conventions which is specific to the

pamphlet genre. and which is expanded and developed in the 1 iterature of the English revolution.

Despite the virtual disappearance of the anti-theatrical tract after 1642. the term "puritan"

conveys that an anti-literary imperative drove the pamphlet wars.

One contribution in this regard. made by re\isionist historians. is the reassessrnent of the tem "puritan." "Notwithstanding the fact that Gardiner wote more than twenty volumes on or around the subject. he did not once attempt to detlne -Puritanism."' writes Michael Finlayson.

"As Hill has demonstrated. 'Puntan' was used so broadl). ihat it does not seem possible to derive a precise and substantive detinition from the inconsistent contemponry usages."" Consider

John Lyly. Pappe with an Hatchet ( 1589) S7-C 1 7463.

69 Vox Borealis ( 1 64 1 ) 3 1 :E. 1 77(5).

70 Richard Overton. An Arrow Aeainst Al1 Tvrants ( 1 646).

7 1 Michael Finlayson. Historians. Puritanism and the Engiish Revolution (Toronto: U of Toronto P. 1983) 62.69. 35 some of the writen who fa11 under this general heading: Katherine Chidley. Abiezer Coppe,

Thomas Edwards, Lucy Hutchinson. John and Elizabeth Lilbume. Henry Neville. John Milton, and William Prynne. These are writers whose n-ork 1 will examine in more detail throughout my thesis.

Chidley and Edwards attacked each other in print. Edwards and Prynne both attacked

Milton. Milton supported Cromwell. whereas Hutchinson and Neville despised him. but for different reasons. Neville fought for the Parliamentarian forces. but was a perceived atheist, who attacked bath Royalist decadence and "godly" hypocris?. Hutchinson. the only figure in this group who defines herself as a puritan, maintained radical religious convictions, including the rejection of paedobaptism. Yet. she transtated Lucretius. John LiIbume fought for Parliament. but assisted in cashiering his own commanding oficer. As a radical and independent thinker, he was persecuted and imprisoned under Charles 1: and as a Lrveller he was imprisonedunder

Cromwell. His wife Elizabeth petitioned repeatedly on his behalf. ofien in conjunction with large groups of LeveIler wornen. Although the Levellers' tight f'or increased suffrage did not extend to the nghts of women, female Levellers argued that u-omen had equal opportunity in Christ's salvation. and that this equality should be ensconced in Jan-. Coppe supported female preaching, but his sense of levelling invited the apocalypse rather than civil Rghts. His propensity for swearing, promiscuity, and preaching in the nude tends to set him at a distance fiom received notions of puritan moralityZ

While Finlayson's deconstruction of the term --puritan" is useful. the larger concerns of

'' Regarding Coppe. see Andrew Pyie. ed. The Dictionarv of Seventeenth-Centtq British Philoso~hers2 vols. (Bristol: Theommes Press. 2000). 36 revisionism are problematic. Revisionists. much like zarly Royalist historians such as Clarendon, do not acknowledge the existence of revolution. and attenipt to downgrade the crisis of the period to civil war or mere rekllion." Also like earlirr Royalists. revisionists seem intent upon maintaining hierarchical viewpoints. as is demonstratsd above by the revisionist Kevin Sharpe.

Revisionism has corne to represent yet another act of oblivion." The witers I have cited above are actually of very little interest to revisionists. Despite H il 1's dismissal of civil war literature. his The World Turned U~sideDown (1972) remains one of the most comprehensive studies of the comrnon workers who comprised the radical sects. Traditionally. Levellers. Diggers and numerous other exarnples of early proletariat witers are either absorbed into 'puritanism,' or they are dismissed as aberrations.

A.S.P. Woodhouse uses the Leveller's Army Debates of 1647-49 to illustrate "the political thought of the Puritan revolution." He writes. -'The Debates have a special value, even beyond the pamphlet literature of the day. in giving us a spontaneous and unconscious revelation of the Puritan mind."" While Woodhouse uses the term diterature" to define these pamphlets, he does not investigate their literary value. Pamphlet literature is only valuable as an insight into puntanism. Woodhouse dismisses the Diggers as "the one proletarian group of the period." Still,

"See. for exarnple. Kevin Sharpe. Faction and Parliament (Oxford: Clarendon. 1978); and Conrad Russell, The Causes of the English Civil War (Oxford: Clarendon. 1990).

75 For detailed critiques of revisionism. see Richard Cust and Ann Hughes. eds., Conflict in Early Modem Eneland: Studies in Religion and Poli tics 1 6 1 3- 1 642 (London: Longman. 1989).

75 A.S.P. Woodhouse. "Introduction" to Puritanisni and Libertv. Beine the Armv Debates J 1647-49) fiom the Clarke Manuscri~ts(1 938: London: Everyman's Library. 1992)ll. he claims, they "share the Puritan characteristics of acti\.it~. Utopianism and i~onoclasrn."~~

Marx and Engels. however. associate Utopianism w-ith an emrrging proletariat. not an emerging

or petty bourgeoisie. 1 would argue that these proups represent. not a -puritan*ideal of church

refom. but the varïed attempts of emerging proletarians to enact social levelling. Hill examines

these and other radicals as "daring thinkers." warning other historians to discontinue positioning

them as the "lunatic fnnge." Still. he does not tïgure thrse thinkers as king politically

significant, or see their ideas as challenging his modrl of bourgeois puritanism." 1 will argue

that the Levellers and Diggen stand as prominrnt esaniplss of the -'revolutionary literature" of

critical-Utopian socialism.

Critical-Utopian Socialism

In the absence ofa unified bourgeois-puritan mo\*ement. the English revolution and its

li terature exhibit the central characteristics of Man and Engrls's mode1 of critical-Utopian

socialism, defined as folIows:

The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends. made in times of universal exci tement. when feudal societ y \vas br inp ovrrthrown. these attempts necessady failed. owing to the then unde\xloped state of the proletariat. as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation. conditions that had yet to be produced. and could be produced by the impendinp bourgeois epoch alone. The

76 Woodhouse. ggIntroduction.'' Puritanism and Libertv 99.

'7 Christopher Hill, The World Tumed Upside Do\vn: Radical Ideas Durine the Enelish Revolution (New York: Viking. 1972).

78 For Hill. al1 radical groups and factions combined represent "the lower 50 per cent of the populationg' ( World Tumed Uoside Down 1 1 ). This is a questionable number, not only because it is unverified, and possibly unvenfiable. but brcause it suggests that 50 per cent has a certain dernocratic significance: and that the 'higher' 50 percent has preater power and unity. It is this type of casual comment which subtly frarnes our understanding of the period. and which 1 believe should be actively challenged. revolutionary literature that accompanied these tirst movements of the proletariat had necessarïly a reactionary character. It inculcatsd universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest forms-"

Mmand Engels make explicit that while this prr-industrial fon of revolution is ultimately doomed to failure. it produces revolutionary literature. Utopian socialist literature presents crudely formed ideologies, but this is not a comment on the quality of the literature as literature.

The diversity of ideologies in the pamphlet wars contributed to the ultimate failure to sustain a post- war order. yet this titerature is revolutionary because of its originaiity and diversity.

Utopian socialists. along with others who represent a "manifold gradation of social rank," from labourers to aristocrats. became ern battled in both mil i tary and print-war carnpaigns. Never before had English readers been exposed to such a range of public voices.

Religious viewpoints of the piod include the di\-erss interests of Quakers. Baptists.

Ranters. Seekers, Brownists. Fifih Monarchists. Adamites. Presbyterians. Anglicans, Farnilists,

Roman Catholics, and numerous others. This divsrsitj. of voices exemplifies Marx and Engels's classic model of a pre-industrial society attempting revolution. Its ideologies are fragmented.

Among the pre-proletarian groups. Diggers and Lr\.ellers. dong with many religious sects, such as Quakers and various antinomian divisions. looked tons ard to some degree of social levelling, and fiequently held that the invened world of revolut ion ushered in God's kingdom on earth.

This idealism provides "fantastic pictures of future society. painted at a tirne when the proletariat is still in a very underdeveloped state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position." Its ideas are "Utopian," and its writings are --of the New Jerusalem."" Regarding civil war

79 Marx and Engels. The Communist Manifèsto 1 15.

'O Marx and Engels. The Communist Manifesto 1 16- 1 1 7. discourse, James Holstun writes. '-The true imaginatil-e \.ision of these pamphlets lies in their dogged but brilliant attempts to stake out new subjtct positions in a politically unsettled time - new models of writerly authority. new modes of collecti~slife in the present. new languages for a New Je~saiem."~'Holstun's observations are closel> îligned with Mars and Engels's theory. although Holstun makes no allusion to these Marsist idras."'

Marx and Engels refer specifically to the \\.ritings of Robert Owen. who derived his ideas from English civil-war pamphlets. relying heavilj- on the writings of the Levellers and Diggers.

The English revolution. while toppling the king. never succeeded in establishing a stable commonwealth because. like those of the Owenists. its visions were too fantastic to be realized, and many believed that God. not social reform. wouId tùltill their Utopian visions of a New

Jenisalem. The True Levellers' Standard Advanced ( 1649). by William Everard. Gerrard

Winstdey, John ~a~lor.''and othen. articulates their particular ütopian vision:

But when once the earth becomes a common treasury again - as it must: for al1 the prophecies of scriptures and reason circled here in this community. and . . . al1 must be made of one heart and one mind - then this enmit' in dl the lands will cease. For none shall due to seek a dominion over others: neithctr shall any dare to kill another, nor desire more of the earth than another. For he that \\.il1 rule over. imprison. oppress, and kill his fellow creatures under what pretence sorver. is a destroyer of the creation and an actor of the curse?

The Diggers display certain hallmarks of later communist ideals. Their belief that the earth was a

8 1 Holstun, "Introduction." Pam~hietWars 3.

8' See also James Holstun. A Rational Millennium: Puritan Uto~iasof Seventeenth- Centuw England and Amerka (Oxford: Oxford UP. 1987). '' John Taylor the Digger is not to be confused \vit11 John Taylor the water-pet.

a William Everard. Gerrard Winstanley. John Ta>-lor.et al.. "Digger Principles." The True Levellers' Standard. ed. ASP. Woodhouse. Puritankm and Libertv 380. 40 gbcomrnontreasu j' was put into practice in their agrarian commune on St. George's ~ill.8'They believed in levelling al1 social hierarchies. and dit-iding the land equally amongst al1 workers.

Their writing, in this case as a collective. illustrates their bslief that "divers members of our hurnan bodies make but one body perfect?' This idealized body is not divided into gender, for

"Every single man. male and female. is a perîèct creature of hirnse~C"~'The "curse" is not associated with Eve. or with womankind. but with an?. party who attempts to oppress or rule over another. Like many other Utopianists. the Diggers return to Genesis for the fuifilment of their vision. Social levelling required the cwperation of God to restore them to their Edenic state. In themselves, the Diggers were neither a large nor powerful group. but they were one of a number of Utopian groups and diverse thinkers who refused to recognize earthly hierarchies or support religious uniformity. It is because of this diversity that the revolution could be won on the banlefield, but could not be sustained as a non-monarchical republic.

Prior to the emergence of a distinct proletariat (or a distinct bourgeoisie) "the labourers still form an incoherent mass xattered over the whole country. and broken by their mutual competition . . . At this stage. therefore. the proletarians do not fight their enemies [the bourgeoisie], but the enemies of their enemies. the remnants of absolute m~narchy."~'In batîle, diverse thinkers were united only by their common enemy. the King. Marxist historicisrn, however. popularized by Christopher Hill. associates the English revolution and its wrïting with

" Christopher Hill. The World Tumed üpside Dom 86-9 1.

86 ?-me Levellers' Standard 384.

" True Levellers' Standard 379.

88 Marx and Engels. The Communist Maniksto 89. a unified proto-bourgeoisie rather than a divenified and primitive proletariat because it follows the teleological approach of Whig historicism.

Marxist historians identie the gentry as fomrnters of revolution. and associate pre-war riots and protests with these propenied citizens."' Buchanan Sharp's investigation of popular protest. however. characterizes the numerous riots u hicli occurred during the early to mid- seventeenth century as a movement of common labourers and agrarian workers:

Typically. disorder occurred in areas with large populations of wage earners. Such places included market towns. ports and, above ail. kn lands or wood-pasture areas. some of which were the location of industries like clot hmaking. mining or iron-making. Wage earners depended on the market for their basic bread grains: they also depended, where available, on access to common in forest and fen for important income supplements. Since the economy of wage-earning cottagers kvas a household one in which al1 the physically able members contnbuted to the fam il? income. it is not surprising that women often participated in riots alongside men and that they sometimes. in fact. Ied protests. Food and anti-improvement riots were. in sum. as typical of the pre-industrial household economy as strikes were to be of the industrial hctory economy. w

Like the Diggers. these protestors do not represent the intrrests of a 'puritan.' proto-bourgeois gentry. While it may be noted that the workers described by Sharp represent a lower social order than the largely urbaii and highly literate pamphletrçr. ttiis dispanty is typical of a pre-industrial society. in which a "manifold gradation" of social and eçonomic orders participate in revolution.

89 The breaking down of land enclosures. and protssts against fen drainage and expansion of Crown forest land are ofien cited. by Hill and oihers. as forms of gentry rebellion which led to the outbreak of war. The economic position of the gentry is heavily debated. See R.H. Tawney. "The Rise of the Gentry. 1588- 1640." Economic Histoc. Review vol. XI ( 194 1): 5-37. Tawney characterizes the civil war and the events which preceded it to be a --rebellion of the rich against the poor." Hugh Trevor-Roper disapees. claiming chat the gentry were not a rising capitalist force. Still. he characterizes popular protest and e\.entual \var as "the blind revolt of the gentry against the court" (205). See '-The Social Causes of the Great Rebellion." Histoncal Essavs (London: Harper. 1957) 195-205.

w~uchananSharp. "Popular Protest" Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Centuv Eneland, ed. Barry Reay (New York: St Martin's Press 1985) 274. With the emergence of a primitive proletariat also emerges a proto-bourgeoisie. One of the most prominent examples of a seventeenth-centup -tapi ta1 ist ' is John Taylor. the water-pet. Bernard

Capp. in a recent biography of Taylor records his slaborate money-making escapades, and his desire to gain higher social standing. Taylor \vas a prolitic pamphleteer. contributing prodigious quantities of pamphlets to the war of words. He \\.as also an Anglican and steadfast Royalist."

When exarnining pamphlets of known authorship. it is this type of inconsistency which challenges traditional linear narratives.

In this presapitalist. pre-industrial society. Levsllen. Digers. apprentices, tradesmen. women petitioners. anti-Episcopalians. along with Episcopalians and various Royalists, contribute to a literary revolution." Following the collapse of censorship. the press itself becarne a levelling device, as voices of the disenfranchised old ordrr and the newly emerging voices opposed to that order shared the public sphere. Too sarly to anticipate a bourgeois epoch. but post-feudalistic. increasingly urbanized. and developed enough to have an emerging proletariat, the English who opposed the actions of the King began a civil war which led to revolution. The ideologies of those fomenting the revolution were too fraymcnted. and the emerging powers too diverse to sustain a new order. This is Marx and Engels's mode1 of critical-Utopian socialism.

9' Bernard Capp. The World of John Tavlor the Water-Poet. 1 578- 1653 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1 994).

9' Royalist unity. 1 believe. should also be challringed. Those who pave rnilitary support to Charles included Anglicans. English Roman Catholics. and anti-Episcopalians who refùsed to raise their swords against him. Individual aristocrats trainrd and commanded their own troops individually and idiosyncratically. Both Parliamentarians and Royalists gained soldiers through impressment. and a common soIdier0salliance was otisn determined by the alliance of a particular city, rather than sel f-deterrnined ideolog~..Sse. tor esample. Austin WooIrych. Battles of the Enplish Civil War (London: B.T. Batsford. 196 1 ) 14-1 5. 43

This historical model allows for the recognition of the broad range of voices in civil war texts. and the numerous sects and factions behind them. It also allows for the investigation of the penod's literatwe, and invites current critical approaciitts to treat this literature as innovative and unique.

Heteroglossia

Sharon Achinstein notes briefly in a 1994 book review. that pamphlets of the mid- seventeenth century were '-patchwork affairs which mi'ced genres. tropes. symbols, and even languages. They are wonderful exarnples of Bakh t in ian httterogl~ssia."~Holstun asserts that analyses of the pamphlet wars benefit fiorn "what we rnight cal1 (after Bakhtin) a dialogicai model, focusing on the dynamic conversations. arguments and polemical conflicts between the various social sites (classes. genres. creeds. genders. political theories. physical places) that define the landscape of the revolutionq emY4The sprci tics of this application bave yet to be elaborated.

Michael Holquist. editing Bakhtin. detïnes Heteroglossia as

The base condition governinp the operation O t' meaning in any utterance. It is that which insures the pnmacy of context over text. At an)- yivrn time. in any given place, there will be a set of conditions - social. historical. meteorological. physiological - that will insure that a word uttered in that place and at that tirne uill have a meaning different than it would have under any other conditions: al1 uttrrances are heteroglot in that they are functions of a matrix of forces practically impossible to recoup. and therefore impossible to resolve. Heteroglossia is as close a conceptualization as is possible of that locus where centripetal [centralizing] and centrifùgal [decentralizing] forces collide; as such, it is that

93 Sharon Achinstein. rev. of The Rhetonc of Politics in the Encilish Revolution by Elizabeth Skerpan, Seventeenth-Centurv News Fall-N'inter 1994: 6 1.

94 Holstun, "Introduction." The Parn~hiet\Vars 6. which a systematic Iinguistics must alwa?-ssupprrss.'"

In the pamphlet wars. the diatogic nature of textual eschange ensures the primacy of context.

With the publication of a text. or rven the republication a test. the specific utterance responds to the conditions of its occasioning. That the pamphlet is an utterance corresponds to the sense of orality noted, for exampie. by Marie-Helene Davis- w ho descn bes pamphlets as "spontaneous controversial outbursts."" Parnphleteers and printers oAen assembled their texts piecemeal out of existing works, creating heteroglot constructions. The tollowing pamphlets iltustrate these aspects of heteroglossia.

On March 3. 1646. A Declaration of a Strange and Wonderfull Monster announced that

Mrs. Haughton, a "Popish Gentlewomen." had given birth to a headless rnon~ter.~'The fiat civil war had ended mid-February. The Basing House garrison. known for its Catholicism, refùsed to surrender. Parliamentarian forces. inspired by ami-Catholic zeaI. "stormed afier a vicious and prolonged artillery bombardment." They capped their victory with a massacre.98To justiQ the massacre, Parliamentarian supporters published reports ot'subversive recusant behaviour. This pamphlet. when considered in its context. becomes a 'spontaneous. controversial outburst.' The

95 Bakhtin, Mikhail, The Dialoeic Ima~ination:Four Essays by M.M. Bakhtin, ed. Michael Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michae! Holquist. (Austin: U of Texas P, 198 1) 428. Bakhtin distinguishes between social heteroglossia and the inclusion of heteroglossia in the novel, where it is contained by an over-arching. authorial unity (162-265).Pamphlet warfare, like social heteroglossia has no over-arching unity: sven within an individual text. agency is determined by a set of extemal. heterogeneous forces.

96 Marie-Helene Davis. Reflections of Renaissance Endand: Life. Thouaht and Religion Mirrored in Illustrated Pam~h!ets. 1535-1640 (Allison Park: Pickwick. 1987) 1.

97 A Declaration of a Stranae and Wondsrhtl Monster (March 3. 1646) 53:E.325 (20).

98 Peter Newman. Atlas of the English Civil War (London: Croom Helm. 1985) 83. 45 report of Mrs. Haughton's monstrous birth not only propagandizes against the dangers of recusancy. it projects ont0 the recusant woman a tiagmrnted. headless body. which more properly belongs at the scene of the massacre. blrs. Haugliion had allegedly declared that she

*'wished rather to bear a Childe \vithout a head then a Roundhead," The suggestion is that Roman

Catholics would rather suffer decapitation than surrei~dcr.The pamphlet contains a woodcut. We see Mrs. Haughton in childbed. attended by women. One carries a crucifix. A rosq hangs on the wall. The figure of the headless 'baby.' however. stands at the centre of the woodcut, &ce the size of the women who surround it. It is not actually headless. but looks suspiciously like earlier reports fiom sub-equatorial explorers who claimed to witness men with heads beneath their shoulder~.~The monster gazes menacingly at the readrr. rmbodying the threat of Catholicism.

The monstrous binh is a matter of national securïty. The 'ïestimony was brought up by a member of the House of Commons." Copies of the pamphlet '-\\tire presented to the Parliament." (See fig.

2). This is rny interpretation of the pamphlet's occasioning but it also may respond to a wide range of other 'utterances,' and be subject to various. alternate readings.

In 1 65 2. The Ranters Monster appeared. "" The Rantrr Mary Adams reportedly gave birth to a headless monster "the like never before heard oLS'The pamphlet. however. reproduces the same woodcut. (See fig. 3). The image takes on new meaning through a new context, and must be interpreted according to changes both in the text. and in the various occasions and utterances to which it responds, including its antecedent. A Declaration of a Strange and Wonderfull

The reference occurs in Othello to "Such merd Whose heads stood in their breasts." 1.3: 144-5.

'O0 The Ranters Monster (March 30. i 651)10 1 E658 (6). 46

Monster. The Ranters Monster is not a univocal, single-authored text, but a heteroglot composition. Some works such as "The Fable of the Belly." cited above. are simply re-told, with

Iittle substanial alteration. Through the retelling. howe\rer. it becornes a different text. published for the purpose of putting down the Levellers.

The Faerie Leveller ( 1648) republishes an excerpt from Spenser's The Faerie Oueen

(Book V, Canto 2). The words of Spenser are not altered. but an introductory key positions the work as a roman a clef: Arthigall is King Charles. Pollente represents the "prevalent over awing

Faction in the two Houses." Assisting Pollente is Munera. personifjing "the intolerable

Tax-raisers, the Countrey Cornmitees. Sequestrators and Excize-men." The "Gyant Leveller" is

Oliver Cromwell. 'O1 The original verses remain unaltered so that the text appears to be prophetic.

Spenser, daims the civil-war author. '-deciphered in Queene Elizabeths dayes" the relationship between King Charles and his Leveller. The text is altered by its position in a new he.Jorge

Luis Borges cleverly illustrates this phenornenon. In his short stop "Pierre Menard, Author of the

Quixote," Menard rewrites Cervantes's seventeenth-csntury text word for word, and the meaning of the text completely transforms: "Cemantes's text and ~Venard'sare verbally identical, but the second is almost infinitely richer. (More ambiguous his detractors will say, but ambiguity is richness)"; "Frarne is a form of incomprehension. perhaps the w~rst."'~'The meaning of the utterance is framed by the contexts which occasion it. and the other utterances

(either spoken or written) to which it responds.

'O' The Faerie Leveller (July 27, 1648) 72E.454 (23) 4.

'O2 Jorge Luis Borges. Labvrinths: Selected Stones and Other Writinps (New York: New Directions. 1964) 4243. 49

The impossibility of a complete recuperation of meaning is an innate function of the

pamphlet's generic constnict. and is related to the codification issues discussed by Lois Potter.

Some aspects of this 'matnx of forces' cm be isolated through the deciphering of intemal codes,

and the investigation of those external forces such as historical occasioning. That pamphlets

refuse to give over the entirety of their meaning is not an obstacle to analysis. but a condition of

arnbiguity which allows for continued critical reassessment.

The English revolution exists as a locus for the collision of centripetal (centralizing)

forces, and centrifugai (decentralizing) forces. Centri petal forces include the drive for church

uniformity, fixed and hierarchical divisions of labour. defined genders and gender roles, national

cohesion (either under monarchy, parliarnentary mle. or a coalesced system of repubiica~sm),

genre distinctions, and established systems of writerly and oral discourse. It is the conservative

force within revolutionary discourse which calls for ordered. hierarchical systems, and the re-

masculinization of those systems. Bakhtin considers that the "des and the high poetic genres of

any era exercise a centripetal - a homogenizing and hierarchicizing influence.'"'' The poetic

language which Sharpe and Zwicker value is part of this centralizing. hierarchical discourse.

Heteroglossia "is that which a systemic linguistics must always suppress." and detractors of

pamphlet war-literature follow this linguistic imperative.

Centrifuga1 forces include the drive for toleration. faction. freedom of expression, social and economic levehg, the dissolution of gender roles and boundaries. the privileging of conscience over law, anarchy, and heterodox discourses. Holquist defines centrifuga1 forces as

"decrowning, dispersing" forces. Literally. we can see these as the anti-monarchical voices of the

'O3 Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic imagination 425. pamphlet wars. but as political shifis occur. groups such as the Presbyterians. who attempt to enforce uniformity. become attached to a centripetal force. while a variety of unsoaiesced, centrifugal forces, such as Utopian-socialists and tolentionists. attempt to destabilize unifoxm ideology and *'uni- language.""*

Heteroglossia is --multi-voiced, multi-stylsd and often rn~lti-lan~ua~ed."'~~tn the English revolution, the absence of effective censorship. and the absence of a head of state who can disseminate and enforce ideological and linguistic unity. result in this collision of centripetal and centrifuga1 forces. The centrifuga1 forces which participate in this collision form the linguistic counterpart of criticai Utopian socialisrn's disparate and reactionary character. Whether the enemies of the Utopian socialists are monarchy. aristocracy. or religious uniformity, no one centripetal force has the power to impose ideological or linguistic unity. The collision of these forces creates heteroglossia. In the pamphlet wars. the multiplicity of voices. styles, and

'languages' result in a 'babble' which no authority. and no one linguistic system can suppress.

Diverse groups used the image of Babel to condemn their opponents. but attempts to correct this confusion only added to the war of words.

In "The Politics of Babel in the English Revolution" Sharon Achinstein daims that "more often than not, the story of Babel was cited in order to restore authority to the King's language," and Royalist parnphleteers such as John Cleveland associate linguistic diversity with faction and

Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialoeic Imagination 170.

'OS Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialoeic Imagination 265. 5 1 anar~h~.'~~Babel becomes conflated with both babble and Babylon. Thomas Blount's dictionary explains, "'we use Babel for confused: and Babylonical for magnificent and costly. and to Babel or babble, to twattle. or speak conf~sedly."'~~Blount's dictionary is itself an atternpt to stave off the divisiveness of babble by standardizing language and meaning. Milton's Eikonoklastes associates Babel with monarchical tyramy. even though many othen viewed the pamphlet wars as the result of anti-Royalist movements. Milton daims. Nimrod was "the first King, and the begi~ingof his Kingdom was abe el."'^' The allusion to Babel becomes. for the millenarian. a biblical type which prefigures the chaos of England's ci\d wars. Abiezer Coppe sees babble as divine language, characterizing himself as a "babling Battologist." anticipated by St. Paul, 'lhe

Athenian's ~abler."'" Unlike Coppe. most pamphleteers associate babble or Babel with their opponent's rhetoric. William Prynne's pamphlet. New Babel's Confusion (1 647) cornplains about civil disorder and the chaos of public voices. even though his own pamphlets. voluminous and prolific, contributed significantly to the war of words.'" The terni "babble" was fiequently used to decry an opponent's linguistic incoherence. or. in modem terms. contribution to heteroglossia. Free speech was itself responsible for linguistic incoherency. As Lois Potter i llustrates, however, Royalists. with their encoded pamphlets. added to that confusion which they

'06 Sharon Achinstein. 'The Politics of Babel in the English Revolution." The Parnvhlet Wars 18. 22.

'O7 Thomas Blount, Glossomaahia (July 23. 1656) 199:E. 1573 (1) sig. F2; Achinstein 23.

'O8 John Milton. Prose Works 3 vols. (Menston. The Scholar Press. 1967) vol 3.598; Achinstein 23.

'O9 Abiezer Coppe. Some Sweet Si~sof Some Soiritual Wine (1649) A Collection of Ranter Writines 60.

"O William Pry~e.New Babels ConFusion (1 647): Achinstein 24. so vehemently decried.

The notion that rhetork consisted of seductive eloquence and suspicious ornamentation has been falsely associated with puritan discourse. Hobbes. in De Cive ( 1642). warning against rhetoric. free speech. and democracy. "identifies oratory u ith sedition."' '' The unity and order of the body politic is associated with a unified discourse. and hctioning creates a dismembennent of that body. Hobbes presents this image of discourse as both a physical and political body in & -Cive:

For Folly and Eloquence concurre in the subversion of government in the same manner (as fable hath it) as heretofore the daughters of Prlius King of Thessaly. conspired with Medea against their father: They going to restore the decrepit old man to his youth again, by the counsell of Medea. they cut him into peeces. and set him in the fire to boyle, in vain expecting when he would Iive again: So the common people through their folly (like the daughters of Pelias) desiring to renew the ancient govemment. king drawne away by the eioquence of ambitious men. as it were by the witchcraft of Medea. divided into faction. they consume it rather by those flames. thrn they reforme it. ' "

Hobbes identifies the countv as both a body and a test whic h faction has dismembered through the 'eloquence' of disparate orators. (Hobbes. of course. utilizes a certain eloquence to give his own argument suasiveness. but only attributes this rhetorical tactic to his opponents.) Hobbes links both sedition and folly with female agency. The eloquence of "witchcraft. " and the folly of common people (the daughters of Pelias) undennine the unity and stability of the body. As will demonstrate in the following chapter. public oratory becomes both factious and female for a broad range of parnphleteers.

"' Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 36.

"? Thomas Hobbes De Cive (1642) quote from --The English Edition" (165 1) Howard Warrender, ed. (Oxford: Clarendon. 1983) XII. Xiii. 155- 1 56; Smith. Literature and Revolution 36. Chapter 2

This Body 1s Not a Lovesong: Publie Voices and Uncivil Ward l3

Come live with me and be my love. And we will al1 the pleasures prove . . . By shallow rivers to whose fàlls Melodious birds sing madrigals. - Christopher Marlowe (ca. 1593)

Come Clowns. and corne Boys. corne Hoberdehoys. Come Femaies of each degrce. Stretch your throats. bring in your Votes. And make good the Anarchy - Thomas Jordan ( 1648) ' "

The transition fiom 'centripetal.' hierarchical Renaissance poetics to civil war heteroglossia involved the development of new invrttiio - the discovering of material appropnate to the cause of the speaker. "Malicious persons need good inventions." writes Charles 1.'"

Discordant voices replaced harmonious rnadrigals. As regards rhetoric. the art of persuasion was integral to pamphlet warfare. Pamphleteers of al1 stripcs relied upon the precepts of formal oratory. The Renaissance ethos. with its valuiny of citaiional rhetoric. hierarchical language, and its discourse of idealized beauty necessarily changed to reflect and to respond to civil chaos. îhe cornmonplaces of revolutionary writing became distinct fiom those used in earlier decades.

Pamphleteers, despite even self-proclaimeci assertions to the contmy. did not 'reject rhetoric.'

' l3Professor M.F.N. Dixon's graduate class. -œRhrtoricalTheory and Renaissance Literature," University of Toronto. 1996-97. provided the basis for many of the ideas on rhetoric presented in this chapter,

"'Thomas Jordan, The Anarchie, Beinci a New Carol1 Wherein the Peode Exbtess their Thankes and Prw for the Reformers (January 1 1. 1648) 669.f.1 1 ( 1 14).

II5 Charles 1 and John Gauden, Eikon Basilike 13 1. 54

Sandra Clark notes that "Pamphlets were ofien constructed according to the principles of rhetorical oration with its formal parts of introduction. narration. division. proof, refûtation and c~nclusion.""~Nigel Smith writes. -*in the political and religious wvorks of the 1640s and 1650s, it was assumed that oratoiy could be transferred to the printed pamphlet. and that such oratory would play an active role in what was understood to be a \var of words."'" While rhetorical variations are numerous. orality is characterized botli by the pamphleteer's adherence to the precepts of public oratory and an insistence that the 'orator' is confronting a listener in person.

The pamphlets of this era constitute what Walter Ong detlnes as "oral residue." Ong writes, "by oral residue 1 mean the habits of thought and expression tracing back to preliterate situations or practice. or denving hmthe dominance of the oral as a medium in a given culture, or indicating a reluctance or inability to dissociate the written medium from the spoken.-*'lP The various utterances to which revolutionary pamphlets allude are ofien those of the surrounding oral culture: speeches. public announcements. the chants of protestors. or the report of a gun. These. in Bakhtinian terms, represent "fùnctions of a matrix of forces practically impossible to recoup, and therefore impossible to resolve." They are also. in Ony's terms. '*oral residue." In tex& which are anonymous, pseudonymous. or corporately authored. the agency of the pamphlet is part of its oral residue. During the pamphlet wars, the vocality of women in the public sphere increased the suspicion that oratory was not only subversive. but îèminine. The tongue became a female

'M Sandra Clark. The Elitabethan Pamphleterrs: Popular Moralistic Parnvhlets 1580- 1640 (London: Althone Press. 1983) 230.

"'Smith, Literature and Revolution 38.

' Walter Ong. Rhetoric. Romance and Tschnologv ( Ithaca: Comell UP. 1971 ) 26-27. 55 weapon; and the variously gendered body becarne the topos of heteroglossic discourse.

The use of the body as a literary ropm is itself an orthodox and familiar feature of

Renaissance writing. A decorous cataloguing of body parts aniculates idealized beauty and unrequited love, while encoding pastoral landscapes \bitIl a courtier's desire to win the favours of a Virgin Queen. Images of the body. its physical attributes. its biology. its sexuality. even its cornplaints reaffirrn the stability of the realm and its rnonarch. The Renaissance body transports and disseminates ideology. promotes nationalism. markets the colonial enterprise and Protestant unifomity, and often elevates the author within the hierarchy of the court. The body, deftly imagined, could be the currency of a successful career. In canonical works. we accept that the body consists of a decorous rcndering of political encornia. The irnperfect body likewise occupies orthodox space in canonical literature. Richard III. as Shakespeare re-imagined him, is the consummate villain, the grotesque embodiment of civil war. Because of his deformity, he cannot tum to the pleasures of love. and England can only retum to peace after the elimination of his deformed body. When the body in question is that of a monarch. it takes on the dimensions of the nation. invoking the body politic. The monarchical head ruies over the body of the nation. but the health of the monarch and the nation are inextricably conjoined.

Civil war ephemera continue to utilize those images of the body which had been prominent during the earlier English Renaissance. with some significant variations: images of the body politic becarne transgendered. Encomia especially regarding the female body, al1 but vanished. and the body became the site of heterodos in\.ectivçs. During the civil wars and interregnurn, the body remained a dominant Iitera~rupos. The body represented in the political pamphlet retains those rhetorical figures which attend its carlier usage. with variations which 56 reflect political upheaval. The politicized body becomes drstabilized at those points which are intnnsic to self-definition - its gender and sexuality. Imagés of the sema1 body. the traditional fare of love poetry. become weaponry in the pamphlet \iars. Grotesque and scatological images of the body. unique to this situation of civil Nar and social chaos. retlect the traumas of a factioned body politic. The body in the revolutionap pamphlet is sexual. and its sexuality redefines its biology. ernphasizing impossible grotesqueries. Images of giant pudenda female phalluses, impregnation through dildos. monstrous births. and monsters of composite or ambiguous gender become invectives in this war of words. Images of women in power fiequently represent the usurpation of legitimate authority. These tigurative women bear no resemblance to the proverbial "weaker vessel" which has corne to represent seventeenth-century womanhood, and in no way does this feminization of the enemy suggest emasculation. These characters are viragos and warrior women. and they pose a serious threat to authority only in tirnes of severe political crisis. Images of female power and female govemance became a popular mode of troping civil chaos. In civil-war satires. women niled the country. and men were impotent both sexually and in affairs of state.

Whiie this change from idealized love-object to gargantuan warrior-woman occurred gradually. a certain public hysteria regarding gender roles peaked in 16 15. when Frances Howard became implicated in the poisoning of Thomas Overbu~..Howard. scandalously, had sued for an annulment of her marriage to Robert Devereux. third Earl of Essex on the grounds of his impotence, and Overbury had objected to the annulment. Significantly. Essex would become the leader of the Parliamentarian forces throughout the better part of the first civil war, where reports of his impotence gave the Royalists political arnmunition. Royalists were quick to point to evidence of Parliamentarian *emascuIation.' Cieveland condemns Essex as a "GeldinpEarle":

Impotent Essex! 1s it not a shame Our Commonwealth. like to a Turkish Dunw. Should have an Eunuch-Guardian? May she bec Ravishwdby Charles. rather then sav'd by the.' '"

Mistress Parliament Brought to Bed of a Monstrous Chiide of Reforrnation repeats the insult.

"Mrs. Parliament . . . hath imprisoned her Husband. and prostituted her body to a very Eunuch, that had nothing to help himself ~ithall.""~Both quotations illustrate the conjoining of military cowardess and sexual failure.

In 1615, however. Frances Howard became the archetypal monstrous woman, and Essex the weak, impotent man who was unable to rule ovrr hrr.'" Joseph Sweetrnan first published

The Arraienment of Lewd. Idle. Froward. and Unconstant Wûmen in 1 6 1 5, possibly to capitalize on the anti-feminist sentiments surrounding the Ho\tard affair. Swetnam writes, '-a woman's chief strength is in her tongue: the serpent hath not so much venorn in his tail as she hath in her

The sense of women being venomous possi biy speaks to the poisoning of Overbury, end to Howard as the archetypal witch/poisoner. It also recalls the relationship between Eve and the serpent. making the accusation applicable to ail of nornankind. Betty Travitsky notes that "an

John Cleveland. "To P. Ruperf' The Poems of John Cleveland. ed. Brian Moms and Eleanor Withington (1 647; Oxford: Clarendon. 1967) 34. l ines 4348.

"O Mistress Parliament Broueht to Bed ofa Monsirous Childe of Reformation (1648), ed. Lois Potter, AEB 1 (1 977): 12 1.

"' For a detailed reconsideration of the image of Frances Howard. see David Lindley, Trials of Frances Howard: Fact and Fiction at the Court of King James (London: Routledge. 1993). "' Swetnam, The Artaienment of Lewdr. Idlr. Froward. and Unconstant Women, (1615) STC 23534 41. outburst of renewed attacks on women [were] bolstrred in part by the Overbury scandal.

misognist sentiments. expressed in traditional liten- attacks on women. rose in nurnber. The defences of women composed by women grew more poiiited."''' In 1 6 1 7. Swetnam's text went into its fourth edition. and received a number ot'responsrs from women such as Rachel Speght and the pseudonyrnous Constantia Munda both producing sincere arguments in defence of the female sex. This is one of the few moments. prior to 1640. u-hen women participated in a pamphlet war. The most debatable respondent. Esther Sol\-ernarn. may have ken Swetnarn

himself, capitalizing on the popularity of the debate. The counterblasts sewed to keep the debate alive, and to increase the anxiety surrounding women in the public sphere."'

While Swetnam's text speaks directly to issues of female conduct. it undennines the

'conduct book' tradition of citational rhetonc by invettinp the standard exegesis of its exempla:'''

"Moses describeth a woman thus: 'At the first beginning' saith he. 'a woman was made to be a helper unto man.' And so they are indeed. for she helpeth io spend and consume that which man painfully getteth.'"26 According to the precepts of classical oratory. citational rhetoric bolsters the speaker's credibility by demonstrating emdition and mord credibility. Swetnarn. however,

l3 Betty Travitsky, "The Lady Doth Protest: Protest in the Popular Wntings of Renaissance Englishwomen." English Literary Renaissance 14 ( 1 984) 266.

"'For facsimile reprints of Swetnarn's temale andfix.. female respondents see Simon Shepherd, ed. The Women's Sharp Revenge: Five Women's Pam~hietsfrom the Renaissance. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1985.

Diane Purkiss. "Material Girls: The Se\.entcenth-Century Woman Debate," Women, Texts. Histories 1575-1760. eds. Clare Brant and Diane Purkiss (New York: Routledge, 1992) 73.

Joseph Swetnarn. The Amaienment of Lewdr. Idle. Froward. and Unconstant Women, 1 . Swetnam alludes to Gen. 2: 1 8. 59 intentionally undemines his exempfu, making the biblical allusion burlesque. As Diane Purkiss points out. "it is a carnivalesque moment. in which the loi\- inserts itself subversively into the high.-?127 The wornan of Swetnam's text no longer occupies a traditional role in society. She is not damned for overstepping social boundaries: she is condemned for her role within thern. This brand of misogyny not only eradicates feminine space. but creates an environment in which any space occupied by women or figurative women becomes subversive. As social order began to

detenorate. female figures increasingly represented il leyi timate power. even, if that power was contained within a traditional domestic space.

Swetnarn the Woman-Hater. Arraimed bu Women. a tragicomedy attributed to Thomas

Heywood. appeared in print in 1620. as did Swetnarn's fi fth edition of The Anaimunent of

Lewd. Idle. Froward. and Unconstant Women. Also in 1620. James 1 responded to the public tumoi1 which he construed as an issue of female fashion. John Chamberlain records James's directive:

Yesterday the bishop of London called together al1 his clergie about this towne, and told them he had express commandment from the King to will thsm to inveigh vehemently against the insolencies of our women. and rheyre uxaring of brode brimd hats, pointed dublets. theyre haire cut short or shorne- and some of them stilettaes or pinards. and such other trinckets of the like moment: adding \vithail that if pulpit admonitions will not reforme them he wold proceed by another course: the tmth is the world is vecy much out of order, but whether this will mende it God knones. "'

James obviously felt that women's façhion posed some threat to the status quo. and that the

Iz7 Diane Purkiss. "Material Girls: The Seventeenth-Century Woman Debate," Women, Texts. Histories 1575- 1 760 73.

"'"9. Chamberlain to Sir D. Carleton. 25 Januap 1620." Edward Phillips Statham. 9 Jacobean Letter-Writer: The Life and Times of John Chaniberlain (London: K.Paul. Trench, Trubner, 1 920) 1 82- 1 83. 60 enforcement of dress-codes would re-order gender boundaries and behaviours. Although the sti lettaes and poinards are weapons. they are di m in lit i w ones. mere "trinckets." Cross-dressing women posed a social threat. but not a threat of physical \-iolence. Such weapons remained fashion accessories for the 1620s woman. The \\.orid had ?.et to be 'turned upside down.' but as

Chamberlain notes. it was '-very much out of order." Janies I's directive indicates a belief that stable gender boundaries finctioned as indicators of an ordered state.

The mordistic invectives against cross-dressing in the Jacobean period were generally in response to theatrical costumes. and sternmed from the scriptural imperative. "The woman shall not Wear that which pertaineth unto a man. neither shall a man put on a woman's gannent."'29

Opposition to transvestitism was based on the assumption that there exists a disparity between the biological sex of the offender and the gender designation of the apparel. This is exactly why

Jonson's Zeal-of-the-Land Busy loses face. The puppets. whom he condemns. have no biological sex, so they camot be accused of cross-dressing. In Hic Mulier: or the Man- Woman, however, a

1620 pamphlet possibly inspired by James's directi\e wornen who Wear masculine garments are

*'a deformitie never before dream'd of. that have made your selves stranger things then ever

Noah's Arke unladed. or Nvle ingendred."'jO Cross-dressing in this pamphlet is not a gender- inappropriate costume, but a means of reconfiguring the body and destabilizing its gender. The eliniination of fixed gender is declared monstrous. The costume. according to this parnphleteer. becomes inseparable from the biological form of its \r.earer. Women who wear male clothing are

"9 Deut. 225.

''O Hic Mulier: or. the Man-Woman: Being a Medicine to cure the Coltish Disease of the Stan~ersin the Masculine-Feminines of our Times ( 1620) STC 13375.5 sig. A3v. not merely donning a costume. the- are monstrous and dçformed. They have metamorphosed:

-'Man in body by attyre. man in behaviour by rude complement. man in nature by aptnesse to anger. man in action by pursuing revenge. man in u-earing wapons. man in using weapons: And in briefe, so much man in al1 things. that they are neitlisr nien. nor wornen. but iust good for nothing.""' Gender bending not only distorts physiolog,. it destabilizes linguistic and rhetoncal precepts - a significant factor in a Bar of words. The author of Hic Mulier defends the false Latin of the title as the only language which is appropriatc to its subject matter: "1 will doe it in despite of the Gra~nmar."'~Badgrammar was decorous when dealing with 'bad' women. In 1620, the female monster was a novelty. but by the outbreak of civil war. she was a cornmonplace.

Hic Mulier oçcasioned a tract against "ferninine men." entitled Haec Vir, which not only criticizes men who dress as women. but men who become "ferninine" by allowing women to usurp male household rule."' A further tract responding to Hic Mulier. however, contends that any social il1 is synonymous with gender-bending. The author claims that a "Masculine

Ferninine" is any woman who "sitteth a gossiping": "w-hose tongue is able to set the whole world on tire": "an old painted Whore": -'The Puritan sis~ei':and "Shee that keepes a masse Priest."'"

In response to Haec Vir. the author claims. "ferninine nien" are not only those '-yong Fellowes,

13' Hic MuIier B2.

'" Hic Mulier A3.

"j Haec Vir: Or the Womanish-Man. Three Pam~hietson the Jabcobean Anti feminist Controversv: Facsimile Reproductions with an Introduction bv Barbara J. Bains (1620; Delmar: Scholars' Facsimiles and Reprints. 1978).

IY Muld Sacke: Or the Apolow of Hic Mulier. Three Pamphlets on the Jabcobean Antifeminist Controversv(l620) sig. B2. 62 who deckes themselues vp in effeminate fahions." but "The Churchman that preferres pride. simony. or other worldly respects": 'rhe Judge. who is cornipt with briberie": and "the base bloud sucking Vsurer." Ferninine men. claims the author. -*arc lit tàots for hell.""%e hornophobic insult seems strangely modem. The author. hoarwr. is providing an expansive detinition of gender. Any vice. any socially subversive action. signifies transgendered status. This text marks an important transition in figurations of the body. as it collocates a wide range of social anxieties on one figure, allowing the transgendered body to become the /upm of Iarger crises.

By 1630, a female conduct book declared. "A tierce beast and a dangerous foe is an outragious woman to a Commonwealth: for shee hath much power to doe much harme, and is not apt to follow any goodnesse."'" Outrage. as the author makes clear. is synonymous with insanity.

Pubiic speech is the determinant of female madness. Any woman who speaks out. therefore, is easily recognizable as king insane. This idea on its own is simply misogyny. It contains nothing new. Diane Purkiss writes."Misogyny does not purport to be originary or creative: instead. its characteristic move is to reiterate or re-cite stories of tigures always already known. In this sense, misogyny is less a single unified voice than a collocation of stories and speeches that can be voiced at any tirne.'"'' That a woman whose insanity is so easily diagnosable has the power to destabilize a governrnent is more problematic. This is not simply a rnisogynist reiteration. It reflects upon the fragility of nationhood. and the temptation to accept female speech in a public,

'" Muld Sacke: Or the Awloev of Hic Mulier ( 1610)Three Pamphlets on the Jabcobean Antifeminist Controversv sigs. B2v-B3v.

MM. The Mothers Counsell. or Live within Compass STC 20583 (1 630) 17.

'j7 Diane Purkiss. "Matenal Girls: The Seventeenth-Century Woman Debate." Women, Texts. Histories 1 575- 1 76- 72. political context. This image of women as fierce. bestial. and dangerous to the nation becomes increasingly prominent as political tensions mount.

In 1637. a reprinting of Joseph Swetnam's The Arraignment of Lswd.de. Idle. Froward. and

Unconstant Women revived the fashion debates. as Thomas Heywood. Richard Braithwait,

Martin Parker. and John Taylor the water-pst produceci pamphlets which added to Swetnam's catalogue of anti-feminist invectives."' These responses to Swetnam. begiming in 1638. iink political concems to images of fashion and fernale powver. bringing the fashion debates into the political sphere. Heywood-s A Cunaine Lecture ( 1 638). for example. invokes Juvend to demonstrate that women who transgressed their traditionally feminine realm could possess a public voice which was dangerously persuasive: "There is no cause in Court. nor act in StateJ

From which a woman cannot ground debate." Heywood continues. "And to that purpose hee introduceth one Manilia a bold-fac't Roman Matron. who bçing full of controversie. and through her wrangling having many suits in agitation. blusht not in open Court to bee her owne Advocate. and plead her owne causes in publike assem blies.""' The image of the vocal woman became larger than life. Her tongue could destabilize the nation.

John Taylor, in A hni~erLecture contends. --.htnip-is hot and drye (as Galen saith) and

13' Thomas Heywood. A Curtaine Lecture STC 133 12.5 (1 638): Richard Brathwait, Ar't Asiee~eHusband? A Boulster Lecture STC 3555a ( 1639): John Taylor. A Junioer Lecture STC 23766 (1639); Diverse Crabtree Lectures STC 23747 ( 1639) and The Womens Shame Revenge STC 23706 (1640). The earliest extant copy of Parker's A Brief Sum of Certain Worm-Wood Lectures appeared posthumously in 1682 Wing STC 1 33 12. Taylor makes reference to this text in The Womens Sharw Revenee (p 5). Therefore. the U'orm-wood Lectures originally appeared in or before 1640.

'j9Heywood, A Cunaine Lecture 1 1. the tongue of a scold is altogether c~rnbustible."'~"Taylor likens the female tongue to gunpowder and weaponry. In The Parlament of Women ( i 640 ). ibf istris Tattle-well claims that "we have nothing to offend and defend our selves but our tongs. \\liicli we bring in for another sense . . . the tongue ought to bee the sixe sence. which mxr must niaintaine for Our owne safety.""" As the author of A Remonstrance of Londons Occurrences ( 1643) points out. Babel's female counterpart is gossip, and images of gossiping women are used not ml; to put dowm women's speaking, but to feminize heteroglossic discourse:

There are another Company of ignorant spirits that know not what Militia or Anarchy is, and yet they apprehend them as fearefull notions. and will talke as farre from the purpose as a blinde mans Arrow flyes from the marke. and al1 their Argument is their owne weake foolish opinion . . . but Fir sapit qui puirccr loqtrifer:the man is wise that speaketh few words; but where the woman is that speakes few words. is hard to be found, unlesse she be asleepe. or laid in her grave."

The pamphlet makes its political context explicit:

Women therefore talk as they are. like Parrets. of Religion. of Bishops. of the Service of the Church, and the govemment thereof. let them praise Tom Brownist. and Timorhy Troublesorne his cornpanion Lecturer. and let them talke of newes from Yorke, fiom Ireland. and tell newes without booke to exercisr thcir tongues. which cm never lye still no more then their tayle~.'~'

The pamphlet attacks ail those who speak out against monarchy and episcopacy, and especial ly those in socieîy's lower echelons: "Why shoidd co~~tmonpc.up/e/ of hi& matters taIke./And let their bold rongue/ before rheir wirs ~aike."'~'Recalling the fashion debates. the title page claims to prescribe "solid Counsell to the ignorant. how to know the îàshions of London." Like Muld

'"O John Taylor. A Juniper Lecture sig. A6.

"' The Parlament of Women (1640) STC 19306 sig. A4v.

"' A Remonstrance of Londons Occurrences (Janiiaq. 3 1. 1643) E.87 (9) sig. A4.

'13 A Rernonstrance of Londons Occurrenccs siys. -44-A-l'. 65

Sacke, fashions are not just costumes. but social and political vices. The most letfial body part is

the tongue. The active tongue is a female organ. and the author equates it with an active 'Uyle."

The war of words is feminine discourse. which allows tbr the promiscuous mixing of social orders and the levelling of "high" or elite voices.

Prav Not Be Anerv: Or. The Womens New La\v: With Their Several Votes. Orders,

Rules, and Precevts. to the London-Prentices ( 1656) also equates babblr: or gossip with women

and workers fkom society's lower orders. The pamphlet cornplains of a marriage of '-seven years

bondage" - a Biblical allusion, but also the seventh ann iversary of regicide. It inveighs against

those "who will cry A New Master. a new: and hang up the Old." likening a fickle

commonwealth to whores. It presents itself as a declamtion made by a female Parliament. but does not atternpt to emulate a female voice: "It is strange ot-what kind of mettal a womans tongue is made, that neither correction can chasten. nor fair means quiet? For there is a kind of venome in it that neither by fair means nor fou1 they are to be niled. Ail Beasts by men are made tame, but a womans tongue will never be tame: it is but a smal thing and seldome seen, but is ofien heard, to the terrour and confusion of many a man."'" In the minds of these pamphleteers, the silencing of babble and the restoration of order required a re-masculinization of linguistic authority.

The image of Janet Geddes. flinging her foot stool at the Dean of Edinburgh, stands as an embiem of the times. For those that favoured monarchical and episcopal order, a bold or

'masculine' woman was rebellion penonified. The Fashion debate pamphlets of 1638, copious in nature. produced a virtual warehouse of images and cornmonplaces for later political satires. John

IU K. Thorowgood, Prav Not Be Anew: Or. the Womens New Law: With Their Several Votes. Orders. Rules. and Prece~ts.to the London-Prentices (August I 1.1656) E.885 (7) [4] (pages unsigned and unnumbered). 66

Taylor. following his involvement in the fashion debatrs. went on to publish Mad Fashions. Od

Fashions. All out of Fashions. a test which was farnousl>-re-titled The Word Turned Uvside

Down."' (See fig. 4 and tlg. 5.) As the Bishops' Wars N iinessed the division of English loyalties. and Charles prorogued Parliament. both his supporters and detractors became alarmed that those

'masculine' virtues associated wi th good governmen t. suc h as plenary power and paternal protections of the state. were eroding. Pamphletsers u.trrt. quick to conclude that -weak9men were subject to female rule. both in government and in the domestic sphere. Capitalizing on the popularity of the female grotesque. the printer. John Okss registered The Woman Monster, A

Maiden Monster, A Stranee Relation of a Female Monster. and The Hog-Faced Gentlewoman on

4 and 5 Decernber. 1640.'46

Regarding the Bishops' Wars. Martin Parker published several unlicenced ballads in 1640 which condemned the Scots and Parliament's support of Scotland in the Bishops' ~ars."'

'" John Taylor. Mad Fashions. Od Fashions. All out of Fashions (1 642) 25:E. 138 (30); John Taylor. The World Tum'd U~sideDown (Januap. 18. 1647) 59:E.372 (19). The latter title may have been inspired by the ballad The World 1s Turntrd Upside Down (April 8, 1646) 246:669.f. 10. (47).

14' Noted in Shepherd 160. 1 have confirmed the existence of these titles in the Stationeros Register, but only A Certaine Relation of the Hoc-Faced Gentlewoman (STC 22627), appears to be exmt. An earlier ballad by Laurence Price is similar in content: A Monstrous Shaw. Or Sha~elesseMonster. A Descri~tionof a Female Creature Cwithl a Head Like a Swine (1639) STC 203 17. This pamphlet may have been reprinted under a \-ariant title in 1640. In any event, these titles indicate the popularity of female monsters during the Bishops' Wars.

"'See. for example. Martin Parker. A Paire of Turtlr Doves. or. a Daintv New Scotch Dialogue between a Yong-Man and His Mistresse ( 1 6-10'!):3 True Sub-iect's Wish for the Happy Success of Our Royal Amy (24 Apnl 1640): Britain's Honour ( 1640). and Good News fiom the North (29 September 1640). reprinted by C.H. Firth in Scottish Historical Review, III April (1906) 263-272; and in Hyder E. Rollins's Cavalier and Puritan (New York: New York UP, 1 923). Parker's Britain's Honow commemorates the valour of the Welshmen in the defeat of the Scots at Newburn. Parker reported that the Scottish anny consisted of 15.000 men. Henry Townsend of

Worcester, however, claimed that the Scottish troops consisted of "about 20.000 men and 1000

~ornen.""'~Reports of Scottish warrior-women were legendary by the onset of the Bishops'

Wars. Mary, Countess of Westmoreland wrote to Secretary Windebank. "They say the wornen of

Scotland are chief stirrers of this ~ar.""~Jenny Geddes's attack on episcopacy was quickly appropriated by English satirists. who associated the refrain of "No Bishops" with the impoverished and uneducated fishmongers at Bill i ngsgate.

The association between anti-prelatical women and female fishmongers recails the well- known lines of Samuel Butler: "The oyster women had locked their fish up J and trudged away to cry 'No Bishop. ="ISO Butler. however. records a ccmmonplace from earlier ami-feminist satires.

The dialogue between the anti-prelatical Mrs New-corner and her nemesis Mrs Custome demonstrates the currency of this association in the early 1640s. Mrs New-corner argues for radicai reform of the English Church. including "the putting downe and destroying of this

Romish Beast Christmas." Of her education regarding ecctesiastical matters, she claims, "for no part 1 was never so well read in such Principles. nor ever took any degree at the Universitie of

Billingsgate." Mrs Custome replies. "Perhaps you are of your mothers tutor-age then, for 1 am

"' Rollins notes that Britain-s Honour probably appeared in September, following battles at Newburn and Newcastle in late August. Conceming female soldiers. Rollins cites Townsend's -Diarv. (Rollins 89).

lJ9 CSPD (May 1639) vol. 420.70.

Samuel Butler, Hudibras HI. lines 539-540. Figure 1

John Taylor's Mad Fashions (1642)

MAD FASHI04Ns, OD FASHIONS, Al1 out of Fafhions, 0 R, The Emblems of thefe Diitraaed times.

By Ioh Taylor.

LONDON, - Print cd by lohn Hmnzond, for fhot~znrBanks, 1642. Figure 5

John Taylor's The World Tumed Ll~sideDowm (1 647)

THE sure she was an Oyster-woman of that ~olled~e.""' In his Junioer Lecture (1639), John Taylor condemns the language of Billingsgate women. --My wife sure. good neighbour, was bom at

Billingsgate and was certainly nursed up there. she hath such a vile t~n~ue."'~'These pamphlets pre-date the Oxford English Dictionary's first examples a-Billingsgate" as a term of abuse,lS3yet these pamphlets indicate that "Biltingsgate" was a cornmonplace which combined fou1 language, female fishmongen, and anti-prelatical politics prior to the outbreak of civil war.'" Throughout the 1640s and 1650~~parnphleteers rendered female characten capable of causing the world's inversion; and in popular pamphlets. these wornen frequently controlled Parliament.

'Parliament of Women' satires onginated after the close of the Short Parliament of 1640 and remained a popular fom of troping civil chaos throuphout the interregnum. Characters of gossips and scolds, developed during the Jacobean fashion debates as misogynistic invective, came to represent threats to state authority during the pamphlet wars. The figurative women in these revolutionary pamphlets not only usurp male authority. they corne equipped with working imitations of male anatomy. The first 'Parliament of Women' text. entered into the Stationer's

Reeister in June of 1640. is probably the work of John Taylor the water-pet, as it repeats many

'" Women Will Have their Will: Or. Give Christmas His Due (1642) E. 1 182 (12) 10.

"'Taylor, A Juniwr Lecture 66. '*' The first OED entry for "Billingsgate Rhetoric" is 1652. Andrew Marvell is credited with associating it with a scold in The Rehearsal Trans~osed( 1672). An oyster-woman, in the OED's citations, is merely a woman who sells oysters. with the exception of Butler's usage. The first entry for "fishwives" as a derogatory term for outspoken women is 1662. '" For additional examples of "Billingsgate" and "Oyster Women." see Patricia Higgins, "The Reactions of Women, with Special Reference to Women Petitioners." Politics. Relieion and the Endish Civil War (London: Edward Arnold, 1 973 ) 1 80- I 84. 71 characten and anecdotes fiom Taylor's fashion debate pamphlets of 1638 and 1639."~Taylor alludes to the Swetnard Sowernam pamphlets. while Bridget Bold-face. one of the "gossips," gives voice to the woman whom Swetnam describes: "Why should wee toyle and turmoyle for our home-headed, and hard-headed husbands. and not taste of the sweet as well as the sower."'"

While the Swetnam text represents a carnivalesque -moment.' the civil-war texts do not. ui

Parlament of Women, female vices (as Swetnam earlier defines them) represent a dominant national power. and the female body becomes the topos of political debate. Establishing and popularizing the character of the gossip allowed parnphleteers to disrniss the increasingly vocal women writen and activists. By utilizing images of women. The Parlament of Women simultaneously satirizes Parliament' s voice by representing i ts ideology as gossip. This strategem undermines the ethos of its opponents, exaggerating and vilifying its targets. In this politically charged environment. gossip is a code word for slander. sedition, and conspiracy.

Taylor introduces the figure of Mary Male-part. one of many lascivious wornen who plot to overtake Parliament. These women not only have the physical characteristics of men, as implied by the inclusion of the 'male part.' but they also play the traditional male part in politics and in battle. In a euphemism for sexual intercourse. the traditionally phallic gun barre1 becomes feminized: "every Musket must have a scouring stick. and every gun must have a rammer."'"

The name Male-part, however. is also a possible anagram of Mar-prelat, and is contemporary

Is5 My more detailed note. "John Taylor and The Parlament of Women: An Attribution," will appear in Notes and Ouenes (March 2001 ). See Appendix 1.

lS6 John Taylor, The Pariament of Women ( 1640) sig. A7v.

'" The Parlament of Women STC 19306 ( 1640) sig. A5v. with a number of female Marprelate tracts in which Margery Marprelate represents the voice of the Sconish my."' That Martin Marprelate underwent a sex change during the Bishops' Wars supports Sharon Achinstein's observation that "Gender crisis always seems to erupt in times of social and political cn~is."'~~

Vox Borealis describes Margery Mar-Prelat as "an aged bonny Lasse" who represents the voice of the North wind:

Shee'l scould in Pnnt. whole Volumes till they roare. And laugh to see them strangled in their goare: While BOREAS blows. shee'll put his Wind in Pnnt . . . A Board ye Prelats, and goe hoyst up Sayle: This Wind will drive you to your Romish Coast. Feare not to goe, the Pope will be your Host: To speed your voyage, if you want some Wind. Margery will helpe you, though she break behind. If this verse (Reader) doe otiend thy Nose. Vox Borealis brings perfumed Prose.'*

This pamphlet, a distinct example of a centrifuga1 voice. opens in verse. but denigrates its own poetry as farting, recommending instead its "perfumed prose." Margery Marprelate figures as an elderly scold with indigestion. yet as the defender of Scotland. her offensiveness and her power are female virtues. The coy virgin. although idealized in Renaissance poetry, has no attributes of

"'Pamphlets claiming to be printed by Margery Marprelate: Our Demands of the Endish Lords Manifested (1640) STC 2 1926; The Lawfulnesse of our ExDedition into Enpland Manifested (1640) STC 21 924; George Waiker. A Sermon Preached in London bv a Faithfbll Minister of Christ (1 64 1) Wing W353; Vox Borealis. or the Northem Discoverie (1641); Ouestions to be Dis~utedin CounseIl of the Lords S~intuall(1641)Wing 4187. See also Joseph Black, "Pamphlet Wars: The Marprelate Tracts and Martinism. 1588-1688," diss., U of Toronto, 1996.

lS9 Sharon Achinstein. "Women on Top in the Pamphlet Literature of the English Revolution," Women's Studies 13 1-63.

lm Vox Borealis [II. 73 value in this war of words. Vox Borealis responds specifically to Martin Parker's anti-Scottish

Good News fiom the Nonh. Constantly defending the virtues of the Scottish -y, Margery

Marprelate's pamphlets refute Parker's daims that the Scots were greedy pillagers.

Despite using a violent language to deport the preiates. Margery Marprelate is far more interested in peace than her predecessor. the 'warlike' Martin. Margery Marprelate promotes the use of diplornacy to bring about a resolution to the Bishops' Wars, employing scriphval citations to defend the 'femaie' voice: "We pray GOD to give them the wisdome of the wise woman in

Abell, who when Ioab came near to her City with an Amy. found out a way which both keeped

Ioab fiom king an enemy to the City, and the City fiom king an enemy to him."'6'In Margery

Marprelate's The Lawfiilnesse of Our Exmdition into Enaland Manifested (1640), the rhetoric of fernale power is forensic. forceful. and sincere: "Nothing is more heartiiy wished of us, and of those that sent us, then that the Treaty may begin tyrnously [sic] and end happiiy. This moved us in our last Proposision to desire to know what your Lordships did conceive to be a competencie for the maintenance of our ~miy."'~'Margery Marprelate's creators utilize the voice of a diplornat, and they obviousiy expected that the female pseudonym would add to the credibility of their argument.

English Royalists, at points. also used the faux female voice to promote their cause, and to disparage the failures of male leadership. The Kentish Fair (1648), a political dialogue written on the eve of the battle of Maidstone, presents the voice of Mrs. Webster:

The Lawfuinesse of Our Extxdition into Enaland Manifested 5. See 2 Samuel, 20: 16- 22.

16' 16' Our Demands of the Enelish Lords Manifested. Beine at Ri~pnsig. A2. Men tardy growne, and deaf to good. remisse in every thing: Their owne great woes. not understood. themselves slav'd, and their King. 'Tis time that Women amour weare. and teach Men for to fight: 'Gainst those, who their destruction sweare. and seeke it, day and night . . . Nol Comwell, though thou bath3 in flames. yet know thou Salamander: That thou shalt tremble at ow Names. and wee shall send you yonder. Corne al1 yee Sectaries that dwell within the cursed Citie: And wee will send you unto Hell, unto the black C~rnmittee!~

Me. Webster suggests that her female anny would free the King and drive schismatics into Hell. in this pamphlet, and elsewhere, positive images of female power comment on the inability of men to govem properly. This Royalist optimism was short-lived.

The Good Womens Crves against the Excise of Al1 Their Commodities (1650) likewise presents positive images of female power, but its tone is far more critical. It supports the Royalist cause, encouraging the young Charles II to rake up the sword. The pamphlet cornplains bitterly about the economic conditions of the early protectorate. linking deprivation with depravity. In this inverted world, the Royalist women have to become men in order to right the kingdom. The pamphlet is written by "Mary Stiff." and "Pnnted at the Signe of the Hornes in Quean-SM, neere my Lord Fairfm's House, and are to be sold at the Dildoe in ~israfe-~ane."'~Mary Stiff promises to display her 'masculine' power by raising a female army to overthrow Parliamentary

'" William Charles Woodson, ed. The Kentish Fair ( 1648). AEB 8 (1 984) 9.

lM The Good Womens Crves (January 4. 1650) E.589 ( 1 ). 75 de.Royalist women "have purfonvardr themselves to seeke redresse of their aggrievances, and

inabi 1ities of their over-bunhened Husbands insufficiencies and unsutifiing perforrnan~es.~"~~

The Royalist women are necessarily viragos. as their husbands are impotent. and their households destroyed. in the revolutionary period. various images of female power respond not only to the status of women, but to the larger organization or disorganization of state authority. Ma

Nyquist writes. "In the early modem period. generally. questions relating to female detend quickly to get translated into issues of male misrule or to female figurative rule."'" The high proportion of militant female or transvestitized bodies. and feminized voices in the pamphlet

wars is a significant feature of revolutionary literature. as male misrule becornes a centrai topic of discourse. Pseudonyrns, such as Margery Marprelate. are not merely an authorid disguise, but a trope which reinvents a public voice.

Pseudonymity itself becomes a rhetorical device. Traditionally. pseudonyms are read as nddles to be solved; the theoretical issue to be resolved in this mode of reading is 'who,' not

'why." '" Margaret Ezell refers specitically to coterie pseudonyms. which present somewhat different concems from the pseudonyms presented here. In terms of attribution. revolutionary pamphlets do present riddles of authorship. They also. however, use pseudonyrnity as a trope. and the question 'why' is significant. The pseudonyrn creates solidarity between the text, its author(s) and its readers. Mercurius Melancholicus, for example. represented a group of Royalist writen

165 The Good Womens Crves title page.

'" Mary Nyquist. "Profuse. Proud Cleopatra." Wornen's Studies 97.

16' 16' Margaret Ezell. "Reading Pseudonyms in Seventeenth-Century Engl ish Coterie Literature," Essavs in Literature 2 1 (1994): 14. who produced texts both independently and col~ectively.'~'Parliament did attempt to tind and prosecute Melancholicus. and an arrest was made.'" but the putative author was indefatigable - a potentidly immortal entity. As the name suggests. Melancholicus purported to embody al1 of

England's general malaise, and invited readers to share in this condemnation of Parliarnentary rule. Margaret Ezell writes. "References to pseudonyrns in general literary histories of the seventeenth century are grounded on two key assumptions which concem the nature of authonhip and the author's relationship with his or her readers. These assumptions are that pseudonyrns are a fonn ofdeliberate. intentional disguise and rhat they function either to perpetrate hudor to protect the writer. In either use. the relationship between author and reader is thus presumed to be antagonistic." "O As Mercurius Melancholicus illustrates, the pseudonym acts as an ernboaiment of the text's ideology. and creates an author within the text which attempts to reflect and gain solidarity with the vox popdi. "' "These pseudonyrns should be read not as creating bamers between reader and author. but instead as breaking them down."'"

168 Wing claims Mercurius Melancholicus was a pseudonym used by a number of Royalist witers including Martin Parker and John Crouch. Potter adds John Taylor and others, and notes that Crouch's group stole the name from John Hacklyt. and in the summer of 1648 John Crouch and Edward Blackmore produced rival versions of '-Melancholius" (Pûtter 1 5- 1 6). This rivalry also occurred in the newsbook Mercurius Melancholicus. in which the sarne group of authors were involved. See Joseph Frank. The Beginnin~sof the Endish Newsvarxrs. 1620- 1660 (Cambridge MA: Harvard UP. 196 1 ) 136- 138. 197.

'" An Edward Crouch was committed to prison MarcWApril 1648 (Potter 19).

I 70 Margaret Ezeil, "Reading Pseudonyms in Seventeenth-Century English Coterie Literature," Essavs in Li terature 15.

17 1 Again, the pseudonym Martin Marprelate provides an earlier example of this device.

'z Margaret Ezell, "Reading Pseudonps in Seventeenth-Century English Coterie Literature," Essavs in Literature 23. Pseudonyrns in the pamphlet wars often act as a unieing device. bringing the voices of several

authors together unaer one name. and creating in that name the perception of a nationwide

concern.

Parker. Taylor and other Royalists collabonting under the pseudonym Mercurius

Melancholicus. produced four texts which are variations on the female Parliament theme?

Mercurius Melancholicus presents the voice of Mistress Parliament lamenting her sexual exploits. As Mistris Parliament labours to bring forth her monstrous chiId. she calls for the aid of

Mrs. London. Mrs. London responds. "thou shalt have no helpe of mine: 1 corne to laugh at thy

sorrow, more then to helpe thee; thou hast had too much of my helpe already. and that hath

imboldened thee the more to play the Strumpet with security and to prostitute thy Members to dl manner of Wickedness and Uncleanne~s.""~The term "Members" used as sexual innuendo had become a comrnonplace throughout the pamphlet wars. Pamphleteers borrowed liberally from each other's texts. and terms such as the "Rump Parliament" were ripe for exploitation. The images in Mrs. London's speech. however. are deri ved from a sermon published the previous month. In An Almfor London. John Ha~kluyt'~'presrnts an apostrophe to the city:

1 73 Mercurius Melancholicus's 'Mistress Parliament' pamphlets include: Mistris Parliament Brounht to Bed of a Monstrous Childe of Reformation (April 29, 1648) 69:E.437(24); Mitris Parliament Her Gossi~inq(May 22. 1648) 70:E.443 (28): Mrs. Parliarnent. Her Invitation of Mrs. London. to a Thankesaiving Dinner (June 6.1648) 70:E.446 (7); and Mistris Parliament Presented in Her Bed (May 10,1648) 69:E.U 1 (2 1 ). Royalist pamphlets utilizing a personified female Parliament continued to be published after the Parker-Taylor collaboration ended, with A New Marriage between Mr King and Mrs Parliament (November 30. 1648) 82:E. 526 (34). and The Life and Death of Mistress Rumb (Apd 2. 1660) 247:669.f.24 (52).

'" Mistris Parliament Brou~htto Bed of a Monstrous Childe of Reformation sig. A3, quoted in Potter 122.

175 Hackluyt. a clergyman. appears neither in Caiamv Revised nor Walker Revised. what a monstrous birth flowes from thy fruitfull wombe? What prodigious meteors, apparitions of men and women. seene dayly in Our streetes? What? The glorious Queene become so base a whore. to prostitute under evep hsdge. to open her quiver to every arrow, to act every new invented sin. to embnce iovrrs of al1 sorts. of al1 fashions. knowest thou not that Pride goes before destr~ction.~'"

Weaponry is sexualized, as the personified Queen London ot'îèrs '-to open her quiver to every

arrow." As Lois Potter indicates. Hackluyt ma. have e\-en been one of the authors of the Mistress

Parliament pamphlets. Attribution. when it is possible. can help to explain the predorninance of

certain images. Anonymity, pseudonymity. and corporrits authorship. however. help to enlarge

those images, presenting them as universal. In using these devices. the pamphleteer can represent

any ideology, any voice. any gender. creating the pamphlet as a speaking body which represents a

larger, stronger, univocal body of speakers.

Unlike the Renaissance courtier, the seventsenth-crntury parnphleteer does not seek patronage, and uses anonyrnity. pseudonymity and corporate authorship to create speakers who embody the voice of an anxious. unstable. or warring nation. The pseudonym. and the body represented within the text, shift the attention awa tiom any individual authorial presence.

Corporare authorship provided an opportunity to enlarge the speaking body while conveying the power of its fictitious orator.

Nigel Smith notes that in the 1640s and 1650s. pamphlets were perceived as public oratory with a necessarily absent orator. That pamphletrers conceived their texts as printed versions of classically based oratory is directly related to the images of a physical body within the text. Smith writes,

The very nature of textual exchange undermined received notions of authorship by taking

'" John Hackluyt. An Alarm for London ( 16-18] Wing H 175. quoted in Potter 1 14-1 15. control of the text away from the author. The location of the moment of authorship in a speech was diluted not only by printed publication in the sense that it is disembodied but also by the possibility of one's own text king atomised. split up and reused in an opponent's animadvenions. Given that the top!-right of a text. once sold to the publisher. was entirely the publisher's. there were in hct tliree stages of alienation of authonal control. The response of controveners \vas rhrtorically to put back the body - a sense of a living presence - into their text to make up for their disembodiment by their enernies."'

Pamphlets. as heteroglot constructions. become disein bod ied public oratory. with the corporeal speaker king replaced with text. Milton. for example- attsmpts to re-embody his oratory. He presents Areo~aeiticaas a speech delivered to Pari iamen t. a1 t hough it was never delivered to

Parliament as an oral speech. While Milton attached his own narne to the text. he also creates in that name the self-fiction of a larger-than-life orator. Abbe Blum notes the prominent positioning of "MILTON," on the title page. in letten that "stretch ver). nearly from border to border," and

"seem to claim possession of the horizontal space of al1 the title page.""' Printed pamphlets which present themselves as petitions or speeches to Parliament employ the creative fictions of an orator and an oral setting. The text, claiming to be an oral presentation. becomes a replacement for the physical body of the speaker. Authors. especially of petitions. however, frequently present their works as collective efforts. and attribute their te'cts to the iarger movement which they represent.

A pamphlet attempting to stay the Queen's intended voyage to Holland. for example, represents itself as The Humble Petition of Manv Thousands of Courtiers. Citizens. Gentlemen

Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 42.

''' ~bbeBlum, "The Author's Authority: Areopaaitica and the Labour of Licensing," &- Membering Milton 80. and Trades-Mens Wives.In The corporate text attempts to stave off the divisiveness of Babel and

present univocal solidarity. When Leveller regiments. contemplating mutiny. protested on 15

November 1647. they appeared wearing the second Agreement of the People attached to their

hatbands.'" This act not only served to re-cmbody a tesi by attaching it to its proper authority,

but it also presented the Leveller body as text. with each soldier being a textual reproduction of

party doctrine. The Levellers presented themsel\vs as a unified body which resisted the

dismembennent of its discourse. Former Leveller Henq. Denne (known as "Judas Denne" to his

previous affilia te^)'^' attempted to malign the Levrl lrrs bu wri ting. -'We were an heterogeneal

body, consisting of parts very diverse from one anothrr."'" The Levellen themselves, however,

insisted on their unity. Leveller women. demonstrating in large numbers at various points in the

late 1640s and early 1650s. wore sea-green nbbons to denionstrate their solidarity. Fernale peace petitioners also distinguished themselves by collectively \rearing white ribbons."'

Women's corporate writing represents one of the revolutionary genres of the em To the

Right Honorable. the High Court of Parliament: the Humble Petition of Manv Hundreds of

'79 Severall Petitions . . . I .The Humble Pstition of Manv Thousands of Courtiers, Citizens. Gentlemen and Trades-Mens Wives ( February 1642) 24: E. 135 (3 1 ).

1 80 Thomas Corns. Uncloistered Victue: Enclish Political Literature. 1640- 1660 1 35. A sirnilar demonstration occurred during the Five Members crisis of 1642. as activists wore the Protestation of 1641 in their hatbands. See Clarendon's Historv vol. 4.199. Butler satinzes the 1642 demonstration: "Are these the hits o'th' Protestation-/ The prototype of refomation J Which al1 the saints, and some since martyrs./ Wore in their hats li ke wedding garters..' Hudibras I:ii. lines 52 1-524.

la' Christopher Hill. The World Tumed Upside Doun 56.

182 Henry Denne, The Levellers Desiene Disco\-ered (May 21. 1649) 86:E.556 (1 1) 8.

183 Patricia Higgins, "The Reactions of Wonien. \vith Special Reference to Women Petitioners." Politics. Reli~ionand the English Civil War 190. Distressed Women, Trades-Mens Wives and Widdowes ( 1642) represents one of the first extant petitions in which women write as one collective body. It contains no apology. and begins with a short narration condemning the "yreat decay of Trading." the fieedom of delinquents, and the exorbitance of bishops. A list of sis demands follo~vs.and the petition ends with a pmyer for the refom of the commonwealth. The authenticity of a uonittn-s petition oîien becomes apparent through its surrounding discourse. Newsbooks. pri\.ate joumals. and government documents record large nurnbers of women protesting within a few dais of a petition' s publication. This petition is one of a large number of works which represent the collective voices of women.Iu The author becomes one large female body with no extra-testual identity. The text and its authors appear as one indivisible unit. Satirists fiequentl y portray subversive women as king unnaturally large. and such dension may have ken a response to \vomen's attempts to portray themselves as larger-than-life bodies. John Li1 bume frequently praises Iiis ~ifeElizabeth for her contributions to the Leveller movement. claiming she had a '-pllant and true Masculine Spirit." Patricia

Higgins notes numerous civil-war texts in which the term %mazon" is used as a sincere encomium. '85

Leveller women such as Elizabeth Lilburne, May Overton. and Katherine Chidley also

'" For detailed accounts of women's protests and petitions see Keith Thomas, "Women and Civil War Sects." Pst and Present 13 (1958): 42-62: Jerome Nadelhaft. -'The Englishwoman's Sexual Civil War." Journal of the Historv of ldeas 43 (1982): 555-79; Ellen McArthur. "Women Petitioners and the Long Parliament." The Enrrlish Historical Review 24 (1 909): 698-709: Patricia Higgins. "The Reactions of Women. with Special Reference to Women Petitioners." Politics, Religion and the English Ci\il War: and .-*The [Un]Civill-Sisterhood of Oranges and Lemons': FemaIe Petitioners and Demonstrators. 1642-53." Pamvhlet Wars.

1 B5 Patricia Higgins. "The Reactions of Wonien." Politics. Religion and the Enelish Civil -War 180. published works under their own names, and they probably contributed to some of the collective women's petitions. In Puritanism and Libertv. Woodhouse provides an excerpt from a work which he refers to as A Petition of Women.'% His tootnottt reads. "It is improbable that this petition was actually composed by the women. Its principlcs are none the less interesting.""'

Despite the historical evidence of women's activism- and the presence of known femaie historical figures to whom such a text might be attached. Woodliouse summarily dismisses the possibility of female authorship. Woodhouse finds the parnplilct intcresting because. like other Leveller tracts, it reinforces the - puritan' character of civil war writing. He refuses. however, to acknowledge the veracity of the authorship becausr îèmale authorship allows the writing to be characterized as a departure from traditional interpretations of the penod. ~uthenticfemale authorship makes the text more radical, and more intcnt upon exposing ideas which do not exempli& preconceived notions of masculine discourse.

Thornason dates this petition May 5. 1649. On Aprii 29. Robert Lockyer was tried and executed. Four other Levellers remained imprisoned in the Tower. The petition lashes out at the injustice of trying Lockyer under martial law in timss of peace. and argues for the release of the remaining prisoners. The Leveller women. in their opening defence. imply that the English legal system supports gender equality. j ustifLing their right to petition:

That since we are assured of our Creation in the image of God. and of an interest in Christ, equal unto men. as also of a proportionable share in the Freedoms of this Commonwealth, we cannot but wonder and grirve that we should appear so despicable in

'IM The pamphlet is entitled. To the Supreme Authoritv of Eneland. the Commons Assembled in Parliament. The Humble Petition of Divers Weil-Affected Women, of the Cities of London and Westminster. etc. (May 5. 1649) E.885 (9).

'" A.S.P. Woodhouse. Puritanism and Libertt- 367. your eyes. as to be thought unworthy to Petition or present our Grievances to this Honourable House. Have we not an equal interest with the men of this nation in those liberties and secunties contained in the Petition of Right. and other the [sic] good laws of the land?"

Throughout the single-sheet petition. further questions are posed. al1 of which contain irnplied answers. This pamphlet presents an innovative use of the standard device of inrerrogario, The affirmative answer implied in the above question. howevsr. has no legal foundation. [ts suasiveness rests upon a non-existent legal principle. and promotes the acceptance of this principie by persuading the reader that it already esists. Bshind the inrerrogutio is syllogistic logic: women are assured an equal interest with men in God's creation and Christ's salvation.

English law follows the precepts of Christianity. Therefote women have an equal interest with men in English law. Instead of presenting their argument as a syllogism. they invoke citationai rhetoric as their authenticating discourse. alluding to hotli scripture and law to elevate the ethos of their argument.

The rhetorical strategies of civil-war and interrrgnum petitioners often reorganized earlier

Renaissance models. reflecting the generic changes ot'this revolutionary period. The title of the pamphlet-petition fiequently stands as its exordium. for example: The Humble Petition of Diuers

Afflicted Women. in Behalf of M:lohn Lilbum Prisoner in Neweate makes its intentions clear.

The petition opens with an apologia: "Nothing is more manifest then that God is pleased ofien times to raise up the weakest means to work the mightiest etrects . . . the holy Prophet David himselfe was prevented. by the timely addresses of wak woman. from the most resolved purpose of shedding bl~od.""~An encomium to the addressee. a standard feature in petitions where the

''13 The Humble Petition of Diuers Afflicted Womttn, in Behalf of M:iohn Lilburn Prisoner in Newgate (June 25. 1653) 669.f.1 7 (261. 84 writer respects the addressed authority. tends to vanish fiom the more vitriolic and forcefûl

petitions of the period. and is rarely found in women's corporate writinp. or in more general pleas

for the release of prisoners. Petitions universally use t hs ti t le --Humble Petit ion." whether written

by men or women. The statement of humility is one ol'the generic conventions of petitioning,

regardless of whether actual humility is merverbalized.

Petitions themselves were not new. but the idea of printing and circulating a petition,

rather than presenting the appeal directly to a higher authority. gesrures towards an unprecedented

investment in democratic opinion. made possible by increased access to printing. Responses,

however, were not always favourable. "When women demonstrated outside the House of

Commons on 9 August 1643 it was thought that 'some Men of the Rabble in Womens Clothes

mixing among 'em had set them on.""89 Because of the tradition of cross-dressing as a syrnbol of

disorder. "seventeenth-century men were prone to dismiss the pol itical activities of women as theatrical stagings of femininity by men."'w Print cultiire. in response to wornen's activism, produced its own stagings of femininity.

The rhetorical models established by the petitioner became an in fluential method for organizing prose satires of the period. in which a list ot'ridiculous demands (usually sexual) follows a fictional nctrratio. Forma1 rhetoric. dissmbodied oratory and the gender crisis merge in these satires. and their sexual imagery reflects the ansieties and the confùsion of the times.

189 Diane Purkiss. "Material Girls: The Seventernth-Century Woman Debate," Women, Texts. Histories 1575-1 760 83. citing Patncia Higgins. The Reactions of Wornen, with Special Reference to Women Petitioners." Politics. Religion and the Ennlish Civil War 197.

''O Diane Purkiss. "Material Girls: The Se\-enteenth-Century Woman Debate," Women, Texts. Histories 1 575- 1 760 82-83. 85 Patricia Higgins's seminal article on women petit ioners suggests that The Parliament of Women

(1 646), along with Neville's female Parliament pamphlets. responded to the women's protests

and petitions which began in 1642.''' John Ta?.lor's Tliz Parlament of Women. however. first

appeared in 1640. It became an increasingly popular picce of Royalist propaganda, and was

reprinted under variant titles in 1646. 1637. and 1 656. '" .As each text is printed and repnnted, it

appears to respond to the various utterances which surround its publication. even though the text

itself remains unaitered. The 1646 text may have been reprinted to respond to women's

petitioning, but no record of women's petitions or collective activism exists prior to the

publication of the 1640 text. If such events existed. they were part of an unpreserved oral

culture. '93

Taylor's female parliament pamphlet is a burlesque and bawdy satire. It is possibly a

response to Parliament's pro-Scottish position. but i t also ut il izes the citational rhetoric and

principles of argumentation valued in Renaissance tradition. The Parlament of Women is

indebted to two classical works. and through these allusions the pamphleteer recommends

himself as a scholar of classical texts and cornic traditions. The pamphlet's title and its satire on a

191 Patricia Higgins. The Reactions of Women with Special Reference to Women Petitioners," Politics. Reliaion and the Ennlish Civil War 2 10. Higgins makes no reference to the 1640 edition of The Parlament of Women.

'''The Parlament of Women (1640) STC 19306. Reprinted as The Parliament of Women E. 1 150 (S)/Wing P505 (1 646): The Parliament of Ladies E.384 (9)lWing N5 12A (1 647); The Parliament of Women E. 1636 (2)lWing PS06 ( 1656)-

'93 Dagmar Freist makes reference to a number O t' individual women who were punished for publicly decrying monarchy and episcopacy bet~veen1637 and 1640. See Freist, Govemed by Opinion 187,260-280. Such women may have inspired Taylor and other satirists. although there is no textual evidence for this connection. 86 female communist Utopia derive from Aristophanes.'" and the frame story is taken directly fiom

Macrobius' Sanimalia.'Y' A boy named Papirius infornis Iiis mother ohSenate decree that al! men may have two wives. His mother. believing the lie. proposes that al1 women should have two husbands. Taylor's female characters present an argument to this effect which is based on the precepts of forma1 logic:

it was not onely fitting but necessary. that every woman should have two husbands; for said shee. was not every woman born with tua Ieggss. two hmds. two eyesTtwo eares: and every deepe Well ought to have two Buckets. \\.hile one is coming up. the other going down? . . . and therefore in conscience e\-ery Wonian may have two husbands: for have not we women six senses. and men but iïve'?The major part wee know includes the minor: therefore the case is cleare on Our sides.""'

In the voices of Taylor's lusty viragos. formal logic brcomes ridiculous. The pamphlet dernonstrates the misuse of knowledge and power. It is itself a heteroglot work. employing characters and situations from classical authors. liberally importing further characters and anecdotes from Taylor's fashion debate pamphlets. and rrpeating a number of Swetnm's anti- feminist proverbs. The fernale parliament trope. appropriated by other satirists. however. exemplifies Nigel Smith's sense of textual dismembernxiit.

An anonymous squib found in the Conway papers. possibly from 164 1. presents images which are similar to Taylor's The Parlament of Women. This manuscript. reflecting on the

Bishops' Wars. and depicting a female Parliament. in\-okesthe Jacobean bure of Mol1 Cutpurse as an army leader appointed to guard the House dong with the "Sisters of Scotland." She is,

19' Aristophanes. Ecclesiazusae, trans. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. Ansto~hanesLoeb Classical Library (Cambridge MA: Harvard UP. 1 955-6 1 ).

19' Macrobius. The Satumalia, tram. Perci\*alVaughan Davies (New York: Columbia UP, 1969) 52-53.

'96 The Parlament of Women ( 1640) STC 19306 sig. A-lv. however. confionted with a -'monster" even more manly t han herself: '"

The very sight of this Madam with a Dildoe . . . put the House into a great silence, and some began to whisper an adjournment. but tnas not thought fit. to leave one of such extraordinary parts absolutely unsatistied. sspecial 1y all the Tqars ac knowledging her abilities. and many other Ladies openly declaring in her behalfè . . . [making] a public achowledgment of her pregnant senices . . . . ~ind. . . a publike thanksgiving for their daughters happy del ivery.

The man-woman is not only cross-dressed. she is iniplicitly capable of impregnating the female

Parliarnent members. Her name is "Swivalshe-met Hungsrfor~.[i.r. Swive AI1 She Met], and she

is an "Amisseed Robin." a term for an hermaphr~dite."~Her appearance in this manuscript

signals "Doomsday." Like Taylor's Pariament of Women. viragos represent illegitimate

authority; an excess of power in the hands of those whom. by custom and by law. should be

subservient.

The Lawes Resolution of Women's Rielits ( 1637) rsplains the various ways in which wornen are infenor to men under the law, but hermaphrodites it daims. those of ambiguous or composite gender, have no rights under the law. Like crniaurs. they are always placed at the gales. and never allowed to cross the threshold.'" The hermaphrodite is depicted in the 1641 squib as a threat to natural order and national security. and her locus is Parliament.

Paradoxically, Henry Neville. a supporter of Parliamentarian forces and a major

19' 19' CSPD 1641-1643 vol. 487.229.46.

19' 19' For "Anisseed Robin" see James T. Henke. Gutter Life and Language in the Eariv Street Literature of England: A GIossarv of Terrns and Topics. Chieflv of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (West Cornwall CT. 1988) 6. Neville later associates this figure with Lady Margaret Hungerford (wife of Sir John Hungerford. the member of Parliarnent.) The original squib makes no such allusion. and I have yet to discover \\+hy Neville would malign Lady Margaret .

IW T.E., The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Ridits hcsimile reprint (1 632; Amsterdam: Theatm Orbis Terranim. 1979) 5-6. 88 contributor to "The Parliament of Women" senes. appropriates the 164 1 squib. appending it to his anti-Royalist pamphlet The Parliament of Ladies ( 1647)."'*'While the original squib attacks

Parliament. it also satirizes the emerging antinomian sects. u ith "Tryars" king those who make a trial of their status as God's elect through sexual promiscuit!.. This may be an aspect of the text which appealed to Neville. as his works condernn religious zeal as hypocrisy. The pamphlet

Newes from the New Exchang ( 1650) presents one o!'%t.\.ilie's satiric attacks on sectarianism:

Younds, we are now in a Godly Family: and the? that are the only people in the world, that know how to order Women: for. the father keeps two uives and a concubine. as prisonen. The Lord, his son (a pore Commoner too) rid his hands of one \r ik. and keeps this very clo~e."'~'Neville undermines the credibility of the godly set by injecting images of decadence into a scene of

'p~~ritan'asceticism. Women are not Neville's only targets. Here. the masculinity of godly discourse is framed as monstrous. His pamphlets bring into question the definitions of gender. An excess of either masculine or ferninine power is monstrous. but hermaphroditism is an emblern of the apocalypse. The squib which Neville appropriates describes the siphting of its hermaphroditic

"Doomsday monster": "the World was now ending. because it hath met with its beginning, for

Adam and Eve, were seen both in one person. and whereas Eve was once taken out of Adam.

Adam was now seen stmtting out of Eve."'02

The (1 64 1) squib from the Conway Papers. as appropriated by Neville. continues to exempli6 textual disrnembennent. The original manuscript borrows subversive female characters

LW Henry Neville. The Parliament of Ladies 62:E.388 (4)IWing N5l2 (1647).

'O' Henry Neville. Newes from the New Exchanet: 90:E.590 (1 O)/Wing N5 10 (1650) 15.

'O' Neville, Parliament of Ladies ( 1647) sig. B3. from Jacobean drarna to attack Parliament. Neville appropriates and reconfigures it as pro-

Parliamentarian propaganda. Parliament's relat ionslii p \\ i t h Scotland had aIso changed by this

point. so that a satire originally written in support of the King against Scotland could now be seen

as the work of a Parliamentarian who rejected Presb>-terianuniformity. Both Neville and the

original author published their works anonymousl>. The body within the text represents the

enemy and the state of chaos caused by that snemy. rcit1ic.r than the body or narne of its absent

authors. Various anonymous authors appropriate the 'Par liament of Women' trope to attack

Parliamentarians. Royaiists, Levellers. sectarians and. ot' course. women at large. Whiie the

breakdown of censorship allowed new and emerging voices to enter into printed culture,

appropriated texts became the weapons of their controvertors. The strategy of these satinsts,

heresiographers. and various animacivertors involvsd out-authoring the onginais. Just as

sectarians faced king out-authored by heresiographers. authentic women's petitions faced king out-authored by faux female petitions. The satirist's stratcp>..in appropriating the female voice, is to obfuscate any evidence of sincerity in the original argument. Minor changes. such as the addition of a joke imprint or a bawdy pseudonym can niaks a S~~OUSargument appear to be outrageous hyperbole.

The 1656 pamphlet Now or Never: or. A New Parliament of Women is clearly a pastiche of eariier works. The pamphlet's introductory speech rescmbles the writings of Leveller wornen:

It is not unknown to al1 the world how we have been. and still are. deprived of our liberties. living in the bonds of senritude. and in the apprenticeship of slavery, (not for term of years. but dunng li fe) therefore we held i t not amiss to assemble ourselves together in counsels whereby we may tind out ri \\a>.to rid ourselves and our posterity after us from those Egyptian taskmasters (men) ho by their subtil poky stilt insult and domineer over us by making us their drudges. tfit'ir u-ills being a law. we forced are to obey. Our grievances being intollerable. and so Iikcnise the whole body of our sex, finding men only react for themselves. doing iiotiiiiig for us. unless to curb and diminish that little which we have: We do and shall disdaim that tyrannical government which men have over us. and to the utmost of our powers abolish. abrogate and destroy it, by king not subject and subordinate to it. Therefore u e do in\ite al1 women who have any spark of valour. or a desire of freedom. to be aiding aiid assisting us in this great work: as also it is and shall be lawful for atl women. u. ido~vsand niaids to make their grievances known. whereby they may have redress; that so hereafisr ~lieyand we may al1 enjoy such Y#: privileges. as are fit for free-born women. -

At first. the passage appears to be pointedly kminist. and iis language is similar to that of women petitioners. Its putative author. however. is Lucretia Rodomant. a signal that the argument is not sincere. but rodomontade - vain and overblo\vn. 7'hc paniphleteer rnocks the female petitioner by using a voice that purports to be her own.

The appropriation of the women's protests and petitions partially assumes the reader's familiarity with such events. but ab,the pamphleteer cienies the authentic female voices their own power and authority by repeating and revivi&ing them in satire. Like Restoration satires which make ludicrous the events of civil war. the.firz~x ktnale voice becomes an agent of

'oblivion,' suppressing the originary female voice. In retusing to identify the acts which inspire a pamphlet, the author suggests that the authentic voice originates in the pamphlet itself. Lucretia

Rodomant's language is quite similar to the authentic 12nials voice in The Womens Petition . . . to Cromwell (1 65 1 ):

Wives and Children are exposed to unexpressihle misen, . . . Our hope is even departed, and Our expectation of Freedom (the fruits of our bloud shed. and expence of our estates) is removed far away: yea. the hope of our Liberty is cut off. . . ysa. with many sighs and tears have we presented our several complaints against God's and owenemies; but are hitherto so far fiom gaining redress. as that Our syes behold them still exalted to bear Rule over us: and thus for felicity. we weap bitter griet': for freedom. slavery; for true judgement, justice and mercy. injustice tyrannie and oppression.""

'O3 Now or Never: Or. A New Parliament of Wonirn ( 1656) E. 885 (9) sig. M.

'M The Womens Petition to . . . Crom\vell (Octobcr 30. 165 1 ) 669.f. 16 (30). 91

This text produces a sincere argument. but the satire. No\\- or Nrver. appropriates this discourse.

disembodying the original. and displacing the fernale voics. Pamphleteers. in responding to and

appropriating a discourse. produce a text in which the nt.\\ tiame or context is inevitably

reconstructed through appropriation. Appropriation. or in Smith's terms. -'textual

disrnemberment," undennines the ethos of citational rlietoric by subvertine allusion. While the faux: female petition alludes to the original through the re-use of particular phrases. the satire

intends to obscure its sources. As pamphleteers appropriate rach other's rhetoric. they

intentionally distort or obfuscate the previous author's contexts. alienating the original author.

In The Rhetonc of Politics in the English Revolution. Elizabeth Skerpan daims that

within this war of words. different rhetorics determine the specific religio-political affi~liationsof

individual pamphleteers: epideictic rhetoric signifies Royalkt alliances. whereas deliberative and

forensic rhetoric becomes associated with republican discourse."' This bipartisan formula

quickly breaks down when discussing response tests. as respondents from diverse religio- political groups appropriate portions of each others' tcsts. The transgendered or enlarged female body becomes a shared topos of disparate authors.

As Diane Purkiss writes. "Figures symbol ic of disorder are ofien of indeterminate gender or represent it through cross-dres~ing."'~In his 1 623 paniphlçt Wonderfull Hand of God,

Reverend John Rowe describes a disaster which occurred the previous year in a failed attempt to

'Os Elizabeth Skerpan. The Rhetonc of Politics in the English Revolution (New York: Columbia, 1992) 3.

'% Diane Purkiss. "Material Girls: The Se\xntcrnth-Century- Woman Debate." Women, Writing, Histoni 1 575-1 760 82. 92 revive a public theatre.'07 The aging building collapssd. rrtportedly killing rnany of its patrons, yet

an actor dressed in women's attire was able to escape. Russell Fraser. comrnenting on Rowe's

account. daims. "what distresses the moralist is not the sight of parents caying 'home their

Children dead in their amis' but the escape of the ii retçlictd trans~estite."'~~1 would argue.

however. that this pamphlet is not merely a reiteration ot'earlier anti-theatrical tracts. The pre-war

theatre required costuming and cross-dressing. and its characters fiequently defied society's

gender roles for the purpose of comic inversion. The theatre- however. provided a space which

confined its transvestitism and its subversive female characters to specified physical and temporal

boundaries. Its opposition consisted of a srna11. moral istic tii nge. That ambiguously gendered

figures could leave the theatre and participate in politics and public discourse presented a far

greater threat. Rowe's text. albeit anti-theatrical in design, is Irss conccrned with the existence of

cross-dressing within the theatre than with the possibilit? of a transvestite spreading chaos in the

public streets.

While images of cross-dressed or ambipuousl?. gendsred tigures become a staple of

popular. printed ephemera. such images occasionalix appsar in canonical texts. Whitelock, for esample. seems to articulate some confusion concerning the gender of Royalist soldiers.

Throughout his Memorials, he records the participation of heroic Parliarnentary women in the wars: '*thewomen of the town would corne into the thickest of the danger to bring powder, bullet.

'O7 John Rowe. Traei-Comedia. Beine a Brirf Relation of the Strange and Wonderfull Hand of God (1653) Wing R2067.

'O8 Russell Fraser. The War Aeainst Poetry (Princeton: Princeton UP. 1970) 25. 93 and provisions to the men. encouraging them upon thcir \~orks."'~Beginning with the battle of

Nantwich, however. Irish women are supposedly brought in to bolster Royalist forces. Listing those slain in battle. Whitelock includes -'an huiidrcd and twnty Irish women with long knives.""O Later. the same image reappears. but this tinie the enemy is composed of transvestites:

"About twenty men in disguised habits. like Lomrn. \r ith long knives were to have entered

Nottingham . . . but they were discovered.""' At the battlr of Naseby. the gender of the enemy changes again, and includes one hundred Irish wonien u ho are captured by Parliamentary forces."' The descriptions of the Irish women. though brirf. recall the reponed barbarism of the

Irish Massacre. Unlike the Jacobean women's stilettaes and pinards. the Irish women's long knives are not fashion accessories. but serious weapons ~vhichare made even more lethal by their barbarous fernininity. In contrast to Whitelock's Parliamentary heroines. the Irish women are not help meets, but soldiers of fortune. paid from Roydist coftérs. They are al1 captured or killed, and

Whitelock records them as mere tabulation. Intcsrestingly. iieither Thomas May nor Clarendon records the involvement of Irish women, or transvestitizsd lrish men in civil-war battles. Lucy

Hutchinson. in her first-hand accounts of the battle at Nottingham makes no references to transvestitism. These images of weapon-wielding barbarians of ambiguous gender serve

'OP Bulstrode Whitelock. Memorials of the English Affain, $vols. (Oxford: University Press, 1853) vol. 1: 258. Numerous authors refer to the military activities of Parliamentarian women. Samuel Butler responds to Whitelock's reports of' fernale Parliamentarian heroism by disparaging the cooperation of rich and poor women in the defence of London: "[Women] Rais'd Rampiers with their own sofi handsJ To put the enemJ- to stands:/ From Ladies down to Oyster- wenchesl Labour'd like Pioneers in the Trenches." H udi bras 2:II. 803-806.

"O Whitelock. Memoriais vol. 1937.

'"Whitelock. Memoriais vol. l:B 1. "'Whitelock. Memorials vol. I:449-450. 94

Whitelock's purpose. They vilify Royalist forces by usiny the transgendered body as a politicai topos. yet the prose remains seemingly objective and de\.oid of persona1 opinion.

The following pamphlet depicts gender ambiguit?. and barbarism both through its grarnrnar and through images of sexual violence. The Welsh-Mans Postures appeared in response to the battle of Edgehill. in which the Welshmen undcr Prince Rupert turned and fled.

The Irish Massacre occurred simultaneously. Thomas Ma>-notes that during the battle. "Prince

Rupert followed the chase to Kelton Towne. where the Carriages of the Amy were. which they presently pillaged. using great cnielty . . . to the unarmed Waggoners. and Iabouring men.""3 The pamphlet locates the Welshmen in this scene. but adds to it the suggestion of sexual violence:

Let her pikes stand stiffe. Check her pikes. Nosrs her pikes. Charge to her right kg. Put shoulder to her pike again. Stand to her pike. Make her pike stand againe. Then charge to her lefi crag. Charge between her leggs. Ca- hrsr pikes on her shoulder or right crag alwayes when her marches: Stand to her pike-stat'fe. Charge under her hands. Charge under her leggs: Charge her pikes betweene hsr Iéggs. and draw forth her long sword. Then take order with her pike. Come up to pusli of pikes. Then breake her pike. and run away?

Parodying a drill manual. the pamphlet's woodcut ponrays men with facial hair wearing male attire engaged in a battle using pilies. (See fip. 6). Throuyhout the pamphlet. the only pronoun used is "her." yet even in the most sexual phrases. therc is no evidence of a female body: "Pull down her Cocke; Give fire to her arse-hole. Make her shitt bullets . . . draw out her m~ckleprick.""~In this war of words. Ianguage is \veaponry: and in a language dependent upon gendered pronouns. the creation of an ambiguously gendrred enemy creates a iinguistic confusion

Thomas May. The Historv of the Parliament of Encland ( 1637) sig. Ccc2.

"'The Welsh-Mans Postures. or, the True Manner How Her Doe Exercise Her Com~anv of Souldiers in Her Own Countre in a Warlike Manners ( 1 643) E.89 (3) sig. A3.

'"Welsh-Mans Postures sig. A2v. Figure 6

The Welsh-Mans Postures ( 1 643)

. . .- a - lie-VVelh-Mans:~~fiur~~,-.. ., . . -.-me . . . . . %,..; --.: iI -. I., . .?-i l .. .. :!; 1 -OR> j - . -1 --. . . . l :. . '1 - i - A , Thè nùc mahhcr **how-hefdokcxircik hei 2 coppiny of ~8uldi&in hcr own Couiitki.iii a .- 4:::.- w wrrlih-c madaerg w-irh fome orhet dewi-und : . - .. .- 1 : cxprimb . and preq atnragrnci lithg .. . . -# - - .: I - - ,' .* i hi dl Chrilui podin COc*. - :...... _ . ..l . _I -1 -0. - . ..- - 96 appropriate to an inverted world. Its mix of scatological imagery, Welsh dialect, and pronomina) confusion exemplify its heteroglossic nature. and its contribution to the discourse of 'babble..

This is one of many scatological pamphlets published during the civil-war period, yet it uses a complex combination of metonyrny and catachresis to diston gender. The part of speech being utibzed is the possessive pronoun. The pronoun is misapplied (catachresis), yet its uses as a substitution (metonyrny) are multivalent. replacing a variety of personal pronouns and items of weaponry. "Her" acts as a collective substitution for the Welsh army. locating in the pronoun the emasculation of a Welsh national body."6 The image of the womanish Welshman, like

Whitelock's account of the transvestitized Irishmen. Iink dishonour in battle with sexual arnbiguity. Unlike the virago, who represents the strength of a subversive female tigure, the

'womanish' man points to the absence of male fortitude- In the accusation of cowadice, the violence which should be targeted at the enemy retreats back on itself. as sexual euphemisms transform "her" battles into scenes of male rape. The pamphleteer suggests that the Welshmen dress like men, but they do not fight like men. The loss of traditional male honour (valour) becomes equated with the loss of traditional female honour (chastity).

Sexual acts fiequently transform into milital metaphors through the use of catachresis.

Henry Neville's female Parliaments are composed of a variety of Royalist women, including

Lady Carlisle: "Wee will refer to my Lady Carlisle. This is a Lady indeed. that seven years since took saile with Presbyfery. king charged in the fore-deck by Master Hollis. in the Poop by

"6 While a number of anti-Welsh pamphlets use the pronoun 'her' to mock the perceived Welsh accent, the sexual connotations in this particular pamphlet link the mispronunciation (or Welsh pronunciation) of gendered pronouns with the distort ion of gender itsel f. 97 Master Pym, while she clapt my Lord of Holland under the hatches."'" 'Poop.' 'foredeck,' and

'hatches' euphemize sexual acts by substituting ship parts for anatomical terminology . For

Neville, the ship of state becomes both feminine and sexual. An anti-toleration pamphlet of 1659, claiming to be A Declaration of the Maids of the Citv of London utiiizes catachresis to conjoin images of rape with sectarian conversion. "We shall be ready to serve in the sarne Service with

[the apprentices], to maintain and secure our Forts frorn the upstart Preachers, who without our call, will be daring to thnist themselves into Our ~ul~its.-~"~Sex and war become synonymous:

"The Yorkshire Maids have put down many of your Gallants at their own weapons, and here are more wenches with chiId than ever was known in those countries" claims A Remonstrance of

Londons ~ccurences."~In Mercurius Pacificus ( 1648). marital relations transfomi into military metaphors, and the domestic sphere. like the public sphere. becomes a battlefieid with "beds divided, like oil and water, which cannot mix: husbands and wives snarling in couple^.""^

Images of rnonstrous women and a transvestitized body appear not only in seditious and satiric parnphiets, but in sermons, histories, and conduct books. Where Queen Elizabeth had stood as a synecdoche for England in prosperous and peaceful times. her anti-type. the insatiably promiscuous, monstrous virago becomes the synecdoche of revolution. These images cross not only genres, but party lines. They reflect the chaos of revolution. and exist regardless of pro- revolutionary or anti-revolutionary agency.

- -- - - "'Neville, Newes from the New Exchanq 3: and in Smith. Literature and Revolution 48. "* A Declaration of the Maids of the Citv of London (1 659) 669.f.2 1 (67).

"9 A Remonstrance of Londons Occurences ( 1642) E.87 (9) sig. A3v.

''O Mercurius Pacificus (1648) 2, quoted in Sharon Achinstein. "The Politics of Babel in the English Revolution," Parn~hietWars 19. 98 The body acts as invective in the war of words. and individual body parts become weaponry: "This lady will be sure to motch the Mun if she but knows the length of his weapon";

"Put a little Gun-Powder to her Mereury and you may soon blow up rny Lord"; "none but

Goliath weapon can fit her Seabbard." Lady Carlisle. enlarged to grotesque proportions, is endowed with dimensions and powers far beyond those of a mortal woman. "Her Mouth, like

Mopsa S, is O Heavenly wide; so that her Tai2 king of the same Size. in Dimension, it is possible

Samford may pass quite through her, booted and spurred. to seek new Foriunes in ~mericu.'"'

The text as a sexual body recalls Spenser's E~ithalarnion,with irony: "Her brest lyke to a bowle of creame uncrudded, / Her paps lyke lyllies budded./ Her snowie neck lyke to a marble tomJ

And ail her body like a pallace fayre." in the civil wars. marble towers and fair palaces become the targets of iconoclasm. Petratchan idealisrn vanishes as the Mytakes on the architecture of garrisons and warships. The scene is not Arcadia. and this body is not a love Song, but neither is the literature which produces these images lacking in figurative language or fictive devices. This is the rhetoric of revolutionary Iiterature.

The diversity of voices in the pamphlet wars is itseif revolutionary. and the civiI chaos which ailowed for the emergence of these voices demanded new genres and innovative rhetoricai approaches to express and confiont the anxieties of this era. These texts violate Renaissance notions of decorum, but utilize rhetorical devices which are appropriate to the upheaval of revolution. Devices, such as the ironic imprint or pseudonymity were pre-existing, while other, more traditional tropes metarnorphosed, creating codes which are specific to this war of words.

The Utopian-socialists, sectarian tradespeople. and women petitioners comprised a significant

"' Neville, Newes from the New Exchanve 8. 17. 12. 99 force in the revolution, and their writing is as powerful and allusive as those who supported hegemonic order. In this collision of vocal forces. diverse. heteroglot works emerge. Women become associated with noise. gossip. and the inversion of legitimate power. For some parnphleteers, femaie babble created the war of words. Anti-feminist satires produced images of women with giant bodies. yet women thernselves attempted to enlarge their own bodies and voices through both activism and the press. Chapter 3

Private Closets, Secret Recipes, and Monstrous Appetites

In civil war, the private household became a site of suspected intrigues, with women tiguring as the enemy within. This chapter investigates the development of early modern cooliing manuals, and discusses the politics of cooking in the revolutionary period. The dixourses of cooking and eating construct the body according to what it allegedly offers for consumption and consumes. 1 will argue that the cooking manual is a political genre which exposes pnvate, domestic, and predominantly feminine space to public scrutiny. Cmkbooks are rarely called cookbooks, but entice the reader with tittes promising a 'closet opened' or a 'cabinet uniocked.' In exposing the 'hidden delights' of a closet or cabinet. the author silently proclaims: '1 have nothing to hide.' The well-ordered household is the site of female virtue. Paradoxically, then, the cookbook actuaily offers a second. more subversive set of instructions. While following directions on how "to make sirrop of Roses or Violets,""' or how to roast. carve. and sauce a swan,'" the reader simultaneously learns the customs of hospitality and decorous housewifery. The cooking manual is instructional, and largely concemed with gender construction. as it teaches women how

"' John Partridge, The Widdowes Treasure. Plent i fullv Fumished with Sundm Precious and Amroued Secrets in Phisicke and Chinurrerv . . and Conclusions of Cookerie. with Ma. Profitable and Wholesome Medicines for Sundrv Diseases in Cattle ( 1 599) STC 19435 sig. A3. Typically, the cookbook is divided into two or three main sections. One section is devoted to food preparation, service, and household management. with these areas sometimes king sub- divided. Another section concems medicinal recipes. The general kno wledge of rnedicine could also be transferred to the treatrnent of animais. and some texts have a section dealing with animal husbandxy. Elizabethan authors or compilers would bind recipes for delicate confections together with "wholesome Medicines for sundry diseases in Cattle." and this practise continued into the Restoration, seemingly without any breach of decorum.

'" See, for example, John Murrell, Murrels Two Bookes of Cookerie and Carving (1641) Wing M3 125. to be women. The rituaiization of cooking separates the civi lized person fiom the barbarian, and the cultured, disceming paiate fiom those who suffer from basic hunger. The cooking manual reinforces hegemonic order, and as such contributes to the 'centripetal' voices of the pampldet wars. When viewed as politically suspect, however. the cooking manual's secret cabinets and closets articulate encoding and disguise. Suspicious readers. perceiving that recipes could provide instructions to the larger 'domestic' sphere. detennined to strip their opponents, exposing monstrous, sexual, and cannibalistic appetites.

Architecturally, dosets and cabinets are standard features of great houses in early modem

EngIand. Prior to the modem hallway, one needed to pass through closets, or small ante-mms, which connected the larger, cenual rooms of the house."' Closets ofien serve as places of clandestine activity in drama and romances. as one can make a quick exit. surprise entrante, or remain concealed there sutreptitiously." The closet. as a terminal space off of the master bedroom provided private space for a woman's religious rneditations;'" but as it was private, its acnial uses were potentially suspect."' Terminal closets could also be found off kitchens.

"'See, for example, "Ham House, Surrey" floor plan in Oliver Hill and John Coniforth, En~lishCountry Houses: Caroline. 1625- 1685 (Glasgow: UP Glasgow, 1966) 66.

'25 On closets in romances see Annabel Patterson. "Mlle. de Scudery and the 'Wars of the Closet,"' Censorship and Intemretation: The Conditions of Writing and Readin in Earlv Modem England (Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1984) 193- 197.

"6 TOa Vertuous and Judicious Lady (October 12. 1656) 669.f.10 (92), and its response, Theodore Jennings, Truths Returne: In Answer to a Malienant Parn~hlet(1646) E.360 (4), use the conceit of the female (meditational) closet to debate the legitimacy of the prayer book versus the Directory.

"'Lynette Hunter notes that prior to the legitimization of the 'opened closet' in cooking manuals, Renaissance humanism "left women with the closet. the closed door on their lives which were filled with events unknown to men. and therefore to be feared; the closet was a world which was neither God's nor man's. And therefore easily filled with the unnatural secrets of Altemately called cabinets. these small rooms provided ternporaiy storage for secret confectionaries. Cabinets also huictioned as safe storage for medicines, jewels. letters, and other secret valu able^.^^ The cookinp manual. represented as a woman's cabinet or closet, reflects these various aspects of pnvate. femaie space.

The earliest printed English cooking manual which offers a 'closet opened' was published in 1573 by John Partridge.'" 1t is entitled. The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits. & Hidden

Secrets. and May Be Called the Huswiues Closet . . . for the Profitable Vse of Al1 Estates Both

Men and Women: And Also Pleasant to Re~reation."~It is the first printed English cookery text which suggests the inclusion of a female readership. A second text compiled by Pamidge,

Widdowes Treasure fmt appeared in 1586."' Both texts were reprinted through the Cromwellian interregnurn, with some title variations. Earlier printed works exist. but they are not directed

witchcraft." Lynette Hunter, "'Sweet Secrets' from Occasionai Receipt to Specialised Books: The Growth of a Genre," C. Anne Wilson, ed., - Banauettin~Stuffe' : The Fare and Social Backaound of the Tudor and Stuart Banauet ( Oxford: Alden Press, 199 1 ) 41 -42. '" See "Cabinet" and clos et^" OED.

"9 Partridge's work introduces recipes as "open experiments.' bringing the art of cookery into "a world of commerce. or the emerging middle class: a world which splits the factual from the emotional, calling into question the whole basis of value." With the publication of a Treasure of Commodious Conceits, the cookbook transfers fiom the medieval to the Renaissance world, moving "from God's world to hurnanism and nature'. Lynette Hunter, "'Sweet Secrets' from Occasional Receipt to Specialised Books." Banauettinn Stufie 41.

" John Partridge, The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits. & Hidden Secrets. and Mav Be Called the Huswiues Closet. of Healthfull Prouision Mete and Necessarie for the Profitable Vse of Al1 Estates Both Men and Women. and Also Pleasant for Recreation (1573) STC 19425.5.Reprinted with title variations: (1 584) STC 19427: (1 586) STC 19433.5: (1 591) STC 19429; (1596)STC 19429.5; (1600)STC 19430; (1608)STC 19430.5;(1627) STC 1943 1; and STC 1943 1.5; (1633) STC 19432; (1637) STC 19433: (1 653) Wing P628.

"' John Partridge, The Widdowes Treasure. ( 1 586) STC 19433.5: (1 595) STC 19434; (1 599) STC 19435; (1 63 1 ) STC 19437; (1639)STC 19437a: (1 656) Wing M6 13. 1O3 towards a femaie readership, nor do they open the woman 's closet for pleasure and profit?

Throughout the seventeenth century. cooking manuals speak increasingly to women as hostesses, cooks, and managers of household order.

Partridge acknowledges that he is not the inventor of the recipes themselves, but their compiler. The cooking manual is a Merexample of ambiguous authonhip and authorial removal, as textual production is initially controlled by a person who compiles. orders, and edits the recipes, invents a title, and writes introductory material. Further editions of the text tend to be produced by a pnnter who often makes adjustments to the title. or binds other sets of recipes together under the same title. Whether or not the narne of the initial compiler is acknowledged in

Mereditions is entirely dependent on the printer. Partridge's The Treasurv of Hidden Secrets

(note the title alteration) was republished in 1653 by Jane Bell. a~iddoes not acknowledge

Partridge's authorship. The initial compiler rarely acknowledges the author of the recipes, if in fact, any single author exists. Recipes thernselves are probably embedded in oral tradition, and passed on from one cook to another by word of rnouth. or through tactile instruction from mother to daughter, for example. until someone preserves them in writing. The recipes are ofien perceived, by the compiler, to be the invention of unnamed men or women; and from Partridge's texts onward, the cooking manuai fiequently begins wirh a defence which justifies the public

'3' A Propre New Booke of Coke? (1 545) STC 3365.5 may be the first of a vecy small number of cooking manuals printed prior to Partridge's works. Arnold Whitaker Oxford's annotated bibliography, Enalish Cookerv Books to the Year 1 850 (1 9 13; London: Holland P, 1977) describes some sixteenth-century works from his pnvate holdings which are not available on microtext. None of these works uses the titular conceit of the closet or cabinet, nor do they address a femaie audience, or figure the kitchen as female space. 104 exposure of these private 'secrets.'"'

in The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits. & Hidden Secrets Partridge claims that he

"Gathered out of sundry Experiments lately practised by men of great knowledge," and twk

"some Payne, in collectynge certayne hydden Secretes together." He claims that the work was designed only for farniliar fnends, "yet at the instance [sic] of a certayne Gentlewoman (king my dere and special fkende) 1 was constrained to pub~ish.'"'~The Widdowes Treasure contains a similar defence: "This pamphlet king written . . . at the earnest request and sute of a

Gentlewoman in the Countrey for her priuate vse, which by these singuler practises hath obtained such farne, that her name shall be remembred for euer to the p~sterity."~'Pamidge, unfomuuitely, does not provide the woman's narne. She is the textes titular widow, and Partridge infonns the reader that she has passed on a caveat, that "her Treasure and chiefe lewell" should be used with

"humilitie" and practised with "discretion," as she is "such a one as neuer once thought to haue made them ber recipes] co~nrnon."'~~While Partridge introduces his cookbooks to the public sphere, he defends them as private. domestic works which. if used appropriately, produce a

"publique benefite." A statement of public benefit becomes a generic convention of the cooking manual, and title pages convey to the reader that the work is designed to maintain or bring about

233 1 am basing this information on my own extensive survey of early modem cooking manuals. There is currently no comprehensive bibliography of these works.

234 Partridge, The Treasurie of Commodious Corxeits and Hidden Secrets (1 573) sig. A3.

""amidge, The Widdowes Treasure ( 1599) sig. A?.

"6 Partridge, The Widdowes Treasure ( 1599) sig. AZv. national order?'

Texts which continued to utilize the titular conceit of the closet or 'cabinet opened' inciude A Closet for Ladies and Gentlewomen ( 1608). The Ladies Cabinet Opened (1639), Queen

Elizabeth Closset of Phvsical Secrets (1 652) The Queens Closet O~ened(1 6S), and Hannah

Woolley's The Oueen-Like Closet: Or. Rich Cabinet ( 1 670). These are but a few examples. The decade between the execution of Charles 1 and the Restoration produced at lest eighteen separate texts, including twelve new titles and six reprints of earlier w~rks."~In Partridge's texts, the contents are a "treasure" or "treasury" of "precious" jewels. Thomas Dawson's The Gd

Huswifes Jewell. Wherein Is to Bee Found Most Excellent and Rare Devices. for Conceits in

"' Partridge, The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits and Hidden Secrets (1573) sig. A3v.

238 The number of the edition indicated on the title page is often much larger than the number of extant editions, suggesting that many editions have not swived. The eighteen texts listed here, therefore, is conservative, based only on extant works. Listed chronoIogically, they are: Markhm Gervase, The Endish House-Wife rpt. ( 1649) Wing M629; Thomas Dawson, Book of Cookery. and the Order of Meates to be Served to the Table. Both for Flesh and Fish Daves rpt.(1650) Wing B3705; A Closet for Ladies and Gentlewomen rpts.(1651) Wing C4729; (1 6%) Wing C4730; and (1 656) Wing C473 1 ; Hugh Plat, Deliehts for Ladies rpts. (1 65 1 Wing P2381 and (1654) Wing P2382; M.A. The Oueens Closset of Phvsical Secrets (1652) Wing M5A and (1656) MSB; reprinted as A.M. A Rich Closet of Phvsical Secrets (1652) E. 670 (1-2) and (1653)Wing M7A and M7B; John Partndge, The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits and Hidden Secrets rpt.(1653) Wing P628; Fran La Varenne, The French Cook (1653 Wing L628 and (1 654) Wing L625; Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kent. A True Gentlewomans Delieht (1653) Wing K.3 17 and Kent, A Choice Manual of Rare and Select Secrets in Phvsick and Chyureerv (1 653 Wing K3 1 1 and (1654) Wing K3 12; A Book of Fruits and Flowers ( 1653 E. 690 (13) and (1656) Wing B3709; The Ladies Com~anion.or A Table Furnished with Sundry Sorts of Pies and Tarts (1653) E. 1528 (2); Joseph Cooper, The Art of Cookerv Refined and Aupnented (1654) Wing B 135; The Ladies Cabinet Enlareed and Owned rpts. ( 1654 E. 1528 ( 1 ) and ( 1655) Wing B 135a; John Partridge, The Widdowes Treasure rpt. ( 1 655) Wing B629bA; W.M., The Oueens Closet Ooened (1 655) E. 15 19 (1): (1656) Wing M97: (1 658) M98; and (1 659) Wing M99; The Com~leatCook (1 655) E. 153 1 (1) and (1 659) Wing M9 1 : Marnett Mounsieur, The Perfèct Cook ( 1656) E. 1695 (1 ); Thomas Mayrne, Archimagirus ~ndo-Gallicus(1 658) Wing M 1427; Jean-Baptista Porter, Natural Mapic (1659) Wing P2982a. Cookerv (1 596) borrows this tropex9 Likewise. the preface to The Ladies Cabinet Owned claims, "1 resolved (at least) to srnooth your way a little. by bringing each particular to its pmper head, or (since its cailed A Cabinet) laying each Jewel in his peculiar box."'40

These small, secret, dornestic spaces are implicitly sexual. Like the Freudian jewel box or little room, cabinets and closets becorne a euphemism for female anatomy and the site of insatiate desire."' Sexual euphemisms based on women's closets and cabinets remain popular throughout the seventeenth century. A "Fine Gentleman" can "unlock" a maidenhead witb smooth words, claims Thomas O~erbury.~~~Harrington says of a spinster. "She hath fiesh blood in her Cheeks

. . . but she is but an old Lady; nor has he pickt her Cabinet; these he sends you are none of her

Receipts 1 can assure y~u.""~A whore defines her pimp as 'ri pure Rogue that 1 dare trust with the

Cabinet of Venus, with the Key to unlock it. and indeed with al1 my secrets.'' She promises to

"vnvail my Cabinet: disclose my secrets" to client^.'^ An adept prostitute has "many clients

'39 Thomas Dawson, The Good Huswifes Iewell. Wherin is to Bee Found Most Excellent and Rare Deuises. for Colnlceits in Cooke~(1 596) STC 6393.

"O The Ladies Cabinet Opened (1654) sig. A2v.

"' Sigmund Freud, "Dora." Case Histones 1 : 'Dora' and 'Little Ham', (Middlesex: Penguin, 1977)102, 130.

'42 Thomas Overbury, The Overburian Characters. to Which 1s Added a Wife, (Oxford: Basil BlackweI1, 1936) 16. "' James Harrington, James Hanineton's Oceana. ed. S.B. Liljegren. (Westpon: Hyperion, 1979) 100.

'u Peter Aretine, Strange Newes from Bartholomew Fair. or. the Wandnng-Whore Discovered. Her Cabinet Unlockt. Her Secrets Laid Open ( 166 1 ) Wing 55886 5,4. Aretine is a pseudonym based on the sixteenth-century writings and reputation of Aretino. The author was probably John Garfield, who was arrested in connection with its publication. Pseudo-Aretine pornography, including La Puttana Errante, and L'Ecole des Filles began to appear in England in the mid-seventeenth century. (Pepys. on February 8, 1668. claims to have read the latter text "for 1O7 knocking at the closet d~or,""~and a woman with venereal disease might deveiop a "Cmbuncle in her Cabinet" corresponding to the "Rubyes" she gives to her 10ver."~

The cooking manual's titular conceits (despite defences to the contrary) intentionally titillate, offering to expose a femaie body, and suggesting. especially to the female reader, that there exists a ferninine mystique. The text offers to provide to her the 'secrets' of womanhood. Its actual purpose, however, is to establish appropriate female space. and set out behavioural codes for the virtuous housewife. She learns how to preserve national customs and political order through the preparation of good English fare. The expert cook Iearns how to please by satiswng the appetite, and becomes, like the politic courtier. skilled in a certain type of 'oral' suasiveness.

Felicity Heal describes the art of preparing and serving a feast: "The social ritual of the great household, at its most effective when presented for a large audience, was a coded language, designed to articulate both power and magnanimity.""' Cooking manuals are designed to glorifi household power and stabilize nationhood. An ordered household is the mode1 of an ordered state.

Gervase Markham, author of a cooking manual enti tled The Enelish House-Wife (1 63 7) articulates the importance of English cooking. Describing the ideal housewife, he writes, "Let her diet be wholesome and cleanly, prepared at due hours. and Cookt with care and diligence . . .

information sake," then later burned it.) See David Foxon. Libertine Literature in Eneland. 1660- 1745 (London: Shenval P, 1964) 4-6. in the early 1660s. a number of "wandering whore" pamphlets capitalized on the name of Aretine.

'" Ferrante Pallavicino?, The Whore's Rhetoric ( 1683) facsimile, ed. James R. Irvine (New York: Scolar P, 1979) 96.

'" Henry Neville. News fiom the New Exchanq 9. "'Felicity Heal, Hos~italitvin Earlv Modem Eneland (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990) 7. 1O8

let it be rather esteemed for the familiar acquaintance she hath with it. then for the strangeness and

rarity it bringeth from other ~ountries.'~'Dishes from continental Europe. however, were familiar

fare. Recipes are frequently imponed from France and My. and cooking manuals entirely

devoted to continental cuisine enjoy a short burst of popularity during the interregnum.

French Cook appears in 1653, 1654 and is reprinted in the Restoration. Archimanirus An*

Gallicus makes one appearance in 1658. and the encyclopaedic Natural Maeick bv John Baotista

Porta. a Neamlitme, covering topics fiom cooking and household management to alchemy and

natural philosophy, appeared in 1659. Margaret Visser daims. "British cuisine has always

despised and rejected fnvolous. dishonest, or merely confused Continental concoctions; the ideal

has always ken 'the best ingredients, ~ndisguised.""~Felicity Heal likewise States that as early as

1600, French cooks were suspected of having a "corrosive" and '*malign influence." not only by

threatening the plaimess of English cooking. but through the "elaboration" and "smallness" of di~hes."~Cooking manuals, by the mid-seventeenth century. were certainly viewed as politically

suspicious works, but they also articulated their own sense of boundaries.

The Good Huswifes Iewell instructs "Pare yur ~otaton"'~'in 1596, the year the potato was first cultivated in England,"' but cooking manuals over the following half-cenniry seem not to be Merinspired by new world foods. Also. if dishes are Scottish. Welsh, or Irish in ongin,

"* Gervase Markharn, The English House- W i fe ( 1 637) STC 1 7354 3.

'49 Margaret Visser, Much Dewnds on Dinner (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1986) 18

'50 Felicity Heal, Hos~itali-1 16.

'5' Thomas Dawson, The Good Huswifes lewell sigC3v. "'OED. their nationality is not advertised. Dishes for the banquet use imported sugar, spices nom Asia, and citm hits fiom Spain and the West Indies. which the English housewife made into preserves or ~andies."~Ingredients for the feast itself. however. were dornesti~.'~Despite the poetic glorification of colonial produce by Andrew Marvell. the cooking manual is neither exotic or advenhiro~s.~~~Exploration and trade developments. such as the establishment of the East

India Company in 1600, seem not to have afCected the early seventeenth-century cooking manual.

Imported foodstuffs appear in seventeenth-century cooking manuals only if they have a long tradition of English usage, and recipes tend not to be imported fiom lands fùrther south or east than Italy. The cooking manual. promoting 'highly civitized' culture. does not ailude to recipes fiom countries which might be perceived as wild, primitive. or barbarie.

The Renaissance woman is expected to understand the need for boundaries, both within the nation and within her own domestic sphere. In recapitulating the order of the reaim, the lady of the house should instmct her marshal and usher on seating guests according to their estates:

253 The "banquet," a term used for the sweet course at the end of the meal, was often served in a separate banqueting house. (It is not synonymous with the feast. but is the precursor to the modem dessert.) The term "banquet" is derived from ltalian banchetfo (meaning table), and a number of banqueting dishes, from marmalade to sauces and puff pastries, are of continental origins. Their heritage is occasionally acknowledged in the title of the dish. Mile servants of both sexes accomplished much of the actual labour, the art of candying and preserving would be conducted by the lady of the household. as its intricacies required specialized skills, and sugar was too expensive to entrust to servants. See C.Anne Wilson, "Introduction: The Origin of 'Banquetting Stuffe." 'Banauettine Stuffe' 4.

3' Although recipe books do not to refer to coffee and tea. these items were also imported fkom Turkey and the far East, and had a significant impact on English social life.

"' "He hangs in shades the orange bnght./ Like golden lamps in a green nightJ And does in the pom'granates close/ Jewels more rich than Ormus shows./ He makes the tigs our mouths to meet,/ And throws the melons at Our feetJ But [pinelapples plants of such a piceJ No tree could ever bear them twice." Andrew Marvell, "Bermudas." l i nes 1 7-24. Marques, Earles, Bishops and Viscounts. al1 these may soit at a messe: a Baron and the Major of London and three chiefe Judges. and the Speaker of the Parliarnents, dl these may sit two or three at a messe: and other States may sit three or foure at a messe: also the Marshal must understand and know the blood Royall. for some Lord is of the biood Royall, and of small liuelihood. and some knight is wedded unto a Lady of Royall blood . . . it is no rebuke to a knight, to set a groome of the kings at his able?

In serving a feast, one must preserve the nation's order and hierarchies. The hostess should make every sacrifice to demonstrate her hospitality. As her virtues include modesty and deference, she cannot elevate the position of her househoid through speech. but instead uses the persuasiveness of her culinary delights and their manner of presentation to gmer the favour of her social superiors. in pleasing her husband. or personal "sovereign." she increases her power within the household; and by pleasing her guests of royal blood. her household gains power within the nation. Henry Wotton's Elements of Architecture ( 1624) articulates the ethos of the great house:

Every rnans proper Mansion house and home. king the theatre of his Hospitality, the seat of self-fniition, the Cornfortablest part of his own life . . . a kind of private princedom; Nay, to the Possessors thereof an Epitome of the whole World; rnay well deserve by these Attributes, according to the degree of the master. to be decently and delightfiilly adomed?'

The decorous private household reiterates the order and social dramas of the kingdom, becoming a theatrically produced microcosm of the state. Through the early seventeenth centwy, hospitality remained a viriue. The domestic sphere. like the cookbook itself. was opened for festivities and delights. As Wotton notes. the great household is designed for entertainments. The feast is itself a pageant. While historians often figure Jacobean and Carol ine gentry as 'puri tan' moralists and

'% John Murrell, Murrels Two Bookes of Cookene and Cming (1641) Wing M3125 186- 187.

'" Henry Wotton. Elements of Architecture. Collected b~ Henrv Wotton Knieht. fiom the Best Authors and Examdes (1624) STC 2601 1 82. 111 fomenters of civil war, pre-war cooking manuals promote the theatricality of great house enter tain ment^.'^^

Partridge's The Treasurîe of Commodious Conceits. & Hidden Secrets portrays on its fiontispiece a fashionably attired man, seated in his private study. copying his text frorn an open book. (See fig. 7.) Dawson's fiontispiece is divided into five tiny compartments. displaying women working in their various kitchens and still rooms."' (See fig. 8 and fig. 9). Like the feast itself, the images are specular and theatrical. Where women are at work. there is no spillage, nor a dish out of place. The writer's study is likewise uncluttered. Despite king alone and indoors, he is perfectly poised, and wears a broad-brimmed hat. Although he is writing about 'secret delights,' he demonstrates that the private sphere operates in a manner appropriate to the public sphere.

Even in a private closet. no one is ever undressed or disordered. ïhe text invites the reader to enter the well-manicured private space, and these images promote the ethos of hospitality. Felicity

Heal compares the role of the host or hostess to a --courtier who was well-versed in the arts of politesse," showing "a free and fia& exterior to al1 . . . while not yielding his trust to any." This ethos continued to be upheld in the seventeenth century. but increasingly, it became the focus of suspicion. The image of cultivated civility, set against the elaborate backdrop of the great house, belied insincerîty and theatricality. and "could lead to charges of dissimulation and hypocrisy, to

258 One of the central texts conceming the puntanism of pre-war gentry is Perez Zagorin's The Court and the Countw. Cooking rnanuals do not confirrn Zagonn's sense of gentry puri tani sm.

L59 The engraved title-page of Hannah Woolley's The Accomplish'd Ladv's Delieht (1677) Wing W3268A repeatts the image with variations. It displays an additional cornpartment in which a woman is beautifying herself. Figure 7

John P&dgee's Treasurie of Commodious Conceits. & Hidden Secrets (1 573) Figure 8

Thomas Dawson. The Good Huswi fes lewell(1596) Figure 9

Hannah Woolley*~The Accom~lish'dLadv's Deli& (1 677) a tension between the inner and the outer man [or ~ornan].'~~Cooking terminology parallels this sense of illwry delight. Recipes for the banquet are termed "conceits." defined as those "fancy trifles for the table,'"6' or sugary confections served afier the meal. Partridge daims that his recipes are "pleasant for recreation." Cooking is not a necessity but a pleasure.

Following Partridge. Hugh Plat emphasizes the plcasures of cooking in Deliehts for

Ladies, to Adorne Their Persons. Tables. Closets. and Distiifatories. With Beauties. Banauets,

Perhes and Waters. First published in 1603. Deliehts For Ladies ;vas reprinted a minimum of twelve times, with the last two editions appearing in the 1650~.'~'Despite the intervening civil wars, the text's verse epistle remains unaltered:

With painfbl Pen I whilarn wrote at large: Expecting stil my Countries good therein. And not respecting labour, time, or charge. But now my Pen, and Paper. are perfum'd I scorn to writ with Coppress or with Gall: Barbaria's Canes are now become my quils Rose-water is the Ink i write withall. Of sweetest creatures that the earth dos't bear These are the Saints to whom I sacrifice Preservs & Conservs of the Plum and Pear Empaling much adieu: trust Marchpane walls Are strong enough. and best befit our age. Let piercing Bullets tum to Sugar Balls The Spanish fear is hush't and al1 their rage.'"

''O Felicity Heal. Hosoitality 104- 105.

OED, entry 9b. Conceits are sponymous with "kick~haws.'~a terni which is derived from quelque chose.

X' X' Hugh Plat, Deliehts for Ladies (1 603) STC 19978.5. Reprinted in 1608 (STC 19980), 1609 (STC 1998l), 16 17 (STC 19983.3), 1627 (STC 5436.7). 1628 (STC 19983.7), 1630 (STC 19984), 1632 (STC 19985), 1635 (STC 19986).1636 (STC 19987). 1640 (STC 19987.5), 165 1 (Wing PZ81). 1654 (Wing P2382).

'63 Hugh Plat. Deliehts for Ladies ( 1654) Wing PX82 sig. Atv. 116

In times of peace, female space becomes heroic space. but a diminutive version of the heroics of war. Marchpane (manipan) walls build fanciful kingdoms. Bullets transform into hamiless sugar balls, as ordered dornesticity and culinary delights presrn-e and glorie the pnvate pleasures of stable nationhood. The w-riter's pen tums from the 'coppress and gall' of foreign violence to

'perfume' of domestic recreations. The verse could have been easily updated by exchanging the word Spanish for English. but the printer seems to prekr Arcadian nostalgia over protectorate politics.

Partridge's The Treasurie of Cornmodious Concei ts and Hidden Secrets begins with a verse to protect the work from the cutting insults of those "Zoylles" or anti-literary zealots whose condemation of pleasure and of 'Great Workes" threaten "A Happy cornmon wede."" The cooking manual proposes to defend English Renaissance traditions against radicalism and zeaiotry. The reader. by following the instructive test. helps to maintain national order. The cookbook is itself a panacea. The lady of the household learns to give and receive pleasure, maintaining a contented household. a happy cornmonwealth. and a virtuous reputation simply by following a recipe. That the English cooking manual became increasingly directed to a female readership was partially necessitated by the cultural and political milieu of the early seventeenth century.

Propertied English women had far more sway than their continental counterparts. While the cook in larger households tended to be male.'6' the lady of the house would be responsible for

'w Partridge, The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits and Hidden Secrets (1 573) sig. A2v.

'65 C. Anne Wilson. "Introduction: The Origin of -Banquetth&Stuffe." 'Banauettinq Stuffe' 4. 117 managing ail domestic staff. As propertied men were increasingly drawn to London on business in the early seventeenth century. James 1 decreed that women should remain in the country, away from the temptations of city life. and were thus required to rnaintain the household in the absence of their husbands. Felicity Heal quotes Henry Percy. ninth Earl of Northumberland. English women. he writes, had to manage domestic affairs. "entertayning ail corners. conducting there euests to there chambers: carefull of there breakfasts. keeping them Company at cards, with many C more complements of this nature. whiche is not ordenarj. in other places and other nation^."'^

Margaret Visser also notes that England was the tirst nation to provide cookery books for the housewife instead of the professional (male) chef.'" In the first few years of the seventeenth century, entertaining guests, and even strangers in the absence of one's husband appears to be a perfectly decorous activity for England's social elite. Esce1 lent hospitality and household econony were lauded as female virtues, as were generosity to the poor and treatment of the sick.'68

The section of the cooking manual. terrned "physick*' andor "chyrurgery" provides recipes for oral remedies, poultices and plasters. as well as basic midwifery advice and instructions on removing bullets or bits of weaponry fiom wounds. There is some overlap in recipes, as certain beverages, pottages, flavoured oils. sugar. spices. and herbaI concoctions are used both for culinary and medicinal purposes. Curatives range from the reasonable chicken broth and herbal

'66 "Instructions by Henry Percy. 9th Earl of Northumberland. to His Son." Archaeoloeia, 37 (1 838) 34 1 ; Felicity Heal. Hos~itaiitv1 79.

16' Margaret Visser, Much Dewnds on Dinner 300.

16* Heal notes the prevalence of such praise in numerous funeral sermons from the early seventeenth century. Felicity Heal. Hospitalitv 179-1 83. 118 teas, to outright poisons, such as recipes containing mercury and wood alcohols. Healing potions

retain a superstitious element. calling for such dubious ingredients as adders tongues. ground

unicom horn. and foot of d~ve.'~'The cooking manual offers no advice on how to acquire a

unicorn's horn, but it does expect the wornan of the house to gather many of the pnmary

ingredients herself (presumably with the assistance of her man? servants). A recipe for snake oil. a

putative remedy for deafness. begins. "Take Snakes or Adders when they are fat. which will be in

June or July. cut off their heads and take untheir skins.-""' By the middle of the seventeenth

century, books on physick and chynirgury, as well as midwifery manuals began to be published as

separate texts. The latter shows marked developments as women begin to take a more active role

in writing and publishing. A Closet for Ladies and Gentlewomen. for exarnple. first published in

1608, provides a few short recipes for childbearing women. '-Fry Hemlocke in fresh Swines

greace: lay it as hot as she may suffer it, to the secret place-" writes the anonymous author,

providing no Merdetails conceming this course of treatment or its desired effects."' By

contrast, A Rich Closet of Phvsical Secrets, published by Gartrude Dawson in 1653, includes

"The Childbearers Cabinet." a work divided into thiny-four chapten. covering perinatai care, miscarriage, childbirth. pediatrïc development. and treatmrnt of childhood diseases.'" Its discussions of anatomy are detailed and W. While the sepante midwifery manual speaks more to the woman working in this profession. the lady of the house was expected to have some general

--

'" See, for example. A Closet for Ladies and Grntfewomen ( 1647) sig. C 12.

Patrick Ruthven. The Ladies Cabinet Enlarzed and Opened ( 1 63'4) E. 1 528 (1 ) D2v.

'7' A Closet for Ladies and Gentlewomen or. the An of Preserving ( 1 647) D 1.

A.M. A Rich Closet of Phvsical Secrets ( 1653) Winp M7B. knowledge of the healing arts.

One of the "most principal1 vertues which do belong to our English Hous-wife" daims

Markham. is 'rhe preservation and care of the family touching their health and soundness of body .?y275 The "compleat Woman" maintains the holistic order of the domestic sphere. It is her vocation to remedy social. moral and physical ills. She is not to address state ills directly. however. but must concentrate on those "which are most farniliar & ordinary. as the Quoridian or daily ague." Her own vitality and 'completeness' is emblematic of household order, a state which is "most profitable and necessary for al1 men. and the generall good of this ~ingdome.""'

As religious tensions increased. the place of relifious discussion in the household became a female concern:

Elite women . . . used their position within the family to promote their chosen beliefs. Their considerable control over domestic economy could also give them an influence over forms of hospitality. and the association of religion and speci fic forms of entertainment logically f01lowed.'~~

A virtuous woman would naturally be religious. but voicing her particular religious leanings underrnined the virtues of hospitality and deference. Genase Markham. in the 1 630s. warns that the good housewife

shall be pleasing both to God and his creatures. 1 do not mean that herein she should utter forth that violence of Spirit. which many of our (vainly accounted pure) women do, drawing a conternpt to the ordinary Ministry. and thinking nothing lawfull but the fantasies of their own inventions. usurping to themselves a power of preaching and interpreting the holy word, to which they ought to be but hearers and believers. or modest perswaders; this

Genase Markham. The Enelish House-Wife ( 1637) 4.

'" W. Wilson. reprinting Maricham's work in 1653. makes a concession to the protectorate, changing the word "Kingdome" to "NATION." '" Felicity Heal. Hos~italitv178. is not the offce either of the good house-wife. or good woman.'"

The cooking manual establishes an expectation that womrn as "modest perswaders" would

exercise religio-political influence while working in a quiet. virtuous manner. Voicing one's

religiosity is not only indecorous. it gives the appeanncc of being politically radical. With this

increase in political tensions. cooking manuals tended to reprint Elizabethan recipes. promoting

tradition over experimentation. and reinforcing the cthos of female domesticity and hospitality.

Cooking manuals through the reign of Charles 1 tend to be written by men for women. A

number of texts appear anonymously. or identiQ the writer or compiler only by initials, leaving

the gender of the author ambiguous. By the 1650s. women began to acknowledge their

participation in the production of cooking manuals. That women were themselves beginning to

introduce their own closets and cabinets to the public sphere created some suspicion. While the

ethos of hospitality included opening one's door to strangers and providing charity to the poor, the

increasing popularity of predestination theology and ernphasis on personal salvation led to a

paranoia of the disenfranchised and those who entertained them. Heal describes a process whereby the ethos of hospitality gradually diminishes with the implementation of the Elizabethan

"poor laws." Likewise, the ethos of charity diminished: vagrants. beggars. and the able Wied poor were seen to suffer an impoverishment of their oun making. Roman Catholic gentry, inclined to maintain traditions of charity. became especial ly suspect, and acts of charity by others became signi fiers of crypto-Catholicism. Lady Magdalen. Viscountess Montagu, a Roman

Catholic, "offended some of her Protestant neighbours by failing to distinguish between the deserving and the undeserving poor." Her hospitality also estended to housing persecuted

'76 Gervase Markham. The Enelish House-Wife ( 1637) 2. 121 p~iests.'~~A woman who offered to open her house indiscriminately threatened not only the integrity of her own domestic sphere. but that of the kingdom. As Elizabethan texts were reprinted in the mid-seventeenth century. their openness became more suspicious. and their prefatory defences appeared more pointed.

Partridge. when complaining of "Zoylles." protects normative values against a srnafi. radical fringe. As a political work. his Elizabethan cookbool; simply reinforces some of the prevailing notions of decomm. When republished in the i nterregnum. however. the verse appears to attack a new political body. which is no longer the tiinge. but the establishment. What interregnum Royaiists perceived, however, was that a cooking manual could be used more overtly as a political weapon.

The Ladies Cabinet Omned appeared anonymously in 1639. In 1654. however, a Mer edition appeared under the title The Ladies Cabinet Enlarged and Otxned. Its author, daims the title page, is Patrick Ruthven. Earl of Forth and Brentford. Ruthven. commander of the Royalist forces between 1642 and 1644. died in 165 1. Whether or not Ruthven invented the recipes, the

1654 printer chooses to market the work under the name of a prominent Royalist rather than republish it anonymously. Title pages of interregnum cooking manuals display a surprising number of Royalist cooks.

One of the king's former cooks. Joseph Cooper. published The Art of Cookey Refin'd and Auemented during the interregnum. He invests in his epistle to the reader the discourse of controversial exchange:

Though the chears of some preceding pieces that treated on this subject (whose Tirle-

Felicity Heal, Hos~itaiitv1 60- 1 70. pages. like the contents of a weekly Pamphlet. promised much more than the Books performedj may have provided this but a cold intertainment at its first coming abroad; yet 1 know it will not stay long in the world. before eveq. r

Cooper positions his work as a respnse text. Iikening his adversaries to pamphleteers. He defends the publication or "prostitution" of secret recipes on the grounds of social irnprovement or

"Common good." As in other cooking manuals. he portrays the cabinet as secret fernale space.

That his epistle speaks both to the public political sphere and the private domestic sphere becomes evident in his phrase "either Art." His cooking manual can freely promote its recipes. but it is "not safe" to bespeak other expectations. Cooper. as a Ro>+alist.and author of an interregnurn cooking manual, attempts to be both politically suasive and politically cautious.

In 1655. "W.M.." a former servant of Henrietta Mana. published The Queens Closet

O~ened.Incom~arabie Secret in Phvsick. Chirurgerv. Presrn~inrr.Candving and Cookeq. The frontispiece provides an engraved portrait of Queen Henrirtta Maria and W.M.'s opening epistle is not only political, but openly Royalist (see fig. 10):

there being few or none of these Receipts presented to her Majesty. which were not transcribed into her Book by rny self. the Original papers being most of them preserved in my own hands. which 1 kept as so many Reliques. and should sooner have parted with my dearest blood, then to have suffered them to be publick. But since my Soveraign Mistress her banishment, as also this continued change. bsing diadent of the alteration of these times, 1 could not deny the importunities of a person of Honour. to whom 1 was oblieged, who got a transcript of one of the true Copies from me . . . but that to my no small

Joseph Cooper. The Art of Cookenr Refin'd and Aunmented ( 1654) Wing C6055. Figure 10

A Portrait of Henrietta Maria

The Oueens Closet Ooened ( 1 655)

THE QUEENS :CLOSB'P'? 0PENE-D.. - amazement 1 found no less then two other Copies abroad: the sad consideration whereof inforced me to consult with my friends. who al1 ot-them advised me to dispatch my original copy to the Press to prevent those false ones: for othenvise 1 should not have thought it less then Sacriledge. had not the lock been fint pickt. to have opened the closet of my distressed Soveraign Mistress without her Royal Assent. But . . . it might continue my Soveraign Ladies remembrance in the breasts and loves of those persons of honour and quality. that presented most of these rare Recei pts to her. And now that my age will not suffer me, as i fell with the Court, to remain much longer in this troublesome World. 1 thought it my duty. if 1 could not do her Majest). tùrther service. at least to use my best endeavours to prevent al1 disservices that might bs done to her.'"

The initial apologia reinforces the privacy of fernale spacs. deknding the necessity of opening that space to the public. Typically. a pressing concem justi ties the text's publication. The defence reiterates an established formula. but its application in this case is highly questionable. The Queen is an imately public figure, and the writer simultaneously reasserts the power of her public position. The reproduction and dissemination of her image reclairns her fiom exile. The text's royal closet or cabinet. however. is a reliquary.

Publication offers to the sympathetic reader a pan of the Queen's body as relic. WXle the term "relique" implies martyrdom, the text itself is the relic of English monarchy. not Henrietta

Maria herself. The former Queen. although alive in body is only a -relict': a widow; a rare survivor of a nearly extinct group. The writer. hou-ever. imbues even her "private recreations" with mystical significance. Positioning the text as a holy relic. and offering to the public a vestige of the Queenosbody. W.M. aligns it with the King's book. Eikon Basilike, possibly hopehl that the Queen's book might enjoy the same popularity as the King's seemingly posthumous narrative.

Even the writer speaks from the edge of the grave. awaiting death both for his advanced age, and

The Oueens Closet Owrxd (1 66 1 rdn.) Wing M97 sigs. AJ-A4v. Wing's annotations indicate that the engraving of Henrietta Maria appears on some copies of interregnum editions. but it does not appear on those copies available on microtest. The opening epistle remains the sarne from the first edition onward. 125

more ambiguously, for having fallen '~withthe Coun." The possible demise of the Royalist and

the fate of the Queen are designed to evoke pathos. re-establish royal order. and preserve bodily

integrity. In offering royal recipes. the author attempts to reposition him or herself as the provider

of the feast, not only "for her Majesties review." but *-fora more general good."'" Although

concerned about exposing the Queen's private closet to the public. it is the author's only method

of garnering public syrnpathy. That the lock on her closet had already ken "pick't," however, has

implications which undermine the honourable nature of the dsfence. W.M.'s audience would be

well aware of the implied sexual euphemism. The open cabinet promises to expose the body, and

picking the lock on the Queen's closet is tantamount to physical violation. The former violation justifies Merexposure. The text attracts the voyeur. subtly offering the Queen's body as enticement. The vulnerability of the author's own body. however. also features as a concern.

W.M. conveys the anxiety of one who has lost the desired position of a cook. becoming instead the consumed.

One of the central functions of a cooking manual is to ritualize and make decorous a base necessity which is innately barbarie. Margaret Visser writes.

Somewhere at the back of our minds. careîùlly walled off from ordinary consideration and discourse, lies the idea of camibalism - that human beings might become food and eaters of each other. Violence. afier all. is necessas if any organism is to ingest another. Animals are murdered to produce meat; vegetables are tom up. peeled. and chopped; most of what we eat is treated with fire; and chewing is designed rernorselessly to finish what killing and cooking began. People natwally prefer tliat none of this should happen to them. Behind every rule of table etiquette lurks the determination of each person present to be a diner. not a dish. It is one of the chief roles of etiquette to keep the Iid on the violence

''O W.M. The Oueens Closet Owned sig. AJ\.. which the med king eaten presupposes."'

In a stable, peaceful society. the elabmate rituals of food preparation. serving. and dining. mask the violence which necessarily produces a meal. Wlicn a changing political ciimate cdis into question the morality of those rituals of etiquette. the violence of the rneal becomes more

apparent. The chaos of civil war prompted John CICLeland to criticize Sir William Brereton's

barbarism: "O he's a terrible slaughterman at Thankes-giving Dinner. had he been a Canniball to

have eaten those that he vanquish'd. his gut would ha\-s made him valiant."'" On the anti- prelatical fiont, A New Plav Called Canterburie His Change of Diot accuses William Laud of developing an insatiable appetite for persecution, and cannibalizing the ears of his victims. The tenn "laudable dish," which frequently appears in cooking manuals. takes on new rneaning.'u

(See fig. 1 1 ).

The violence of persecution and the slaughter of war even induced a few radicals to become vegetarians. Roger Crab. a former Par1iamen tarian soldier. adopted vegetarian principles as a response to the decadence of Royalist feasting and the violence that feasting implied. Crab's

The Endish Heremite (1655) associates gluttony with historical tyrants. He sets out a programme for bodily purity, promoting temperance and vegetarianism: 9nstead of strong drinks and wines, 1

"' Margaret Visser. The Rituals of Dinner: The Origins. Evolution. Eccentrkities. and Menine of Table Mamers (Toronto: HarperCollins. 1965) 34.

"' John Cleveland, The Character of a London Diurnall (1644) E. 268 (6)7-8.

L83 A New Plav Called Canterburie His Chance of Diot. 1641. E. 177 (8). Regarding the prayer-book controversy, a series of pamphlets published between 1642 and 1660 use the conceit of "a messe of pottage." The initial allusion is to Esau selling his birthright for a mess of pottage Genesis 25:34, but the discourse quickly tums to charges of cannibalisrn: Giles Calfine, A Fresh Bit of Mutton for Those Fleshv Minded Canibals that Cannot Endure Pottadere (1642) Wing C294. Figure 11

A New Plav Called Canterburie His Chantre of Diot (164) 128 give the old man a cup of water: and instead of roast Mutton. and Rabbets. and other dainty

dishes. I give him broth thickened with bran. and pudding made with bran. and Turnep leaves

chop't together."'" A 1659 poem suggesting that Crab Ird a vegetarian sect praises his

consumption of "Hearbs. roots. and every vegetable Mess.-' and criticizes those Tannibals. that

feed on luscious fare."'8s Vegetarianism becomes associated with subsistence living and radical politics. but not al1 radical sects embraced it. The Quaker George Salter condemns Crab's vegetarianism as king anti-Christian. Referring to the posm as "the Ballad of J.B." Saiter writes.

"thou mut not think to corne before the Throne [of Christ] with thy crooked body. . . they that drink must have the pure mouth. and they that eats the flesh hath his life. in which we reign."'"

As Nigel Smith points out, the vegetarianism associated with radical sects ofien had more to do with poverty than with politics. "The Diggers at Cobham sowed corn. parsnips. carrots and beans, and the emphasis in their tracts is always upon cereal production. It would seem that they were functioning as a vegetarian community. but not in direct response to the carnivorous preferences of the propertied . . . They were vegetarïans becausç the), were p~or."'~'

Richard Franck. however. a staunch Cromwellian and former captain in the New Mode1

Amy, opposes Royalist cookery for distinct1y political reasons: What matters it then for Cooks.

'" Roger Crab, The Enplish Heremite ( 1655) E.826 ( 1 ) 1-2.

'85 J.B. "Senous Contemplation on the Innocent Estate of the Dispised Rationalists," Roger Crabz Gentle Correction for the High-Flown Backslider ( 1659) Wing C6737 4.

'86 George Salter. An Answer to Roeer Cnbs Printed Pa-per to the Quakers (1659) Wing S463 sig. A4v. Salter alludes to John 654 'oWhoso eateth my flesh. and drinketh rny blood, hath eternal life." He equates Crabb's vegetarianism uith the rejection of Christ's flesh.

18' Nigel Smith. Literature and Revoiution 334- 129 where every Man rnay dress his OWII Comm~ns."'~*Franck-s pun on the word dress implies not only the rejection of one who dresses food for a feast. but also a rejection of costuming, disguising, and verbal mediation (dress king an elision ofaddress). Franck's ideal comrnonwealth is unadomed. He promotes self-reiiance. Whatever he consumes. from food to political ideology is undisguised and unmediated. In contnst to the refined. and ofien Royaiist fare offered in cooking manuals. Franck prefers "a broil'd Haddock" or "a Scots Collop" to a

"odreamof delicious regalia.'"a9 His object is self-sufticiencj.. and one of his targets is Isaac

Walton's Royalist aesthetic:

to fimish every Angler with a new Bait. was the studious Invention of hac Wuiron Author (as you may read) of the Compkur .-l ngkr-. who industriously has taken areto provide a good Cook, (supposing his Wi fe had a t? nger in the Py) which will necessarily be wanting in out- Northem Expedition.'"

Franck prefers his solitary fishing expeditions in Scoiland to the cultured domestic sphere. He perceives Walton's piscatorial delicacies as "cioyingly ci\-ilizëd" and located at the "heart of domestic festiveness."">' He is also suspicious of fernale space and its production of culinary delights. Women not only dress food. they exercise influence through that mediation. Rural

Scotland. to Franck. represents space which is undomesticated. unpretentious. and exclusively male. Nigel Smith says of Franck. "Food has its ottn politics. which reflect larger issues."'92 As a

1658 text, Franck's Northern Memoirs clearly responds to interregnum politics. Franck, however,

Richard Franck. Northem Memoirs ( 1694) Wing F2064 189.

'89 Richard Franck, Northern Memoirs 1 89.

Richard Franck. Northern Memoirs 49.

"' Nigel Smith. Literature and Revoluton 333.

29' Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 333. 130 added to the text through 1685. and did not publish it until 1694. by which point the radical asceticism is somewhat undercut by the text's promotion of Sconish tourism. The Northern expedition becomes &in to a male adventure vacation. Uliile Nonhem Memoirs is neither a cooking manual nor a text which is situated in fernale or domestic space. the perceived politics of the work are heightened when it is viewed as an interregnum text. This type of interregnum asceticism. however. drew a pol itical backlash.

Yet another one of Charles 1's former cooks. William Rabisha. waited until 1661 to publish his cooking manual."j His work utilizes a violent rhetoric which Nigel Smith contrasts with the ethos of the protectorate's vegetanan radicals. For Rabisha. --Al1natural objects are prone to consumption, with or without respect for bodily integrity: 'Break that Deer . . . Unlace that

Cony; Dismember that Heron: Display that Crane: Disfigure that Peacock; Unjoint that

Bittem. '"'94 The expressions which Rabisha uses. ho\vever. appear in printed Engl ish cooking manuals as early as 1508. and derive from medieval tradition.'"' Rabisha uses these ternis to respond to interregnum asceticism. not because they would be perceived as original, but because they would fùnction as restoratives. reminding his readers of the bounty of traditional feasting.

The year prior to the outbreak of war. these expressions appear as headings in Murrels Two

"3 William Rabisha. The Whole Bodv of Cookery Dissected ( 166 1 ) Wing RI14 241. "'Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 335.

'95 Here Berneth the Boke of Kerkvn~e( 1508). It is reprinted in 1513. and further reprinted as The Booke of Carvinc, (1 558: 1586). and l'he Booke of Carving and Sewing (161 3). See Arnold Oxford, Ennlish Cookerv Books to the Year 1 850 ( 1 9 1 3: London: Holland P, 1 977) 1-2. This text was then appended to The Good Hus-wifes Jewell (1 596). and in 1631 to Murrell's Two Books of Cookerie and Carvinq. A late fourteenth-century manuscript. "Here Begynnys Curye on Inglysche, bothe of Flesche and of Fysche." contains the essence of these directions. (Ashmole 1444: fo1.3.7. 190-92). Bookes of Cookene and Carvinp, ( 1641).'% The position advanced by both Murrell and Rabisha is one of entitlement. Both authors claim to provide feasts for royalty. in which the largess, the right to festive delights and bounty. results in conspicuous consumption. The following is Murrell's suggested menu for one course of a three-course feast:

1 A Quarter of a Kid. 2 A boyld Carpe. 3 A Heron or Bitter[n]. 4 A Congers head broyled. or Trouts. 5 A Nartichoke pie. 6 A dish of Ruffs or Godwits [Le. sea t?sh or marsh birds]. 7 A cold bak'd meate. 8 A sowst pigge. 9 A Gull. 10 A cold bak'd meate 1 1 A sowst pike, Breame Cise. tiesh water t'ish]. or Carp. 12 A dish of partriges. 13 An Orengado pye. 14 A dish of Quailes. 15 A cold bak'd meate. 16 A fiesh Salmon. pearch or Mullet. 17 A quodlng [i.e. apple] Tart. Cherry. or Goosebery Tart 18 A dryed Neates [Le. bovinel-tongue. 19 A Sole of Stargeon. 20 A sucket [Le. candied fruit] Tart of pufpa~te.'~'

The entire feast consists of fi@ dishes. with the centrepicce of each course king an animai served whole. In this course. it is the sauced pig. In the prwious course. the centrai delight is a fawn served with a pudding in its belly.'98 Such karting. however. belies an insecunty. Each meal requires a violent re-conquest of the land. with the displayed bounty reassuring the propenied of their status. Murrell's work is the 1st cookbook to be printed before the outbreak of civil war.

'96 Murrell, Murrels Two Bookes of Cookerie and Carving ( 164 1 ) 166- 1 73.

'97 Murrell. Murrels Two Bookes of Cookerie and Carving (1 641 ) 4.

'98 Murrell, Murrels Two Bookes of Cookerie and Carvinq (1641 ) 3- Between 1642 and 1648, a number of pamphlets claiming to be 'cabinets opened' reveal not

recipes, but intercepted military correspondence.'" These texts supplanted the cooking manual for

a seven year period. The 'cabinet opened.' however. had a hrther literary antecedent.

That the cabinet represented an esoteric. pol itical spacr became apparent early in the reign

of Charles 1. In 1628 and 1629. Robert Le Grys presented his English editions of John Barclay's

Areenis to Charles 1. Le Grys. in collaboration with Thomas May. translated the 1621 Latin text

into English and included for Charles a ~~c~avÏ.s"or ke?. n hich explained the ostensibly sixteenth-

century political allegory imbedded in the Heliodoran romance. As Annabel Patterson notes, the

conclusion of Argenis depends upon the recovery of a "little Cabinet" and the receipt of a letter.

"There was in the Letter a little key: the same indeed which was to open the Cabinet."3m That a

cabinet either stood for or contained henneneutic discourse becomes evident in the roman a

cleJ30' Yet the key and the cabinet within the text offer fâr more than Le Grys's clavis. The text is

itself a cabinet, and its contents could be applied to a range of occasions. Le Grys's 1629 preface suggests that Ar~enislends itself to topical politics. Charles called his third Parliament in 1628: a

Parliament which denied the King the tax revenues of Tonnage and Poundage." and argued that

ZW Examples include. Marchmount Nedham. RuvsSum~ter. and Private Cabinet Rifled (1 644) E.2 (24); A Kev to the Kinas Cabinet-Counsell ( 1644) I :E.4 (9): A Kev to the Kines Cabinet (1645) 1 :E.297 (10); The Irish Cabinet: or His ~MaiestiesSecret Papers (1645) E.3 16 (29); The Lord George DigbyosCabinet (1646) EX9( 15): A Kev to the Cabinet of the Parliament (1648) 66:E. 449 (2); The Scots Cabinett O~ened(1648) 72E.456 (36), and The Scotch-Cabinet Picklocke A~~rehended( 1648) Wing S95 1 .

'" John Barclay. lohn Barclav. His Argenis ( 1629) 469. 30 1 Annabel Patterson provides the background to the text's translation and notes the hermeneutical import the conclusion. "The Cabinet of Barclafs fiction both resists and requires opening. if its reading is to be completed. The "letter-- of the text contains its own key. not, as in the translator's "clavis." to the cast of historical ckaracters. but to the intentions of its author and his innovative genre theory." Annabel Patterson. Crnsorshi~and Intemretation 191. the "liberties of the subject" superseded the King's ~ornrnands.'~''The romance reinforces the virtues of Royal authority. offering the possibility of re-siabilizing the King's position through

In 1645, Parliamentarian forces intercepted a serirs OF letters between Charles and

Henrietta Maria, publishing them under the title. The Kinils Cabinet 0wned."' Thomas May was one of its editors. Instead of offering a secret cabinet to the King, he now offered to open the

King's secret cabinet to the public. In the King's own words. the iilicit opening of his cabinet exposed not only his personal correspondence. but his naked body to the public gaze. in Eikon

Basilikae, he recalls the incident. likening Parliamentarians to Noah's son Ham:3m

1 am sure they [Parliament] can never expect divine approbation of such indecent actions, if they do but remember how God blest the modest respect and filial tendemess which Noah's sons bare to their father; nor did hIs open infirmity justify Cham's irnpudency, or exempt him fiom the curse of king servant of ssnants . . . Nor can their malicious intentions be ever excusable . . . who thought by this means to expose me . . . forgetting that duty of modest concealment which they owed to the father of their country.30'

The King's opponents had taken the doctrine of 'naked truth' to extremes. The stripping of pretatical pretense, church artifice, and linguistic ornamentation ted to cults of nudity in the radical sects. Where the Renaissance gaze focussed on pri vate scenes fur the purpose of theatricd entertainment, the civil-war gaze looked into private spacr for the purpose of surveillance.

'O' See, for example. The Petition of Rieht (Juni: 7. 1628). and The Remonstrance aaainst Tonnage and Poundaee (June 25. 1628). S.R. Gardiner- cd. Constitutional Documents of the Puntan Revolution 1625-1660 ( 1 889: Oxford: Clarendon- 1968) 66-72.

303 The Kines Cabinet Oaened (1645) Wing C2358.

'OJ "And Ham, the father of Canaan. saw the nakedness of his father. and told his two brethren without." Genesis 922-

'O5 Charles 1 [and John Gauden]. Eikon Basi 1 i kr: or the King's Book. ed. Edward Almack (London: Chatto and Windus. f 907) 203. 134

Heresiographers were eager to report or invent nudist activity. Accounts of Adamites

appeared by 1641, and the nudity of Ranters and Quakers was widely publicized throughout the

interregnurn.jw The Presbyterian heresiographrr. John Pliillips. in A Satvr aeainst Hycntes

depicts one wornan advising another:

Matha put off thy clothes, for time is corne That men may bauble show and women bum. For that the seed of them that do profess Shall only need be clothed in righteousness:;"'

This verse encapsulates rnany of the concerns of the period- lt depicts women advising women in

subversive activity. The fernale voice controls the presentation of perfidious bodies. The fool's

bauble, traditionally used for jocular. phallic gesturing ai court, is here associated with male

nudity in the sects. The pamphlet strips and exposes its target whiie accusing the subject of illicit

self-exposure. While the nudist purportedly bares al1 as an act of righteousness, the author

controls the act of public exposure. Revolutionarq sra paniphleteers frequently invade private

space to enforce this imperative of exposing a persona1 body to public scrutiny. The King sees the opening of his cabinet as the type of exposure which has invaded his pnvate space for the purpose of catching him naked.

What the King's letters revealed to his enemies. however. was not a naked man, but a

King "wholly govemed by the Queen; though she be of the weaker sexe . . . nothing great or srnall is transacted without her pnvity & con~ent."'~~The intimats letters between Charles and

'06 See David Cressy. Travesties and Transnressions 25 1-280: and Kenneth L. Carroll. "Early Quakers and 'Going Naked for a Sign."' Ouaker Historv. 67 (1 978) 75-83.

'O7 John Phillips. A Satyr aeainst Hypocrites ( 1655) 1 ZkE.85 1 (1 9) 20.

'O8 The Kine's Cabinet Opened 43. 135

Henrietta Maria mingling private endearments wi t h highl y sensitive military information, bore out Parliamentarian suspicions that private. domestic. - t'rminine' spaces were places of surreptitious plots and intrigues. The king himself \vas rttkminate - the subject of kmale de.

Lois Potter. commenting on The Kinrrs Cabinet Opened. claims. "The title became famous and inspired many others pretending to offer secret discowries: The Oueens Closet O-pened

(1 655) is a collection of recipes and beauty treatments: Cupids Cabinet Unlocked. a colkction of love poems . . . Titles of this kind have ken found tvell into the Restorati~n."'~Potter is here in error. The titles of cooking manuals were the inspiration. not the result of civil war pamphlets.

The early modem cooking manual was both a political. and a politically influential genre long before the publication of The Kings Cabinet O~ened.

As domestic space became politically suspect. wornen figured as the enemy within. A woman's open hospitality could be read as king both politically subversive and sexually available. Pamphleteers suggested that women were cooking for an inappropriate number of guests, and receiving sex from men other than their husbands. John Taylor satirizes the claims that the chaos of war stemmed from past culinary excesses:

why the King is still obstinate. wee shall have ail oiir throats cut. those Expicurean [sic] throats of ours are doom'd to be cut, for suallo~ingso many luxurious cates, we had neede to prick up Our eares. and elevate our broad overgrown homes for the sa* of our selves estates and children. many as for Our Wives. they know well enough already, the danger of Courtiers. and Cavaliers. and thereforc dare meete the roughest Garnester of them al1 in any posture what~oever.~"'

While husbands put their lives at risk by consuminy too much rich food. their wives made hem

'O9 Lois Potter, Secret Rites and Secret Writing 6 1.

"O John Taylor, St. Hillaries Teares ( 16-12) 32:E. 1 5 1 ( 16) 6. cuckolds, consorting with Cavaliers. Another satire attacks the expensive tastes but empty pockets of disenfranchised Royalists. who demand '~ThatOur diet hs very sumptuous. and costly: and if our monies be deficient. and our purses cannot reach to suçh delicious curiosities. that it may be lawfùll to nin on the Cooks score, till the debt grows Old. and at length till we conjoin them both. and become a C~ok-old."~'' The play on cook and cuckold is also invoked by the character of

Mistress Custom in Women Will Have Their Will: Or Give Christmas His Due (1 642):

if it were not for Dancing. Frisking. Playing. To'ing. Christmas-Gamboies, and such kind of jogging Exercises to shake it down. it were impossible they should devoure so much as they do. Then to see Cook hot and Cook cold. Cook young and Cook old, Scullion & Scullions mate, al1 in a sweat, like so many Monarchs of the Mmw-bones, Marquesses of the Mutton, Princes of the Pyes and Pasties . . . be Commanders of the Frying-pannes during this Festivall. 1 say. to see them Act their Tngi-comical Feasts. would make a man or womans stomacke elevate its selfe into anothrr temper.'"

The satirist portrays an orgiastic scene of theatre. gamss. îèasting. cooking and promiscuity, which is largely enjoyed by the servants of the Roylist hoiisrhold."'

Henry Neville satirizes Royalist women of higher social standing. Viewing their domestic authority and open hospitality as a new development. he portrays them as sexually insatiable:

There was a time in Engkincl. when men ic*or.~.~hc Brwches. and debar'd women of their Liberfy;which brought many gnevances and oppressions upon the rveaker vessels; for they were constrained to converse only with their hont~..scd ciosefs. and now and then with the

"' Nicholas Periwig. A Witty Answer. and Vindication to a Foolish Parn~hlet(1 642) E. 15 1 (22) sig. A 4v.

'" Women Will Have Their Will: Or Give Christmas His Due (1 642) E. 1 182 (12) 5-6. The opposition to Christmas as a "Rornish" festival. replete with lavish feasting, contnbuted to the association between feasting and tyranny. In 1647. Parliament passed an ordinance banning the ceIebration of Christmas. but satires surrounding this debate occur well before this ban becarne official.

'13 St. Hillaries Tears and Women Will Have TIieir Will are actually Royalist texts which parody the cornplaints of their opponents. 137 Gentleman-usher. or the Fuot-man (when the- could catch him) for van'*ety.jt4

Women, daims Neville. have opened their homes and closttts. exposing their monstrous sexual appetites. Rejecting Royalist opulence as a sign of insat iabi l ity. Neville associates the woman of the household not only with production. but with consumption. The lady of the house is a cannibai, a vagina dentatu: **PoorJack Young! M>-Lady .\lt)t~iuuthbites hard too: for. she . . . intends to prefer hirn for a living Skdeton to .'h-gc'on *.Y hall. as a very neat Subject for an Anutorny lect~re."~'~Neville. a perceived atheist. would have very little in common with the vegetarian

Roger Crab, yet Neville finds an alternative method of associating the domestic space with cannibalism. One of his targets is the author of an interregnum cooking manual.

Elizabeth Grey, the Countess of Kent's A Choice Manual or Rare and Select Secrets, first published in 1653, went through fourteen editions in its tirst ten years."" (See fig. 12). Its popularity may have been due to the social prominence ot'its author. and certain suspicions regarding her private flairs. Elizabeth Grey's work is also the first cookbook to acknowledge femaie authorship. While Grey's work is published posthumously. her reputation as a geat hostess and cook was well established within her liktime. So were the reports that her openness was less than honourable.

She was secretly married to John Selden. wliom Aubrey discusses in his Bnef Lives:

[Selden] was quickly taken notice of for his learning. and was SoIlicitor and Steward to

"'News From the New Exchange sig. A?.

3" News fiom the New Exchana 1 1.

3'6 The title page of the 1663 text States '-The Founeenth Edition" (Wing K3 14). Not al1 editions are extant. Initially. two separate texts appeûred b>-Elizabeth Grey. Countess of Kent: A True Gentlewomans Delieht (1653). and A Choice Manual for Rare and Select Secrets (1654). In ail fùrther extant editions, both texts were combined under one title. Figure 12

Elizabeth Grey. Countess of Kent

- OP

RARE and SELECT - . SECRETS PHYSICK AND CHYRUKGERY: Col~cBed,and praÂifcd

ci?ccafed.- - Whcreto are added fcvc- rtI Experimcnts of thc Virtiics of Carton pooder, adZa~k cow t'arvrm, b y a Prof cilor of ~hyfîck. ASdfo mofi Exquifite W~~CS ol Prcfcrvirq , ~onfciring9 Canappé-c- Thesecond EfnrroN. - ---- . --- -- LONDO&, Prinred hv ~.D.mdare to bc fold by U:Yiurr Sbtm, at the Sipu . of thebible io Se. Pm& the Earle of Kent. whose Countesse, king an ingeniose woman and loving men, would let hirn lye with her. and her husband knew it. After the Earle's death he maried her . . . Mr. Selden had got more by his Prick then he had done by his practise. He was no eminent practiser at Barre. He never owned the mariage \vith the Countesse of Kent until afier her death. upon some Lawe-account. He kept a plenti tuIl t able.'"

The mariage, however. seerned to be an open secret. Neville recreates Elizabeth Grey as a masculine woman, and key member of his tictitious îèrnals: arrny:

[Women] have lifted themselves under the conduct of the Right Honorable the Countesse of Kent, and the old Countesse of Exceter: who ought to lead the Ch. king experienced Souldiers. that have passed through al1 Otfices in ibmts Warn. from a Corporafl to a Coloneii. These two are the only pillars of Nohilit and Hospitality. . . There Suppers are reckoned most convenient, because the Bccl follou-S.and it is judged the best way of digestion after the Lectures."

As a pillar of "Nobility and Hospitality." Kent's main concems. according to Neville, are sex and food. She is also indiscriminate regarding the politics of her paramours. Kent. John Selden, and a young gallant engage in a memge u trois. creating a commingl ing of sexual and political

Selden, a member of the Westminster Assrmbly of Divines. received attacks fiom

Neville for his hypocrisy. and frorn Royalists for his politics. The Crves of Westminster (February

22, 1648), associates both Selden and Kent with peddling Parlaiment's ideological "wares": "Buy the Four Bills sent by the Parliament./ frorn Selden and my Lady Kent:/ after long Debate of this blessed Parlaiment;/ Who buyes the Four Bills here."?'" The Countess of Kent is accused of

"'John Aubrey. Brief Lives. ed. Oliver Lawson Dick ( 1949: 1992) 27 1. The 1898 Clarke edition ornits this information.

"* Henry Neville. News from the New Exchang 2.

"9 Henry Neville, The Ladies Parliament ( 1647) E. I 143 (1 ) sig. B3v.

3'0 The Crves of Westminster (February 22- 1648) Wing C6911. The Four Bills concem the maintaining of Parliamentarian forces: the voidi ng of an- declarations or proceedings against Parliament; the nullification of any peerages made after 1643: and the power of Parliament to adjourn or relocate itsel f. The Four Bills passed the House of Lords December 14. 1647, and exerting a political influence. although satires against her locate her surreptitious behaviour in her

'secret' rnarriage and private house hold-

Royalists, like Parliamentarians. situated anti-feminist satires in the closets, kitchens, and

bedrooms of their political opponents. In John Taylor's The Parliament of Women (1 WO), the

parliament-women, rnostly comprised of tradeswomen and tradesmen 's wives. hold their

meetings in a matron's drawing room. One of their plots to take over the govemment and bring

about changes in law involves curing their husbands of cuckoldry. They provide the following

recipe:

a gallon of the best Pump-water, such as will beare the Pattentees crowne Soape, for that wiil scoure well, then set it on the fire in a Brasse skellet. and put therein a good large Bed-pst, and let it boyle till it is dissolved to a jslly. then take it off the fue, and put three or foure sorts of spices in. as Cloves. Mace. Nut-megs. then take two or three ounces of Sugar-candy. two ounces of the Symp of Harts-ease. and Dainty-content, with an ounce of Candid Forgetfulnesse. and Better-conceit. al1 this is Cordiall: then when it is cool, put in a little Colaquintida a little Stibiurn. and some grosse an3 Long white pepper, then let it boyle softly, and when so done. the next morning let the patient man drinke it next his heart, and keep him warm: but you must be carefull that it is given him when the Moon is neere the Ml; not when she is forked or homed. Ieast you Iose your labour and cost; for the Moon loves homed people.3"

Aside fkom its obviously satiric purpose, the recipe closely follows the sorts of remedies found in

early modern cooking manuals. The bedpost and the reîèrence to the soap patent controversy are

exclusively satiric elements, as are "Candid Forgetfulnesse" and "Better-conceit." Imported

Persian Rhubarb, however, was used medicinally as a purgative and stomachic in the seventeenth century, as were coloquintida and st i bium. in Taylor's Di verse Crabtree Lectures, an apothecw's

were sent to the King. who rejected them. S.R. Gardiner. ed.. Constitutional Documents, 335- 346.

John Taylor, The Parlament of Women ( 1640) sigs. B3-B3v. wife accuses her husband of prescribing Stibium -20 purge thy Patients money out of his pockets."3" Hearts-ease. a wild pansy, was thought to cure the discornforts of love. Sugar was traditionally used as a digestive aid, as was clove flavoured ale. Cloves, mace. nutmeg, and pepper, however. were also used for humoral heating. purging the head and respiratory system.

Preparing recipes and remedies according to lunar phases is fairly standard. although Taylor exploits this practice for its comic potential. Taylor's parodic recipe demonstrates his farniliarity with seventeenth-century cooking mands. Cmkbooks attracted a wider readership than their writers or compilers intended?

Nathaniel Joceline provides -'A Generall Receipt for al1 Diseases Spirituall, containhg the

Elixar of Parliament-Physick for a Sin-Sick Nation":

Take a quart of the bitter water of godly sorrow. and put into it as much of these foure Evangelicall Simples, Humilitie, Faith. Hope. and Charitie. as thou canst get at the Apothecarie-Shops, at any price & boyle al1 these together on the Altar-Codes of a heavenly and well-ordered zeale against sinne. till the black-reeke and fume of thy corruption arise in thy heart, offend thy stomack. and stinke in thy nostrils; then straine dl through white Linnen-Cloth of Christs spotlesse righteousnesse, and putting in the powder of Patience dnnke this Potion of Repentance off buming hot next thy heart every Fast-day in the rnoming . . . and for ever afier thou shalt enjoy thy persona11 health. if thou canst live in the wholesom aire of a National1 and throrow ~efonnation."~

'" John Taylor, Diverse Crabtree Lectures ( 1639) STC 23747 12. '" Another example of recipes which closely follow those in cooking manuals is T.J., A Medicine for the Times (1 642). which satirically prescribes herbal remedies as a cure for social ills. Bernard Capp attributes the work to Taylor. as it repeats passages fiom Taylor's earlier works. Wing attributes the work to Thomas Jordan.

'" Nathaniell Joceline. Parliament Phvsic for a Sin-Sick Nation (May 7 1644) 8:E.45 (1 3) sig. B3. Other such recipes include the broadsheet An Excellent Recei~tto Make a Com~leat Parlaiment (October 10, 1659). Another such sheet, A Cure for the State (October 8, 1659) 274: 669.f.21 (8) is reprinted in The Acts and Monuments of Our Late Parliament (October 19, 1659). The Acts and Monuments has ken erroneously attributed to Samuel Butler. See A.H. de Quehen, "An Account of Works Attributed Samuel Butler." Review of Enalish Studies 33.13 1 (1982) 276. Parliarnent Physic, while rejecting standard ingredients in its satiric recipe. uses some of the

features of the cooking manual. including a description of kitchen equipment. instructions for

processing the 'ingredients,' and an introductory epistle to two --vertuous women" defending the

Also situated in the domestic sphere, The Good Womens Crves aeainst- the Excise of Al1

Their Commodities, optimistically anticipates the ~estoration."~'"But if all things hit but aright,

and Charles the second cornes to fight; the Rebells will be hang'd downe-right, or beaten.'" The

pamphlet begins, "We cannot now set on the Pot. with a Sheeps-head dyd of the rot, Oynon nor

Oatemell use God-wot; @ox take hem:) When that we goe to sait our meat. or to make Pyes to

bake and eat, this damn'd excise lies in the heat ihat bakes hem."'" The speaker, 'Mary Stiff?

continues to list the food and ho!~seholdgoods which are no longer affordable due to Parliament's

sweeping excise taxes. She claims that Parliamentarian women. supposedly exempt fiom the excise, have usurped Royalist households, but have no concept of decorum:

Cromwells Tm11 sits like a Queen; in Cloath of Silver. Sattin green, eats al1 the dainties can be seen, by slavery: Then dust her Stallion feed his fill. and of his Lust then has his will: Morley must make. and Nol1 must kill. 'tis pretty: each stinking Pusse that t'other

3'5 3'5 "To the Honourable Lady, the Lady Dudly. Widow of the late Lord Dudly, and her pious Daughter the Lady Hobart, wife to the Valiant Colonel of Horse and Foot, Sir Miles Hobart, and Knight of the Bath; Health, and Peace through Christ Jesus, the Prince of Peace" Parliament Phvsic sig. B. The satire in this text is less carefully honed than those of writers such as Neville and Taylor. The author recomrnends that the ladies take the cure for their "sin-sick selves," making it unclear whether the author intends the epistle as mock-encomia or sincere praise.

jZ6The pamphlet is obviously written in verse. but type-set as prose. This was a cornmon practice during the pamphlet wars. as it conserved paper and kept the costs of the pamphlet low.

3'7 3'7 The Good Womens Cryes 2.

328 The Good Womens Cyssig. A2. day served the Hogs, and went to hay, now's clad in the Queens rich aray, 'th 'City . . . Mistris Pride, that stinks of graines. must have two maids beare up her traines, although her legges be full of Blaines. and itchie."'

For the Roydist. Elizabeth Cromwell becomes the antithesis of female virtue. decorum,

hospitality, and household economy. In 1664. her own cooking manual was published, complete

with a scathing introduction.

The Court & Kitchin of Elizabeth. Commonlv Called Joan Cromwel. the Wife of the Late

Usurr>er. TdvDescribed and Re~resented.and Now Made Pubfick for General Satisfaction, is

designed specifically for the voyeur. The publisher intends to satisQ curiosity. not bodily hunger,

and the recipes are not recommended. Elizabeth Cromwell is a figure of "monstrous enormities

and unparalle'ld She is fonunate to have escaped cannibalization by her opponents:

"She ought therefore to be highly thankfiil, that the Scene of his Tyranny was laid here, for had it

Iight upon the Southern parts of the World their nimble and vindictive rage. upon the Tm,would

have limb'd and minced her Family to Atomes. and have been their own Cooks and Carvers."

While Oliver Cromwell eschewed sauces. his party corroded the public's minds "with the sharp

sawces of ~mbition.""' Despite his "abstemiousness and temperance." his "appetite in al1 other things was very irregular & inordinate.""' Cromwell's wife. however, is so much more monstrous, that the former Protector becomes the object of pity. Elizabeth Cromwell, king exceedingly stingy, dismissed the servants. making C romwel 1 "his own Steward and Carver." She

3'9 The Good Womens Crves 3

''O The Court and Kitchin of Elizabeth (1664) Wing C6584D sigs. A3v-A4.

33' The Court and Kitchin of Elizabeth sip. B 1 v.

j3' The Court and Kitchin of Elizabeth sig. Bh.. 144 not only cornmanded the household sphere, but had the potential to influence Cromwell's international relations:

One day, as the Protector was private at dinner: He called for an Orange to a Loyene of Veal, to which he used no other Sauce. and urging the same command. was answered by his Wife. that Oranges were Oranges now. that Crab Oranges would cost a Groat, adfor her part. she never intended to give it; and it was presently whispered that sure her Highness was never the adviser of the Spanish War. and that his Highness should have done well to have consulted his Digestion. before his hasty and inordinate appetite of Dominion and Riches in the West Indies."'

Her kitchen was "a political or State Exchange by which the Affain of the Kingdom were governed, and the prizes of al1 things set, whether Offices. preferments, Indempnity; as ai1 other marner of Collusion and Deceipts were pra~tised."~"As the publisher of the cookbook points out, household management is an extremely influentid and potentially political occupation; and the cooking manual itself can be used for political purposes. As a Restoration text, The Court and

Kitchin of Elizabeth not only reasserts the right of monarchical authority, but attempts to redefine the boundaries of private and public space. Women had become part of the public sphere. sometimes by choice, and sometimes because their private spaces were forced open and subject to public scrutiny.

Seventeeenth-century women who were willingly activists. preachers, and political writers are beginning to receive some cntical attention. Women. however. also exerted power fiom the household, and changes in the gendered nature of the power structure occurred when boundaries between privacy and domesticity cotlapsed. Hilda Smith ivrites.

in the seventeenth century when the household functioned more clearly as a unit of the

------

333 The Court and Kitchin of Elizabeth 38.

33J The Court and Kitchin of Elizabeth 7. state in which the father established public order and enforced accepted moral and religious values for his various dependents. the distinctions between public and private. political and nonpolitical, were less clear. And. when dynastic politics and a court system meant ~cializing,ploning mamage and kinship strategies. and included a patronage system that used the standing and contracts of both male and female rnembers of the goveming class. then what was masculine and ferninine. private and public, political and non-political was blurred. Yet, the broadly gendered nature of early modem politics and citizenship has received little attenti~n."~

Smith reaches the conclusion that the distinctions between domestic and public life break dom in the seventeenth century, but she does not acknowledge the civil war and its sunounding politics as being the cause of this collapse. Dynastic politics and kinship strategies had been in place long before the seventeenth century, and were infbsed with the gendered codes of behaviour and rituals of hospitality and decom which mid-seventeenth-century politics brought into question. In the

Restoration, new rules for social behaviour needed to be established,

Ttie development of a 'polite society,' new codes for appropriate conduct, new rhetorical strategies, and the redefinition of female space would require ongoing debate. The cooklng manual itself would undergo changes. in 166 1. Hannah Wool Iey, one of the Restoration7smost prolific cookbook authors began to publish her work.'j6 (See fig. 13). She was not the lady of a grand estate, but a woman who needed to support herself and her children. In providing instructions on etiquette, female conduct, and food preparation. she provided women like herself with the skills to find a respectable occupation. An avid promoter of female education, she writes:

"Most in this depraved later Age think a Woman Leamed and Wise enough if she can distinguish her Husband's bed fiom another's." The remark stands as a witty response to the ongoing

j3' Hilda L. Smith, "introduction: Wornen. Intellect. and Politics," Women Writers and the Earlv Modern British Political Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., 1998) 6-7.

'j6 Hannah Woolley, The Ladies Directo? ( 166 1 ) Wing W3280. Figure 13

A Portrait of Hannah Woolley

The Accomdisht Ladvs Del iaht ( 1675) preoccupation with cuckoldry. She continues to use the conceit of the 'closet opened,' but redefines a woman's "'treaswy" as an educated mind.'j7 Like her Renaissance antecedents, her cookbooks are political; yet she reappropriates the discourse of the closet. creating a forum for the female voice to enter the public sphere.

Women's public activity in mid-seventeenth century England occurred largely through necessity. The demarcation between dornestic and public space had become blurred. Women of elite households were subject to public scrutiny. Great houses were sequestered for tax revenues, or used for the billeting of soldiers. Women from lower social orders rioted out of hunger, and petitioned on behalf of their imprisoned husbands and sons. As men went to the battlefields. wornen took on increasing responsibilities on the home-front. They strove for autonomy and contrachial ability when patriarchal protections failed to suppon them.

'" Hannah Woolley. The Gentlewomans Cornoanion: Or. a Guide to the Female Sex (1673) Wing W3286 228. Chapter 4

Masculine Constitutions: The Naked Truth

man and wife make but one right Canonicall Hermaphrodire. - John Cleveland "*

"Marriage is too ofi but civil warre" - Davenant. Gondi bert (3.1 -42)

Women gained some nghts and fieedoms during the revolutionary period because they fought for hem, both literaily and figuratively. Mary Lyndon Shanley. however, views wornen's entrance into a social contract as an extension of Royalist gendered body politic analogies. The

King figured as a masculine 'head.' joined in marriage to a female 'body' or cornrnonwealth.

During the civil wan, Royalists responded to the emerging discourse of contractualism by asserting that the marriage between a male monarch and a female political body existed as a legitimate and irrevocable contract. Shanley figures the existence of a femaie figure in the body politic contract as transferable to actual women.'jp 1 do not believe that women gained entrance into a social contract through the passive acceptance of gendered analogies. Mid-seventeenth- century writers understood that they were using fictive devices. and that the images which they presented became Iudicrous if taken literally. Cleveland's satire. "Upon an Hermaphrodite," takes

''' John Cleveland, "Upon an Hermaphrodite." The Poems of John Cleveland (1 647), eds. Brian Morris and Eleanor Withington (Oxford: Clarendon. 1967) 10. lines 17-1 8.

339 Mary Lyndon Shanley. "Marriage Contract and Social Contract in Seventeenth Century English Political Thought" The Western Political Ouarterlv vol. 23 (1979) 79-91. While I do not agree with Shanley's argument, she provides an interesting and original analysis of tractate literature which continues to inspire debate. Mary Nyquist's unpublished paper, "The Genesis of Liberal Man," and Julie Crawford's dissertation. "'Lessons and Scholynges for Us All': Monsters as Signs in Early Modem Popular Literature." both respond to Shanley's essay; and my own sense of the gendered body politic has been influenced by al1 three works. the marriage analogy to its logical conclusions. The resulting image. however, of a male head attached to a female body conveys monstrosity rather than national order. In this chapter, 1 wiii contend that pamphleteen understood -marriagee'in the gendered body politic as an dlegory of masculine nationhood. The body as topos. or dialogic space. became peopled with various figures: the King, the Queen, the Presbyterian. the Independent and Parliament. al1 became variously gendered characters which personified an aspect of revolutionary crisis. The particular gender and attributes of each character changed according to the views of the individual pamphleteer. Writers who invoked this allegory al1 competed for masculine headship. If these debates responded to the presence of women in the public sphere, they did so in order to instill fear of ferninine or effeminate power. No one wanted to occupy the position of a female body. Patriarchalists and contractuaiists, monarchists and republicans. Presbyterians. Anglicans. and independents entered into a discourse of vying masculinities- Bruce Boehrer contends. 'rhe royalists' thesis was at heart a simple one: no bishop, no king; no king, no God: no God. no father. . . political figurations would depend directly upon gender and upon the system of sexual difference upheld within the family unit. . . To the royalists, power is purely and simply sexual identity?" In propagandistic battles, however, al1 parties represented their models of governrnent in ternis of masculine authority. As well, al1 parties claimed to order their commonwealth according to divine Truth and

'naniral order.' Such Truth inevitably came from scriptural and classical sources.

The bais of the marriage allegory originates in St. Paul's Epistles to the Ephesians:

"Wives submit yourselves unto your own husbands. as unto the Lord. For the husband is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the head of the church: and He is the saviour of the body. Therefore

"O Bruce Boehrer. "Elementary Structures of Kingship: Milton. Regicide, and the Farnily," Milton Studies 23 ( 1983) 1 04. 150 as the church is subject unto Christ, so let the wives be to their own husbands in e~eryihing."~'

St. Paul presents the essence of a body politic as religious allegory: Christ. the head of the church and its husband, rules the church's body - its congregation. St Paul also outlines masculine duty:

"So ought men to love their wives as their own bodies . . . For no man ever yet hated his own flesh; but nourisheth and cherisheth it."3'" The husband is the 'head' and the wife is his 'body.'

The established relationship between Christ and the Church presented an ordered, hieranihicai system of masculine authority which could be transfened to the state. The nation as a religiously

uniform community represented a Pauline 'body' of believers married to a supenor Christian, monarchical 'head.'"' Marriage between head and body. Christ and Church, husbanù and wife, and by extension, King and people required the symbiotic exchange of protection and obedience.

While many Royaiists held that these relationships were non-contractual. others held that a contract existed, but could not be broken. Marriage consolidated two persons into one flesh?

Dividing the 'single flesh' of the nation's body could result only in dismemberment and monstrosity.

With the Elizabethan Settlement's detemination of the English monarch as head of the

Church, and James 1 asserting his divine-right kingship. the body politic merged with the Pauline gendering of authority. When James 1 took the throne. however. he perceived that the nations which he governed were two separate wives, which he needed to consolidate into one female

'" Ephesians S:22-24. "' Ephesians 528-29.

343 Claire McEachern, The Poetics of En~lishNationhood, 1590- 16 1 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996) 17-27.

'" Ephesians 531. body:

1 am the Husband, and al1 the whole Isle is my lawfull Wife; 1 am the Head, and it is my Body. I hope therefor no man will be so unreasonable as to thinke that 1 that am a Christian King under the Gospel. should be a Pol ygamist and husband to two wives; that 1 being the Head. should have a divided and monstrous Body."'

This courtship, however, failed. Regarding James I. Hobbes daims that unity be~eenEngland and Scotland, "which if he could have obtained. had in al1 likelihood prevented the Civil warres, which make both those Kingdomes at this present. rni~erable."'~~Eleanor Davies/Douglas uses the same analogy to describe civil war. "These late married Isles of united Kingdoms [are] now in widows forlorn woful Estate, worse, as divorced.""' While Douglas's anti-war stance seems here to approve of monarchy, the monarchy did not approve of her. Not only did she fall out of favour with Charles after predicting the death of Buckingham. but she herself stood as a figure of disorder. The hierarchically ordered state, like the patriarchally ordered family, required female subjection, a point which Jacobean writers emphasized.

In 1614. The Theatre of Fine Devices included an emblem depicting a headless woman, dong with a verse:

Search for strange monsters farre or wide. None like the woman wants her guide. Great monsters mentioned are in stories found. As was Chyrnera of a shape rnost wondrous. Girion, Pithon, Cerb'nis that bel-hound.

King James, "A Speach, as it Was Delivered in the Upper House of the Parliament" (1604), The Political Works of James 1 with an introd. by Charles Howard Mcllwain (New York: Russell & Russell, 1965) 135.

""Of Commonwealth." Leviathan ed. C.B. Macpherson (London: Penguin, 1985) Ch. 19: 251.

"'Eleanor Audley Davies/Douglas, A Praver or Petition for Peace. November 22 1644. (1649?) Wing D200 1. Hydra, Medusa, with their heads most hideous. Satyres and Centaures; al these same were found in bodies strange, deformed and prodigious: Yet none more manrellous in stories read, Then is a woman if she want a head?

The monstrous, headless wornan needs a man to rule over her. (See fie. 14.) Likewise, William

Gouge writes, "The fmily is a little church. and a little commonwealth." Conceming a woman's role in these 'bodies,' Gouge claims. "were it not monstrous for the side to be advanced above the head? If the body should not be subject to the head. would not destruction follow upon the head, body, and al1 the parts thereof? As monstrous. and much more monstrous. is it for a wife to be above her h~sband.""~Another conduct book of 1620 rein forces James's sense of female subjection as instrumental to a natural, Christian order: *-Theman is as the fiead, and the woman as the body . . . And as it is against the order of nature that the body should rule the head: so it is no lesse against the course of al1 good order. that the wornan should usurpe authontie to her selfe over her hmband, her head.'"''' This Jacobean l iterat ure. rei terating Pauline doctrine, reinforces masculine authority and divine right kingship.

As ofien happened in the pamphlet wars. however. opposing parties appropriated each other's rhetorical strategies. Parliamentarians adopted the pndered body politic. and Royalists began to adapt contracnialism to suit the needs of their own propaganda Mary Lyndon Shanley writes, "Supporters of Charles i of course fkequently relied upon patriarchal and divine right

Guillaume de la Perriere. The Theater of Fine Deuices (1 6 14) STC 15230 Emblern XVI.

William Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties ( 1622) STC 12 1 19a 18. 343-4.

''O Thomas Gataker, Maniage Duties Briefly Couch 'd Toeether (London, 1620) STC 1 1667 343-4. Figure 14

Teh(1 614) 154 arguments to support their position. But they also used the notion of contract to argue that the people had ceded their rights to the original monarch in a contract of submission. and 'had no right to do anything but endure [even] the tyrann!. of a lawtùlly constituted ruler' . . . By 1640, part of the debate between royalists and parliamentarians was king conducted over the nature of

English monarchy's ancient compact with the people. ratified by every derthrough the coronation ~ath."~~'I would argue. however. that Royalists use contractualist terminology to participate in the debates. but that they never fully accept the principle of a social contract. The monarch always maintains his right to govern. regardless of whether he fulfills his duty to the

Roydist Dudley Digges enforces the permanency of the monarchical 'marital' contract:

"So there is a contract between Husband and Wife. the violation of which on the man's part doth not bereave him of his dominion over the woman. I confesse. a great obligation lyes upon Kings

. . . And if they abuse their power. God's punishment will be as high as their ingratit~de."~~'

Henry Ferne, Charles 1's chaplain. and fater Bishop of Chester. also addresses the social contract issue, determining it insupportable according to scripture:

as if, in Matrimony (for the King is also sponsm- Regni. and wedded to the kingdom by a ring at his Coronation) the parties should agree. on such and such neglect of duties, to part a sunder . . . what our Savior said of their light and unlawfùll occassions of Divorse, non suit ob initio, it was not so from the begiming. when God at first joyned man and woman, may be said of such a reserved power of resistance. it was not so from the begi~ing."~

"' Mary Lyndon Shanley. "Marriage Contract and Social Contract in Seventeenth Century English Political Thought" The Western Political Quarterlv 80.

'" Sir Dudley Digges, The Unlawfulness of Subiects Taking UD Arms anainst Their Soveraime. in What Case Soever. (1643) Wing D1466.3-4: and Shanley 80.

'53 Henry Feme. Conscience Satisfied: That There 1s No Warrant for the Armes Now Taken UD bv Subiects (1643) E.97 (7) 12: and Shanley 8 1. Feme uses the marriage analogy to demonstrate that the relationship between king and people is as irrevocable as marriage. The "ring" of coronation solidifies the relationship. Feme invokes the notion of a contract hypothetically. then dismisses i t via Biblical citation. Royalists, likening the crown to a wedding band or "ring," expanded the bodypolitic metaphor to suggest that any

legitirnate union required a ring or crown. No other power dynarnic could be sanctified. A New

Letanie (March 1646) proclaims:

From the doctrine of deposing of a King. From the Directory, or any such thing: From a fine new Marriage without a ring, Libera nos D~rnine.''~

The people could not divorce their King, neither could the monarch be replaced by a government without a crown. For Royalists, the King embodied the country's masculinity, and no other power could occupy this male position.

In contrast to contractualism. patriarchalism stood as an orthodox. Royalist position.

Robert Fiimer articulates his sense of patriarchy:

God ordained Adam to rule over his wife. and her desires were to be subject to his; and as hers, so al1 theirs that should corne of her. i-iere we have the original grant of government, and the fountain of al1 power placed in the Father of al1 mankind; accordingly we find the law for obedience to government given in the terms of honour thy Father: not only the constitution of power in general, but the limitation of it to one kind (that is, to rnonarchy, or the govement of one al~ne).~~'

Kingship is primordial, natural, divinely ordained. patriarchal. hereditary, and non-contractual.

Dudley Digges perceives an ancient and permanent contract arising at the inception of kingship,

3" The New Letanie (March 15 1646) 669.f. 10 ( 120).

"' Robert Filmer, Patriarcha (1680; Oxford: Blackwell. 1949) 283. Patriarcha, published posthumously in 1680, was originally written and circulated in manuscript form sometime in the late 1630s. whereas Filmer argues that absolute kingship. divinely ordained at creation, involved no human consent. Like Ferne, Filmer dismisses contractualism on the grounds that 'it was not ço fiom the beginning.' Using the image of the body politic. Filmer continues.

The Commons in Parliament are not the representative body of the whole kingdom: they do not represent the King, who is the head and principal member of the kingdom; nor do they represent the Lords. who are the nobler and higher part of the body of the realm . . . The commons only represent a part of the lower or inferior pan of the body of the

Filmer sees the body organized hierarchically. He represents monarchy as a marriage, but the body of the country has no female members. The organ which signifies masculinity is the head, not the

'lower parts.' Filmer's patriarchal ism and Royalist 'contractual' ideas are not ideologicaily distinct.

While some Royalists engaged in contractualist rhetoric. their tendency is to prevaricate, hypothesize, and ultimately dismiss the social contract. The contract does not exist as a fûnctional mechanism of govemment. Laudian Bishop John Maxwell. in Sacro-Sancta RemMaiestas: or the Sacred and Ro~aiPrerozative (1 644), writes:

If it were granted that royalty in a King were by a contract betwixt him and his people' and revocable by the people upon whom the appearance of disadvantage, it cannot stand but in al1 infenor contracts of less concernent the like should hold. 1s ther any act more freely done that when a woman. not subject to patemal authority. of perfect age, and under no guardian, maketh choice of an husband as she fancieth? And, 1 pray you, may she afterward shake him off at pleasure? God forbid. . .jS7 tike Feme, Maxwell invokes the hypothetical to dism iss contract theory: even if a wornan were in a perfect position to make a fiee choice of a husband. she could not then use this power of initial choice as grounds for divorcing him. Whether or not the institution of kingship initially required

356 Filmer, Patriarcha 290.

"'John Maxwell. Sacro-Sancta Remm Maiestas 1644. E. 30 (22). the consent of the people, they could not later reject a king. As Hobbes writes, "a Contract lawfùlly made, cannot lawfûlly be br~ken."~'~The use of a marriage analogy wodd seem to indicate a female presence in the body politic, but in these discourses. she never really materializes. The 'wife' exists only as a foi1 for the masculine King.

John Spelman, like Maxwell. Filmer. and Feme. defends absolute monarchy. Spelman's masculine discourse requires no ferninine foil:

Our State of England. . . is a Kingdom. an Empire. a well regulated Monarchie; the Head thereof a Supreme Head, A Soveraigne. a King whose Crown is an Imperia11 Crown, the Kingsom His Kindom, His Realme, His Dominion. the People His People, the Subject His Subject, not onely as they are single men, but even when king in Parliarnent assembled; they make the Bodie Representative of the whole Kingdom considered apart without the King, so that the very Parliarnent it selfe is also by Our Lawes called His Parlia~nent?~

Spelman reiterates the paviarchalist position of Royalist orthodoxy. The head of goverment must

Wear a crown; his power is solitary and indivisible: the body politic does not exist separate fiom his authority. Spelrnan responds to Parker's pragmatism with an angry crescendo, building from

"Our State . . . well regulated" to the emphatic and repetitive "H~S.~Divesting the King of His possessions destroys the nation's constitution. The emphasis on the pronoun reinforces that the

King done cm embody the nation's masculinity. In Royal ist political allegories, the King is the only person of importance. His power and his sexual identity are inseparable. and maleness is determined by the organ of the head (not the genitals).

Contractualists, in attempting to fonnulate a non-monarchical constitution, codd Iocate their beliefs in the ancient precedents of Aristotle. The concept of a republican constitution,

358 "A Review and Conclusion," Leviathan 720.

John Spelman, The Case of Our Affaires in Law. Relieion and Other Circumstances (Jan 29, 1644) facsimile reprint (Exeter:The Rota. 1975) sig. A2. 158 however, uses the same mode1 of power and gender that Royalists articulate. The nuclear family, like the larger political organism. is mled by a male head. and the feminine body is subject to its

The male is by na- fitter for command than the female. . . in most constitutional States the citizens rule and are ruled by Nms. for the idea of a constitutional state implies that the natures of the citizens are equal, and do not differ at all. Nevertheless. when one desand the other is ruled we endeavour to create a difference of outward foms and modes of address and titles of respect. . . . The relation of the male to the female is of this kind, but there the inequality is per~nanent.~"

For the seventeenth-century contraçtualist, Aristotle augments Pauline doctrine while outlining a programme for constitutional government. Constitutionalism does not change the gender of authonty, but it accords the ultimate masculine power of national headship to men who are not monarchs. The Aristotelean system of male election and rotation of power occurs in republican discourses such as James Harrington's Oceana. Outlines for constitutional government continue to emphasize masculine authority. Nigel Smith daims that the '-tenn .constitutionalism' had no currency in the political thought of the late fifieenth and sixteenth centuries . . . However, bodies were con~titutions."~~'Existing body politic allegories couid be adapted to suit the needs of contractualists while retaining an easily recognizable topos.

William Haller and Emest Sirluck credit Parliamentarian Henry Parker with the formulation of social contract the~ry.'~~Parker's Observations uoon Some of His Maeesties Late

Answers and Ex~ressesproposes that "Power is originaily inherent in the people," and is

'* Aristotle, "Household Govemment." The Politics. trans. Benjamin Jowen (Oxford: Clarendon, 1957) 1: 12, 1259b.

Nigel Smith. Li terature and Revolution 155. "' William Haller, Tracts on Libertv in the Puritan Revolution 1638-1647 (3 vols. New York, Columbia U.P, 1965) vol. 1 :24-25; Sirluck Com~leteProse Works vol. 2: 19-25 transferred to a representative authotity through "the Pactions and agreements of such and such politique corporations": "the dictates of reason should be ratified by common con~ent."~'Parker continues to refer to the nation as a body:

the head naturally doth not more depend upon the body. than that does upon the head, both head and members must live and die together: but it is othemise with the Head Politicall, for that receives more subsistence fiom the body than it gives. and king subservient to that, it has no being when that is dissolved. and that may be preserved afier its diss~lution.~~

Parker demystifies the relationship between king and people. He distinguishes the political allegory fiom 'natural' bodies. The political body adapts well to head transplants, and whoever desby the people's consent can obtain headship. The writings of Spelman, Parker, and Feme constitute part of a pamphlet war which originated with the King's Answer to the Nineteen

Also participating in this particular pamphlet debate. William Bridge. one of the five dissenting ministers in the Westminister Assembly. responds to Feme in The Wounded

Conscience Cured:

Wee doe not presse for the forfeiture of the Kings power upon non-performance of covenant, but we say this; that the end of his trust being to looke to the Kingdome, though there be no such words expressed in the covenant or agreement betwixt the King and his people, that in case he shall not discharge his trust, then it shall be lawfull for the State of the Kingdome by armes to resist, and to looke to their owne safety . . . there is a covenant stricken betweene a man and a woman at Marriage; when they marry one another it is not verbally expressed in their agreement. that if one commit Adultery, that party shall be divorced; and yet we know that the covenant of Marriage carries the force of such a

363 Henry Parker, Observations umn Some of His Maeesties Late Answers and Expresses (July 2 1642) E. 153 (26). Reproduced in Haller's Tracts on Likrtv in the Puritan Revolution. 1638-1647 vol. 2:1, 13.

Observations in Haller. Tracts on Libertv in the Puritan Revolution. 1638-1647 vol. 2: 185. Bridge, presenting a Pauline formulation of male and female union, claims that the breach of

contractual particulars does not in itself warrant the raising of amis. When the goveming head

fails to provide protection. however. its govemed body cannot remain submissive. Bridge,

hedging on the social contract issue. figures the King as abusing his masculine, husbandly power,

and represents the war against him as a legitimate act of sel f-defence.

Charles Herle. a Presbyterian rninister, in An Answer CO Doctor Feme's Redy (1643),

writes:

Because a King may in some respects be called a father, the head, the husband of his kingdom . . .dot. it therefor follow that . . . because he should govem with the wisdom of a head that therefore he may govem not only without the consent but without the counsel of the rest of the members, as the head doth; or because with the love of a husband, therefore with an absolute power of disposal of whatever the subject hath, as the husband hath towards the ~ife?'~~

Herle does not reject the authority of husbands. he rejects the King as husband. Only real men (as

opposed to political bodies) can have absolute power over their wives. He accords the man who is

a real husband more power than the allegorical husband of the nation. shitting the site of

masculine power. Herle presents the Royalist with two equally darnning options. If the King is

acting as a head, he is either goveming the country without the counsel of real men, or he is

comrnanding like a husband with an "absolute power of disposal." Either option reveals the King to be a tyrant, and an unsuitable head.

Scri~tureand Reason Pieaded for Defenseive Armes (April l643), animadverting against

365 William Bridge. The Wounded Conscience Cured. the Weak One Strenathened. and

the Doubting- Satisfied. Bv Wav of an Answer to Doctor Fearne (February 4 1643) E.89 (8) 3 1.

366 Charles Herle. An Answer to Doctor Ferne's Replv (May 17 1643) E. 102 (3). Feme repeats a quote fiom Resolvina- of Conscience in which Feme uses a gendered body-politic

I say againe, as a Wife cannot take away her Husbands Authority. because she is in no sense above him. so unlesse the Law of that State. narne a Superiour to him that is in Tittle, the Prince to take his Crowne from him. in such a case he cannot be deposed by the Law of God . . . in those times. when God allowed by the Judiciall Law, a Man to put away his Wife, it did not allow a Woman to put away. or fodeher us band.'^'

Feme, situates the divorce analogy in the political sphere to assert that legitimate authority is both masculine and monarchical. Scri~tureand Reason responds by figuring Parliament as a Nstreated wife:

A Wife is tyed to her Husband by the Covenant of God . . . more ancient, and no lesse strong then that of Politick Government. She cannot recall wholly her Husbands Authority over her, though shee was once altogether at her disposing, to choose or another or none to be her head. Al1 the goods of the Family are his in Law, and not hers but by his lave and order: Yet for her necessity. she may by the Law of God and conscience administer so much of the goods as is fit; and secure her Person from his violence by absence . . . or any other means of necessary defen~e.~"

Here. the figure of the victimized wife emerges in the poiitical allegory. The power of the wife, like the power of the people is limited. The wife cannot usurp authority over her husband. but she cm defend herself in extreme necessity. Likewise. claims the pamphlet, -'we imagine not the

People to have power to recall that Regall Authority at their pleasure: we argue not that they have power to recall it wholly, upon any Case of Mal-udminisrrurion. Al1 that we pfead for is power to administer a part of it upon neces~it~."~~~In the above quotations, the pamphlet seems to convey a moderate Parliamentarian position. Parliament. in a ferninine role, cannot usurp male authority,

367 Scrivture and Reason Pleaded for Defensive Armes . . . Published bv Divers Reverend and Leamed Divines (April 14, 1643) E 247 (22) 37.

368 Scripture and Reason 35-36.

369 Scri~tureand Reason 35. but has the right to absent herseif as protection against abuse.

When the authors of Scri~tureand Reason move away from the mamage anaiogy. however, the social contract encompasses a far greater scope of power. The politicai position appears far more radical:

Neither is Conquest anything of it selfe to power. or Lawfull Authority, of which onely we argue; but only as it obtaines consent by agreement. which is al1 one in Sense, and Effet with Election . . . if there be 100. Conquests. the Conqueror hath not the qualification of his power one whit enlarged, by Right. untill the People have consented and yielded up their former Rights . . . Conquest then first or last. one or many, are no more to right of power, then an occasion or Motive to consent: consent [and] Choice Agreement are in dl. . . A Prince then onely inherites, what was set Law or custome, he must claime any power he will exercise; or else he cannot plead any right title to it. And his qualification of power admits of encrease or decrease, as he and the People agree and consent. His power is altogether derived by Election and ~onsent."~

In this passage, the monarch has no absolute authority. and cmonly retain his power of conquest by the agreement of the people as detennined by election. Within this pamphlet, the Parliarnent, as wife of the monarch, has far less power than a gender-free Parliarnent which represents the electorate. The marriage analogy. borrowed from the Royalists for the purpose of animadverting against them, could not be sustained without condoning female rule. Parliament did not want to be perceived as a fernale body.

Parliamentarian contractualists. in using the marriage analogy. risked playing the female role in the political allegory, but they were unwilling to take the marriage analogy to its logical conclusions. ïhey were as resistant to establishing themselves as a "Parliarnent of Wornen" as any of the Royalists who satirized against them. Thomas Case. a member of the Assembly, wamed the

House of Comrnons that "if liberty be granted to the sectaries."

they may in good time corne to know also . . . that it is their birthright to be fiee fiom the

370 Scripture and Reason 39. power of Parliaments and . . . of kings, and to take up arms against both when they shall not vote and act according to their humours. Liberty df conscience. falsely so called, may in good tirne improve itself into liberty of estate and liberty of houses and liberty of ~ives.~"

Case's anti-toieration sermon presents a warning to Parliament. If the Commons did not fear sectariankm in and of itself. members of Parliament should recognize that it couId eventually lead to 'liberty of wives' - obviously a fnghtening prospect. The Presbyterians' representation of the gendered body politic neither represented nor condoned the legitimization of fernale power.

Of the various groups which participated in these debates. however. the Presbyterians tend to be the most intemally conflicted. In their desire to reach an agreement with Charles 1 and find peace in some form of constitutional monarchy, they express occasional willingness to accept that

Parliament performs a subservient. wifely role in the body politic allegory. In dealing with both recusants and sectarians, however, they vehemently defend their masculine power, decrying the prospect of 'femhhe' rule.

Republicans, however, tend to be very clear about their sexual identity. Authority needed to be re-gendered. The mechanism by which they could accomplish this was to assert the masculinity of a republic, eliminating the king because of his "effeminacy." Lucy Hutchinson participates in this masculine discourse:

The King had another instigator of his own violent purpose more powefil than al1 the rest, and that was the Queen. who, grown out of her childhood, began to turn her mind from those vain extravagancies she lived in at first. to that which did less becorne her and was more fatal to the kingdom, which never is in any place happy where the hands that are made only for distaffs affect the management of sceptres. . . wherever male princes are so effeminate as to suffer women of foreign birth and different religions to intermeddle with the &airs of state, it is always found to produce sad desolations; and it hath been observed

'" Thomas Case. Spiritual Whordome Discovered in a Sermon before the House of Commons (May 26 1647) E. 389 (8) 34. that a French queen never brought any happiness to ~ngland.'~

Reiterating the 'discovery' of The Kines Cabinet Obened. Hutchinson accuses Charles I of king an effeminate leader whose wife usurps his authority. Following the King's execution, Milton reminded his readers of these suspicions regarding Charles's conduct:

You have at home a barking bitch who rules your wretched wolf-mastership, rails at your rank, and contradicts you shrilly; so naturally you want to force royal tyranny on others after king used to suffer so slavishly a woman's tyranny at home?

That Charles supposedly heeded the counsel of his Catholic wife not only detracted hmhis ability as the 'masculine' head of church and state. but perpetuated the production of anti-Catholic propaganda within his lifetime. Roman Catholicism becomes a signifier of femininity, and the subversive power of communities of women.

St Paul's Late Prorrres U-mn Earth. About a Divorce -twixt Christ and the Church of

-9Rome provides a heterodox rendering of Pauline doctrine. with Christ putting forth the case for his own divorce. "The Argument" abstraçts a lengthy dialogue. in which a cuckolded Christ divorces al1 churches with the assistance of St. Paul:

Christ, in regard he perceives the Church of Rome (his spouse) to prostitute hersel/to the Zusts of diverse Popes . . . resolveih to be dirorcrd from her. and to cohabif no longer wilh an adultresse. . . The same Divorce being pzrblivhed rhrough ail the Universe, Marcus E ffecw, Martin Luther. and others. runne immrJiu~ely. and offer rheir Churchfor a Spouse ro Christ: But Our Saviour calling ro minde the ivrong done him by the Chtirch of Rome, chose rather to live single, thon ewr ujier to joyne in Matrimony with the most perfidious nature ~frnan."~

3R Lucy Hutchinson. Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson with a Frament of Autobiograph~ed. N. H. Keeble (London: Everyman. 1995) 70.

373 Milton, Eikonoklastes, Corndete Prose Works 380.

374 Ferrante Pallavicino. St. Paul's Late Progres Upon Earth U-wn Earih. About a Divorce 'twixt Christ and the Church of Rome tram. James Ho~.ell( 1644) E. 1 1 74 (2) sig. A3-A4". This pamphlet, initially of ltalian origin, addressed continental religious concems. It rails against the opulence and decadence of the Roman Church and its moral hypocrisy. The reprinting of this pamphlet in English, in the midst of social contract debates. funhered the argument that the relationship between a goveming head and a povemed body was potentially soluble. The refusal of Christ to remarry also furihered the tolerationists' argument against religious ~nifomity.'~'The

situation of Christ instigating a divorce recurs in Milton's Colasterion:

For if the husband must bee as Christ to the Wife. then rnust the wife bee as the Church to her husband. If ther bee a perpetuaI contrariety of minde in the Church toward Christ, Christ himselfe threat'ns to divorce such a Spouse. and hath ofien don it. If they urge, this was no tnie Church, 1 urge again, that was no true ~ife."~

Milton accords himself the male role in Pauline allegory. divorcing himself fiom a uniforni

English church. Milton always accords himself the masculine role. equating monarchy and religious uniformity with feminine power. Like Milton. Lucy Hutchinson compares Charles 1 to some ancient ernperors who were

stirred up by Satan to be the bitterest persecutors of the church. so this king was a worse encroacher upon the civil and spiritual liberties of his people by faf than his father. He married a Papist, a French lady of a haughty spirit. and a great wit and beauty, to whom he became a most uxorious husband. By this means the court was replenished with Papists, and many who hoped to advance thernselves by the change turned to that religion. Al1 the Papists in the kingdom were favoured. and. by the King's exarnple. matched into the best

375 James Howell. later Historiographer Royal to Charles II. promoted neither divorce nor sectarianism. In a satiric letter of t 655 to Sir Edward Spencer. Howell condenuis Milton as that "Noddy that writ a book of wifing": "that opinion of a poor shallow-brained puppy who, upon any cause of disaffection. would have men to have a privilege to change their wives, or to repudiate hem, deserves to be hissed at rather thac confuted." James Howell, E~istoIaeHo- Eleanae: The Familiar Letters of James Howell. ed. Joseph Jacobs. (London: David Nutt, 1890), 569.

376 Milton, Colastenon, Prose Works. 1 64 1- 1650 vol. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsimile, 1968) 60. For Hutchinson, the threat of the Catholic Queen exists not only in her person. but in a certain

generative power. Through her political 'headship.' shrt and hrr -effeminate0husband people

England with Papists. Hutchinson does not seem to perceive any conflict between her position as

a woman writer and her participation in masculine discourse. Republican discourse requires the

inversion of the gendered body politic allegory. with the King representing the subservient

feminine role. Hutchinson's selfdeclared puritanism is masculine and virtuous. while the

Catholicism of the Caroline court is feminine and corrupt.

By the mid- 1640s, the bishops, extirpated from the House of Lords, ceased to be a

political force. Archbishop taud, a prominent focus for suspected crypto-Catholicisrn, was

imprisoned in the Tower through 1644. and executed prior to the publication of Colastenon. With

the death of Laud. the figure of Henrietta Maria became a dominant site of ad-Catholic

invective. linking fear of Roman Catholicism with the threat of tèmale power. She remained a

danger through the interregnum. as numerous exiled Royalists converted to Catholicism at her

instigation. While Hutchinson makes clear that the threat of Papism comes from a foreign wornan,

Prynne reinforces the virtuous masculine power of the Presbyterians by linking female sectariankm with Papist conspiracies:

Whether Independents admitting Women. not onely to vote as members, but sometimes to preach, expound, and speake publikely as Predicants. in their conventicles, be not directly contrary to the Apostles Doctrine . . . and a meer politick invention to engage that Sex to their party? Whether their pretended Liberty of conscience for every man to b.leeve [sic], professe, & practise. what Religion he pleasetli . . . without coertion or punishment by the magistrate, be not like a wicked Policy. for the sarne end. (contradictory to Scripture & Religion) which proclaimes a licentiousnesse to practise any sinne with impunity? And warrants Popes. Papists. Jesuits to murther Protestant Princes: blow up Parliarnents;

'n i-iutchinson. Memoirs 67. Masssacre Heretiques: absolve subjects frorn t hei r al legiance: Equivocate; worship images. Saints. Reliques. and their Breaden-god: and commit any wickednesse for the advancement of the Catholique cause. because their Religion and Consciences hold hem law&1 .378

According to Prynne, any group which promoted the pouw of women must somehow be crypto-

Catholic and therefore licentious. Charles appeared to be tmbracing the Roman Catholic doctrine presented in his household state. prioritizing the opinion of his wife. and thus disrespecting his marriage to Parliament in its drive for purer refomation. Charles's opponents, using the marriage analogy, perceived this obstinacy as adultery. Like the Royalists. Presbyterians and republicans locate masculine power in the head of the body politic. Illegitimate power. whether defined by

Charles 1's 'adultery' or sectarian 'Iicentiousness' is female in origin. and driven by genital organs.

in Eikonoklastes, Milton's masculine Parliament rehabilitates a nation disordered by the

King's 'efferninacy ' :

He [Charles] ascribes Rudeness and barhurify . . . to the English Parlament, and all vertue to his Wife, in straines that corne aImost to Sonnetting: How fitt to govem men, undervaluing and aspersing the great Counsel of his Kingdom. in cornparison of one Woman. Examples are not farr to seek. how grerit mischief and dishonour hath befdl'n to Nations under the Govemment of effeminate and Uxorious Magistrates. Who king themselves govern'd and overswaid at home under a Feminine usurpation, cmotbut be fa11 shon of spirit and authority without dores. to govem a whole nation.379

Milton's condemnation of female power extends to women's involvement in the political sphere.

"Court ladies, not the best of Women: who. when they grow to that insolence as to appeare active in State affaires, are the certain sign of a dissolut. degenerat. and pusillanimous Cornmon-

"' William Prynne, A Fresh Discoverv of Some Prodieious New Wandenng-Blazing Stars. & Firebrands (September 16 1646) E. 267 (3) 47.

379 Milton, Eikonoklastes. Complete Prose Works vol. 3: 420-2 1. 168 ~ealth."~~David Norbrook says of Milton. "He was perfectly well aware that the radical religious groups whose cause he consistently championcd down to 1659-60 offered women a degree of participation which conservatives considered outrageous. Nowhere in his tracts did he speak against that de~elopment."~~'Neither does Milton speak on behalf of actual women. For

Milton, the enemy is characterized by its femaleness. The people. claims Milton. swayed by the sympathetic character of Charles 1 in Eikon Basi like. are a --dissolute rabble . . . both hees and shees, if there were any Males arnong them.""' The slippage between female and effeminate illustrates that gender, for Milton. exists as a function of political allegory. He is simply not conscious of, or interested in. the presence of actual women. In fact, no one in this debate is concemed with actuai women. Hutchinson does not retlect upon her own femaleness, or consider it as a factor in the gendered allegory. Hutchinson's (and Milton's) Henrietta Maria, and Milton's

--court ladies" become allegorical figures. personifjing the evils of foreign influence and Roman

Catholicism. These were longstanding fears, and the Queen provided propagandists with a female figure on which these fears could be located. Her role as a character in republican discourse is to downgrade the King's masculinity. The ideal "masculine" man in republican discourse occupies the rare position of national headship. and is entirely cerebnl. cut off from his "ferninine" body.

This masculinity is extremely tenuous, highly constructed. and constantly at nsk of degenerating into bodily appetites and 'geffeminacy." Laura Levine. arguing against Stephen Greenblatt's sense that Renaissance femininity is constructed. writes. '-The tests 1 treat exhibit the fear that

Milton, Eikonoklastes. Com~leteProse Works vol3 370.

j8' David Norbrook. Wntine the English Republic 1 17.

38' Milton, Eikonoklastes. Com~leteProse Works vo1.3: 455. Figure 15

A New Sect of Relieion Descned, Cal led Adamites ( 1 64 I )

Dctiving tlicir Rcligion kom our Fatlrr A drr, thou& thcy finiic wcr fo egrcgiou.fly,for thcy challcngc S~lvacgon,a; ' thsir duc, hmrhc ii~iacuiritd thcr r frcoucr A O A w, . This was 6tR difclofcd by a Brochet O t clic fa mc Scét, CO. ch. Atthor&& mg- -dongwiri~rhra Otar!:er, and frw ail rhctk PaBi~crtdloi+'in.~, 170 femininity is neither constructed nor a superficial condition susceptible to giving way to a "real" masculinity, but rather the underlying or default position that masculinity is always in danger of slipping int~."~'~The mid-seventeenth-century body politic allegory displays wing masculinities within a hierarchically organized body. Vinuous male authority is located in the head of the body, and weak, conupt male authority, susceptible to the power of women. is located in the genitals of the politicai body. The degenerating man, paradoitically. becomes ferninine as his locus of power sinks into his (male) genital organs.

Heresiographers fkquently feature Adamites and Ranters as naked men. A New Sect of

Religon Desc~ed.Called Adamites ( 164 1 ) depicts a scene of wing masculinities. (See fig. 15)?

Two naked men confront each other in the foregound. One has an erect penis. The other does not, but he carries a long pole with which he beats the other man's genitals. "Down Proud FIesh,

Down," he commands. A woman passively watches. She is also naked. but the artist, rather awkwardly, ensures that her long tresses cover her genitals. David Cressy suggests that the author,

"Samoth Yarb [Le. Thomas Bray]. projects his own erotic fantasies ont0 the te~t.~"(The hornoeroticism is certainiy evident both in the woodcut and the text itself.) The work reveds more about its author than it does about any possible Adamites. Bray intends to put down sectarians by locating their ideologies in their genital organs rather than in their minds. This ideological battle occurs between men. It is not a battle of wits. but a clash of flesh and phallic object. The male

js3 Laura Levine, Men in Women's C lothing: Anti-Theatricalitv and Effeminization, 1 579- 1 642 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994) 1 39. fn. 16. While Levine discusses pre-war anti- theatrical tracts, 1 believe her sense of gender construction has much broader applications.

'" Sarnoth Yarb [Le. Thomas Bray]. A New Sect of Relieion Descrved. Called Adamites ( 164 1 ) Wing B4295A. "' David Cressy. Travesties and Transgressions 264-265. 171

authority figure, the disciplinarian. does not embodp masculine power. but accessonzes his

maleness through the use of the pole. The woman in the scene has the real power: she is not

exposed. but the naked men are subject to her gaze. Shs cames a book. possibly indicating that

her power is cerebral rather than physical. (Supposedly she is the object of male lust, but the men

seem not to be interested in her.) This work. as heresiography. purports to be a moral tale. Male

sectarians represent the body's lower parts. and as such are subject to the cognitive power of

female headship. The anti-tolerationist presents this situation as perversion and disorder. This is

the antithesis of virtuous masculine nationhood. If this pamphlet were published a few years later,

it might be viewed as a pady of the contests between mals constitutional bodies. Further

pamphlets against nudist cults, however, replaced the male disciplinarian with a whip-wielding

dominatrix, possibly to avoid the comic potentiai of vying masculinities.jsb

The ongoing inventio of vying masculinities. hou-ever. led to absurdity. Marchrnount

Nedham's officiai Parliament newsbook. Mercurius Politicus. recorded the birth of a two-headed

"female monster" bom to a soldier's wife. One head "above had Hairy Eye-brows: above the

Eyes, just in the middle. stood a Masculine Member or Geniral of an ordinary bigness, hanging

dom to the right Eye: It had no Nose. and seemed to haw a Mouth under the chin, like unto a

Fundament." Like earlier body politic allegories. the monster has a tèmale body and a masculine

head. In an image which is both horrific and comical. the head's masculinity. and the relative prcportions of its maleness become literalized on its forehead. While the fonnerly orthodox body politic pres~ntsthe male head at the top of the body. and regards fernate rule as the inversion of pGwer, this 'head' is the image of a male body turned upside down. (A second, possibly

jssSee. for exarnple. The Ranters Religion ( 1650). The title-page is reproduced in David Cressy, Travesties and Transgrc"ssions 273. 172 competing head is not described.) Like other contemporap images of monstrous bodies, however. women are ultimately in control of the monstrous or inverted body politic. "There was an intent of having preserved the monster. but some foolish women, \vho were kindred to the Mother. would by no means give way to the embalming. and so it \\.as h~rird.""~Because the onhodox body politic ailegory presents the union of a masculine head n i t h a feminine body. monstrosity and dismernberment ofien figure as a consequence of femals power. The exclusively male constitutional body could avoid these hazards of monstrous seneration.

Of those writers who produced male constitutional bodies. Hobbes's Leviathan is most farniliar. Hobbes, at the outbreak of war. stood as a Royalist whose body politic ideas promoted a social contract, but this initial Hobbesian contract was not dissolvable. The breaking of the contract is an "injury and "absurdity." which dismembers the body politic. returning the nation to the state of Nature. which is a state of ~a.r.'~~In the face of this state of war, Hobbes removed himself to Amsterdam.

Hobbes. however. stands as an exception in man). regards. Written in France, and published in England while Hobbes himself remained in Paris. Leviathan was 'mot part of the controversial exchanges" of the civil wars. Although Royalist and strongly disapproving of regicide, he womed that his "unorthodox political and reliyious views might prove dangerous in his exile amongst royalists." and sought the protection of the English Republic following the publication of Leviathan (1 65 1 ). "Its publication might bat-e been strongly royalist; but the failure of the royalists to regain ascendency lefi the work as a lefitirnation of the republic's de facto

jS7Mercurius Politicus (Dec. 3 1-Jan. 7. 1657) 8.

388 Hobbes, De Cive 62-63. 173 po~er."~'~Nigel Smith notes that in surviving copies. the tigure on the farnous title page was variously altered to depict the head of Charles 1. Charles Il. or Cromwell in order to "satisfi a number of different political s~npathies."'~The frontispircr's 'artificial man.' however. does not actually depict the image of the kingless common\\ralth described in the text. Hobbes sees the division of power in a commonwealth as tripartite. u-ith the divisions king the power of levying

money; the power of comrnand and conduct: and the powsr of making laws. "To what Disease in

the Naturall Body of man. 1 may exactly compare this irregularity of a Common-wealth, 1 know not. But 1 have seen a man, that had another man growing out of his side. with an head, mes, breast, and stomach, of his own; If he had had another man growing out of his other side, the cornparison might then have been made."39' The Commonwealth. for Hobbes. carmot consolidate

its power into one masculine head. but exists as a monstrous body with an over-abundance of male heads. Hobbes's ideology is unique. but his image of a mcnstrous. multiple-headed commonwealth is not. Both Milton and Hobbes exploit the body politic allegory to promote disparate social contracts.

Milton and Hobbes both formulate a sense ofconstitutionalism through corporeal imagery.

They continue to represent the body as a constitution. Milton's Of Reforrnation presents the colIoquid voice of the mechanic attempting to ply a trade to commonwealth repair:

To be plainer Sir. how to soder. how to stop a Icak. how to keep up the floting carcas of a crazie, and diseased Monarchy. or State betw-ist ii-ind-and water. swimming still upon her own dead lees, that now is the deepe designe of a potitician. Alas Sir! a Commonwealth ought to be but as one huge Christian personape. one mighty growth, and statue of an

389 David Norbrook. Writing the Enalish Republic 2 12.

jW Nigel Smith, Literature and Revoiution 158.

39i Thomas Hobbes. "Mixt Government," Leviathan Ch. II. 29: 372-3. honest man. as big. and compact in venue as in body.'*'

The worker realizes that only the implicitly devious politician could utilize the mixed metaphor of

'soldering a leak in monarchy's carcass.' The ship ofstitte bscomes a sinking body. The colloquial speaker. possibly emulating the voice of a shipa-right. not only understands the fbnction and limits of his craft. but cm envision the ideal commonuealth - a giant. virtuous Christian man.jP3

The constitutional state exists as an artificially enlarged male body. The image bears marked similarities to Hobbes's 'artificial manTin Leviathan. published ten years later: "For by Art is created that great LEVIATHAN called a COMMON-WEALTH. or STATE. (in Latin CIVITAS) which is but an Artificiall Man; though of greater stature and strength than the Naturall, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and in which. the Soivruignfy is an Anifcidl S~ul."~~

The Hobbesian body politic, however. is not Christian. Its authority is self-contained, showing no deference to a spiritual power; neither is it inclusive of a metaphysical force within its rne~hanisrn.'~~Where Milton uses the voice of a mechanic to emphasize the corporeality of the

Christian commonwealth, Hobbes's anthropomorphic tiction is entirely mechanistic: "For seeing life is but a motion of Limbs. the begining whereof is in some principal1 part within: why may we

39' Milton, Of Refonnation. Prose Works. 1 64 I - 1 650 vol. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsimile, 1968) 14.

393 The image of the ship of state as a body occurs frequently. In Eikon Basilike, Charles 1 speaks of himself and Hennena Mana: "1 am content to be tossed. weather-beaten, and shipwract. so as she may be safe in Harbour" (44).

j9' Hobbes, "introduction," Leviathan 8 1.

j9' While Hobbes later refers to the Leviathan as '-that Morrull God. to which wee owe under the Imrnorrall God. Our peace and defence" (Ch 1 7: 227). Hobbes rejects miracles, supematural power. and the soul's immortality. reduciny God to the creator of a rnodel of ordered govemrnent. "In short. the Kitigdome of God is ri Civil1 Kingdome" (Ch. 35: 448). 175 not Say, that al1 Autonruru (Engines that move themselvrs by springs and wheeles as doth a watch)

have an artificiall life?"'% The commonwealth's soul. as part of the machines.. is artifice, and the

soul of ~beindividual is mortal. '-That the Soul of man is in its own nature Eternall. and a living creature independent on the body. or that any rnere man is Inimortall othenvise than by the

Resurrection in the last day. (except Enos and Elios.) is a doctrine not apparent in Sc~i~ture."~~'

While Hobbes everywhere insists that the state is a body. its construction is rational and scientific.

Hobbes's topos of corporeality is a necessary fiction which allows him to antedate

constitutionalism. insisting that the implicit social contract is primordial - based in the creation of mankind. "The Pucts and Covenants. by which the parts of this Body Politique were at first made, set together, and united, resemble that Fiut. or the Ler 14.5- mtrkc man. pronounced by God in the

Creati~n."'~'Hobbes's heretital design proposes to imitate God rather than emulate Christ - an

(anachronistically) Frankenstinian project.

Hobbes's project. however. is not to usurp the rols of the creator. but to demystifi. the body politic, making a rational constitution of its members. Hobbes-s state constitution is one of reciprocity; a tacit contract exchanging safety for obedience. Unlike Pauline doctrine, there is no marriage analogy. and no headhody hierarchy. Each organ has a role in the embodiment of the artificial man. In consideration of the English civil wars and the beheading of Charles, Hobbes needed to provide a situation which could account for the dissolution of the contract. The sovereign's inability to protect his subjects signals the death of the Leviathan:

'% Hobbes, "Introduction." Leviathan 8 1.

397 Hobbes, "Of a Christian Commonwealth," Le\.iathan Ch, 38: 483.

j9' Hobbes. "Introduction.-- Leviathan 8 1 -82. The Obligation of Subjects to the Soveraign. is undrrstood to last as long, and no longer, than the power lasteth. by which he is able to protect them. For the right men have by Nature to protect themselves. when none elsr can protect them. can by no Covenant be relinquished. The Soveraignty is the Soule of the Common-wealth: which once departed fiom the Body. the memben doe no more receivr their motion from it. The end of Obedience is Protection.'"

As Hobbes indicates in his conclusion to Leviathan. his concerns are topical: "And thus 1 have brought an end to my Discourse of Civil1 and Ecclesiasticall Govemment. occasioned by the disorders of the present time. without partiality. without application. and without other designe, than to set before mens eyes the mutuall Relation between Protection and Obedien~e.'~~The giant man operates as a holistic. indivisible unit. It resists the -divorcing' or dismembering of its parts. The nation's bodily integrity. during revolution. is constantly undermined by divisiveness.

Milton envisions state dismemberment as occurring through the suppression of Tnith.

Following Plutarch,"' Milton represents Truth as the bod) of Osiris:

Then strait arose a wicked race of deceivers. who as that story goes of the Aegyptian Typhon with his conspirators. how they dealt with the good Osiris. took the virgin Truth, hewed her body into a thousand peeces. and scattsr'd them to the four winds. From that time ever since, the sad friends of Truth. such as durst appear. imitating the carefull search that Isis made for the mangl'd body of 0.siri.s. went up and down gathering up limb by limb still as they could find them. We have not found them al]. Lords and Commons. nor ever shall doe, till her Masters second coming: he shall bring together every joynt and mernber, and shall mould them into an immortal l kature of lovelines and perfection. Suffer not these licencing prohibitions to stand at evsq place of opportunity forbidding and disturbing them that continue seeking. that continue to do our obsequies to the tom body of Our martyr'd saint?'

'" Hobbes, "Of the Liberty of Subjects." Leliathan 2 1 : 272.

400 Hobbes. "A Review and Conclusion." Leviathan 738.

'O' Sirluck points to Plutarch's "On Isis and Osiris" as Milton's source for this myth. Like Milton. Plutarch insists on the story's allegorical value. Com~leteProse (fn.) vol. 2549.

'O' Milton, Areonagitica. Prose Works. 164 1 - 1650 \-01. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsimile, 1 968) 29. 177

As the whole Truth remains undiscovered. according to Milton. censorship suppresses the pieces of Truth that emerge in unlicenced texts. As Michael Wilding points out. Milton's tale of Osiris relates not only to the 'killing' of books. but to the Iitrtnl persecution of the men who wrote them.

"For the horror evoked at mutilating or murdering books depends on the horror evoked at the murder and mutilation of men." Alexander Leighion. ttirough Laud's persecution. had been

"severely whipt before he was put in the pillory: being set in the pillory. he had one of his ears cui off; then one side of his nose dit: then he was branded on the cheek with a red-hot iron, with the letters S.S., signieing a stirrer up of sedition." Prynne. John Bastwick. and Henry Burton also had their ears cropped for illegal publishing. Lilbume. charged with importing seditious books suffered "some five hundred blows from a three-thonged corded whip. stood in the pillory" and was "gagged so roughly that the blood spuned out of his mouth." This failing to subdue him, "'He thnist his hands into his pockets and drew out pamphlets. which he threw among the crowds.' It was a telling conternporary example of Ovid's story ot-armrd men springing up from the teeth of the slaughtered dragon. the books that could not be supprrssed for al1 the spilling of precious life- b100d:~~~

Despite the gruesome realities of dismemberrnent- the tortured body presented a [opos for political satire and word-play. William Birchlef s pamphlet against Henry Burton, A Zealous

Sermon Preached at Amsterdam. bv a Jew Whose Name is Not-Rub. it Being a Hebrew Word,

You Must Read His Name Backward. claims to present the voice of the earless Burton:

their shall be many in the latter dayes that shall ha\x no eares but loose them for the testimony of a good conscience. and for the Gospels sake. ofwhich sort 1 and my other brethren which suffered with me are three. distempred and dismembred memkrs. Yet beloved sister mistake me not I doe not mean disnxmbred in my principal1 member the

'O3 Wilding. "Milton's Areoparriticao' 10- 1 1 . virge of generation. no this might well have gottcn a loathing in you toward me, but is the losse of the tips of my eares? nie satire. like Presbyterian sermons. links "conscience" u ith promiscuity. Birchley. using the frequently invoked pun on --member." and appealing to the stereocpically licentious sectarian

-'sister," promotes the potency of his "prick-eares." Again. the male tolerationist's ideology is located in the body's lower parts. The satirist. using scripture as a site of \vit. clairns to present a sermon on the text "he that hath eares to heare let him hsare.'""' The pun on Parliament's

"dismembred rnernbersg' facilitates the transition tiom the personal body to the body politic:

it would have made my eares to tingle (if 1 had ilieni) that 1 should so fame over-shoot my self to approve vernies to be Cardinalls. when 1 --il1 by no meanes allow men to be Bishops . . . And heere again 1 cry the Lord hearty mercy. that 1 should once narne or mention that brand of the Beast on the neere Buttock . . . which wee so solemnly condemned, and damned with their new S>.nodokical Canons by the Common hang-man; but here wee see though the spirit is willing. the tlesh is weak?

Conflating "cardinal" virtues with episcopacy. the speaker characterizes his enemy's religious order as the "neere buttock of state authority. The '-synod" becornes corporeal. and the corporeaiity is "synecdochical." with the two terms joi ning in the portmanteau word

"synodokical." Punitive dismemberments. houcver. onl: enliven the -rnany-headed monster of sectarianismT: "Dearly beloved Brethren and sisters i\-i 11 corne 9, or 1 0. Miles to tend me your eares, thus as the lopping off the top of a tree. the cutting off of one head begets many, even so.

4w [William Birchley] aka "John Austin." A Zsalous Sermon Preached at Amsterdam. bv a Jew Whose Name is Not-Rub. it Being. a Hebreu- Word. You Must Read His Narne Backward. Cancros Imitare kendo: Text, He that Hath Eares to Hsare. Let Hirn Heare ( 1642) E. 149 ( 1 8) 1.

'O5 Luke 8:8.

'06 Birchley. A Zealous Sermon Preached at Amsterdam 2. 179 not onely the Saints themselves. but their very limbs also doe increase by the losse.'"'(" Behind the

comic renderings of the deformed and dismembered body politic is the echo of Shakespeare's

Julius Caesar, and the possibi lity of conspiracy and murder.

Although the persecutions of Pryme. Bastu ick. Burton. and later Lilburne were widely

reported. the realities of dismemberment to Royalists \\.ere squally orninous. By 1644. Parliament

had beheaded the Earl of Strafford and Bishop Laud. Fikz years later. Charles would meet the

same fate. managing. through Eikon Basi li ke to '-outstrip Li 1bume in the suffering ~takes.'"~

The public dismemberment of these men and their political ideologies contnbuted to scenes of

vying rnasculinities, and to the vision of a giant. powerîùl. and invulnerable man as the body of

nationhood.

Leonard Barkan points out that Renaissance writrrs imagine the body as a microcosm of

the universe; copious. even encyclopaedic in constitution. but a uni tied discordia concors. "Its principles offered the pet the opportunity to includr r\-epthing in the universe with no fear of

fragmentation or disorder. simply because God had includrd everything in the universe within the body of man without causing the form or content to be disordered." This comrnonplace of English

Renaissance poetry, however. is "as limiting as the size of the body itself." causing a problem in representation for which there are two solutions. Barkan tsrms the first solution conservative: "the poet escapes the limitations of the individual man and the image of his body by creating a greater, though hypothetical, cosmic or human body which is proportional and analogous. yet at the same time inclusive of al1 other orders . . . of the body of the ~vorld.the body of the State, or the body of

407 Birchley. A Zealous Sermon Preached at Amsterdam 2-3.

'O8 Nigel Smith. Literature and Revolution 1 12. a building." The radical solution. however. -points touard the death of the microcosmic idea. By the middle of the seventeenth century. we can obsrn-ea ss\.ere rejection of proportion, of limitation. of the wiilingness to allow diversity to csist uitliin ~nity."~~~David Hale also daims that the body politic had largely ken eradicated by ille 1 620s. and was gradually king replaced by notions of a social contract."' The Iiterature that 1 ha\x presented in this chapter demonstrates that Barkan and Hale are wrong.

With regards to Barkan's 'rzdical solution.' Hobbes continues to promote the Leviathan, a great 'hypothetical, cosmic or human body.' as the only acceptable form of ordered govemrnent.

Milton's use of the body politic allegory also undermines Barkan's paradigms. His sense of the enlarged body is apparent in Of Refomation. and his tolerationist and anti-censorship stance allows 'diversity to exist within unity.' Milton. Hobbes. Henry Parker. and others demonstrate that the social contract did not eradicate the body politic. but depended on it for the their explications of constitutionalism."' '

Barkan and Hale demonstrate. however. that the body politic. (Hale tenns it a "metaphor"

'O9 Leonard Barkan, Nature's Work of An: The Human Bodv and the Image of the World. (New Haven: Yale, 1975) 279-280,

''O David Hale, The Body Politic: A Political Meta~horin Renaissance English Literature (Mouton: The Hague, 1971) 108. 126.

'"' 1 believe that the body-politic has remained continuously alive. Regarding the bombing of Slobodan Milosevic's residence during the war in the Balkans. a military spokesperson reported, "We are targeting the head of this militan. rryi me on the one hand - we are trying to cut that off and break the central nervous system. the central command and control systern of the regime - and we are also attacking the feet of the reginle on the ground in Kosovo, the feet that are being used to starnp out the Kosovar Albanians." --Allies Hit Milosevic Close to Home,"

London (Electronic) Telemaph- - (Friday, April 23. 1999) \\-\\~v.telegraph.co.uk.Also relating to a war wi th the Balkans is David Mamet's screenpla?. Wac! the Dog: "Why does a dog wag its tail? Because the dog is smarter than the tail. If the tai 1 was smarter. it would wag the dog." Wae the m,dir. Barry Levinson. with Dustin Hoffman. Robert de Niro and Anne Heche. 1997. 181 throughout its various applications). was histoncally di\-use. and in a continual state of flux. in various foms it appeared in classical political philosophies. fables. writinp of the church fathea, as well as in Reformation and anti-Reformation tracts throughout Europe: models of political bodies are legion. These critics. however. see the replacenient of the body politic "metaphor" with the social contract as a movement fiom -1iterav' metaphor to 'non-liteq' polemic. If the body politic ceased king useful to pets. it was as good as dead. Haie says of Milton, "It is indeed paradoxical that much of what he rejected in his prose ht. accepted magnificently in his poetry.

There is no parallel between Satan's rebellion and Parliament's: Charles 1 is no crucified

Christ.'*" Subsequent cntics have certainly found elements of political allegory in Paradise Lost.

MichaeI Wilding claims that the associations between the events of the Long Parliament and

Milton's Parliament of Hel1 would have ken evident to seventeenth-century readers, and that critical discourse, fiom as early as 1864. articulated such associations. '"Hale's sense that politics and literature are mutually exclusive results not oni! in the rejection of controversial exchanges as literature. but in a limited analysis of the canonical test.

The body politic allegory. at the beginning of the seventeenth century, presented the kingdom as a female body. and this sense of a marriage between the king and his subjects continued to be used by Royalist propagandists throughout the civil wars. Parliament, for

Royalists, held a submissive. wifely position. owing obedience to her sovereign and husband.

'"Hale. The Bodv Politic 126. '"Michael Wilding. Dragons Teeth: Literature in the Enelish Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987) 21 3.0ther examples include Stella Pruce Revard- The War in Heaven: Paradise Lost and the Tradition of Satan's Rebellion (Ithaca: Cornel 1. 1 980): and Bob Hodge, 'Satan and the Revolution of the Saints." Literature, Lanrruarre and Society in England. 1580-1680 eds. David Aers et al. (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 198 1 ) 18-1-200. 182 Parliamentarians. in adopting this allegory. quickly disrnissed the gendering of their position, creating a battle of wing masculinities. With the emsrgence of social contract theory. constitutionalists envisioned the body of the nation as an ssclusively male entity. enlarged in its proportions, and invulnerable to both persecution and nionstrous generation. Many rejected the marriage analogy. No one wanted to be represented ns a inialr chanctrr in the body politic. and most of the writers involved in this debate did not want to Iiave a female character in the body politic. The dissolution of the 'marriage' between king and Parliament could also be likened to a divorce. and most writers realized that it would be far more politically expeditious to re-gender the body politic than to condone divorce. The exception. of course. is Milton. Chapter 5

Divorce and the Levelled Body

1 would love a Parliament As a main prop from Heaven sent: But ah! Who's he that would be wedded To th' îàirest bod! thrit's beheaded? - Richard Lovelace. -'To Lucasta. From Prison"

1 will argue that Milton's divorce tracts are fundamental 1y political. advocating religious lndependency within the state and liberty of conscience ~vithinthe Parliamentarian Army. Mary

Nyquist suggests a political reading of the divorce tracts. positioning Milton's apology for divorce as an "idiosyncratic, masculinist elaboration of the anaiogy between marital and social contracts.'*'' For Milton. Marriage is a contract. and divorce is **thenoblest end of that contract .

. . when he [the husband] utterly wants the fmition of thwhich he most sought therin, whether it were religious. civill, or corporall ~ociety.'~'~The scopc of the problem extends past the family, affecting Commonwealth reformation. David Norbrook \\.rites. "an attack on mamage seemed to thïeaten state as well as church. The relations bet~veenking and subject were ofien figured as a marriage.'*" In Milton's divorce tracts, however. the marriage in question involves, not

41" Professor Mary Nyquist's graauate course. "kf ilton: Sexual Politics and History," University of Toronto. 1995. greatly influenced rny reading of the divorce tracts. Mary Nyquist's unpublished paper, "The Genesis of Liberal Man" also discusses the political nature of the divorce tracts and the relationshi p between mari ta1 and social contracts. '''Mary Nyquist. '"Profûse. Proud Cleopatra': -Barbarism. and Female Rule in Early Modem English Republicanism." Women's Studies: An Interdisciplinan- Journal. (Novembet 1994) 127 m. 32.

Milton, The Doctrine and Disci~lineof Divorce. Prose Works. 1641-1 650 vol. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsimile. 1968) 23.

41' David Norbrook. Writine the Endish Re~iiblic1 14. See also Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Societv: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988) Ch. 184 monarchy. but Presbyterian church govemment as the site of tyrannical power. Milton's divorce tracts entered an established discourse which linked the term --divorceo'with sectarian schism.

When Milton's divorce tracts began to receive attention. it \vas not because they legitimized divorce per se. but because the image of mari tal union u as tundarnental to the state as an organism. and Milton predicated his own arguments upon a gendered body politic. Milton's controvertors, however. became vocal oniy when sectarian schism threatened to fragment the

ParIiarnentarian forces. 1 will demonstrate that the political import of Milton's first hvo divorce tracts becomes evident in the interplay between Milton and his respondents of 1644 to 1648.

Misreading Milton

Biographical readings of The Doctrine and Disci~lineof Divorce '-risk underplaying its rhetorical significance as radical and polemical revaluation of the household sphere.""' A narrowIy biographicai reading of Milton-s Doctrine and Disci~lineof Divorce shifis focus from its political significance. Milton. however. uses pathos to enhance the suasiveness of his argument, and the temptation is to read the private Milton into the tex A bad marriage leaves a man "under a worse condition than the ioneliest single life. "claims Milton. "Mat an injury is it afier wedlock not to be bel~v'd.""~Chnstopher Hill. reading the victimized husband as Milton himself. expands upon the author's personal plight: "it miist have been traumatic. No man enjoys that sort of blow to his ride.'^'' The pathos oïMilton's prose. read biographically, tends towards

-.7

David Norbrook. Writine the Endish Republic 1 1 8.

519 Mai ilton. The Doctrine and Discipline of Di\rorcc: 8, 60.

''O Christopher Hill. Milton and the Enelish Re\~olution(New York: Viking, 1977) 122. I8S

personal. psychological assessment. Read pol itical l y. ho\\ ever. i t conveys what Nigel Smith

contends is a sense of "vitalism": the strategy of conveying in the text a living body which resists

the dismemberment of animadversion.'"' Defsnding his di\ orce tracts in Areopagitica, Milton

portrays his books as living entities: -.For Books . . . doe contain a potencie of life in them to be as active as that soule was whose progeny they are: na>.the! do preserve as in a viol1 the purest

ef'fïcacie and extraction of that living intellect that bred i~iern.""~Good books brought harmony to

the state.

That Milton promoted divorce as a unieing torce and a restorative to social harmony

stood as a heterodox rendenng of the body as a political wpus. "Divorce actually and in a sense outrageously is presented by Milton as a form of natural order to which -Goci and nature signifies and lectures to us not onely by those recited degrees. but ev'n by the first and 1st of al1 his visible works; when by his divorcing command the world tint rose out of Chaos. nor cmbe renewed again out of confiision but by the separating of unmest c~nsons."~~According to Milton. the chaos of civil strife and domestic conflict could be resolvsd according to God's primordial and universal comrnand of separation: God createci ordsr out of chaos. When Milton's first divorce tract appeared, it may have been perceived as bizarre. çvcn heretical. but given the milieu of the pamphlet wars. it would hardly have stood out in either regard. His first divorce tract went unanswered for over a year.

William Haller says of Milton. -'None of the men who attacked his ideas on marriage seem

'"' Nigel Smith, Literature and Revolution 42.

"' Milton, Areo~aeitica- 4. "' Kester Svendsen. .'Structure in Milton's -Doctrine of Divorce."' 67 PMLA (1 952) 444. to have known that his wife had le ft him . . . Divorce mrrely takes its place among the more revolting errors which were supposed to be resulting from the delay in reformation of church government on Presbyterian line~.'.~~~What 1 propose. Ii«w\-er. is that divorce is not '*merely" a

"revolting error," but the emblem of a divided nation. Haller contends that Milton's respondents did not actually read his works. I believe they did. The nssumption ihat Milton's contemporaries were obtuse is part of an ongoing generic prejudice: his 1640s readers sirnply failed to recognize that Milton would become the author of Paradise Lost. Tlie civil wars. however. created audiences of close. carefùl, and suspicious readers. There werr also close. suspicious readers who misread the codes of political discourse. In the numerous rebuttals which began in 1644. the only response which viewed Milton's initial divorce tract as a sincere apology for divorce cogntly pointed out that Milton provided no protections for the female ses."'

An Answer to a Book. Intituled. The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce. or. A Plea for

Ladies and Gentlewomen. and All Other Maried Wornrn acainst Divorce (November 1644)

States.

It [divorce] would be an occasion to the compt hem of man without any just cause at all.

"' Haller, Tracts on Libertv in the Puritan Rr\,olution. 1638-1 647 vol. 1. 130.

'"5 The exception king one newsbook passage ~vhichviewed Milton's divorce tracts both literally and favourably: "The Commons took into consideration. that part of the Directory to mariage . . . we hope hereafier care wiil be taken for the relief of the husband and wife in case each denies cohabitations. &c. and also punish the exorbitancies of the husband to the wife: if a Master strike a servant as is not fit. there is a remedy. but if a husband be never so cruel1 to the wife. unlesse to death, we know not where relief is io be had." Parliament Scout (December 1644). Despite this author's optimism. the Commons apprars not to have given this issue Mer consideration. The following month. the Earl of Manchester brought charges against the Parliament Scout's editor and publisher. Despite beiny tlie first newsbook to be licensed after the June 1643 Ordinance, Presbyterians perceived veiled threats in its content. See Joad Raymond, The Invention of the English Newspaper: EngIish Ne\vsbooks. 164 1-49 (Oxford: Oxford UP. 1996), 39.220. meerely for to satisfie his lust. to pretend causes of divorce when there is none; and to make quarrels and live discontentedly with his Wife. to the end he might have a pretence for to put her away: who sees not, how many thousands of lusthill and libidinous men would be parting from their Wives every week and marying othen: and upon this. who should keep the children of these divorcers which sometimes they would leave in their Wives bellies? How shall they corne by their Portions. of whom. or where? And how shdl the Wife be endowed of her Husbands estate?'"'

Children who were bom afier a divorce, the author points out. would be deemed illegitimate, leaving them legally disenfranchised. while denying the divorce any hop of regaining ber do^ or attaining a respectable situation.

Earlier writers had promoted separation as a protection for rejected wives "'against the cruelty of their husbands.'*" Milton. in claiming his Doctrine and Discivline of Divorce is beneficial to both sexes, signals that his work is noc only for the protection of women, but for men, whose 'victimization' by wives had fonnerly gone unnoticed: "A husband may be injur'd as insufferably in mariage as a wife." Milton defends divorce as a male prerogative:

Salomon saith that a bad ivife is tu her husbund us rottnesse fo his bones. a continuai dropping: better dwell in a corner of the housr rup. or in the wildernes then with such a one. Who so hideth her hideth the wind. and one of the four mischiejS rhar the earrh cannot bear. If the Spirit of God wrote such aggravations as these. and as may be guest by these similitudes, counsels the man rather to divorce then to live with such a collegue, and yet on the other side expresses nothing of the wives suffering with a bad husband; is it not most Iikely that God in his Law had more pitty towards man thus wedlockt, then towards the woman that was created for an~ther.'''~

The foundation of the ordered commonwealth is marital harmony. The wife as help meet must be soul-mate, otherwise the marriage bond is umatural. and the husband becomes subject to

An Answer to a Book. Intituled. The Doctrine and Discidine of Divorce. or, A Plea for Ladies and Gentlewomen. and Al1 Other Maried Women anainst Divorce (Novemkr 1644) E. 17 (12) sigs. B4'- C.

Complete Prose Works (fn.) 1 1 : 324.

'" Milton, The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce 60. rnonstrous female rule. According to divine plan. the man must choose his true mate, but in rnistakenly choosing a "woman who was created for another" - the judgement king at his discretion - he should break the artificial and dishamonious bond. For the husband, mamage is a spiritual progress of misadventure and discovery in which the ultimate union recreates natural order in both the political and domestic state. Milton's program for the attainrnent of divine harrnony, however, allows no space for quotidian concems. Milton does not take into account the needs of the divorced wife, nor does he acknowledge the financial security which marriage provided. The protections for women who were separated tiom their husbands were developing, but tenuous. Under certain conditions they could receive support fiom their estranged partners, but had no independent status under law.

As Barbara Todd points out, seventeenth-century women who were separated fiom their husbands had no legal "existence" separate fiom the legai fiction of "unity of persans" in

in the following decades, the case of :tfurnby i's. Scot1 (argued between 1659 and

1663) upheld the practice of denying a woman contractual ability: thus the seventeenth-century wornan had little or no means to maintain herself ix~dependently.~~'In the absence of legal

4Z9 Barbara J. Todd, "'To be some body': married women and The Hardships of the English Laws," Hilda L. Smith, ed. Women Writers and the Earl~Modem British Political Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 1998) 348.

*'O Barbara Todd 349-340. More optimistically. Todd points out that the arguments for the wife presented in Mamby vs. Scott. and cited in later cases. established some economic autonomy for women by the early eighteenth century.

"' Married women under common law were deemed to have a "proprietary incapacity." From the late sixteenth centuq, however, "women of the wealthier classes" attempted to modi@ their status by establishing pre-marital trusts or contracts with the help of male friends to protect property settled on them prior to marriage. In the seventeenth century. the court of Chancery was known to uphold these agreements in some cases. although Chancery decisions were not uniform. In Georges v. Chancie (1639). a married woman was accorded the right to her trust on autonomy, a woman required the patriarchal protections of a stable marital union. Like other civil war pamphlets, Milton's divorce tracts take women out of the domestic sphere. yet provide no decorous or virtuous alternatives. As Milton's respondent points out, divorce could deprive both women and children of legai entitlement.

Milton. delighted to have finally received a full response. bites back with satire. "And for those weak supposes of Infants that woutd be lefi in their mothers belly. (which must need bee good news for Chamber-maids. to hear a Serving-man grown so provident for Fatbellies) and portions and joyntures likely to incurr imbezlement heerby. the ancient civil Law instructs us plentifully how to award, which our profound opposite knew not. for it was not in his Ten~res?"~

Milton's purpose in Colasterion is not to fùrther define the benefits of divorce to "both sexes," but to undemine the ethos of his respondent. Milton cornplains of the parnphleteer's poor spelling, bad grarnmar, and general ignorance. ''Came this doctrin out of Som School. or som stie?'*"

Milton, disregarding concerns which he viewed as inconsequential or pedestrim, presents his

the basis of separation. W[illiam] S[earle] Holdsworth. .A Historv of English Law in 16 vols. 1924 rpt. (London: Methuen. 1966) vol 5310-3 16. By 1668. it seems to be established %at the property thus coming to her was her separate property. of which she could dispose of as she pleased." For women without trusts. 'rhe court would decree maintenance if the wife left the husband through the husband's fault" (1650). If the husband offered to be reconciled and the wife refused, however, maintenance would cease. In 1632-33 Chancery upheld "'that there could be no contract between husband and wife." but by 1700. separation agreements between husband and wife which provided for her maintenance were enforced by the court. Holdsworth, vol. 5: 3 1 1; vol. 6: 646. (Separation was only the 'separation of bed and board,' not a legal temination of the mariage.) A 1659 pamphlet. proposing to restore order out of chaos. argues that married women should have the complete right of disposal over her own estate. Chaos (July 18 1659) E.989 (19). 26-27.

j3' Milton, Colasterion, Prose Works. 1 64 1 - 1650 vol. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsimile, 1968) 11.

433 Milton, Colasterion. 14. initial tract as a "doctrine," integral to the grand scheme of church iwdiscipline"and commonwealth harmony. When Milton's respondent points to the plight of abandoned pregnant wives, Milton responds. in turn. by resasting these \vomcn as scheming chamber rnaids. Their plight is trivial. yet they are more knowledgeable than Milton's respondent in their awareness of

'-portions and joyntures." Milton's humour is broad. bawvd?.. Marprelatian and far~ical.~~He makes it clear that in order to answer his opponent. he must descend into an indecorous occupation. king "put to this under-work of scowring and unrubbishing the low and sordid ignorance of such a presurnptuous lozel. Yet Hercules had the labour once impos'd upon hirn to carry dung out of the Augean stable.'*" Milton purports to view his detractor as a joke derthan a threat.

An Answer refùtes Milton's Doctrine of Discipline and Divorce point by point, and

Colasterion dedicates a twenty-seven page satire to an opponent whom Milton deems unworthy

"of mis-spending a Reply.'*j6 The author of An Answer. although seeming to respond to each of

Milton's points, missed his larger enterprise. He did not read Milton's work as king politically encoded. The lampooned author, however. unwittingly destabilized Milton's programme for commonwealth harmony. Milton's most telling insult. and one which he would hone for fiiture use, is the feminization of his enemy. "Shall 1 argue of Conversation with this hoyd'n to goe and practice at his opportunities in the ~arder?'*" The hoyden. a liminal figure in a rigidly gendered

'" See James Egan, "Milton and the Marprelate Tradition." Milton Studies 8 (1975) 103- 121.

Milton, Colastenon 26.

436 Milton, Colastenon 4.

'j7 Milton, Colasterion 16. commonwealth, belongs neither to the head, nor the body of the harmoniously ordered state.

Milton assumes his opponent is male - a lawyer: yet his masculinity is questionable. An apologist

for mamied women. he brings the concems of the -larder' into the political sphere.

The larger problem for Milton was that statr authorities. blind to An Answer's

'effeminacy.' had approved it for publication. In browbeating his 'unworthy' opponent. Milton points up the incornpetence of the licencen who approved An Answer. Milton's divorce tracts.

(with the exception of The Judrrement of Martin Bucer). were unlicenced. and published illegally.

Yet even his licenced work could not escape a 'death pend ty ' :

Who could have beleevd so much insolence durst vent it self from out the hide of a varlet, as thus to censure htwhich men of mature judgement have applauded to bee writ with good reason . . . I afirm no more than Bucer. what censure doe you think, Readers he hath condemn'd the book to? To a death no less infamous then to he birrnr by the hangmnn. Mr. Licencer, for 1 deal not now with this caitif. nrver worth my emest. & now not seasonable for my jest . . . I abominat the censure of Rascalls and their ~icencers.'"'

Milton uses Colasterion not only to respond to the author of An Answer. but to fürther the anti- censorship arguments of Areo~aeitica,and lash out at the numerous detractors who had been more perceptive of his political design.

Numerous respondents to Milton's divorce tracts deemed his ideas dangerously schisnatic. Two separate woodcuts labelled "The Divorcer" inveigh against sectarianism, portraying images of a man violently expelling his wife from the home. (See fig. 16 and fig. 17). A scene of domestic violence stands as the synecdoche of civil. or 'domestic' war and state faction.

These images dso neatiy overturn Milton's portraya1 of the unloved. and unjustly "wedlockt" man as the victim of domestic violence. repositioning Milton as the head of a 'Divorcer's sect.' A

Figure 16

J38 Milton, Colasterion 23. Figure 16

A Catalogue of the Severall Sects and Oninions in Encland and Other Nations (1647) Figure 17

Ephraim Pagitt. Heresioeraohv ( 1 647) Catalowe of the Severall Sects and Obinions in Enrrland and Other Nations (1647) claims.

.*Distinction of Parishes is Antichristian. Should these absurd and grosse opinions take place. what division and confusion would they work amongst us'?" This broadside displaying a

"Divorcer." depicts a man beating a woman. A similar uoodcut appears on the title page of

Ephriam Pagitt's Heresiomphv. Pagitt writes. '-These 1 terme Divorcers. that would be quit of their Wives for slight occasions: and to maintain this opinion. one hath published a Tractate of

Divorce. in which the bonds of matrimony are let loosr to inordinate l~st.'~"For Pagitt, divorce promotes cruelty to wives and gives license to libidinous husbands. The violence depicted in these woodcuts represents the severing of the 'single flesh' of marital union. As an embiem of the nation, this 'domestic violence' divides the Parliamentarian cause through the schism of sectarianism, and impedes Presbyterian uniformit)..

By 1643, the Westminster Assembly of Divines determined to enforce Presbyterian uniformity in much the same way that Anglicanism had been imposed by former monarchs. Laws were in place by December 1643. and debates regardin- the power of church governent appeared in the months preceding the legislation. Although Milton previously supponed the

Presbyterians, most notably in An A-wloev . . . for Smectymnuus (1 642). religious uniformity jeopardized his position as an Independent. He would not be 'marriedo to a church which threatened to become his dominant. rnascuhe head. To retain his Independency. Milton needed to convince Parliament that religious division was necessac- to nation-building.

Promoting sectarian division as divorce. ho~va-er.couid potentially destabilize one's

'39 Ephraim Pagitt. Heresiomaphv or a Description of the Hereticks and Sectaries of These Latter Times 3 rd edn. ( 1 647) Wing P 1 77 1 50. The anonymous A Relation of Severall Heresies (October 17 1646) E. 358 (2) also incl udes -'Divorcers" as schismatics. and clairns marital breakdown and polygamy run rampant through a number of sects. 195 masculinity. Cleveland's figuring of Essex as a "Grlding-Ede" exemplifies the defamation that a divorced man might enco~nter."~Throughout his tirst divorce tract. Milton not only insists upon fernale subjection and male rule. but presents the di\-orced man. once freed from his dornineering wife. as re-masculinized. and embodied with vinuous. maniy authority.

A Chronological View of Milton's Respondents

The first edition of The Doctrine and Disci PI inc of Divorce appeared August 1, 1643. Its dedication to Parliament and the Westminster Assembiy signalled that Milton's argument for divorce extended to larger matters of Church and State. -'.4s a whole people is in proportion to an il1 government, so is one man to an il1 marnage." writes Milton. citing. throughout the tract, precedents for divorce established under Mosaic law. The fol lowing day. Thomas Fuller's anti- toleration pamphlet, Sermon of Refomation. appeared. indicating that it was roughly simultaneous with Milton's work. Fuller writes. "the Bill of Divorce . . . was pemitted by the

Jewes, not because that was good. but because they were bad. and by this Toleration were kept from being worse." Despite its similar points of reference. this sermon appeared too early to constitute a resp~nse.~'What it illustrates is that the 1 6-43 debates regarding Presbyterian uniformity used the term "divorce" to refer to religious schism. [oitially. Miiton's tract received

''O John Cleveland. "To P. Rupen." The Poems of John Cleveland 34.

44 l See Corndete Prose Works (fn.) 155. Also. Thomas Young. in his sennon Hopes Incourwement (February 28. 1644) E, 35 (1 8). rekrs to the ungodly practice of ancient rulers taking two wives (32). Young gives no indication. howevsr. that he is responding to Milton, or to the issue of divorce. A later tract defending divorce also seems to have no connection to Milton. Thomas Cartvrright's Helrxs for Discoverv of the Trut h. an Elizabethan defence of divorce, was reprinted Jan 24. 164%E. 423 ( 19). no published response."' A second. expanded edition of' The Doctrine and Disci~lineof Divorce appeared February 2. 1644. and was again ignored. -4s Daid Masson points out. the divorce tracts went unanswered until Cromwell and a host of'religious Independents defeated the

Royalists at Marston Moor in July of 1644. Presbyterians now realized the miliiary power of sectarians within their ranks. Toleration could fragment the Parliamentarian drive for national headshi p,

Within a month of Marston Moor, Milton published The Judgment of Martin Bucer

Concemine Divorce. In his dedicatory epistle "To the Parlament" Milton claims that Bucer's

"hope was then that no calamity, no confusion. or deformity would happen to the Common- wealth.'*' The tract emphasizes the importance of divorce to nation-building. Exactly one week afier the publication of Martin Bucer. Presbyterian minister Herbert Palmer delivered an anti- toleration sermon to Parliament. making direct reîèrencr: to MiIton's promotion of divorce:

If any plead Conscience. for the Lawfulnesse O t- Po!\-gm~y:(or for divorce for other causes then Christ and his Apostles mention: Of \vhich a ii.ickc.d bookc. is abroad and uncensured. though deserving to be burnr. whose Atrrhor hath been so imprrdenr as to set his Name to

While The Judgement of Martin Bucer claims that members of the clergy inveighed against his initial divorce tract. any such responses are not preserved in print. David Masson's research regarding responses to Milton's divorce tracts is quite thorough. See David Masson, The Li fe of John Milton: Narrated in Connexion wi th the Pol itical. Ecclesiastical. and Literary Historv of His Time 1873 vol. 3 (Gloucester: Peter Smith. 1965). William Haller subsequently "undertook a systematic search through the contemporac literature of the decade from 1640 to 1650 in the hope of turning up allusions to the poet ihat blasson may have missed." See "Milton's Reputation and Influence. 1643-1 647." ( 1934) Haller. Tracts on Libertv in the Puritan Revolution 1638-1 647 (New York: Octagon Books. 1965 ) \.ol. 1 : 128-1 42. Emest Sirluck, ed., Com~leteProse Works of John Milton (London: Oxtord. 1959) vol. 2. also includes cornmentary on responses to Milton's divorce tracts.

Milton, The Judgement of Martin Bucer, Prose Works. 164 1 - 1650 vol. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsimile. 1968) sig. B 1. it, and dedicate it ro your ~elves.)~or for Liberty to murv incesfuously.will you gant a Toleration for al1 thi~?~~

Palmer reads Milton's tracts as dismembering the state through divorce. polygarny, and incest. figuring these vices as toleration. Referring to the Parlianientarian Amy's religious Independents.

Palmer continues:

If any say, Their Corncience allowes them not tn C hirihute to yolrr J1rs.t and Necessary Lkfence, shall they be allowed rhis Libert>-?.. . I t'otliers Say. their Conscience allows not them to beare Armes for you. shall they have rriio,yrrhrr rheir Liber@? . . . How then shall your Amies be made up? . . . what Borind.~or Litnits can there be set to men any wuy. if this opinion of Liberty of Conscience. as it is pleaded for. shall be admitted"

Palmer's attack on Army Independency stood in direct contrast to Cromwell's tolerationism.

Cromwell, in a letter to a Presbyterian Major-general writes. "the State. in choosing men to serve it, takes no notice of their opinions: if they be willing faithfully to serve it. that satisfies. 1 advised you formerly to bear with men of different minds from your~elf.'~~For Cromwell, military pragmatism was itself a uniQing force. For Palmer. however. the promotion of individual conscience over law was the slippery siope to anarchy. If a man couid promote conscience over law. then he respected no duty. either to wife or to country: no army could command him to fight

UI Milton dedicated both editions of The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce "To the Parlament of England with the Assembly." The Judcenient of Martin Bucer. Conceming Divorce is dedicated solely "To the Parlament of England." Milton published his first edition anonyrnously, but acknowledged his authorship on the title-page of the second edition.

Herbert Palmer, The Glasse of Gods Providence ( 1644) E.6(8) 57.

"6 Herbert Palmer. The Glasse of Gods Providence 57.

"'Thomas Carlyle. The Letters and Sbeechrs of Oliver Cromwell. with Elucidations 2nd edn. vol. 1 (London: 1 857) 148: Masson. vol.3 :1 66. for a cause that was not by conscience his own.""

Palmer's sermon not only influenced the Parlianieni. but spread to the Stationer's

Company and the House of Commons. The "Cornmittee for Printing." daims the Cornmons

Journal **arediligently to inquire out the authors. printers. and publishers of the Pamphlets againa the Immortality of the Soul and Conceming Di~orcs."~"'This threat of censorship occasioned

Milton's writing of Areo~a~itica.a work which not only drtknds his right to publish the divorce tracts, but advocates religious toleration.

Milton. quoting the Order of 1643 in Areovaci t ka. re fers back to issues of matrimony:

By judging over again that Order which ye have ordain'd ro regdute Printing. Thuf no Book. pamphlet, or paper SMbe hrncc jbnh Prinred. ttn1rs.s-r the sume befi~sfapprov 'd and Licenc 't by such, or at least one of such as shall be thereto appointed. For . . . that clause of Licencing Books. which we thought had dy'd with his brother quodmgesimal and matrimonid when the Prelats expir'd. 1 shall now attend.4'"

"Quadragesimal and mutrimonia~'refer to the bishops' tonner control over dispensations regarding Lenten dietary restrictions as well as marriage banns.'" Here. as well as in his divorce tracts. Milton argues that marital concems should be regulated by civil rather than religious authority. Likewise, Milton argues. the enforcement or limited dispensation of particular religious observations, such as fasting at Lent. belong to a tyrannical system of religious uniformity, which

Palmer's fears were well-founded. Leveller John Wildman writes. "The Amy took up arrns in judgment and conscience for the people's just rights and liberties. and not as mercenary soldiers. hired to serve an arbitrary power of statr.'- The Case of the Armv Tml~Stated (October 1 5, 1647) Puritanism and Libertv 43 1. By 1647. Cromwell found himsef f putting dom the mutinies of Leveller regiments.

"9 The Joumals of the House of Commons (blûrch 15 1642 - December 24 1644) rpt. 1 803. vol 3 : 606.

''O ''O Milton, Areoagitica sig. A3.

"' Cornolete Prose Works (fn.) vol. 1: 490-9 1. Parliament supposedly extirpated.

That Milton's support of the sects was not only political, but politically sensitive. became apparent to his detractors upon en forcement of theii- ant i-toitintion irnperative. .4 broadside declares. These Trades-men are Preachers in and about the Citv of London. Or A Discoverv of the

Most Dangerous and Damnable Tenets That Have Bern Spread Within this Few Years. In its list of the mechanics' -'Erronious. Heretical" tenets. number 10 States. "That a man may lawfblly put away his wife if she be not a meet helper.'"" The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce emphasizes the importance of a wife as help meet; and Mil ton3 ovrrt praise of the tradesmen who comprise the sects appears in Areomwitica:

Yet these are the men cry'd out against for schisrnaticks and sectaries; as if, while the Temple of the Lord was building, some cutting. some squaring the marble. othen hewing the cedars, there should be a sort of irrationall men who could not consider there must be many schisms and many dissections made in the q uam and in the timber. ere the house of God can be built. . . Let us therefore be more contident builders, more wise in spiritudl architecture, when great reformation is expected."'

This passage, however. expands upon an idea presented in iMartin Bucer. in which divorce is integral to state architecture:

The constitution and reformation of a cornnion-n-ealth. . . is. like a building, to begin orderly from the foundation thereof. which is marriage and the family. to set right first what ever is amisse therein. How can there sls grow up a race of warrantable men, while the house and home that breeds them. is troubl'd and disquieted under a bondage-net of

"' These Trades-men are Preachers in and about the Citv of London. Or A Discovery of the Most Dangerous and Damnable Tenets That Have Been S~readWithin this Few Years, etc. (Apri126 1647) 669.f. 1 1(6). Confronting Milton's alleged elitism. Michael Wilding points out that while Milton detests the "serving man." [as in Colastrrion J he upholds the virtues of the "working man," promoting the values of -*radical w.orking-class solidarity." See Michael Wilding, "Milton's Areoaaeitica: Liberty for the Sects." Prose Studies vol. 9 #2 (September 1 986) 3 7, h. 34. "' Milton. Areo~agitica32. . . .natureles constraint. '~4

Milton's cornplaint of church unifonnity as a "natureles constraint" also appears in The Doctrine and Discidine of Divorce. He is. however. carefûl not to provide whole-hearted endorsement of the antinomian finge, whom he. and many others. associate with the feminization of the body politic:

Seeing that sort of men who follow Anubupfism. Fmnilism. Antinomiunism, and other fanatical dreams . . . do end in satisfaction of the tlesh. it may be corne with reason into the thoughts of a wise man. whether al1 this proceed not partly. if not chiefly. hmthe restraint of some lawfùll liberty. which ought to be giv'n men. and is deny'd them. As by Physick we learn in menstruous bodies. where natures current hath been stopt, that the suffocation and upward forcing of some lower part. affects the head and inward sense with dotage and idle fancies.'"

Here, Milton uses a body politic allegory to defend both divorce and religious toleration. The intotemnt State is female; its rnisplaced authoril. analogous to menstrual dysfunction, restrïcts the natural purgation of fanatical ideas. Milton follows the erroneous. but popular medical beliefs of the era. Patrïcia Crawford writes.

Only when the menses flowed were women's bodies -preserved from the most temble diseases.' When suppressed. the woman would sicken either because her body would become a putre@ing sink of il1 humours which would in tum attract more ills, or because the blood would beat back from her wornb to trouble her brain. causing melancholy and troubling her spirits. The idle fancies produced in her head might even incline her to

The Royalist author of A New Marriaee between Mr. King and Mrs Parliament parodies Milton's ideas ttirough the character of Captain Amy. who says. "We commit her [Mrs. Parliament] to the

'" Milton, Martin Bucer sig. B 1'. '" Illilton, The Doctrine and Disci~iineof Divorce 30.

'56 Patricia Crawford. "Anitudes to Menstruation in Sewnteenth-Century England," Past and Present 9 1 (1 98 1 ) 54. 20 1 care of Dr. PenodP7 to be speedily cured of her infirmities. and to be throughly purged till she become al1 Independent. and al1 of the New Elect. the godl y and well-affected party.'*" Milton, like Captain Amy. presents the figure of female Parlianient that is still in need of purgation. but with its dysfùnction overcome, embodies a godly kingdom of religious Independents.

Elaborating on "dependencies and independencies" in The Doctrine and Discidine of

Divorce, Milton writes.

reach out your steady hands to the misinformed and wearied life of man. to restore his lost heritage into the household state. . . places of prostitution will be less haunted, the neighbor's bed less attempted, the yoke of prudent and manly discipline will be generally submitted to; sober and well-ordered living will soon spring up in the cornmonwealth.'59 in an il1 marriage, the "household statezzis controlled by the wife. and the husband must "restore his lost heritage" of male rule, both in the home and in the Commonwealth: "what [an injury] .

. .to be contended with in point of house-mle who shall be the head." writes ilt ton.^ The restrictive state encourages female headship and prostitution.

In opposition to Milton's depiction of divorce and lndependency as a "rnanly" discipline,

William Prynne reads the divided household as a nation disordered. prorniscuous. and lacking in

'57 While the OED cites the first usage of -.period" to signify rnenses is 1822-23, the phrase "at those monthly periods" indicated the time of menstruation as early as 1602, and was in use throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See Patricia Crawford, "Attitudes to Menstruation," 50. In the seventeenth century. the term could also mean "the time during which a disease runs its course" (OED). While "Dr. Period" may simply be confronting the course of a disease, Mrs. Parliament's symptoms are consistent with popular notions of amenorrhoea

458 A New Marriaee between Mr. Kina and Mrs Parliament (November 30, 1648) E. 526 (34) A3.

IS9 Milton, The Doctrine and Discipline of Di\.orcti sig. A4.

Milton. The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce 60. masculine authority: &'

If a husband bee a great stickler for Episcopacy. and a member of a Prelaticall Church. the wife a fierce zealot for Independency . . . what confusion. distraction, implacable contestations, schismes, tumults this Licentiousnesse (for 1 cannot stile it Freedome of conscience) would soone inevitably enpnder in al1 Families. Villages, Cities, Countries, Kingdomes, to their uttet ruine and desolation.'"'

Responding to Prynne. Henry Burton's Conformities Deformitv contends. as Milton does, that

enforced confonnity causes defonnities within the commonwealth. He presents a dialogue

between conformity and conscience "Wherein the main Head of ail the Controversies in these

times, conceming Church Government, is asserted and maintained: as without which, al1

Reformation is headlesse. and al1 Reconciiiation h~~elesse."~~'Like Milton's household state,

Burton's commonwealth is rendered defomed and headless through enforced conformity.

Presbyterians, Royalists. and tolerationists al1 employ the image of headlessness to sipi@

misnile, each accusing the other of fragrnenting the body politic.

Prynne, the quintessential Presbyterian. sees sectarianism as factious. causing divisions in both the family and the commonwealth. Prynne' s pamphlet. however. anthropomorphizes the

State as a "bleeding dying distracted native Country." The physicality of Pry~e'simage invokes

36 t Prynne's Indewndenc~Exarnined is pan of an ongoing pamphlet debate regarding toleration. See also Henry Burton. An Answer to Mr. William Prvme's Twelve Ouestions Conceming Church Government (November 1644) E. 15 (5); and William Prynne, A Full Redv To Certaine Briefe Obserbations and Anti-Ouenes on Master Prvnnes Twelve Ouestions about Church Government (1 644) E.257 (7).

462 William Prynne. Indeoendency Exari?ined, Unmasked. Refuted. bv Twelve New Particular Interro~atories(September 26, 1644) E. 257 ( 1 ) sig. A;.

463 Henry Burton. Conformitie's Deformin.. In a Dialogue between Confonnity. and Conscience. Wherein the Main Head of All the Controversies in These Times. Concerning Church-Govermnent, 1s Asserted and Maintained: As \c ithout Which. AI1 Reformation 1s Headlesse. and Al1 Reconcilliation Howlesse. (October 26. 1646) E. 358 (20)- the human casualties of civil warû. The relationship betlvesn the bleeding body and the country is

synecdochal. The state itself is corporeal. and divisions u i thin the Parliamentarian forces resuit in

the bodily dismemberment of the state. Prynne. a \-ictim of two administrations. had good reason to be fearful. The fear of -domestic violence' within the actual Houses of Parliament became

realized in Pride's Purge. which resulted no

A nabaptisrica/i, An finomian. Hereticaii. A the isrimfl opinions us of the souks mortal ity, divorce ar pleasure. &c. lately broached. preached. printed in this famous City. which 1 hope our grand Counce1l will speedily and carefully suppresse. and by our divisions betweene som of our Cornmanders refusing to be Jependenr. or subordinat one to an~fher."~

Prynne aIso follows Palmer in connecting divorce wi th 3rmy Faction. Milton. however, promotes conscience over subservience in military action: "Twiccr it kvas the saving of two [ofJ the greatest

Common-wealths in the world. of Arhens by Thc.tnisrocks at the Sea fight of Sulamis; of Rome by

Fabius Maximas in the Prrnick warre. for . . . these two matchlesse Generalls had the fortitude at home against the rashnes and the clarnoun of their own Captains and ~onfederates.'*~~Milton added this passage to the second edition of The Doctrine and Discipline of Divor~e,'~'reflecting the tensions between army Independents and Presb'erians which had become evident in the time iapse between his first and second editions.

'& Thomas Coms. Uncloistered Virtue 194.

"' William Prynne. Twelve Considerable S~~OUSQuestions Touching Church- Governments E.257 ( 1 ) (1 644) 7. Milton dismisses Ppnne's argument in Colasterion sig. B 1. Milton responds that if some abuse it to their pleasure- it is not the fault of the book (2).

566 Milton, The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce 54.

467 For a cornparison of the first and second sditioiis. see Corndete Prose Works vo1.2: 220-356. Cromwell's military achievements. however. stood in sharp contrast to a long senes of subsequent Parliamentarian failures, with the latest being the detèat of Essex's army at Cornwall on September 1. Cromwell's success placed him in an excellent position to make demands on

Parliament His case against Crawford and Manchester \vas aided by Lilbume. whose defiance of his commanding oficer led to a victory over the Royalisis at Tickhill Castle July 26. 1644.'~'

Parliament could not win the war against the King without making concessions to the

Independents. On September 13. the Scottish Presbyterian Robert Baillie wrote. "Cromwell has obtained an Order of the House of Cornmons to rekr to the Committee of both Kingdoms the accornmadation or toleration of the lndependents - a high and unexpected ~rder!'*~ Baillie, an anti-tolerationist, would also inveigh against Milton:

Conceming divorcers. some of them go far beyond any of the Brownists. not to speak of Mr. Milton, who in a large treatise hath pleadrd for a full liberty for any man to put away his wife whenever he pleaseth, without any fault in her at atl. but for any dislike or dyspathy of

Baillie's phrase, "dispathy of humour," refers not only to unsympathetic natures, but to a wife's physiological state - an il1 condition in her humours. The iinage corresponds to that of the body politic suffering fiom menstrual dysfunction."' an ailment for which Milton recommends divorce

468 Howard Shaw, The Levellerç (London: Longnians. 1968) 30: Peter Newman, Atlas of the Endish Civil War (London: Croom Helm. 1985) 7 1 .

469 "Baillie's Letters." vol. 2: 229. 230 in Masson \-oi.3: 168.

"O See Robert Baillie. A Dissuasive from the Errours of the Time (24 November 1645) E. 3 17 (3,1 16. Also quoted in Milton French. The Life Records of John Milton (New York: Gordian. 1966) vol2132-33, and William Riley Parker. Milton: A Biorrra~hv.2nd edn. revised (Oxford: Clarendon, 1996) vol. 1 : 29 1.

"' Religious enthusiasm or fanaticism as a medical disorder is upheld by Henry More in his theories of humour pathology. Using various esamples from "Mohametism" to Anabaptism, More contends that melancholic humours. which cause "sadness and despondency" when cold. and tolemtionism as masculine curatives. ln Baill ie's opinion. however. divorce only exacerbates

'fernale trouble.' He relates the stolof Anna Hutchinson and her friend Mary Dyer. two New

England Independents whose fanatical ideas rrsulted in thrir yiving birth to multiple. headless monsters.

Baillie probably took his information on Anna Hutchinson from John Winthrop. who had published a pamphlet on New England sects the pre\.ioiis >~ar.~''Afier Hutchinson and her cornpanion Mary Dyer took up antinomianism. "the two fornenting women in the time of the height of the Opinions to produce out of their wombs. as before they had out of their braines, such monstrous births as no Chronicle (1 thinke) hardly ever recorded the iike." Winthrop reports that

Hutchinson gave birth to 30 deformed children. and Dyer to -'a most hideous creature, a woman. a fish. a bird & a beast dl woven together?" Winthrop daims to have personally witnessed the disinterment of Dyer's child for the purposes of the trial ot' Anna Hutchinson. one of the birth attendants.

Ephraim Pagitt's Heresiomph~also repeats the stoq.:

Mistris Hutchinson. the Generalissimo. the high Priestesse of the new religion was delivered at one time of 30 rnonstrous Births. or thereabouts. much about the number of her monstrous opinions: some were bigger. sonie lesse. none of them having human shape, but shap'd like her opinions: Mistris Dier another of the same crew. was delivered of a rise to the brain when heated, causing "Ecstasies and Raptures." This results in the delusion of a superiority over Christ as the 'Supreme Head" and "Mystical Bride-groom." The religious enthusiast, overthrowing Christ as mysticat husband. turns to polygamy. becoming subject to a "community of wives." Henry More. Enthusiasmus Triumphatus (1 656: 1662 Los Angeles: Augustan Reprint Society, 1966)1 6- 1 7.

'"John Winthrop. A Short Stoq of the Risc. Réign. and Ruine of the Antinomians, Familists & Libertines. That infected the Churches of New-Endand (preface by Thomas Welde) (1644) E. 33 (16).

".' John Winthrop. A Short Stow 2 14. large woman-child which was stil-bom: it had no head but a face upon the breast & the ears (which were Iike an .4pes) . . . Thus God punished those monstrous Wretches with monstrous bit. sprung from their womb. as ha4 bcfore sprunp from their brai ne^.^'^

Hutchinson's opinions become realized as corporeal brings. Dyer's child. in differing reports. has either no head and assosears. or is composed of a yreatcr di\vrsity of animals - fish. bird and beast. Heresiographer Daniel Featley. in The Dip-pers Dipi. attacks divorce. polygarny, and various schismatical ideas. His description of conventicles. hoiw er. provides a theory behind the composite nature of monstrous births: "conceming the comnion errors, we are to note. that as the wild beasts in Afnca meeting at the rivers to drinke. rngender one with another. and beget strange monsters . . . so diverse kinds of hereticks and schisrnatiks meeting together at unlawfull conventicles, and having conference one with the other. have mingled their opinions, and brought fonh mongrel here~ies."'~' Schismaticai ideas not only sever the bcdy. but destroy the integrîty of hurnan form. For anti-tolerationists such as Baillie. Pagitt. and Featley. the monstrosities and deformities caused by the divorce of the female body from its masculine head becarne literal.

Baillie's sense of female dyspathy responds to Milton's on-n srnse of bodily dysfunction as a disease of the commonwealth. but rejects divorce as its cunti~re.

Afier relating the story of Anna Hutchinson's rnonstrous births. Baillie refers again to

Milton:

what ever therefore may be said of Mr. Milton. )et Mr. Gortinp and his Company were men of renow-n among the New-Englisli Independsnts. before Mistrisse Hutchinsons disgrace; and al1 of them do maintaine. that it is Ia\cfui for every wornan to desert her

"" Ephraim Pagitt. Heresiorrravhy 3rd rdn. ( 1647) Wing P 177 1 16-1 17. (The first and second editions, of March 5 and May 8 1645. according to the Stationer's register, may have been published in time to influence Baillie.)

"' Featley. Daniel. KaraDairsiarai KasanTuaroi. The Di~wnDi~t. 3rd. edn. (1645) Wing F586 30. husband, when he is not willing to follow her in her Church-way. and to take herselfe for a widow. loosed from the bonds of obedience to him. onely because he lives without that Church whereof she is become a member.'""

Milton's own image of bad books. however. is also rcmiriiscent of the progeny brought fonh by

Hutchinson's opinions. Prior to the Council of Trent. writes Milton. "Books were ever as fieely admitted into the World as any other birth: the issue of tlx brain was no more stifl'd then the issue of the womb . . . but if it prov'd a Monster. who denies. but that it was justly bumt or sunk into the sea.'"" Milton's sense that bad opinions cause reproducti\-r problems and monstrosities is consistent with the rhetoric of his detractors. Thomas Edmards uses the same image as Milton:

"There is one Master John Bachiler Licenser-Generall of the Sectaries Books. and of al1 sorts of wicked opinions . . . who hath been a Man-midwife to bring forth more monsters begotten by the

Divell, and borne of the Sectaries within this three last ysars then ever were brought into the light in England by al1 the former Licensen the Bishops and thrir Chaplaines for fourscore years."""

Like his detractors. Milton equates heretical opinion u ilh monstrous births.

Independent Women

Despite Milton's repeated insistence on male household rule. and his constant drive to re- masculinize state authotity. his Presbyterian detractors perceived that Milton's divorce tracts could incite women to usurp authority over men. Paradosically. Milton's detractors condemned him both for inciting wife abuse and inspiring uomen's preaching. An Answer. while claiming to be a "plea for Ladies" also raises the concern that Milton's argument that a wife must be a meet

476 Baillie, A Dissuasive 1 16.

JnMilton. Areopapitica 9.

"' Thomas Edwards. Gangraena III: 102. 208 helper "prove as effectually. that the Wife may sue a Divorce from her Husband upon the same gr~unds.'*'~In Tetrachordon. Milton himself unveils a radicai assertion that exceptions to Pauline doctrine existed: "if she exceed her husband in prudence and desterity. and he contentedly yeeld. for then a superior and more naturall law cornes in- that thc \viser should govern the lesse wise. whether male or female.'480What logically follows. Iio\vs\.rr. is that if their husbands did not concede, women could receive a divorce.

Thomas Edwards. in Gangraena cites the case of a Mrs. Attaway:

There are two Gentlemen of the Inns of Court. civil l and well disposed men, who out of novelty went to hear the women preach. and after .l/is/risAttmvuy the Lace-woman had furnished her exercise. these two Gentlemen had some discourse with her, and among other passages she spake to them of Master .\fi//r~mDoctrine of Divorce. and asked them what they thought of it. saying it was a point to be considered of: and that she for her part would look more into it. for she had an unsanctifird husband . . . and how accordingly she hath practised it in runing away with another womans husband. "*'

Mrs. Attaway, as a 'divorcer.' exemplities the problems \\ liich Milton's divorce tracts posed to

Presbyterianism. She represents household divorce. state faction. sectarianism. and the femaie usurpation of male authority. Afier parting with her husband on the basis of Milton's Doctrine and

Discipline of Divorce, she convinced a Mr. Jennex to Icrivc his wife and children to marry her.

"This Jenney held from that Scripture in Genes. where God 4th 1 \dl muke him an help meer for him. that when a mans wife was not a meet help. hs iniyht put hrr away and take another: and when the woman was an unbeleever (that is not a Ssctarie of their Church) she was not a meet

J79 An Answer 13.

"O Milton, Tetrachordon. Prose Works. 164 1-1 650 vol. 2 (Menston: Scolar Press Facsirniie, 1968) 3.

'*' Thomas Edwards. Gangraena ( 1 646) facsini i le reprint (Ilklq: The Rota, 1977) II: 10- 11. help. and therefore Jenney left his wife. and went auq-uith Mistris .4ttu1u~.'~"Penuaded by

Attaway, Jenney uses Milton's argument to leave his \\ i tic and follow Mn. Attaway's religious visions.

That Mrs. Amway existed seems reasonable gi 1 en the number of women preachers in the mid to late 1 64O~.'~~That she embodies exactly the image of sectarianism. female power and

'divorce at pleasure' predicted by Presbyterian anti-tolzrationists. however. is fortuitous, if not suspicious. She leaves her husband and becomes Jennq 's guide. Neither her husband nor Jenney mle over her. Without the direction of masculine authoriti. she is portrayed as a foolish, and thus figuratively headless woman.

Edwards provides numerous examples of female preaching in Ganeraeng and was himself attacked in print by Katherine Chidley's A New-Years-Gi ti. or A Brief Exhortation To Mr.

Thomas Edwards. Childley invokes the Pauline epistles to justiti. female power:

Christ hath given the power to his C'hirwh which is his ho& and spoirse. of which: (and of whom) he himselfe is the head and Hrrshmd. nei t her can any Officer in the Church move (Ecclesiasticalij)without the power of the ï 'hrirch:no more then a mans Arme, or Leg, or prime member can move. except it derive powt- fiom the hodj~of which it is a naturall member . . . and 1 thinke no reasonable man will atlirme (if her Husband give her sole power in his absence) that she is subordinate to any of her sentanfi. Now the Scripture is cleere, that Christ . . . hath delivered the power to his Church. therefore it is againsr the lighr and law of nurure to conceive the C'hwch to be thus sziborùinare to the Servanfs;but rather (we may speak with reverence to Chrisr) that her senwnts are subordinate unto her; and it is a dishonour unto Christ for them to ~i.sr,ipc'~cf~'siusticaf uuthority over her; But in case they should so doe. she hath received commission from Christ her Husband, to deale with them . . . and if need require to cast them out. and then not to suffer them to enter in

jg2Thomas Edwards, Ganagraena III: 26-27.

483 By Phyllis Mack's tabulations. over 300 Englisli nomen preached or prophesied dut-ing the Interregnum. The majority were Quakers. Phyllis ~Mack.--Women as Prophets During the English Civil War." Feminist Studies 8.1 ( 1982) 2-4. 210 againe but by the dore of Reprnt~nce.'~

For Chidley, Christ is the only masculine head to whoni she owes deference. Any mortal male authority which attempts to intervene becomes heretical and usurpatious. Chidley equates her sectarianism with female power. Using the Pauline marriage analogg. she strengthens the image of the feminized body by demonstrating its power io effect the work commissioned by its head. She articulates her right to cast out any man who attempts to rule over her.

Elizabeth Poole. in A Vision: Wherein is Mani tksted the Disease and Cure of the

Kingdome, records her address to an audience of Parliamentas soldiers:

It is tme indeed (1 know I appeal by the gifi of God upon me) the King is your father and husband, which you were and are to obey in the Lord. and in no other way, for when he forgot his subordination to divine faithhood and hcadship, thinking he had gotten you a generation to his own pleasure, and taking you a ivifi for his own lusts. therby is the yoke taken fiom your ne~ks.~"

Elizabeth Poole, like many of her male coreligionists. squates the role of the king with that of the husband. demonstrating that the king's failure to fultill Iiis patriarchal role permits the divorce befween himself and the people. Poole's speech appears to be both rhetorically and ideologically consistent with the arguments made by male Parliamentarians. yet she embodies everything that the Presbyterians feared: a female sectarian with the powr to direct the anny.

Whi le Presbyterians inveighed against 'divorcers.' pol yandry. plygarny. and mamages between people of different religions. Royalist responscs ûttempted to characterize these aspects

'134 Kathenne Chidley. A New-Years-GiFt. or -4 Brief Exhortation To Mr. Thomas Edwards (January 2. 1645) E.23 ( 13) 13.

.'" Elizabeth Poole. A Vision: Wherein is Mani tksted the Disease and Cure of the Kingdome (January 9 1649) E. 537 (24). For more on the reception of Rachel Poole's address, see Rachel Trubowitz. "Female Preachers and Male Wi\.es: Gender and Authority in Civil War England." The Pam~hietWars 1 1 2- 1 33. of toleration issues as sensational and absurd. The debate between Presbyterian uniformity and sectarian 'headlessness' is depicted in a woodcut on the pamphlet Bloodv Newes fiom Dover.

"Mary Champion. an Anabaptist" claims the pamplifet. xut off'her Childs head. king 7. weeks old. And held it to her husband to baptize." The u.oodcut labels the husband a "Presbyterian?"

(See fig. 18). The female Anabaptist's rejection of boili pacdobaptism and male Presbyterian authority results in the physical dismemberment of their offspring. The pamphlet portrays the divisions between husband and wi fe. It encapsulates the Pres byterian kar of sectarian division, inculpating both the Presbyterian zeaIot and the vocal Independent woman in the dismemberment of the body politic.

The Four-Leaed Elder. depicting the relationship between a Presbyterian, his Independent maid. and his dog, satirizes the Presbyterians' Directoc. for Public Worshiv (1646). The second stanza tells of the maid's unorthodox marriage:

One evening late she slept aside. pretending to fetch Eggs. And there she made her selfe a Bride to one that had four leggs: Her Master heard a rumblement. and wondered she did tarry. Not dreaming (without his consent) his dog would ever marry: Oh house of Comrnons. house of Peers, oh now or never help, Th ' Assembiy hath not sate for yeares. yet hath broughi forrh a whelp.

Speaking to his maid. the Presbyterian cornplains.

1 thought thou hadst no camall sense but what's in other Lasses.

Bloody Newes from Dover. Bein~a Trur Relation of the Great and Bloudv Murder, Committed bv Marv Champion (February 13. 1647) E. 375 (20). Figure 18

Bloodv Newes from Do\.er ( 1 647)

gnat and blo~dMurder, comm'trcd by ~llorj~bm- @-(an AnabiptidI )wlio cut off hcr Chtlds hcad, b kg7. rider olrl,rnd bdJ ii ta hcr hutbmd ro bipriu. Alto r- aorhrr grcat murder commirtcd in thc Nonh. by a Scot: tilb Commandcr,for rbich*Fabhc mas eucutcd. And could have quench'd thy cupiscence according to the Classes. But al1 the Parish see it plaine Since thou art in this pickle. Thou art an Independant queane. and lov'st a Conventicle. Oh house of Communs. horrse of Peers. &L-.-'-

The ballad bestializes Independents and Presbyterians. The Assembly delivered a "whelp": the

Directory. As it contained neither the Ten Comniandments. The Lord's Prayer nor the Creed. the

Roydists found it absurd. The Presbyterian's position is similar to the cuckold. He is not sufficiently 'masculine' to control the licentiousness of his maid. or even his dog. Yet he himself is describeci as a "Lay-Elder." "made up halfe Dog halk Man." He is the satine version of

Featley's composite monsten. The real perpetrator of-the action. however, is the Independent woman; the conventicle (with emphasis on the third syllable) being the site of licentious activity.

Cleveland's "Smectyrnnuus. or the Club-Divines" uses a similar rhyme, but accuses the

Presbyterians of causing sectarian "divorce":

Faith cry St. George. let them go to't. and stickle- Whether a Conclave. or a Conventicle. Thus might Religions caterwaule. and spight. Which uses to divorce. might once unite. But their crosse fortunes interdict their trade: The Groorne is Rampant. but the Bride is a Spade.

Cleveland presents the country as a married body divorced by sectarian schism. lmplicit is

England's emblem, the lion rampant, here associated with the 'masculine' mle of Charles 1. His bride, however, is a "spade." a term used in the seventeenth century to mean eunuch, possibly

John Birkenhead. The Four-Leee'd Eldcr ( September 1. 1647) 669.C 1 1 (70).

-'" The Poems of John Cleveland 25. lines 85-90. because of its homonymie association with "spayed?"

Another Royalist attack on Independency. The Parliaments X. Commandments, associates women with toleration. The single sheet provides a parodic Ten Commandments and Pater

Noster, followed by "The Articles of their Faith." t\.hich reads. --1 Beleeve in CROMWELL. the

Father of al1 Schisme. Sedition. Heresy and Relxllion. and his onely Son. Ireton. Our Saviour, begotten by the spirit in a hole borne of a winchinp illare . . . he beleeves there is no holy Ghost, nor Catholique Church. nor foregiveness of sins. but the Communion of the Sisters. the resurrection of his Members. and Parliament ever-lastiny.'"" Again. both the govemment, the church. and the patnarchal family are in a state of chaos. Ireton's mother is reportedly a horse. not a woman, and a community of women replaces monogamous. heterosexuai union. The perceived licentiousness of female comn;unities. however. kvas also ripplied to Roman Catholic nuns. In a

Paul's Late Promes, a beautifid young nun cornplains.

This Cloyster, which surrounds our liberty. is not as you imagine. a Paradise, for in Paradise there dwels no discontentment: [t is rather a Hd. where in the flames of inextinguishible desire. the natudl affections ofour humanity are condemn'd to be tortured every minute. 1 will not stand to espresse the cause why our Parents are ço inhumanIy cruel1 unto us: for it is too well known- that for to spare that dowry which is due to Our sex. they condemne us 'twixt thesc uals. to be depriv'd for ever of any worldly delight, for no other cause. but because \ve are borne women. Yet you must know that the shutting us thus by force between these stoncs. cannot deprive us of those camail affections. which may well be cover 'd but not qzrcinch C( in that religious habit which you see about us . . . we have not power to extinguish Our naturall affections, and so are in danger to precipitat our selves: headlong into HçII. through a kind of suppos'd innocence." '

489 OED.

''O The Parliarnents X. Commandments ( 1648) 669.11 1 1 ( 12 1 ).

49 1 St Paul's Late Progres 125- 128. This convent scene is reminiscent of the implicitly lesbian nuns in Marvell's YJpon Appleton House.*' composed a few years later. See lines 185- 280. With the structure of the state king dependent on the structure of the îàmily. any mode1 which

threatened the patriarchal family structure was deemsd sutiversive. carnal. and ultirnately

dangerous to the state. whether it involved divorcing. 1kniale insubordination- or communities of

women.

While Pryme and Palmer had warned agriinst tlic problerns which divorce and

sectarianism would cause. the heresiographers announced t hat t hese SC hisms were manifest.

Pynewrote that women. king more naturally vulnerable to temptation, were drawn to sectarianism, where they would have the "power to meet in thsir hiocflrrnul Conventicies, without their Husbands, Parents, Maisters Privitie. the be tter to pro pagate Christs Kingdome, and multiply the Godlyparty: Which. what confusion and Atasy it will soon produce in Church and

State." 49' A S~iritMoving - in Women Preachers. pu bl islirid the sams year. announced that sectarian women had already usurped authority ovsr nien.

For when women beare nile over men. having catched and bewitched them in their subtil1 snares, what is it that they will not do for thrima?What requests of gifts will they refuse them? What secrets will not these Duliluhs enforce. even from Sumsons themselves? That for the rnost part, in al1 Kings. Princes and great mens Courts and houses. they beare rule, and al1 things must be as they wish. or else there is no peace in Court nor Countrey, and rnany know the lesse peace, the more they bearc sway and rule . . . wearing the breeches, and so draw and lead their husbands by the nose. which way they please. by degrees wasting their estates, and hmishing their pretended holy brother of the Separation, or schisme, with whatsoever he pleases. not displeasing this man of God, as they cal1 t~irn.~'~

Toleration, for the anti-tolerationist was not merely religious diversity. but anarchy and disenfranchisement, and its signifier was female rule. both in the household and in the nation.

49' Prynne, A Fresh Discoverv sig. A2

493 A S~iritMoving. - in Women Preachers: Or. Certaine Ouaeres, Vented and Put Forth unto this Afftronted, Brazen-Faced. Strange. New Feniinine Brood. (Feb. 23. 1646) E. 324 (10) 2-3. 216

While Hobbes's body politic has no particular organ or member that is specific to the female gender. women figure prominently in his stais of ~inture."~"If there be no Contract. the

Dominion is in the Mother. For in the condition of niesr Nature, where there are no Matrimoniall lawes, it camot be known who is the Father. unlesse it bs declared by the Mother: and therefore the nght of Dominion over the Child dependeth on her u ill. and is consequently This absence of male dominion. matrimonial law. and patri l incd determination is exactly what anti- tolerationists feared. The patrilineal family could onl>-csist in a state that controlled matrimonial law. Divorce, and its associations with polygamy . po l?andry. and female independence tiueatened both the patriarc haiist paradigrn and the emerging contrac t ual ist mode1 of masculine rule.

C. B. Macpherson writes, -'But the men Hobbes was trying to persuade to acknowledge full obligation to a sovereign were his own contemporaries. civilized men. who did not live in a state of nature.'"% If Hobbes's contemporaries did not live wholly in the Ostate of nature,' they certainly perceived themselves as living dangerously ciose to it. Hobbes's state of nature is the state of war. It is not located in some pre-historic primordial past. but is defined by a set of conditions. including the rejection of a social contract \\.hich accords absolute power to a

Critics disagree as to whether women fiaturc in the Hobbesian social contract. Carole Pateman, in The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford W.1988) contends that the Hobbesian social contract is not a contract at ail. but coercion. Woriien have no ability to enter fieely into a contractual agreement. Jane S. Jaquett. refuting Patcman ' s interpretation of Hobbes, believes that Hobbes not only allows for the possibility of wornsn entering into a social contract, but suggests that women cm potentially have dominion over nien if tlicy have the strength to enforce their sovereignty. See Jane S. Jaquett. "Contract and Coercion: Power and Gender in Leviathan," Women Writers and the Earlv Modern British Political Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998) 201-219.

J9s Hobbes, Leviathan 254.

496 C. B. Macpherson. editor's "introduction," Le\-iathan 44-45. sovereign; and the rejection of derivative. civil contncts \\.hich likewise compel obedience in lesser hierarchies. Examples include the marital contract as well as contracts which determine social order and divisions of labour. such as the contraci bstw-een master and servant. In the state of nature. the individual must relp upon personal strcnpiti for survival in the absence of any social or legal protections. While the civil wars. and cvcn the suhsequent beheading of the king did not collapse these structures entirely. the popular presses bcitli rcported and manufactured claims that

England was in or approaching a state of anarchy.

Anarchy and the Levelled Body

The reportedly anarchistic state contains man- of the traits of Hobbes's state of nature. A

Royalist broadside of 1648 expresses this popular viexvpoint in verse. The Anarchie. Beine a New

Cadi WhereIn the People Exbress their Thankes and Prav for the Reformers presents an ironic prayer of thanksgiving:

Now that thanks to the Powers below. We have e'ne done Our doe. The Miter is dowme. And so is the Crowne. And with them the Coronet too: Corne Clownes and corne boyes. Corne hober de hoyes, Corne Females of each degree. Stretch your throats. bring in your Votes. And make good the Anarchy. And thus it shall goe sayes Alice. Nay thus it shall goe sayes Amy: Nay thus it hall goe sayes Taffie I trow Nay thus it shall goe sayes ~amy'"

This first stanza illustrates many of the ideas that would constitute popular notions of anarchy:

497 Thomas Jordan. The Anarchie. Beinrr. a Ne\v Carol1 Wherein the Peo~leExbress their Thankes and Prav for the Reformers (January 1 1 1648) 669.t: 1 1 ( 1 14). "power from below" (society's lower orders): the death of episcopacy and monarchy (the second stanza elabmates. "cut the throat of our king."): uni\lersal suffnge (votes for boys and women): and divided opinions (emphasized in later stanzas as toleration: "these divisions in our

Religions"). Throughout. the state of war is portraysd as chaos and confusion. "Plunder, Excise. and blood" links violence and pillaging with Parliaineni's tasation policies. "Pryn and his Clubs. or Say and his Tubs" connects the vigilantism ot'cf~ibnienand clubwomen with sectarian preacher~.~~'While the parnphleteer claims that --Fernales ot-each degree" contribute their voices to the clamour. most of the female narnes in the body of'thr pamphlet are reminiscent of particular female figures associated with society's lower orders. "Judith." "Hester" and -'reverend Ruth," point to the propensity of women preachers to liken themselves to Old Testament heroines.

"Megg," Jone," "Moll." '-Bess," and "Margery" recall. tor example. Long Meg of Westminster.

Parliament Joan, Mol1 Cutpurse. Elizabeth Lilbume and Margery Marprelate - al1 figures of defiance who not only invert social order by being womeii in power. but who represent in their rebelliousness the rising power of society' s Io wer orders.'""

Whether or not Milton's tracts spawned an actual -Divorcerassect,' a number of Utopian radicals not onIy rejected marriage. but dismissed the cnti ri. notion of gender. overhming

Milton's masculinist paradigm. The Utopian socialist ideai involved levelling the hierarchies of

498 Prynne and Say. both members of Parliament. nere neither clubmen or tub preachers.

499 See, for example, The Gossi~sBraule. or the Women Weare the Breeches. A Mock Comedy. The Actors Names. Nick Pot, a Ta~ster.Jone Ruceles' a Dungel-Raker. Do11 Crabb. a Fish-Woman. Me= Lant-Ale, a Tub-Woman. Bess Bunrr-Hole. an Hostice. Who All to TF the Mastery of Their Tonmes. New Wet Their Whistles. Barlev-Ovle Their Lungs. Then Rais'd with Holler, S~leenand Gad, Their Tongues Advance, and Then Begins the Braule. Printed in the Year of Wornens Honesty. January 30. 1655. E. 826 ( 10). where many of these names appear again. Jorn Ruggles. alias -'Parliament Joan." an historic tigure. hawked newsbooks. She is frequently satirized. the body. the farnily, and the state. Utopian extremists. wiies James Holstun. "did not mourn the loss of traditional social cohesion but took the chaotic situation as an opportunity to form a radically new social covenant.""" Abiezer Coppe. appl? iiig his levelling theories to a millenarian vision. urgently pleads for the apocalypse:

Corne upon them unawares. while the! are c.rr/ing and tlrinking. mu-ging, and giving in marriage. divorce them from al1 strange./ksh: y i \ r. a bill of divorce to al1 carnall. fleshy fellowships. betroath them to thy self. (O God) and to one another in the Spirit . . . Divorce hem from Forme, marry them topower. Divorce them from Type. marry them to Trurh . . . Fa11 on them while they are marrying. and giving in marriage . . . Then fa11 upon thern in the dark night, and plunder them of ail flesh and Forn~e.'~'

Coppe's comrnand to divorce moves fiom the literal dissolving of marriage, to the dissolution of al1 worldly institutions and structures or 'forms.' including the form of the hurnan body. Clement

Hawes says of antinomian discourse. -'It is above riIl through its revisions of the gendered body politic that enthusiastic rhetoric seeks to point toward nw-subjectivities and an alternative

John Warr. a radical thinker (with an apt name. if not a pseudonymous one), expresses exactly what both Royalist and Presbyterian establishments kared. lnvening the body politic,

Warr writes, -'the whole body of the people is abo\.r their ruler. whether one or more."503 Whether authority exists in the single king of a rnonarch or in a larger organization such as Parliament, the

'O0 James Holstun, A Rational Millennium 37.

'O' Abiezer Coppe. Some Sweet Sips of Some SpirituaIl Wine ( 16.19). A Collection of Ranter Wntings 52-53.

'O' Clement Hawes. *--Manis the Woman': Le\-eiliiigand the Gendered Body Politic in Enthusiastic Rhetoric." Prose Studies 36-58.

503 John Warr. The Privileges of the People ( Feb. 5. 1 648). A Spark in the Ashes: The Pamphlets of John Warr. Eds. Stephen Sedley and Lau wice Kaplan (London: Verso. 1992) 85. 220 people, not the administration. command the power. Warr points to the cormpt interests of

establishment:

Of interests. some are grounded upon ueaknrss and some upon corruption. The most lahlinterests are sown in weakness and ha\-e thrir rise and growth there. Apostle. prophet. evangelist were only for the perfecting of the saints. Physicians are of the like interest to the body. Mam*ageis but a help and corn tort in a dead state. for in resurrection they neither many nor are given in rna~iapr.~"

For Warr, the institutions of law. religion. medicine and mrirriage are ail '-interests" which are

founded on either weakness or corruption. No "interest" is good because it is worldly. based either

in the weakness of one who requires it. or in the corruption of one who exploits those who are

weak. Warr's model of an ideal world is for other \\-riters a state of complete anarchy.

For the Utopian socialist. the object was not simpl?. to adopt the pre-existing body politic

model. as the Presbyterians had done. replacing its es isting head with their own. The anti-

tolerationists feared that a sectarian body politic would feature either a female head. or a divided.

monstrous. or headless body. The millenarian ideal. ho\\-e\-cr.involved levelling and degendenng

the state, the family. and the individual. both physically and linguistically. The Utopian vision

required the complete erasure of former models ofgoiwnnient to create a space for the kingdom of God on earth. Holstun finds in Socrates the basis of tlir Utopian aesthetic. "They will take the city and the characters of men. as if they were a tablet- and uipe them clean - no easy task. But at any rate you know that this would be their first point of difference fiom ordinary reformers, that they would refüse to take in hand either individual or stats or to legislate before they have

'04 John Warr. Corruption and Deficiencv in the Laus of Enrrland (June 1 1, 1649). S~arkin the Ashes 106. 22 1 received a clean date or themselves made it clean."'"' Where Royalists had argued that

monarchical government stood as a divinely appointed natiiral order. those from the radical sects

perceived that the traditional body politic produced enslavement. comipting the divine and naturd state through the artifices of attire. Iaw. economic orciers, sesual constraints. socio-economic standing. and linguistic hierarchies.

This corruption had so permeated society that the body itself was no longer a plainly corporeai entity, but an organism which could not help but convey tropological significance. Its gender, corn portment, size, pro portionality. beauty .and de tomi ty had become encoded by the corrupt, hegemonic order. Even science was complicit in encoding the body with interna1 hierarchies.'" The radical solution was not only to le\,el society's hierarchical institutions, but to make the body itself a tabuia rasa. Warr writes.

And though there be a vein of beauty in al1 these rhings. yet the glory thereof is hid fiom ordinary understandings. who behoid oniy the thce or rather the vizard of things, which must needs represent an ugl y and deformed state. > et the beauty is seen by the spiritual man, who. in the Iight of the spirit, foresses the tàll of flesh and worldly pomp. and rejoices therein.'''

The images of deformity. so prominent in popular ephemera. are for Warr rnerely a mask which hides intemal, divine beauty from the unenlightened. The state of near or perceived anarchy articulates to the millenarian the approach of a godly kingdom on earth where worldly order

'O5 Holstun 36. quoting Plato. Plato 6: The Rcpublic. Trans. Paul Shorey. 2 vols. Loeb C lassical Library (Cambridge: Harvard UP. 1 930) 2.7 1 -73.

For Harrington. however. William Hanefs recent discovery of blood circulation provided a mode1 for a utopian body politic: "So the Parliament is the which. consisting of two ventricles, the one greater and replenished with a grosssr store. the other less and ndhill of a purer, sucketh in and gusheth forth the life blood of Oceana by ri perpetual circulation." James Hanington, Oceana 1656. cd. S. B. Liljegren ( Westport: H>.perion. 1979)149.

507 John Warr. Administrations Civil and S~iritual( 1648) A S~arkin the Ashes 29. would be overthrown:

LVII the design of God . . . is to throw down principalit ies and powers. and to exalt things of Iow degree. LVIII You'll Say. this principle overthrows al1 ordsr. niagistracy. govemment. and lets lwse the reins to al1 licentiousness. and makes the u-orld a Iieap? Al1 these prejudices must be removed: and. in order thereunto. consider LIX That there may be a counterfeit order in the tortns c~t'theworld. which brings fleshly ease; but God delights to overthrow this order. and to se1 up his own confusion. which indeed is the best order; for the order of the world is contiision. but Gd's order is peace.'*'

Utopian writers insist that social chaos and inversion are manitèstations of a divine plan. Still,

their mission is to do everything in their power to rtspeditr the perceived will of God through

social levelling. Hawes writes. -'The texts from this millenarian milieu were shaped most decisively by the political and rnilitary vicissitudes of the Lx\-ellers. whose radical political program had threatened. across sectarian divisions. to t.mulsif\. and unite sipnificant secton of the

Job. Lilburne's The Fee-man's Freedom Vindicated ( 1646) retums to the Creation to find the principles of an egalitarian state:

[Adam and Eve] are the earthly original fountain . . . of ail and every particular and individual man and woman . . . in the ~vorldsincr. nlio are. and wre. by nature al1 equal and alike in power. dignity. authority. and rnajsst'.. none of them having by nature any authority, dominion. or magisterial power one o\xr and above another; neither have they, or cm they exercise any. but merely by institution or donation, that is to Say, by mutual consent and agreement. for the good benefit and corn fort each of other. and not for the

'O8 John Warr. Administrations Civil and Sviritual 44.

'OP Clement Hawes. "'Man is the Wornan': Lrvcl l ing and the Gendered Body Po1 itic in Enthusiastic Rhetoric" 36. 223 mischief, hurt. or damage of any.5'0

The Leveller project sees in the pre-lapsarian state its ideal world view of equality between ail men and women. People can contnct with one anoi1ic.r Iiir pousr. but only by mutual consent and for mutual benefit. Al1 other forms of attaining powr arc: cisemed illegitimate. compt, and sinhi.

In Lilbunie's version of the Fall. original sin is Adrini's (not Eve's). and is defined by his illegitimate quest for p~wer.~''The Leveller ideal. as detined here by Lilbume. is similar to the millenarian ideal, but its purpose is to refonn the governmsnt. not expedite the apocalypse. Like other (very) radical thinkers. however. Lilbume separates power from gender.

Prophet Anna Trapnel constructs herself as the levelled. but mystical body politic. The Cry of a Stone (1 654), appears initially to be spiritual autobiography: "I am Anna Trapnel . . . my mother died nine years ago. the last words she uttered upon her death-bed. were these to the Lord for her daughter. Lord I Double thy spirit upon my child: These words she uttered with much eagerness three times. and spoke no more. 1 was tnined up to my book and writing, I have walked in fellowship with the Church.""' Trapnel's initial lucidit).. and her sense of mortal, identifiable self, soon give way to the voice of the mystical "handniaid of God." As she relates her bodily traumas, she personifies the turmoils of the nation. Hsr kisions begin during the civil wars.

And having fasted nine days. nothing coming within my lips. 1 had upon the ninth day this Vision of homs; first 1 saw in the Vision the Ami, coming in a SouthWark-way, marching through the City with a great deal of silence and quietness. and that there should be Me or no bloud spilt; this was some weeks before t heir coming in.

"O John Lilbume. The Free-Man's Freedom Viiidicated (1646). Puritanism and Liberty 3 17.

" ' John Lilburne. Free-Man's Freedom 3 1 8.

5'2 Anna Trapnel. The Crv of a Stone (Fsbriiary 20 1654) E. 730 (3) 3. As Trapnel purifies her body through fasting. civi 1-w-ar bloodshed is prevented. With the intervening peace. she claims. '-1 found a continual tùlness in rny stomack. and the taste of sweet meats and delicious food therein. which satisfied me."" ; During the followinp wars against

Scotland and the Dutch Republic. her body becomes a toni~redbattlsground. both deprived and redeemed by her fasting. ln psychic anticipation of Clarrisoii's dissolution of Parliament. she frequently attempts suicide; eschewing her houx. she s lscps in ditches: çpisodes which she refers to in a Lem-like fashion as O-mystoms.""'l Her bod)-'s airophy and illness are represented as

God's levelling of the nation and its edifices:

Now thou art upon thy Temple-work. shall thcy be building great Palaces for themselves? The Souldiers slight thy handmaid . . . they sa\-thess are Convulsion-fits. and Sickness, and diseases that make thy handmaid to be in weakness: Bu; oh they know not the pouring forth of thy Spirit. for that makes the body to crurnblc."'

Infused with God's levelling spirit. her body. as the body of the nation. crumbles. Trapnel emphasizes the significance of her occupation of the White ha1 l palace. She initially addresses

Cromwell:

I have brought my word into thy place. th' vep Pallace. and it shall enter the very walls and hangings thereof against thee . . . For lien rliey Iiad got in their great body, that she must not have spoken here. that they might see. tfiat it is thou Lord. that makes a cry to corne out against their transgression; The Lord wou Id have your Protestations, Vows, Covenants and Narrations brought into your Pallace against you. this shall be bitteness in your dishes; You shall have plenty and fulnrss. but uithout ~ornfort."~

Her warnings to Cromwell become a curse. Her poww in the palace overthrows that of Cromwell.

'13 Anna Trapnel. The Cw of a Stone 5.

"" Anna Trapnel. The Crv of a Stone 10.

"'Anna Trapnel. The Cry of a Stone 29.

'16 Anna Trapnel. The Crv of a Stone 70. Her body stands in opposition to the 'Xreat body" ofdisbclirven who will continue in the palace

afier her departure. The images of food and consumption. ~rhichshe uses so frequently in relation

to her own body are now used in relation to her rnem? 's çonsumption of bitter "dishes." Trapnel's

mystical body. which penneates Whitehall and suftirs as the nation suffers is not the body of her

initial. mortal "1." The levelled body of God's handmaid crumbles as state hierarchies are

levelled, but the body of Anna Trapnel is unscathed, --Aller she had kept her bed 1 1. dayes

together, without any sustenance at al1 for the first the da>.es.and with onely a little toste in small

beer in 24 hours for the rest of the time, she rose up in the morning. and the sarne &y travelled on

foot from White-Hat[ to Hackny. and back to .Lfurk-Lme in London. in health and strength."'"

Although Trapnel says very 1ittle about her own gender. she retains her femaleness as God's

handmaid; the mysticai Trapnel becomes a fsmale body politic.

While Royalists. Presbyterians. and evén Independents such as Milton and Chidley use

gender to personiS, particular powers of the state. the church. or intangible qualities such as Tmth,

there is some atternpt. among the Utopian socialists to iitilize personification without gender specificity. Warr, like Lilburne. uses the analogy of a ibuntain as the source of freedom:

So that here is the proper fountain of good and righteous laws. a spirit of understanding big with freedom and having a single respect to people's rights. Judgment goes before tu create a capacity. and fieedom follows afier to ti 1 1 i t up. And thus law cornes to be the bank of freedom. which is said not to straighten [i-e. constrict) but to conduct the Stream. A people thus watered are in a thnving posture: and the law reduced to its onginal state, which is the protection of the poor against the n~i~lity.''~

In Warr's body politic, the fountain is personified as "ri spirit of understanding," a pregnant body

"big with freedom." Judgment creates a womb-like --capacity" where freedom grows. While the

Anna Trapnel. The Crv of a Stone 76.

"'John Warr. Corniotion and Deficienc!. 92. scene suggests growth. fertility. nurture. and abundance. there is no gender. no marriage, no sexual activity. and certainly no monstrous births. In an erri n-here writers are inclined to use the term "men" or "mankind," Warr chooses the cornpletel>.gcnder-neutral term "people." Although the passage flows as smoothly as the water it describes. its \ ision is radically heterodox. The rhetonc of freedom. people's rights. the proletarian srruggle of the poor against the mighty. is as clear and forcehl in its arguments for social inversion ris the militant Levelters.

The ultimate millinerian ideal is sel f-effaciny. not only destroy ing the constnicts of anti- tolerationists. but overthrowing the constructions o t' its on n n orkers and the authority of its own lay clergy. Warr claims, 'rhe distinction of clergy and lait! came up under the protection of forrn.

Fom makes faction and division. even amongst the saints."'" Any earthly 'form,' any worldly hierarchy, creates faction and division. Divorce from ' tbm' expedites the arrivai of Gd's kingdom on earth. Epistles between Coppe and Mrs. T.P.- a --convertedJew." articulate the process of levelling bah body and state to achieve divine sel f-etlfacement.

Mrs T.P. is presented as Coppe's acolyte. Still bound by a marital title and worldly hierarchies, she confides in Coppe her sense of self and self-transfonning vision: "What though we are weaker vessels. women. &c. yet strength shall ahoiind. and WC shall mount up with wings as Eagles; we shall walke. and not be weary. run. and not tàint: When the Mun-Child Jesus is brought forth In Us. Oh what a tedious. faint way ha~eut. been led about . . . we were twice more the sonnes of slavery then."5'0 While Mrs. T.P. uses self-dcprecating language. it is not entirely

gender-based. "We are weaker vessels." she claims. "woinen &c." The etcetera includes Coppe,

-

519 John Warr, Administrations Civil and S~iritual60.

"O Mrs. T.P.. '-Epistle IV." Coppe. Somr Sn-ertSips 64. her correspondent. She uses femaleness as one exarnple of mortal weakness. but leaves other examples unspecified. Likewise, "sonnes of s Iavel." incl udes both herse1f and her correspondent who, in her mind have yet to have their persons razed and repossessed by God. Coppe. eliminating her title and correcting her discourse. repies. --Dear Sister . . . Dear Fnend, why doest in thy letter say, (what though we be weaker Vessels. women? &c.) 1 know that Male and Female are al1 one in Christ, and they are al1 one to me. 1 had as live heare a daughter. as a sonne

prophesie."5" Coppe, in replying. places a question mark afler '-women." separating the "&c"

(himself) from the state of weakness and slavery and aligning his opinion with that of Christ.

Ironicdly, he proceeds to enlighten T.P. about the state of her own femaleness. Coppe envisions himself as a spirituai guide to T.P.. not only because he c2n instmct her on how to transcend her gendered state, but because 'the conversion of the Jews' signailed the apocalypse. Despite

Coppe's self-proclaimed egalitarianism, he does not accord T.P. autonomy. Coppe, continuing to use the body as the topos of the reformed state. sees the Jçwish woman as occupying a strategic, interpretable space or textual site which requires erasure and rewriting.

Coppe re-interprets T.P.'s dream, which she had initiaily presented to him with her own interpretation. Mrs. T.P. presents her dream to Coppe:

1 was in a place, where 1 saw al1 kinde of Beasts of the field; wilde, and tame together, and ail kinde of creeping wormes. and al1 kinde of Fishes - in a pleasant river, where the water was exceeding cleere . . . And al1 these beasts. wormes and Fishes, living, and recreating themselves together. and rny selfe with them: yea. we had free correspondence together . . . At last 1 tooke one of the wildest, as a Tiger. or such like. and brought it in my bosorne away, form al1 the rest. and put a Collar about him for mine owne. and when 1 had thus done it, it grew wilde againe. and strove to get from me."'

-- "' Abiezer Coppe, "Epistle V." Some Sweet Sips 66. ''' Mrs. T.P.. '-EpistIe IV." Some Sweet Sips 64-65. The scene of diverse beasts 'recreating themselves together' at the river is reminiscent of

Featley's analogy of 'wild beast in Afkica.' drinking at the same river and interbreeding to engender 'strange monsten' or 'mongrel heresies.' While Featley sees in sectarianism a promiscuous mingling of classes and religions. this levelling of hierarchies and destruction of boundaries presents to the radical thinker a proto-communist utopia. T.P. continues,

And it was shewen me. that rny having so free a commerce with al1 sorts of appearances, was my spiritua11 libertie. - and certainly. did 1 know it. it would be a very glorious liberty, and yet a perfect Law too. . . Now conceminp my taking one of them hmal1 the rest (as distinct,) and setting a collar about it - this was my weaknesse, and here cornes in al1 our bondage, and death, by appropriating of things to our selves. and for our selves?

T.P sees herself in the dream committing a two-fold error. The appropriation of things or beings creates bondage; acquisition nins contmy to the levelling mode1 of liberty. The setting apart and colIarin5, however, is a separate error. It is an act of identifjing. labelling, or naming. in collaring the animal, T.P. sees it as distinct or interpretable. In the single unity of God. only one Truth exists, fiee of individuality and not subject to distinction or interpretation. AAer interpreting her drearn, T.P. seems to become aware of the paradox She backs down fkom her own interpretation:

"waite therefore upon God for a funher understanding of this thing," she warns Coppe.'"

Coppe's response, however. is to appropnate the dream and re-interpret it. Viewing himself as her mentor, Coppe writes, "It seemes you have tooke some of the Wildest appearances, formes, or figures into your bosome. So have 1, but most of them are gone. vanisht in a moment."5z Coppe refuses to relinquish his power of interpretation. While he desires to see al1 forms and bodies

"3 Mrs. T.P., "Epistle IV." Some Sweet Si~s63.

'" Mrs. T.P., &EpistIeIV," Some Sweet Sips 65. '" Coppe. "Epistle V." Some Sweet Sios 71. levelled, he wants to command the levelling: "Mun is the Woman. and thou art the Mun, the Saints are thy Spouîe, our Maker is our Husbond; We are no more nwine. but One. ~a~eIujah."~'~

Divorced fiom the world. its hierarchies, and even the tlesh itself. the purified, spiritual body is transgendered, polygamous. and bisexuat in its new Godly unity. Of heterodox thinken, Coppe

represents one of the most extreme. a

Milton, however, presents a similar image in Paradise Lost:

For Spirits when they please Can either Sex assume. or both; so sofi And uncompounded is thir Essence pure. Not ti'd or manacl'd with joint or limb. Not founded on the brittle strength of bones. Like curnbrous flesh; but in what shape they choose Dilated or condens't, bright or obscure. Can execute thir aery purposes, And works of love or enrnity fuIfi1.5'7

Although the belief in the Protean nature of spirits has much earlier origins. Milton's emphasis on the mutability of gender contains the echo of antinornian rhetoric. Like Coppe's vision of his own spiritual state, Milton's unbodied spirits, vacillating in gender. refuse to relinquish control over events in the mortal world. Whether or not Milton intended these lines to respond to the radical and politicized body, they are intended to end dialogue. The epic poem becomes a body steeled against animadversion; the very magnitude of its constitution. like the corpus rnysricum, consolidates not oniy the vast expanses of Heaven. He11 and Universe, but also the minutiae of

Coppe, "Epistle V." Some Sweet Si~s69.

5'7 Milton, Paradise Lost. John Milton: Com~letePoems and Maior Prose, ed. Memtt Y. Hughes (New York: Macmillan. 1957) 1:423-43 1. Hughes daims Milton's source for this passage is MichaeI Psellus' tenth-century work. De O~erationeDaemonum, republished in 16 15 in Paris, "and widely quoted by writers on witchcraft to explain spirit-apparitions in the foms of beasts, men. or angels." Com~letePoems (fn.) 222. 230 controversial exchanges into its discorda concorse. If Paradise Lost appem to be a Renaissance

text, it is because of nostalgic re-embodiment of Renaissance discourse. As a political allegory,

Paradise Lost becomes not only a Restoration text. but a subversive one. Its epic grandeur

disallows the civil war period to be cast as an historicai aberration. Unlike his amnesiac Satan,

neither Milton nor his contemporaries could erase the memory of revolution.

The Restoration could not restore either the household or the nation to its former sense of

domestic harmony. Despite the fiequent lampooning of civil war radicals in Restoration satire, the

events of 1642- 1660 revealed the uneasy facts that the marriage between the king and subject

could fail. People fiom the lower orders could level social hierarchies, not only with the sword,

but with the pen; and wornen could leave the patriarchal family and use their words to give voice

and motion to a new body politic in which fernale heads and bodies divorced themselves fiom

masculinist discourse. Under the aegis of Cromwell's tolerationism, sectarians levelled and de-

gendered the body politic, rehsing to subordinate to any head that was determined either by

gender or estate. Milton's atternpts to re-masculinize the nation through divorce represent part of

larger debates which resulted in a short-lived. but spectacular period of masculinist failure.

Conclusion: Response Texts and Restoration

The pamphlet wars of 1640- 1660 constitute a print-culture phenornenon unprecedented in size and diversity. 1 have selected works fiom this era which 1 believe are representative of this 23 1 revolutionary literature, and which capture the spirit of pamphlet warfare. The hundreds of works which this thesis investigates. however, represent less than two percent of the total output of the presses for this twenty-year period. This is not so much a conclusion as it is a beginning. In the case of Milton, 1 have included only contemporq responses to the divorce tracts, yet there are many later responses, with the most prominent king the inclusion of Milton's lines in Farquhar's

The Beau Strateeem. Eikonoclastes, itself a response to Eikon Basilikae, is part of a much larger pamphlet wa.. One of the paradoxes of the pamphlet wars of the 1640s and 1650s is that while pamphieteers make frequent attempts to encode their texts. they yeam for responses. Despite their ongoing cornplaints of babble and sedition, civil war and interregnum parnphleteen welcomed a response, and ofien complained when no response came. Pamphlets, generically, exist as part of a dialogue, yet the dialogic nature of pamphlet warfare. and the sense of a pamphlet's occasioning receive criticai attention even less frequently than does a single text From other pamphlet wars we retain Sidney's A Defence of Poesv, Marvell's Rehearsal Transpros'd, and Defoe's Shortest

Wav with Dissenters, but very little of the dialogues in which they participate. Throughout my thesis, 1 refer to pamphlets in a series as response texts. In reconsideration of this term, I am now uncertain as to whether it is usehl in distinguishing pamphlets from other, more familiar genres of literature. 1s there any piece of literature that is not a response text? tn critical discourse, terms such as "allusion" and "intertextuaiity" are accorded a higher ethos than "animadversion." Yet cntical discourse is itself a fonn of animadversion.

Responses, whether they occur in the form of animadversion. allusion, intertextuality or cntical discourse renew the currency of a text and invite a re-reading. One genre of respnse which does not renew the validity of a text, however, is satire. The anti-feminist satires in Chapter

2, for example, appropriate and distort the opponent's voice so that the satirized author becomes 232 so repulsive or insignificant that her actuai works slip into obscurity. Satire induces amnesia, repositioning people, events, and texts in a context which erases the originai. and replaces it with an ofien-comic replica. The popularity of Restoration satire is a testament to its amnesiac quality, and it is one fom of response to the literature of the previous decades. Samuel Butler's mock-epic

Hudibras stands as an encyclopaedic incorporation of the events of war, sectarïanism, pamphieteering, politics, and female activism. replacing i ts recent history and literature with enormously popuiar, comic revisionism. It is not so much a reminder of actual circumstances, but an aid to forgetting the horrors of chaos and war. Some movements, such as the Digger's communal gardens, and the Leveller's cal1 for the extirpation of the 'Noman yoke,' did vanish.

Issues such as female preaching and religious toleration. however, remained contentious throughout the Restoration.

AIthough the Cromweltian interregnum populanzed women preachers, it also made frequent use of scold's bndles, ducking stools. whipping. and imprisonment as acts of violence against them. The notorious Adultery Act of 1650. determined that an aduherous woman would receive the death penalty, whereas a male adulterer would receive a light prison sentence. This persecution of the vocal fernate body, and its representations in revolutionary literature are yet another area for critical investigation. Despite persecution under Cromwell, however, the publication of female authored texts declined sharply under Charles II, and did not surpass interregnum production levels until the end of the century. Wornen writers in the 1640s and 1650s were predominantly religious and political radicals. As the distinctions between public and private space began to be redefined, a decorous space for virtuous women writen eventually emerged.

Katherine Philips, who began writing poetry during the interregnum, never faltered in her Royalist allegiance, even though her husband was a Cromwellian and a member of the trial court which 233

condemned Charles I. Katherine Philips is one of the fint women writers to emerge successfully.

The cooking manuais and conduct books of Hannah Woolley helped to establish a new sense of

deconim, locating her work in a virtuous female space which the Restoration created. Anne

Killigrew, in the eyes of Dryden, fits into an appropriate female space: "Her Arethusian Stream

remains unsoiledJ Unrnixed with foreign filth. and undefiled." It was not easy, however, for

outspoken Restoration women to fit into this space. Despite her Royalist allegiance, Margaret

Cavendish became the subject of scandal, her notoriety king surpassed only by the arriva1 of

Aphra Behn. Despite their notoriety, both published prolifically.

The temporary press fkedom of the civil wars may have opened the door for women writea, but it did not remain open for the revolution's female radicals. The writings of women preachen and prophets are now receiving cntical attention. although political radicals such as

Elizabeth Lilburne have yet to become subjects of investigation. Despite the excellence of some recent works on mid-seventeenth-century ephemera there remain some major impediments to broadening the scope of cntical discourse. Fint texts need to become more available through republication, and more accessible through edited scholarly editions. Also, the genres which are most prevalent during this period do not have a history of king read as literature or subjected to critical analysis. In approaching a five-act tragedy. we anticipate a denouement. In an epic, we might expect to fmd an apotheosis. We do not. however. tend to look at false imprints as tropological, or read pamphlet pseudonyms as part of genre theory. That a pnnted petition is an innately democratic work with a titular enthememe. or that a cooking manual contains veiled political messages is not established. While al1 literary texts are coded, ephemera often contain a different system of coding than established canonical works. 1 hope that this thesis not oniy makes the print-culture ephemen of mid-seventeenth-century England more accessible, but that it conveys what is interesting and extraordinary about these works. The Parlament of Women (1640) Appendix 1

John Taylor and The Parlament of Women: an Attribution

During the pamphlet wars of the 1640s. numerous anonymous satires appeared depicting a female Parliament. Yet the -Parliament of Women' pamphlets find their origins in a 1630s revival of the Jacobean fashion debates. The text which initially took images of women out of the fashion debates and into the world of political satire is an overlooked text The Parlament of Women

(1640), and 1 will argue that this pamphlet is the work of John Taylor. the Water-Poet.

While Wing attributes to Henry Neville al1 of the civil-war pamphlets which utilize a female Parliament title, three of these texts are reprints of the anonyrnous 1640 work, The

Parlament of W~men.~''The Root and Bmch Petition of December 1640 cornplains of "the swanning of lascivious, idle, and unprofitable books and pamphlets. play-books and bailads; as namely . . . 'The Parliament of Women," which came out at the dissolving of the last

~arliament'.~'~The Parlament of Women, entered into the Stationer's Reeister 18 June 1640, is probabl y the only extant female Parliarnent pamphlet whic h corresponds to that cornplaint. Also,

528 Donald Wing, Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in Enpland. Scotland. Ireland, Wales. and British Amenca 1641- 1700, ed. Timothy J. Crist, et al. 2nd edn, 3 vols (New York: Index Cornmittee MLA, 1972-88). The Pariament of Women (1640) STC 19306, was reprinted as The Parliament of Women (1646) Wing P505. The Parliarnent of Ladies (1 647) Wing N5 12A, and The Parliament of Women (1656) Wing P506. Neither the British Library Catalogue nor Nevilie's entry in the Dictionaw of National Biogra~hvattribute these texts to Neville. Neville probably contributed the following texts to the 'Parliament of Women' senes: The Ladies Parliament (1 647) Wing NSOS: An Exact Diurnall of the Parliament of Ladies (1 647) Wing N504; The Parliament of Ladies. Or Diverse Remarkable Passages of Ladies in SD&P Garden (1 647) Wing N 5 1 1 and a 2nd edn. N5 12; The Ladies. a Second Time. Assembled in Parliament (1647) Wing N507; and Newes from the New Exchanne. or the CommonweaIth of Ladies (1650) Wing N5 10.

5'9S.R. Gardiner (ed.), The Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, (Oxford: CIarendon, 1968), 139. the Stationer's Reeister records no other sirnilarly titled pamphlets between May and December of 1640. Neville is unlikely to have written this text as he first became involved in English politics and parnphleteenng following his retum from 1taly in 1645.'" Critics, however, have overlooked the !640 edition. citing only the 1646 and 16-47 reprints. As these later reprints are perceived as originating durinp the civil war. thel. are easily conflated with Neville's similarly- titled parnphlet~."~

Patncia Higgins suggests that The Parliamenr of Women ( 1646). dong with Neville's female Parliament pamphlets. responded to women's protests and petitions which began in

1642."' While the 1640 text may have ben reprinted as a response to women activists, the satire seems more to be an extension of earlier anti-feminist satires than a text occasioned by a particular political event. One of the few topical allusions in the text is to 'The Panentees Crowne

S~ape."'~'As Kevin Sharpe notes. "The gant oîa patent for the manufacture of a new soap was one of the most scandalous episodes of the persona1 rule'- of Charles 1.'" While Taylor would become an ardent Royalist. this pamphlet's disparaging of monopoly soap is consistent with

Taylor's disdain of governent monopolies in his pre-1642 pamphlet^.'^ Despite this

5'9 Dictionarv of National Biomphv. s.v. Ne\.ille.

Brian Patton, citing the 1647 reprint. repeats the Wing error and consequentially reads this work as a Parliamentarian tract. Brian Patton. --The Women are Revolting? Women's activism and popular satire in the English Revolution." Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 23.1 (1 993) 69-87.

s3' Patricia Higgins. "The Reactions of Women with Special Reference to Women Petitioners," Politics. Relieion and the Endish Civil War 2 10.

532 The Parlament of Women (1640) sip. B3.

533 Kevin Sharpe, The Personal Rule of Charles 1 (New Haven and London, 1992) 122.

'" Bernard Capp. The World of John Ta\.lor the Water-Poet. 1578-1 653 162-163. pamphlet's dearth of explicit po!itical allusions. the public attack on The Parliament of Women,' brought the title into a growing political melee.

Neville appropriates this pre-existing female Parliament trope. discovering that feminizing the enemy was a popular tack. Taylor opened the door for the Parliamentanan Neville, claims one pamphleteer. Match Me these Two ( 1647)- at'flrming Taylor's involvement in the senes, presents John Taylor as a doorkeeper. ushenng in the anonymous author of

Parliarnent of Ladies.'" Interestingly. the accused. whom we now know to be Neville, is charged with "rowing one way. and looking anothcr.""^ Neville. by appropriating the image of a female Parliament, unuittingly casts aspersions on his own Party. yet the expression which is used to denomce him is the proverbial criticism of the waterman. and a reflection on the water- poet who ushen him in.''' Near the end of the civil \vars. Taylor and other Royalists, writing under the pseudonym Mercurius Melancholicus. produced four texts which are variations on the female Parliament theme. but al1 appeared after the publication of Match Me these Two. '3

The Parliarnent of Ladies with their Lawes Newly Enacted ( 1647) is a reprint of the

1640 text., The Parliament of Ladies. Or Diverse Rémarkable Passages of the Ladies in S~ring Garden (1 647) is an entirely different work which Thomason attnbuted to Neville. Match Me these Two provides a detailed description of the pamphlet in question. which is obviously Neville's vitriolic anti-Royalist satire, not a reprint of the 1640 text.

s36MatchMe these Two (1 617) Wing M 1 077 13.

537 Recall, for example. By-ends: 'my Great Grand-father was but a Water-man, looking one way, and Rowing another: and I got most of my estate by the same occupation'. John Bunyan, Pilem's Progress (Oxford, 1984) 8 1.

538~istrisParliament Brou~htto Bed of a Monstrous Childe of Refomation (April 1648) Wing M2281; Mitris Parliament Her Gossi~ing(May 1648) Wing M2282; ME. Parliarnent. her invitation of Mrs. London. to a Thankeseivin~dinner (May 1648) Wing M2283; and Mistris Parliarnent Presented in Her Bed (May 1648) Wing M2284. See Joseph Frank. of the Enalish Newspawrs, 1620- 1 660 (Cam bridge MA: Harvard UP. 1 96 1 ) 136-1 38, 197, and Lois Potter, "The Mistress Parliament Political Dialogues." The Journal of Analytical and Enurnerative Bibiioszra~hv1 (1 987) 107. 239 While Mercurius Melancholicus's 'Mistress Par1 iament' pamphlets clearly denounce

Parliarnentary rule, Henry Neville's pamphlets. beginning with The Ladies Parliament (l647), direct their vitriolic satire at such prominent figures as Prince Rupert and Kenelm Digby, as well as a host of identifiable Royalist women. The title and scenario of The Parlament of Women

(1640) presents an obvious borrowing from Aristophanes. and the frame story derives fkom

Macrobius' Satumalia, in which the young Papirius. in order to protect state secrets hmhis mother, lies to her, infoming her of a Senate decree that al1 men should have two wives.

Papirius' mother spreads the rumour, and the Roman women storm the Senate, demanding that al1 women be allowed two hu~bands.~'~

The characters in The Parlament of Women. however. derive from a series of anti- ferninist 'Lecture' pamphlets pemed between 1637 and 1640. in which images of female domination revive a Jacobean controversy regarding the increasingly masculine nature of women's fashions. Taylor is known to have contributed three pamphlets to this series, which began with Thomas He>wood's Curtaine Lecture ( 1637). Other contributions include Richard

Brathwait's A Boulster Lecture (1 640)' and Manin Parker's Wonn-Wood ~ectures.~'Taylor's

A Juniper Lecture (1 639) and Diverse Crabtree Lectures ( 1639). like the pamphlets of Heywood,

Brathwait, and Parker, catalogue anecdotes of gossips. shrews. cuckolding wives, lusty viragos and weak, unwitting, or dmnken husbands. Taylor's The Womens Sharpe Revenw (l640),

539 Macrobius, The Satumalia 1.6.19-22: trans. Percival Vaughan Davies (New York: Columbia UP, 1969), 52-53.

Thomas Heywood. A Cunaine Lecture STC 1 33 12.5: Richard Brathwait, Ar't asleem husband? A Boulster Lecture STC 3555a. The earliest estant copy of Parker's A Brief Sum of Certain Worm-Wood Lectures appeared posthumously in 1682 Wing STC 13312. Taylor makes reference to this text in The Womens Shame Revenre (p 5). Therefore, the Worm-Wood Lectures original l y appeared in or before 1640. 240 describes itself as a female response to the various -Lecture' pamphlets, and its purported authors

'Mary Tattle-Weil' and 'Joan-Hit-him-home' provide a mock-defence of their sex. 91

The pseudonymous authors of The Womens Shame Revenee appear as characters in

Parlament of Women, where their names are transformed into 'Mistress Tattlewell' and 'Hannah

Hit-him-home'. While 'Dorothy Do-Me' appears as a character in both The Parlarnent of

Women and Diverse Crabtree Lectures. many other shared characters appear as close cousins.

'Beatrisse Bouldface' of Diverse Crabtree Lectures. for esample. becomes 'Brigit Boldface' in

The Parlarnent of Women. AI1 told. The Parlament of Women contains fourteen characters which share either a first name or surname with a character in Ta~lor'spamphlets. and al1 of these names remain alliterative. As well. a character in the Parlament of Women States that if a husband threatens his wife. "she may read him a Juniper Lecture.""' A Juniwr Lecture. Diverse

Crabtree Lectures, The Womens Sharpe Revence- and The Parlament of Women were al1 published anonymously and pnnted by John Okes."' Taylor registered the Juniper Lecture with the Stationer's Company on 4 August 1638. and on 24 Apd 1639. he registered "A Book called

A Crabtree Lecture with the womans sham reven~e."Simon Shepherd anributes The Womens

Sharpe Revenrre to Taylor. and Bernard Capp's recent hiography of John Taylor reaffirms the attribution of the Juniper and Crabtree Lectures. and of The Womens Shame Revengg?

%'John Taylor, A Junimr Lecture (1639) STC 23766: Diverse Crabtree Lectures (1639) STC 23747; The Womens Shame Revenee (1 640) STC 23706.

The Parlarnent of Women (1640) sigB1 v.

Y%ee Records of the Worshinful Comoanv of Stationers. 1554-1 920, (Cambridge, Chadwick-Healey microfonn), and A.W. Pollard and G.R. Redgrave. A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in Ennland. Scotland and lreland 1 475- 1 640.2nd edn.. 3 vols (London, 1986-9 1).

saSimon Shepherd, ed., The Women's Shan, Revence: Five Women's Pam~hletsfiom the Renaissance. Bernard Capp. The World of John Tavlor the Water-Poet. 1 578-1 653. Parlament of Women, however. has not previously been associated with Taylor's works, or

discussed in the context of the -Lectureœseries.

The Parlament of Women contains numerous clues to its authonhip. A reference to

'Green-goose Fair' recalls the -'faire of Greene Geese" in Tavlor's Goose."' A bawdy anecdote

concerning the size of a tailor's yard. probably originating in the Roxburghe ballad "A Meny

Discourse between a Country Lass and a Young Taylor" appears in Diverse Crabtee Lectures,

The Womens Shape Revengg and in The Parlament of Women? The following passages

illustrate the style in which anecdotes fiom Taylor's knoun works reappear in The Parlament of

Women. In Diverse Crabtree Lectures. a glazier's wife remarks to a fanier's wife:

"Poore man he is glad to hide himself in the house of Office. till your rage bee over: and one tirne, to ease his stomacke. he was glad to put his head in the hole. because you should not heare him ease his stomacke. and thrn could not gthis head out againe, but brought the seat up about his neck. like a mff band.""'

In The Parlament of Women. Dorothy Do-linle says of her husband.

"My good man came home drunke the other da'. and because 1 should not see him in that manner, he hid himself in the house of special OtXce. and there he began to ease his stomacke . . . because I should not heare him. hse thrusts his head into the hole; and whether it was his large Asses eares. or his Bull head and necke 1 cannot tell, but he could not get his head out againe. but needs must pull up the seate about his necke, so that he looked as if he had been in the Pillory." Upon u hich relation they al1 fell into a great laughter, and withall concluded that it was his horn~."~

In the second passage, the images are sharper and the jest more effective, capitalizing on the

YS The Parlament of Women (1640) sig. B1: Tavlor's Goose (1 62 1 ) in John Taylor, a the Works of John Tavlor the Water-Poet (1 630) 1 05- 1 1 1 .

Diverse Crabtree Lectures (1639) 47-49: The Women's Sharpe Revenee (1640) 166; The Parlament of Women (1640). sigs. A3-3v.

547 Diverse Crabtree Lectures (1 639) 77.

''" The Parlament of Women (1 640) siy. B3. 242 theme of cuckoldry. The occasional present tense of the second version. and the repmentation of the speaker as a participant rather than a passive observer. provide the anecdote with a greater sense of tension. immediacy and humour. The Parlament of Women repeats eleven passages fiom Taylor's known works. While some are Taylor's personal variation on popular proverbs, othen appear to be of his OH^ invention. In each case. a slighi re-working makes the passage more effective. The increased effectiveness of these jests or anecdotes would suggest that a single author has honed each idea over a period of tirne.

The similarities between Taylor's known norks and The Parlament of Wornen are too numerous to be dismissed as coincidental. While pamphleteers borrowed liberally hmeach othen' works. the repetition of numerous charactrrs and substantive passages from three separate. anonymously published texts is unusual. especially considering the continued punning on Taylor's narne. Also. The Parlament of Wonien does not repeat passages fiom Brathwait,

Parker or He-wood. Throughout the lecture' series, onIl Taylor's works bear the John Okes imprint. As well, Match Me these Two illustrates that Taylor's contemporaries knew of. or suspected his involvement in the 'Parliament of Womeii' series. Therefore. the author of

Parlament of Women was either John Taylor. or a clewr imposter who went to great lengths to convince his readers that he was. Bibliography

Texts appear in alphabetical order according to the sumame of the author, with the exception of Latinate constructions. which appear alphahctically, according to the first narne.

Pseudonymous texts are listed under the name of the pseudonymous author. If a reasonable attribution for the text exists, however. it is listed under the author's narne. Anonyrnous works, for which there is no certain attribution. are listed alphabetically according to the title of the text.

Works which bear only the author's initiais are listed alpliabetically under the terminal initial.

mebibliography includes both texts cited and tests consulted. and is divided into four sections. Manuscripts include both originals and facsimile reproductions of manuscript texts.

Pnmary materials are works which 1 have exarnined for their literary value. regardless of when they were witten or published. Secondary materials incl ude criticism. theorv, and historical information written after 1800. Reference materials include dictionaries. plossaries, bibliographies and catalogues which are specific io the concems of this thesis.

Manuscripts

"A Book of Common Old Remedies for Various Diseases. with Some Receipts of Confectionary;

in Two Parts." Elizabethan. ms. Ashmole 14-44 Fol. 5. 305-372; 373-390. Bodleian

Li brary .

Fox, Robert. "To Sir John Penington, 3 Februa~1642.-' PRO ms.

Great Britain, PRO. Com~leteState Pamrs Domestic. Brighton: Hamester. [microfilm].

--- . Records of the Worshi~fùlCom~anv of Stationers. 1554-1920. Cambridge: Chadwick-

Healy. [microfilm].

"Here Beemys Curye on Inglysche. bothe of Flesche and of Fysche." Late fourteenth centwy.

ms. Ashmole 1444. Fol.3.7. 190-192. Bodleian Li brary. 244

"Mary, Countess of Westmoreland to Secretary Windebank." May 1639. PRO ms..

Napier, Robert- 'Ihe Pocket-Book of Sir Robert Na~ier.Kniaht. Medicinal recipes in various

hands, titied according to the narne of contributor. Dated Feb 27, 1667 to May 18. 1668.

includes, "The Lady Kents Powder by the Lady Jennyrs." ms. Ashmole 1380. Bodleian

Libmy.

"To the High Court of Parliament: The Humble Peticon of the infants Babes and Suckelings of

the Citty of London." 1643? ms. Ashmole 830. Fol. 100. Bodleian Library.

Vyner, Mary. Medicinal Recei~tsCollected and Witten bv Marv Vvner. Wife of Sir Richard

Na~ierKninht. Mid-seventeenth centW. ms. Ashmole 1390. Bodleian Library.

Various recipes bound together, 1594 to 1670. Includes alchernical expenments and medicinal

recipes. ms. Ashole 204. Bodleian Library.

UntitIed political squib, fiom the Conway papers. beginning. "This day there was a commotion in

the House by reason of a disorder in the City." The ms. represents the House of

Cornmons as consisting of women. 164 1 . PRO ms.

Printeà Prima? Resources

A., E. Medico Mastix. or a PiIl for the Doctor: Beine a Short Re~ivto a Late Vindictive Letter,

Sent to Mr. Vicars. in the Name of Doctor Bastw-ick. Concemine Leiut: [sic] Coll: John

Lilbum. bv E.A. a She Presbvterian. November 7, 1645. 50:E.308 (22).

A., 1. The Good Womans Cham~ion.or. a Defence for the Weaker VesseII Beinn Fit for

Widdowes, Wives. Maidens. or Others to Read or Heare: Wherein 1s Vindicated the Bitter

Re~roaches.Scandalous Writinns of Some Fantastic Men anainst Poor. Hamilesse

Women and Maides. with a Caref'bll Wives Good Counsell to a Carelesse. Bad

Husband. 1650. Wing A9A. 245 An Account of the Proceedines of the New Parliament of Women Sitting at Gossi~s-Hall.Near

Knock-Vereies Whereunto 1s Annexed the Laneui shi no Maidens Petit ion against the

Widows Who Have Been Blessed with the Enioyment of Three or Four Several

Husbands: Here Is Also a Severe Course aaainst Those Widdowers That Shall Attem~tto

Marrv. Knowine Their OWI Inability As Not Beine Able to Satisfv the Lon-

Ex~ectationsof Their Eswused lnflicted umn Barchellors That Promise More Than Thev

Can Do. etc.. 1683. Wing A370.

Acts and Monuments of Our Late Parliament (October 8. 1659). 274:669:f.21 (8).

"Allies Hit Milosevic Close to Home," The London (Electronic) Telemaph. 23 April 1999.

www.telegraph.co.uk.

The Answer of the Commons. to a Petition. in the Name of Thousands Wel-Affected Persons

Lnhabitina the Citv of London. Westminster. Borounh- of Sourhwarke. and Hamlets. and

Places Adiacent. October 23, 1648. 75:E.468 (27).

An hswer to a Book. Intituled. The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, or a Plea for Ladies and

Gentlewomen. and AI1 Other Maried Women arrainst Divorce. Wherein Both Sexes Are

Vindicated fkom All Bonadee [sic] of Canon Law. and Other Mistakes Whatsoever: And

the Unsound Princioles of the Author Are Esamined and Fullv Confuted b~ Authority of

Holv Scri~ture.the Laws of This Land. and Sound Reason. November 19, 1644.3:E.17

(12).

An Answer :O the Character of an Exchange-Wench. or. a Vindication of An Exchanne-Woman.

1675. Wing A3394.

Antibrownistus Puritanomastix. Three Sweches. Being Such Srneches As the Like Were Never

Swken In the Citv. The First bv Master Warden to the Fellowes of His Combany, 246

Touchina the Affaires of the Kingdome. The Second bv Mistress Warden Beinn Her

Observatins on Her Hasbands Reverent Sbeech. to Certain Gentlewomen of Ratliffe and

Wapping. The Third bv Mistris Wardens Chamber-Maid As She Was Dressin~Her

Mistris. the Wisedome and Leming Whereof Will Amaze Your Judnements. October 9,

1642. 4 1 :E.240 (3 1 ). ap Morgan, Shon. The Welsh-Mans Wamine-Piece. As It Was Delivered in a Sermon in

Shro~shireat the Assemblv When the Resolution U'as Aszreed uwn. And Now Published

for the Cood of Al1 Her Countrv-Men in These Parts. In the Anti-Prelatian Yeer. 1642.

Wherin Her Gives Kot Thanks. That Her Was No Beshit. 1642.27:E. 1 54 (1).

Aretine, Peter. Stran~eNewes from Bartholomew-Fair. or. the Wandrinn-Whore Discovered,

Her Cabinet Unlockt. Her Secrets Laid Open. Unvailed. and Sbread Abroad in Whore and

Bacon-Lane. Duck-Street and The Garrison of Pve-Corner. With the Exact Manner of

Conveirrhina- St. Jameses Bawbyes to St. Bartholniews-Fair. for the Use of Al1 the Noble

Hectors, Tra~~ans.Pim~s. Dicks Mem Cullvs aud [sic] Mad-Conceited Lads of Great-

Bedlarn. 1661. Wing S5886.

Aristophanes. Ecclesiazusae. Trans. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. Arkto~hanes.Cambridge MA:

Harvard UP, 195 5-6 1 .

Aristotle. The Politics. Trans. Benjamin Jowett (Oxford: Clarendon. 1957).

The Arrai-ment. Conviction. and Im~risoninaof Christmas: On St. Thomas Da? Last. And How

He Broke out of Prison in the Holidaves and Got Awav. Onelv Lefl His Hom Hair, and

Gray Beard. Stickina between Two Iron Bars of a Window. With. an Hue and Cry afier

Christmas. and a Letter from Mr. Woodcock a Fellou- in Oxford. to a Malisgant Ladv in

London. And Divers Passages. between the Lady and the Cryer. about Old Christmas: 247 And Mat Shifi He Was Fain to Make to Save His Life. and Great Stir to Fetch Him Back

aeain.- With Other Diverse Wittv Passages.- Printed bv Simon Minc'd Pye for Cisselv

PIum Pomdee. January 6. 1646.52:E.3 15 ( 12).

Aubrey, John. 'Brief Lives.' Chieflv of Contemmraries. Set Down bv John Aubrev. between the

Years 1669 & 1696. 2 vols. Ed. Andrew Clark. Oxford: Clarendon. 1898.

- - - . Aubrev's Brief Lives. Ed. Oliver Lawson Dick. 1939: London: Mandarin, 1992. Bod. M93.

GOI 285.

Austin. John Ipseud]. See William Birchley.

Baillie, Robert. A Dissuasive fiom the Errours of the Time: Wherein the Tenets of the Princi~all

Sects. Es~eciallvof the Indewndents. Are Drawn Torrether in One Mav. for the Most

Part. in the Words of Their Own Authours. and Their Maine Pnnci~lesAre Examined b~

the Touch-Stone of the Holv Scri~tures.November 24. 1645. E 3 17 (5).

Baker, Kenneth, ed. The Faber Book of Ennlish Histon- in Verse. London: Faber, 1983.

Barclay, John. Iohn Barclav His Areenis. Translated out of Latine into Enelish. the Prose umn

His Maiesties Command. bv Sir Robert Le Gcs. . , : and the Verses bv Thomas Mav . . . ;

with a Clauis Amexed to It for the Satisfaction of the Reader. and Hel~innHim to

Understand. What Persons Were bv the Author Intended. under the Fained Narnes

Imvosed bv Him uwn Them. 1629. Centre for Renaissance and Refonnation Studies.

Behn, Aphra. The Works of A~hraBehn. Ed.. Janet Todd. 7 vols. London: W. Pickering, 1992.

[Birchley, William] aka "John Austin.'' A Zealous Sermon Preached at Amsterdam. bv a Jew

Whose Name is Not-Rub. it Beinn a Hebrew Word. You Must Read His Name Backward.

Cancros hitare Le~endo:Text. He that Hath Eares to Heare. Let Him Heare. 1642.

26:E. 149 (1 8). 248 [Birkenhead, John]. The Four-Leix'd Elder: Or. a Homble Relation of a haand an Elders

Maid. To the Tune of The Ladv's Fall. Septemkr 1. 1647.246:669.f.1 1 (70).

Bloodv Newes fiom Dover. Being a True Relation of the Great and Bloudv Murder. Committed

bv MW Chamuion (an Anaba~tist)Who Cut Off Her Childs Head. Beinn 7. Weekes Old,

and Held It to Her Husband to Ba~tize.Also. Another Great Murder Committed in the

North. bv a Scottish Commander. for Which Fact He Was Executed. February 13, 1647.

60:E.375 (20).

Blount, Thomas. The Academv of Eloauence. Containinrr- a Com~leatEnalish Rhetoriaue-

Exemplified. with Common-Places. and Formes. Dieested into an Easie and Methodical

W~Yto Soeak and Write Fluentlv. According to the Mode of the Present Times. Topether

with Letters Both Amorous and Mord mon Eniercent Occasions. January 29, 1654.

194:E. 1526(1).

Blount, Thomas. Glossograuhia: Or a Dictionam. Intemreting Al1 Such Hard Words. Whether

Hebrew. Greek. Latin. Italian. S~anish.French. Teutonick. Belnick.- British or Saxon: As

Are Now Used in Our Refined Enelish Tonrrue. Also the Terms of Divinitv. Law,

Phvsick. Mathematicks. Heraldy. Anatom!. N'sr. Musick. Architecture: and of Several

Other Arts and Sciences Ex~licated.With Etvmologies. Definitions. and Histoxicd

Observations on the Same. Verv Useful for Al1 Such As Desire to Understand What Thev

-Read. July 23, 1656. 199:E.1 573 (1).

A Book of Fruits and Flowers. Shewine the Nature and Use of Them. Either for Meat or

Medicine. As Also to Preserve, Conserve. Candv. and in Wedges. or Dw Them. To Make

Powders. Civet Bagges. Al1 Sorts of Surar-Works. Tum'd Works in Suaar,- Hollow. or

Frutaees: and to Pickell Them. And for Mèat. To Make Pves. Biscat. Maid Dishes, 249 March~anes.Leeches. and Snow. Craknels. Caudels. Cakes. Broths. Fritterstuffe,

Puddings. Tans. Svnibes. and Sallets. For Medicines. To Make Al1 Sorts of Pouitisses,

and Serecloaths for Anv Member Swell'd or Inflamed. Ointments. Waters for Ali

Wounds. and Cancers. Salves for Aches. to Take the Aaue- out of Anv Place Buming or

Scaldin~:for the Sto~~ingof Suddain Bleeding. Curing the Piles. Ulcers. Ruvtures,

Couphs. Consum~tions.and Killine of Warts. to Dissolve the Stone. KiIlin~the R~P-

Worme. Emroids. and Drovsie. Paine in the Ears and Teeth, Deafnesse. Contra Vim

Monis. Non Est Medicamen in Honis. 1653. E. 690 ( 13). Rpt. 1656. Wing 83709.

Borges, Jorge Luis. Labvinths: Selected Stones and Other Writinas. New York: New

Directions? 1964.

[Brathwait, Richard]. Ar'; Asleex Husband? A Boulster Lecture: Stored with AI1 Variety of

Wiw Jeasts. Mem Tales. and Other Pleasant Passages:- Extracted. From the Choicest

Flowers of Philoso~hv.Poesv. Antient and Moderne Historv. Illustrated with Examdes of

hcomparabie Constancv. in the Excellent Histon of Philocles and Doriclea. Bv

Philogenes Panedonius. 1640. STC 3555.4.

Bray, Thomas. A New Sect of Religion Descneed. Called Adamites de ri vin^- Their Religion

fiom Our Father Adam: Wherein Thev Hold Themselves to Be Blamelesse at the Last

Dav. Thounh Thev Sinne Never So E~repioush-.for Thev Challenge Salvation as Their

Due fiom the lnnocencie of Their Second Adam: This Was First Disclosed bv a Brother

of the Same Sect to the Author. Who Went Along with This Brother. and Saw Ail These

Passages- Following. 164 1. Wing B4295.

Bridge, William. The Wounded Conscience Cured. the Weak One Strenethened. and the

Doubtine Satisfied. Bv Wav of Answer to Doctor Feame: Where the Maine Point is 250

Rightlv Stated. and Obiections Throuehlv Annvered. for the Good of Those Who Are

Willina Not to Be Deceived. February 1 1. 1643. 1 kE.89 (8).

Burton, Henry. [altemately anributed to Henry Robinson]. An Answer to Mr. William Pm's

Twelve Questions Conceming Church Govemment: At the End Whereof. Are Mentioned

Severall Grosse Absurdities. and Daneerous Consrquences of Hiehest Nature. Which DO

Necessarilv Follow the Tenets of Presb\-teriall. or .4nv Other Besides a Perfect

Independent Government. Topether- with Cenaine Ouenes. November 1, 1644.3:E. 15 (5).

- - - . Conformitie's Deformitv. In a DiaIoeue- Betu.een Confonnitv. and Conscience.

Wherein the Main Head of Al1 the Controversies in These Times. Concemine Chwch-

Government. 1s Asserted and Maintained: As N'ithout Which. All Reformation 1s

Headlesse. and Al1 Reconciliation Ho~eksse.October 26, 1646. 58:E.358 (20).

Butler, Samuel. Charactem. Ed. Charles W. Daves. C'ievsland: Case Western Resewe UT1970.

--- . Hudibras: Parts 1 and II and Selected Other b'ritinrs. Eds., John Wilders and A. H. de

Quehen. Oxford: Clarendon, 1973- --- . Satires and Miscellaneous Poetrv and Prose. Ed. Rene Lamar. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,

1928.

Calfine, GiIes. An Answer in Defence of a Messe of Pottage. WelI Seasoned and Crumb'd.

Against M.T.S.T. R.A. 1. S. P. H. Anaerarn. Strm Smith. 1642. 26:E. 144 (28).

- - - . A Book of Common Praver Confirmed bu Sundn-Acts of Parliament, and Briefl~

Vindicated aeainst the Contumelious Slanders of the Fanatique Party Temine It Pome.

1642. Wing C293.

--- . A Fresh Bit of Mutton. for Those Fleshv Minded Canibals That Cannot Endure Pottadne.

Or a Defence of Giles Calfine's Messe of Ponadee Well Seasoned and Well 25 1

Crummed.Aeainst the ldle Yet Insolent Excevtions of His Monstrous Adversary

MT-ST.RA,IS.PH 1642. 26:E. 149 (22).

- - - . A Messe of Pottage. Verv Well Seasoned and Crumbd. March 1642. 250:E.140 (21).

Canne, J. The Acts and Monuments of Our Late Parliament: Or. a Collection of the Acts. Orders,

Votes. and Resolves That Hath Passed in the House. October 19, 1659. Wing B6290.

Carlyle, Thomas, The Letters and Sweches of Oliver Cromwell. with Elucidations. 2nd edn. 2

vols. London, 1857-

Cartwright, Thomas. Hel-for Discovery of the Truth in Point of Toleration . . .Wherein the

Power and Duty of the Ma~istratein Relation to Matters of Relieion 1s Discussed: As

Also Whether the Judiciall Lawes Given bv Moses to the Jewes Are Abronate bv the

Cornine of Christ. More Particularlv in Relation to Some Sinnes. viz. Blas~hemv,

Adulterv. &c. OccasionaIlv Handled in a Controversie betweene the Said Publike

Professor T.C. and Doctor Whitnifi. Here Also bv the Way 1s Laid Downe His Judmnent

in the Case of Divorce. and That the Pmv Innocent Mav Mamie Aeain. January 24, 1648.

67:E.423 (1 9).

A Case for Nol Cromwetls Nose. and the Cure of Tom Fairfax's Gout. Both Which Rebells Are

Dead. and Their Deaths Ke~tClose. bv the Policv of Our New States. 1648.71:E.448 (9).

Case, Thomas. S~iritualWhordome Discovered in a Sern~onbefore the House of Cornons.

May 26 1647.7 1 :E.389 (8) 34.

A Catalo~ueof the Severall Sects and Obinions in Eneland and other Nations. With a Briefe

Rehearsall of Their False and Dannerous Tenents. January 19, 1647.246:669.f.10 (1 1 1)-

A Certaine Relation of the Hon-Faced Gentlewoman Called Mistris Tannakin Skinker. Who Was

Borne at Wirkham a Neuter Towne betweene the Ernperour and the Hollander. Scituate 252 on the River Rhvne. Who Was Bewitched in Her Mothers Wombe in the Yearet618. And

Hath Lived Ever Since Unknowne in This Kind to Anv. but Her Parents and a Few Other

Neiehbours. And Can Never Recover Her True Sha~e.Tell She Be Married. &c. Ah

Relatine- the Cause. As It 1s Since Concei\-ed. How Her Mother Came So Bewitched.

1640. STC 22627.

Chamberlain, John. "J. Chamberlain to Sir D. Carleton. 25 January 1620." Edward Phillips

Statharn, A Jacobean Letter-Writer: The Life and Times of John Chamberlain. London:

K. Paul, Trench Trubner. 1920.

Chaos. June 28, 1659. 147:E. 988 (22).

Chaos: Or. a Discourse. Wherein is Presented to the View of the Maeistrate. and Al1 Others Who

Shall Peruse the Sarne. a Frame of Government bv Wav of a Republiaue. Wherein 1s

Little or No Danger- of Miscarriaae. if Prudenth- Attemvted. and Thorouahlv- Prosecuted

bv au thon^. Wherein 1s No Difftcultv in the Practice, Nor Obscuritv in the Method; But

Al1 Thinis Plain and Easie to the Meanest Caaacitv. Here's No Hard or Stranae- Narnes,

Nor Unknown Titles Ito Amaze the Hearers) Used. and Yet Here's a Fu1 and Absolute

Power Derivative Insensiblv from the Whole. and Yet Practicallv Conveved to the Best

Men: Wherein if Anv Shall Endeavour a Breach. He Shall Break Himself: and if It Must

Be So. That Cats Shall Provide Su~rxr,Here Thev Shall Do It Suitable to the Best Pdats,

and Easie to Digest. July 18. 1659. 147:E. 989 (27).

Charles 1 [and John Gauden]. Eikon Basilike: or the King's- Book. Ed. Edward Almack. London:

Chatte and Windus. 1907.

--- . The Kev to the Kings Cabinet-Counsell. Sheiving. the Secret Instructions of His Manesties

Evill-Councellors to Their Agents. for First Raising of Armes a~ainstHis Honowable 253 House of Parliament. Toaether. with Their Devices for Drawine the Peo~lesHearts to

Adhere to Them: And the Counceis bv Them Used. to U~holdThat New-SD~and

Unwarrantable Act. Also, What Meanes Thev Did Fonnerlv. and Still Make Use of. for

the Maintainine Their Amies: and Linking That DesDerate Faction in an Undividable

bot. Tendine to the Destruction of His Maiest! and His Kin~domes.August 2, 1644.

1 :E.4 (9).

- - - - The Kinas Cabinet Owned: Or Certain Packets of Secret Letters and Pabers. Wntten with

the Kinas Own Hand. and Taken in His Cabinet at Nasbv-Field. June 14. 1645. By

Victorious Sr. Thomas Fairfax: Wherein Man\- Mvsteries of State. Tendinn to thg

Justification of That Cause. for Which Sir Thomas Fairfax Jovned Battell That

Memotable Dav Are Clearlv Laid Own: Toeether. with Some Annotations Thereumn.

Ed. Thomas May et al. Juiy 14, 1645.48:E.292 (27).

Chidley, Katherine. A New-Yeares-Gifi. or A Brief Exhortation to Mr-Thomas Edwards: That

He Mav Breake Off His Old Sins. in the Old Year. and Be~in- the New Yeare. with New

Fruits of Love. First to God. and Then to His Brethren. January 2. 1645.4:E.23 (13).

Clarendon. Earl of: see Hyde. Ed~ard.

Clarkson, Laurence. The Lost Sheei, Found. Ed. Nigel Smith. A Coliection of Ranter Wntine:

176- 186.

Cleveland, John. The Poems of John Cleveland 1647. Eds. Brian Moms and Eleanor

Withington. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1967.

[ - - - . ] The Character of a London Diumall. Oxford. February 1 645. 45E.268 (6).

A Closet for Ladies and Gentlewomen. or. the Art of Presenrinp. Consewinn, and Candvinn.

With the Marmer Hou- to Make Divers Kindes of Sirum. and Al1 Kinds of Banoueting 254 Stuffes. Also Divers Soveraiene Medicines and Salves for Sundrv Diseases. 1608. STC

5434. Rp?. 1644 Wing C4727B; 1647 Wing 04-78: 165 1. Wing C4729; 1654. Wing

C4730; 1656. Wing C473 1.

Coles. Gladys Mary. Leatbumers: New and Seiected Poerns. London: Duckworth. 1987.

The Corn~IeatCook. Ex~ertlvPrescribine the Most Readv Waves. Whether. Italian. S~anish.or

French. For Dressine of Flesh. and Fish. Ordering of Sauces. or Makin~of Pastq. 1655.

lWE.153 1 (1). Rpt.1659 Wing MW.

Cooper, Joseph. The Arî of Cookerv Refined and Aunmcnted. Containine an Abstract of Some

Rare and Rich Un~ublishedRecei~ts of Cooken.: Collected from the Practise of That

Incorn~arableMaster of These Arts. Mr. Jos. Cooper, Chiefe Cook to the Late Kinn:- with

Severall Other Practises bv the Author. with an Addition of Preserves. Conserves. &ce

Offenna an Infallible Delipht to Ali Judicious Readers. 1654. Wing C6005.

Coppe, Abiezer. Some Sweet Sim of Some S~iritualM:ine 1649. A Collection of Ranter

Writinas 42-72.

Crab, Roger. The English Heremite. or. Wonder of This Age.- Beine a Relation of the Life of

Roeer Crab. Living Neer Uxbrid~r.Taken from His Own Mouth. Shewinn His Stranne

Reserved and Un~arallel'dKind of Life. Who Counteth It a Sin aeainst His Bodv and

Soule to Eate Anv Sort of Flesh. Fish. or Livinrr. Creature. or to Drinke Anv Wine, Ale, or

Beere. He Can Live with Three Farthin~sa Week. His Constant Food 1s Roots and

Hearbs. As Cabbaee. Tume~s.Carrets. Dock-Leaves. and Grasse; Also Bread and Bran,

without Butter or Cheese: His Cloathinr 1s Sack-Cloath. He Left the hv.and Ke~ta

Sho~at Chesharn. and Hath Now Lefi off That, and Sold a Considerable Estate to Give to

the Poore. Shewina His Reason fiom the Scri~ture.Mark. 10. 2 1. Jer. 35. Janw23, --- . Gentle Correction for the Hieh Flovrn Backslider. or a Sofi Answer to Tum Awav Strife

Being a General Answer (in Few Words) to Some of the Peo~leCalled Ouakers aizainst

the Rationalls: With Motives for Their Retum to the Witnesses That Leadeth out of Self

into Etemiw. 1659. Winp C6737.

Cromwell, Elizabeth. The Case is Altered. Or. Dreadful News from Hell. In a Discourse between

the Ghost of This Grand Travtor and Tvrant OIi\-er Comnwel. and Sir Reverence My

Lady Joan His Wife. at Their Late Meetinr! Neer the Scaffold on Tower-Hill. With His

E~ita~hWnnen in Hell. on Ali the Grand Travtors. Now in the Tower. August 6, 1660.

233:E. 1 869 (2).

--- . The Court & Kitchin of Elizabeth, CommonIv Called Joan Cromwel. the Wife of the Late

User.Tmlv Described and Re~resented.and Now Made Publick for General

Satisfaction. 1664. Wing C6584.

The Crves of Westminster. Or a Whole Pack of Parliamentarv Knaven- Owned. and Set to Sale.

Come Customers. Come: Prav See What You Lack. /HerœsParliament Wares of Al1 Sorts

in My Pack. Februq 22. 1648. 246:669.f.1 1 ( 1 28 ).

A Cure for the State. Or. and Excellent Remedv acainst the A-mstacv of the Times. October 17,

1659. 247:660.f.21.

Davenant, William. Gondibert: An Heroic Poem 1 65 I . Facsimile rpt: Menston: Scholar Press,

1970.

Davidson, Peter, ed. Poetw and Revolution: An Antholorzv of British and Irish Verse. 1625-

-1 660. Oxford: Clarendon. 1998. Davies, Eleanor Audley: see Douglas. 256 Dawson, Thomas. The Good Huswifes Iewell. Wherin 1s to Bee Found Most Excellent and Rare

Deuises. for Cohlceits in Cookerv. Found out bv the Practise of Thomas Dawson.

Whereunto Are Adiovned Sundrv Amoued Receits for Manv Souemime Ovles. and the

Wav to Distill Manv Pretious Waters. \vith Diuers A~prouedMedicines for Mary

Diseases. Also Certaine A~broouedPoints of Husbandrv Verv Necessarv for Al1

Husbandmen to Know. 2 parts. 1596. STC 6392. 1597 STC 6395.Rpt. 1610. STC 6393.

- - - . A Book of Cookerv, and the Order of Meates to be Served to the Table. Both for Flesh

and Fish Daves. With Manv ExcelIent Waves for the Dressine of Al1 Usuall Sorts of

Meats. Both Bak'd, Bovid. or Rosted. of Flesh. Fish. Fowle, or Others, with Their

Pro~wrSawes. As Also Manv Rare Inventions in Cookerv for Made Dishes: With Most

Notable Preserves of Sundrv Sorts of Fruits. Like\vise for Makinr? Manv Precious Waters,

with Divers Abbroved Medicines for Grie\.ous Diseases. With Certaine Points of

Husbandrv How to Order Oxen. Horses. Sheep. Horges. &c. With Manv Other Necessary

Points for Husbandmen to Know. 1620. STC 3300. Rpt. May 10. 1650. Wing B3705. de la Pemere. Guillaume. The Theater of Fine Deuices, Containine an Hundred Moral1

Emblemes. First Penned in French bv Guillaume de la Pemere, and Translated into

Enalish bv Thomas Combe. 1614. STC 15230.

A Declaration fiom the Citv of Bristoll: Bv the Maior. Aldermen. Sheriffes. and Others of the

Citv: Declarinn: Their Resolution and Fidelitv to the Parliament and Their Desimes: Also

a Petition fiom M. Maioresse, M. Holworth. and 200. of the Best Citizens Wives in

BristoII. to the Maior and Common Councell of the Citv. for Admittina the ParIiarnents

Forces into Their Citv, and Manv Other Thines Worthv of Observation. Sent fiom M.

John Bal1 in Bristoll. to M. James Nicolls. a Merchant in Fanchurch-Street London. 257

Decernber 23. 1642. 14:E.83 (1 3).

A Declaration of the Maids of the Citv of London. &C. August 12. 1659. 247: 669.f.21 (67).

A Deciaration, of a Stranae and Wonderfull Monster: Born in Kirkharn Parish in Lancashire (the

Childe of Mrs. Hauehton. a Po~ish- Gentle\vornm i the Face of It upon the Breast. and

without a Head (afier the Mother Had Wished Rather to Bear a Childe without a Head

then a Roundhead) and Had Curst the Parliament. Attested bv Mr. Fleetwood. Minister of

the Same Parish. under His Own Hand: and Mrs. Gattaker the Mid-Wife, and Divers

Other Eve-Witnesses: Whose Testimonv \Vas Brou~htUD bv a Member of the House of

Commons. A~~ointedto Be Printed Accordinri to Order: And Desired to Be Published in

Al1 the Countries. Cities. Townes. and Parishes in England: Beinp the Sarne Co~iesthat

Were Presented to the Parliament. March 3. 1645. 33E.325 (20).

De~e,Henry. The Levellen Desiene- Discovered: Or the .4natomie of the Late Unhao~ie

Mutinie: Presented unto the Souldienr of the Armv under the Command of His Excellencv

the Lord Fairfax: for Prevention of the Like in Others. May 23, 1649. 86:E.556 (1 1).

D'Ewes, Simonds. The Journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes. Hamden: Archon Books. 1970.

Digges. Dudley. The Unlaufulness of Subiects Taking UD Amis against Their Soveraime. in

What Case Soever. Toeether with Answers to AI1 Obiections Scanered in Their Several

Books. And a Proofe That Notwithstandinr. Such Resistance as Thev Pleaded for. Were

Not Damnable. Yet the Late Wane Made Umn the Kine Was So. because Those Cases.

in Which Onlv Some Men Have Dared to Excuse It. Are Evidentlv False: His Maiestv

Fiahtina Onelv to Preserve Hirnself. and the Riuhts of the Subiects. Oxford, 1662. Wing

D 1466.

Douglas, Eleanor Audley Davies. A Praver or Petition for Peace. November 22 1644. 1649? 258 Wing D200 1.

- - - . Given to the Elector Prince Charls of the Rhvne . . . At Her Beinp in Holland or Belnia.

Lametation. mou min^ and Wo. . . . Babvlon or Confusion. 1633: 1648 edn. Wing DI 992.

E., T. The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Riahts. 1652. Facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatnun

Orbis Terrarum, 1979.

Earl~Printed Books 1475- 1 640: Selected fiom Pollard and Rederave's Short-Title Catalomie.

Ann Arbor: University Microfilms.

Edwards, Thomas. Gannraena: Or a Cataloaue and Discoverv of Manv of the Errours. Heresies.

Bias~hemies.and Pemicious Practices of the Sectaries of This Tirne. Vented and Acted in

Endand in These Four Last Years. Part 1: February 26. 1646. Part 11: May 28, 1646. Part

III: December 28. 1646. Facsimile rpt. Exeter: The Rota 1977.

E:izals Babes: Or. the Virgins-Offerine. Being Di\-ine Poems. and Meditations. Written bv a

Ladv. Who Onel? Desires to Advance the Glon of God. and Not Her Own- June 25,

1652. 173:E.1289 (1).

Everard, William, Gerrard Winstanley. John Taylor. et al. The True Levellers' Standard. Ed.

A.S.P. Woodhouse, Puritanism and Li kt\-3 79-3 83.

An Excellent Recei~tto Make a Com~leatParliament or (if You Please) a New Senate Fitted to

the Enalish-Man's Palate. October 20- 1659. 247:669.f.î 1.

The Faerie Leveller: Or. King- Charles His Leveller Descried and Deci~heredin Oueene

EIizabeths Da~es.Bv Her Poet Laureat Edmond Spenser. in His Un~araieldPoeme.

Entituled. The Faerie Queene. A Lively Rewesentation of Our Times. Anaeram:

Parliarnents Amy. Parities Mar's Al Men. Jul). 27. 1648. 72:E.454 (23).

Fairfax, Thomas. "Oh Let That Day from Time Be Blotted Quite." Baker, Kenneth, ed. The 259

Faber Book of English- Histow in Verse. London: Faber- 1983.

Featley, Daniel. ~ara~&mazai~ai&n+uoroi. The Dimers Dipt. *'3rd edn." 1645 Wing F586.

Ferne, H [enry]. Conscience Satisfied. That There 1s No Warrant for the Armes Now Taken un

bv Subiects. Bv Wav of Rebiv unto Severall Ansvers Made to a Treatise Formerlv

Published for the Resolvina of Conscience upon the Case. Eswciallv unto That Which 1s

Entitded A Fuller Answer. "Oxford." Apd 18. 1643. 17:E. 97(7).

Filmer, Robert. Patriarcha 1680. Rpt. Oxford: Blackwell. 1 949.

Firth, C.H.and R.S. Rait. Acts and Ordinances of the f nterreenum. 1 642- 1 660. 3 vols. London:

H.M.S.O., 191 1.

Franck, Richard. Nonhern Memoirs. Calculated for the Meridian of Scotland Wherein Most of

Al1 of the Cities. Citadels. Seamrts. Castles, Forts, Fortresses. Rivers and Rivulets Are

Com~endiouslvDescribed: Tonether nith Choice Collections of Various Discoveries,

Remarkable Observations. TheoIonical Notions. Political Axiorns. National Intrinues,

Polemick Inferences. Contem~iations.Smculations. and Several Curious and industrious

Ins~ections.Lineallv Drawn fiom Antiauaries. and Other Noted and Intellinible Persons

of Honour and Eminencv. To Which Is Added the Contemdative & Practicd Aneler. by

Wav of Diversion. With a Narrative of That Destrous and Mvstenous Art Exwrimented

in Enpland.- and Perfected in More Remote and Solitarv Parts of Scotland. Bv Wav of a

Dialonue. Writ in the Year 1658. but Not Till Now Make Publick. 1694. Wing F2064.

Gardiner, S. R., ed. Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution. 1625-1 660. 1889;

Oxford: Clarendon. 1968.

- - - ,ed. "The Root and Branch Petition." Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution

139. 260

Gataker, Thomas. Mafriane Duties Briefelv Couched Tovitherr- Out of Colossians. 3. 18. 19. Bv

Thomas Gataker Bachelar of Diuinitie and Pastor of Rotherhith. 1620. STC 1 1667.

Gerbier, Balthazar. The Art of Well Swaking. Being a Lecture Read Publiauelv at Sr.

Balthazar Gerbiers Academv. 1650. Wing GS39.

Gillespie, George. A Late Dialogue- Betwixt a Civilian and a Divine. con ce min^ the Present

Condition of the Church of England. In Which. Amone- Other Particulars. These

Followinn Are Esrxciallv Swken of. 1 The Sinns and Danger of Delavinn Reformation- 2

That There Is a Cenain Fonn of Church-GmvernmentJure Divino. 3 That There Was an

Ecclesiasticall Excommunication Arnone the Jews. 4 That Excommunication 1s an

Ordinance in the New Testament. 5 Concerning the Toleration of Al1 Sects and Heresies.

6 Some Answer to a Late Book Corne from Oxford. October 30.1 644.3:E 14 (1 7).

The Gossi~sBraule. or the Women Weare the Breeches. .A Mock Comedv. The Actors Names,

Nick Pot. a Ta~ster.Jone Ruggles. a Duncel-Raker. Do11 Crabb. a Fish-Woman. Meizg

Lant-Ale. a Tub-Woman. Bess Bunn-Hole. an Hostice. Who Al1 to Tm the Masterv of

Their Tonnues. New Wet Their Whistles. Barle\ -Ode Their Lunes. Then Rais'd with

Holler. S~leenand Gad. Their Tonmes Ad\.ance. and Then Beeins the Braule. Printed in

the Year of Womens Honestv. Januq 30. 1655. 125:E.826 (10).

Gosson, Stephen. The School of Abuse: Containing- a Pleasant Invective aeainst Poetrv. Piwrs,

Plavers. Jesters. etc.. 1579: New York: AMS Press. 1970.

Gouge, William. Of Domesticall Duties Eieht Treatises. 1. An Exwsition of That Part of

Scripture out of Which Domesticall Duties Are Raised . . . VIII. Duties of Masters. 1622.

STC 12119a.

Great Britain. Calendar of State Pa~rsDomestic . . . 1625-1 649. 23 vols. Ed. John Bruce, W.D. 261 Hamilton, and S.C. Lomas. London: Longman. 1875-86.

Calendm of State Pa~ersDomestic . . . 1639- 1660. 13 vols. Ed. M.A.E. Green. London:

Longman, 1875-86.

Journals of the House of Cornmons. Vol.;. h4arch 1 5. 1 642 - December 24, 1644. Rpt.

1803.

Grey, Elizabeth, Countess of Kent. A True Gentlewomans Delieht. 1653. Wing W 17.

--- . A Choice Manual or Rare and Select Secrets in Phvsick and Chsmreexy. 1653 Wing

K3 II. Rpt. 1654. Wing K3 12: 1663 Wing K3 14.

--- . A Choice Manual. or Rare and Select Secrets in Phvsick and Chiurgerv. Collected and

Practised bv the Right Honourable. the Countess of Kent. Late Deceased. Whereto Are

Added Several Exberiments of the Virtues of Gascon-Powder. and La~isContra Yarvam

bv a Professor of Phvsick. As Also Most Esauisite wavs of Preservinw

Cand~inn.&c. 1664 edn. Bod. Douce 1.32 ( 1 )- 2 1 st edn. t 708. Bod. Douce 1.42.

H., 1. A Brief Receipt Moral & Christian. against the Passion of the Heart. of Sore of the Mind,

Incident to Most. and Venr Grievous to Man!. in the Troubles of Enemies. Beinn One

Single Sermon by 1. H. Minister of Froomrt. Published at This Rate bv It Self. That Any

Who Need It. May Have It. For the Ease and Bensfit Estxciallv of the More Tender,

Weak and Melancholv: Who Feel These Arrows Stick in Their S~irits.but Know Not the

Wav of Plucking Them out. or Aswa~ingthe Pain of Them. June 2, 1658. 235%. 1895

(1).

Hackluyt, John. An Alarm for London. 1648. Wing H 175.

Haec-Vir: Or the Womanish-Man. Three Parn~hletsof the Jacobean Antifeminist Controversy:

Facsimile Re~roductionswith an Introduction bv Barbara J. Bains. 1620; Delmar: Scholars' Facsimiles and Reprints. 1978.

Haller, William. The Leveller Tracts. 1647-1 653. Gloucester: Smith, 1964.

--- . Tracts on Libertv in the Puntan Revolution. 1638-1647. 3 vols. New York: Octagon, 1965.

Harrington, James. James Haninmon's Oceana. Ed. S. B. Liljegren. Westport: Hyperion. 1979.

Herle, Chartes. An Answer to Doctor Femes Red!.. Entitled Conscience Satisfied: Eswciallv to

as Much of it as Concemed that Answer to His Treatise Which Went under the Narne of

The Fuller Answer. May 17. 1643. 18:E.102 (3).

Hey. Hoe for a Husband, or. the Parliament of Maides. Their Desires. Decrees and

Determinations, The Princi~allMembers. Are Mrs Beatrice Blinks. Mrs Sarah Sale

Woman. Mrs Mar~aretMaundrine. Mrs Priscilla Prick-Sone. Mrs Dorothv Doe Well,

Mrs Tabitha Treptoe. Ordered. and It 1s Hereby Ordained bv the Maids Assembled in

Parliament, That Their Desires. Determinations, and Decrees, Be forthwith Printed and

Published. Joane Jumble. Cler. Parl.. September 24. 1647. 64:E.408 (19).

Heywood, Thomas. A Curtaine Lecture: As It 1s Read b\ a Countrev Farmers Wife to Her Good

Man. By a Countrev Gentlewornan of Lady to Her Esauire or Kniaht. Bv a Souldiers Wife

to Her Ca~tain- of Liwutenant. Bv a Citizens or Tradesmans Wife to Her Husband. Bv a

Court Lady to Her Lord. Concludine with An Imitable Lecture Read bv a Oueene to Her

Soveraiene Lord and King. 1638. STC 133 12.5

(Heywood, Thomas?]. The Favre Maide of the Exchange: Toeether with the Merrv Humours,

and Pleasant Passages of the Cri~~leof Fanchurch. Furnished with Varietv of Delectable

Mirth. 1637. STC 13319.

Hic Mulier: Or the Man-Woman: Beine a Medicine to Cure the Coltish Disease of the Staggers in

the Masculine-Feminines of Our Times, 1620. STC 13375.5 263 Hobbes, Thomas. De Cive. "The English Version. 165 1 ." Ed. Howard Warrender. Oxford:

Clarendon, 1983.

- - - . Leviathan. Ed. C. B. Macpherson. London: Penguin. 1985.

- - - and Lamy, Bernard. The Rhetorics of Thomas Hobbes and Bernard Larnv. Ed., John T.

Harwood. Carbondale and Edwardsville: South Illinois UP. 1986.

Howell, James. E~istoiaeHo-Eleanae: The Familiar Letters of James Howell. Ed. Joseph Jacobs.

London: David Nutt. 1890.

- - - ,tram. St Paul's Late Pronress Umn Earth. About a Divorce 'twixt Christ and

the Church of Rome. bv Reason of Her Dissolutenes and Excesses. with the Caqsof

These Present Commotions 'twixt the Po~e.and the Princes of Italv. A New Wav of

Invention Agreeable to the Times by Ferrante Pd lavieino. 1644. 166:E. 1 174 (2).

The Humble Petition of Diuers Amicted Wornen. in Behalf of M:lohn Lilbum Prisoner in

Newgate. June 25. 1 653. %6:669.f. 1 7 (26).

The Humble Petition of Manv Thousands of Wives and Matrons of the Citv of London, and

Other Parts of This Kinndome. for the Cessation and Finall Conclusion of These Civill

Wars. and for the Restitution and Revocat ion of Their Husbands. Who Have As Just

Cause to Com~lainefor the Want of Them. Together with Our Children and Bosome

Friends, As the Vir~insHave for Losing Their Siveet-Hearts. Presented bv Divers

Gentlewomen of Good Credit. and Citizens Wives: to the Consideration of Both Houses,

on Thursdav. the Second of Februaw. February 4. 1643. 15:E.88 (13).

Hutchinson, Lucy. Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson with a Frament of

Autobiogra~hy.Ed. N. H. Keelbe. London: Everyman. 1995.

Hyde, Edward, Earl of Clarendon. Historv of the Rsbellion and Civil Wars in Ennland. 6 vols. Ed. W. Dunn Macray. Oxford: Clarendon. 1888.

The Irish Cabinet: or His Maiesties Secret Pa~ers( 1615) E.3 16.

James 1. The Political Works of James 1. Introd. by Charles Howard McIIwain. New York:

Russell and Russell. 1 965.

Jennings, Theodore. Truths Retume: In Answer to a Malimant Pam~hlet.Pretended to be

Written bv a Most Orthodox. Moderate. and Judicious Divine. a Banished Minister of

This Miserable Kinedom: To a Vertuous Lad\-. Who Ifor the Exercise of Her Devotion)

Built a Closet. Wherein to Secure the Most Sacred Book of Cornmon-Praver: fiom the

View and Violence of the Enemies Thereof. Sectaries and Schismatiaues of This

Kinadome. Beine Printed Toeether: That Tbereb~the Great Difference May AD-,

between Praver Reall, and Pretended: A Forme of Godlinesse, and the Power Theteof.

November 3, 1646. 58:E.360 (4).

[Joceline, Nathaniell.] Par1 iament Phvsick for a Sin-Sick Nat ion. Or. an Ordinance of Parliament

Explained. and A~~ivedto Tbese Disoased Tinies. Containine a Catholicall Medicine for

Al1 Natures and Nations. but Eswcial1~-.a Generall Recei~tfor Al1 the Sickly Peo~lein

Our Enelish Hos~itall.and Welch-S~ittle-Compounded afier the Art of the Awthecm

and Accordine: to Parliament Prescri~tion.as Hereafier Followeth. Wherein Thou Mavst

See As in an Urinal-Giasse. the Dannerous State of Thv Eneriish- Mother. and the Genius

of the Reformine Phvsitians. in Seekine Her Speedv Cure. and Lastine Happinesse. unto

Al1 Succeeding Ag-. May 7, 1644. 8:E.45 ( 13 ).

[Jordan, Thomas]. The Anarchie. or the Blessed Reformation Since 1640. Beine a New Carol1

Wherein the People Ex~ressTheir Thanks and Prav for the Reformers. To Be Said or

Sung- of A11 the Well Affected of the Kingdome of Endand and Dominion of Waies, 265 before Thev Eate Anv Plurnbroth at Christmasse. January 1 1. 1648.246:669.f. 11 (1 14).

Kent, Countess of: see Grey. Elizabeth.

The Kentish Fair. May 3 1?. 1648. Ed. William Woodson. "English Political Dialogues," AEB 8

(1984) 2-17.

A Kev to the Cabinet of the Parliament. bv Their Rernembrancer. June 20, 1648.66: E 449 (2).

La Varenne, Fran. The French Cook. 1653. Wing 1628: 1653 Wing L625.

The Ladies Cabinet Omned. Wherein 1s Found Hidden Se\-erall Esmriments in Preserving and

Conservina. Phvsicke. and Surnew. Cooken and Huswifery. 1639. STC 15 119, and Bod.

X95.FO3577. Rpt. as The Ladies Cabinet Enlarced and Owned: Containine Manv Rare

Secrets. and Rich Omarnents of Several Kindes and Different Uses. Combrized under

Three General Heads. Viz- of 1. Preserving.- Consenina. Candvina.- &c. Collected and

Practised; bv the Late Rieht Honorable and Learned Chvmist. the Lord Ruthuen. With a

Particular Table to Each Part. 16%. E. 1 528 ( 1 ): 1655. Wing B 135a.

The Ladies Com~anion.or A Table Furnished with Sundn Sorts of Pies and Tarts. Gracefùll at a

Feast. with Many Excellent Recei~tsfor Presen-inc-Consening;. and Candvinn of Al1

Manner of Fruiets. with the Making of Marchpain, Mannalet. and Ouindenis. BY Persons

of Oualitv Whose Names Are Mentioned. 1 653-1 94:E.1 528 (2).

The LawfUlnesse of Our Exwdition into Ennland Manifested. . . . Now Re~rintedin Ennland by

Mamerv Mar-Prelat. September?. 1640. STC 21 924.

The Life and Death of Mris Rum~.And the Fatal End of Her Base-Born Brat of Destruction. with

Her Won First Hatching and Brinnina Forth from the Devils Arse a Peake. It Beinn the

Onlv Place. fiom Whence This Illeeitimate Bastard or Monster Had Its Nativity. The

Names of the Chief Actors, in This Tragical Scens. Devils Arse. Mrs Rumb. MuIciber 266 Black-Smith of Hell. Vortiner. Etheldrid. Edricus. Cain. Oliv. Cromwell Revnolds. Pride.

Apnl2, 1660.247:669.f.24(52).

Lilburne, Elizabeth. To the Chosen and Betrusted Knirrhts.- Citizens. and Biu~esses.Assembled

in the Hieh and Sumeam Court of Parliament. The Humble Petition of Elizabeth

Lilbume. Wife to Leut. Coll: Iohn Lilbume. Who Hath Been for above Eleven Weeks bv

Pas, Most Uniustlv Divorced fiom Him. hv the House of Lords. and Their Tvrannicall

Officers. a~ainstthe Law of God. and (as She Conceives) the Law of the Land. September

23, 1646.669.f.l O (86); another edn. October 1646. E.359 (18).

Lilbume, John. A CODDVof a Lener Sent bv Liev. Col. John Lilburne to Mr. Wollaston Keewr

of New~ateor His De~uty.June 22. 1 646. 246:669.f. 1 0 (62).

--- - The Free-Man's Freedom Vindicated 1 646. Puri tanism and Libertv 3 1 7-3 1 8.

A List of the Parliament of Women. 1679. Wing LZJ8 1.

Lluelyn, Martin. A Sam. Occasioned bv the Autlior's Sunev of a Scandalous Pam~hlet-

Intituled. The King's Cabanet Opened. August 8. 164549:E. 296 (1).

The Lord George Digbv's Cabinet. 1646. E.329 ( 1 5 ).

Love, Mary. Love's Name Lives: Or, a Publication of Di\.ers Petitions Presented bv Mistris Love

to the Parliament. in Behalf of Her Husband. With Several1 Letters That Interchameably

Pass'd between Them a Little before His Death. As Also One Letter Written to Mr Love

bv Mr. Jaauel. One of the Witnesses aaainst Hin~.Tonether with Seven Severall Letters

and Notes Sent to Him. fiom Dr. Drake. Mr. Jenhm. Mr. Case. and Mr Robinson. His

Then Fellow-Sufferers. Al1 Published for Publick Good. 165 1. Wing L3 141.

Lyly, John. Par,= with an Hatchet (1 589) STC 17163.

M., A. A Rich Closet of Phvsical Secrets. Collected bt- the Elaborate Paines of Four Severall 267

Students in Phvsick. and Dinested toriether: Viz. The Childbearers Cabinet. A

Preservative anainst the Planue and Smatl Pos. Phvsicall Exmxïments Presented to our

Late Oueen Elizabeths own Hands. With Certain -4vbroved Medicines. Taken out of

Manuscri~t.Found at the Dissolution of One of our Enelish Abbies. and Su~diedwith

Some of His own Exwriments. bv a Late English Doctor. 1652. E. 670 (1 -2). Rpt. 1653.

Wing M7A and M7B. Rpt. as M.A. The Oueens Closset of Phvsical Secrets. 1652. Wing

M5A; 1656. Wing M5B.

M., W. The Oueens Closet O-pened. Incom~arableSecrets in Physick. Chirurgerv. Preserving

Candyine. and Cooke-: As Thev Were Presented to the Oueen bv the Most Exwrienced

Persons of Our Times. Manv Whereof Were Honored with Her Own Practice. When She

Pleased to Descend to These More Private Rrcrrations. Never Before Pulished [sic]. wia

Additions. Transcribed from the True Co~iesof Her Maiesties Own Recei~t-Books.bv

W.M. One of Her Late Servants. 1655. E. 1 5 19 ( 1 ). Rpt. 1656. Wing M97; 1658. Wing

M98; 1659 Wing M99.

Macrobius. The Satumalia. Trans. Percival Vaughan Davies. New York: Columbia UP, 1969.

The Maids Petition. To the Honourable Members of Bout11 Houses. Or the Humble Petition of

the Well-Affected. within and without the Lines of Communication. Virnins. Maids. and

Other Younpl Women Not Married. &c. And in the Behalf of the Whole Kinndorne. for

Their Lawfull Dayes of Recreation. With Their Dedaration. to Hold Out Stiflv. and to

Comvlv with the A~~renticesor Others for Their Tollerable Tolleration. Presented on

tu es da^ the 9 of Aueust the 2nd Recreation Dav for Avurentices. August 1 1, 1647.

63:E.401 (26).

M[arkham], G[ervase]. 'The Enelish House-Wife. Containin2 the Inward and Outward Vertues 268 Which Oueht to Be in a Com~leateWoman. As Her Skill in Phvsick. Surnem. Cwkerv,

Extraction of Ovles. Banauettine Stuffe- Orderinc of Great Feasts, Preservinn of Al1 Sorts

of Wines. Conceited Secrets. Distilations, Perfumes. Ordenng of Wooll. Hembe. Flax,

Makine Cloth. and Dvintz: The Knowledre of Davries. Office of Makinn. of Oates. Their

Excellent Uses in a Familv. of Brewin~Bakin - and AI1 other Thinns Belonginsz to an

Household. A Worke Generallv A~~roved.and Now in the Fifih Time Much Auamented,

Pwged and Made Most Profitable and Necesssan. for Al1 Men. and the Generall Good of

the Kinndome. 1637. STC 17354. Rpt. 1649. Wing M629; 1656. Wing M63 1.

Marprelate, Martin. Hav Anv Worke for Cocwr: Or a Briefe Pistle Directed bv Wave of an

Hubl ication to the Reverende Bysho~~s.Counsel line Them, If Thev Will Needs Be

Barrelied W. for Feare of Smellinp in the Nostrels of Her Maiestie rand1 the State. That

Thev Would Vse the Aduise of Reuerend Martin. for the Prouidina of Their Coowr.

Because the Reuerend T.C. (bv Which Mistical l Letters. 1s Vnderstood. Evther the

Bounsing Parson of Eastmeane. or Tom Coakes His Chablaine) to Bee an VnskilfuIl and a

Becevtfbll Tubtrimmer-Wherein Worth\- Manin Ouits Himselfe Like a Man 1 Warrant

You. in the Modest Defence of His Selfe and His Leamed Pistles. and Makes the Coowrs

Hoo~esto flve Off. and the Bisho~sTubs to Leake Out of Al1 Cme. Penned and

Com~iledby Martin the Metrowlitane. 1598. STC 17456.

- - - . The lust Censure and Remoofe of Martin Iunior. Wherein the Rash and Vndiscreete

Headines of the Foolish Youth. 1s ShamIv Mette with. and the Bov k!ath His Lesson

Taueht Him. 1 Warrant You, bv His Reuerend and Elder Brother. Martin Senior. Sonne

and Heire Vnto the Renowmed Martin .Mar-Prelate the Great. Where Also, Least the

S~rineallShold Be Vtterlv Discouraned in His Good Meanino. You Shall Finde. That Hee 269 1s Not Bereaued of His Due Commendations. Juiy 29. 1589. (1589?) STC 17458.

Marvell, Andrew. Andrew Marvell: .A Critical Edition of the Maior Works. Ed. Frank Kermode.

Oxford Authors Series. Oxford: Oxford UP- 1992.

Match Me these Two: or the Convicton [sic] and Arrainnment of Britannicus [Le. Marchmount

Nedham and Thomas Audlevl and Lilburne. With an Answer to a Pam~hletEntituled,

The Parliament of Ladies. July 29. 16t7.63:E.JOO (9).

Maxwell, John. Sacro-Sancta Rerrurn Maiestas: Or. the Sacred and Rovall Preroaative of

Christian Kines. Wherein Soverainntie 1s b\ Hal\ Scri~tures.Reverend Antiauitie, and

Sound Reason Asserted. bv Discussinc- of Fi\re Ouestions. And. the Puritanicall.

Jesuiticall. Antimonarchicall Grounds Are Dis~roved.and the Untruth and Weaknesse of

Their New-Devised-State-Princi~lesAre Disco\-ered. Dei Gratia Mea Lux. Oxford, 1644.

6:E. 30 (22).

May, Thomas. The Historv of the Parliament of England- Which Beean November the Third,

MDCXL with a Short and Necessanl Vie\\ of Sonle Precedent Years. 1647. Wing

M1410.

Mayne, Thomas. Archimaeirus Ando-Gallicus. 16%. Wing Ml 427.

Mercurius Melancholicus. Mistris Parliament Brouyht to Bed of a Monstrous Childe of

Reforrnation- With Her Seven Yeers Teen~ing.Bitter Panes. and Hard Travel That She

Hath Undereone- in Brinaina Forth Her First-Born. l Beine a Precious Babe of Grace.)

With the Crueltv of Mistris London Her Midu-ilè. and Great Affection of Mrs Seod Her

Nurse, Mrs Schism. Mrs PriviIedee. Mrs Ordinance. and Mrs Leveller Her Gossi~s.April

29, 1648. WE.43 'ï(24).

--- . Mistris Parliament Her Gossi~~ina.Full of Minh. Mem. Tales. Chat. and Other PIeasant 270

Discourse. between. Mrs. Statute. Iustice. Truth. and Mrs. Parliarnent. Ordinance. Syod.

Mrs. England Being Moderator. Mistris Parliament, That Late Lav in. Invites You Now

unto Her ûossi~~ing:and As the Order Is unto This Dav. for What You Eate. Shee'l Make

You Roundlv Pau: Prav Commons Eat: Her's Chat and Laurrhter. and Cornmittee-Fruit in

Dishes Afier: Fall Too and Welcome: 1 Ha\e Still in Store to Prove Her Bawd. Murderer,

Witch. and Whore. Hor Tnrall's Past: Shee Is Condem'd to Die. Her Execution Day

Drawes Nie; Corne He1~to Guard Her to the Gallo\\-Tree, Enaland 1s Freed of Al1 Her

Miserie. May 22, 1648. 70:E.443(28).

--- . Mrs. Parliament. Her Invitation of Mrs. London, to a Thankeseivinn Dinner. For the Great

and Miehty Victorie. Which Mr. Honon Obtained Over Maior Powell in Wales. Their

Discourse. Desires. Desimes. As You Mav Heare fiom Their Own Mouthes. Mundav 29

of Mav. in the Eieht Yeare of the Reigne of Our So\-eraicne Ladv Parliament. June 6,

1648. 70:E.446 (7).

- - - . Mistris Parliarnent Presented in Her bed. atier the Sore Travaile and Hard Labour Which

She Endured Last Week. in the Birth of Hsr hlonstrous Off-Sprina.- the Childe of

Deformation. The Homfull Fruit of Her Se\-en Yeers Teemine. and a Most Precious Babe

of Grace. With the Several l Discourses between Mrs. Sedition. Mrs- Schisme. Mrs. Svnod

Her Dy-Nurse. Mrs. Iealousie. and Others Her Gossi~s.May 1 0. 1 648. 69:E.Ul(2 1 ).

Mercurius Politicus. December 3 1 -lanil;w 7. 165 7. 79:€.505 (29).

The Mid-Wives Just Com~laint.and Divers Other N'el-Affected Gentlewomen Both in Citv and

Countrv: Shewina to the WhoIe Christian-N'orld, the Just Cause of Their Loe-Suffennns

in These Distracted Times, for Want of Tradinc. and Their Great Fear of the Continuance

of It. Which Sad Cornplaint Was Tendered to the House on Tuesdav. Septemb. 22. 1646. 271 With Some Other Notes Worthv Sbeciall Observation. Published Accordin? to Order.

January 16, 1646.57:E.355 (20).

The Mid-Wives Just Petition: Or. A Comblaint of Divers Good Gentlewomen of That FacuItv.

Shewing to the Whole Christian World Their Just Cause of Their Sufferinas in These

Distracted Times. for Their Want of Trading. Which Said Comvlaint Thev Tendered to

the House of Mondav Last, Beinn the 23. of Jan. 1643. With Some Other Notes WoRhv

of Observation. January 26. 1643. 15:E.86 ( 14 ).

Milton, John. The Comblete Prose Works of John Milton. Ed. Don Wolf et al. 8 vols. New

Haven: Yale UP. 1953-82.

- - - . John Milton: Cornplete Poems and Maior Prose. Ed. Memtt Y. Hughes. New York:

Macmillan. 1957.

- - - . John Milton: Prose Works. 1641-1650. 3 \-OIS. Facsimile rpts. Menston: Scholar P. 1967-

68.

More, Henry. Enthusiasmnus Triumohatus. 1656: 1662 edn. Facsimile rpt: Los Angeles:

Augustan Reprint Society. 1966.

Morley, Henry, ed. The Kine and the Commons: Cavalier and Puritan Song. London: Sarnpson

Low. Son. and Marston. 1 868.

Mounsieur, Marnett. The Perfect Cook. 1656. E. 1 695 ( 1 ).

MuId Sacke: Or the Awlogie of Hic Mulier: To the Late Declamation aeainst- Her: Ex~restin a

Short Exclamation. Non Est Mollis e Terris ad Astra via. Muld Sack. Muld Sacke. 1620.

Three Pamphlets on the Jacobean Anti fem inist Controversv

Murrell, John. Murrels Two Bookes of Cookerie and Cûninn. The Fifih Time Printed with New

Additions. 164 1. Wing M3 1 25, and Bod. Douce M-457. 272 [Nedham, Marchmount] Ruoerts Sum~ter.and Private Cabinet Rifled. And a Discoverv of a

Pack of His Jewels bv Wav of Dialogue- bet~veen.Mercurius Britannicus and Mercurius

Alicus. July 20, 1644. 1 :E.2 (24). meville, Henry]. An Exact Diumall of the Parliarnent of Ladies Ordered bv the Ladyes in

Parliament. That Thev Declared That Prince Ruoert. Lord Dieb~.Lord Cawll. Lord

Cottinnton. Dr. Williams. Mr. Walter. L. Homon. L. Culwpper. Dr. DUD- Sir R.

Greenvill. L. Jermine. and Maior Gen. Vrre\-. Have All Their Pardons Granted to Them

bv This Court Clericus. May 6, 1647.61:E.386 (4.

[ - - - .] The Ladies Parliarnent. July 15, 1647. l64:E. 1 143 ( 1 ).

[ - - - -1 The Ladies. a Second Tirne. Assembled in Parliament. A Continuation of the

Parliament of Ladies. Their Votes. Orders. and Declarations. Die Martis Aunust 2. 1647.

Ordered bv the Ladies Assembled in Parliarnent. That These Their Votes. Orders. and

Declarations. Be Forthwith Printed and Published. T. Tem~leCler. Mrs. Martha Peeie

Messenger. September I S. l647.6kE.306 (23).

[ - - - .] Newes from the New Exchange. or the Commonwealth of Ladies. Drawn to the Life. in

Their Severall Characters and Concernments. January 30. 1 650. 90:E.590 ( 1O)/ Wing

N5 10.

[---.] The Parliament of Ladies. Or Diverse Remarkable Passages of Ladies in S~rina-Garden:

In Parliament Assembled. Tonether with Certaine Votes of the Uniawfull Assembl~.at

Kates in Coven Garden. Ves~reVeneris Martis: 26. 1647. Ordered bv the Ladies in

Parliament Assembled. That Their Orders and Votes be Forthwith Printed and Published,

to Prevent Süch Misremrts and Scandais. Which Either Malice. or Want of Wit. Hinhtned

with Snoffes of Ale or Stayned Claret Mav Cause. in the Dishonour of the Said Votes and 273

Proceedinns- in Parliament. Ja: Kinesmill- Clar. Parliamen. May 18. 1647. (2nd edn. of

Neville's The Ladies Parliament in which the verse conclusion is replaced by the untitied

squib fiom the Conway Papen). 62:E.388 (4)/ Wing NS 12.

[- - - .] Shufline.- Cuttinn and Deaiing, in a Game at Picauet: Beinn Acted from the Year 1653 to

1558. Bv 0.P and Others: with Great Apolause. May 1 6. 1659. 146:E.983 (9).

The New Letanie. March 15. 1647. 246:669-f. 10 ( 120).

A New Mariage. between Mr. Kinn and ME. Parliameni. The Banes Forbidden bv Cabtain

Armv. with the Grounds and Reasons He &-es tbr the Same. November 30, 1648.82:E.

526 (34).

New News from the Old Exchanne: Or the Common-N'ealth of Vertuous Ladies Livelv

Decwhered: Seing a Modest Answer to an Immodest Scurrulous Pam~hiet.Wherein Are

Notoriouslv Scandalized Man' Noble Persons. No Lesse Trulv Honourable for Their

Effiikent Vertues. Then Their Severail Respecti\-e Titles. in a Povsonous Pamphlet,

htituled. Newes fiom the New-Exchange. Nor Printed in the Year of Women without

Grace. but in That Yeare When the Author of It uith Thousands Were. Manifestlv Have

Shewed Themselves to Be Almost Gracelesse. March 16. 1650. 91 :ES95(6).

A New Play Called Canterburie His Change of Diot. Which Sheweth Varietv of With and Mirth:

Privatelv Acted Neare the Palace-Yard at Westminster. 1. Act. the Bishov of Canterbury

Havinn Varietv of Dainties. 1s Not Satisfied Tifl He Be Fed with Ti~~etsof Mens-Ears. 2.

Act. He Hath His Nose Held to the Grinde-Stone. 3. Act. He is Put into a Birdcane with

the Confessor. 4. Act. the Jester Tells the King the Stop-. 1641. 3 1 :E. 177 (8).

No Parn~hlet.but a Detestation aeainst Al1 Such Pam~hletsAs Are Printed. Conceminn the Insh

Rebellion. Plainelv Demonstratine- the Falshood of Them. With a Short Breviarv of Some Passages Latelv Hap~eninn- betweene a HouseKee~erand Some of the Rebels: with the

Death of the Gentleman of the House. and the Chiefe of the Rekls. Beinn a True CODVof

a Letter Sent to a Merchant of the Citv of London. 1642. 24:E. 134 (3).

Now or Never: Or. a New Parliament of Women Assembled and Met Toeether Neer the Pows-

Head in Moor-Fields. on the Back-Side of Allsuch: Adiovnine uDon Shoreditch. With

ïheir Declaration. Articles, Rules. Laws. Orders. and Prowsals, to AI1 London-Prentices,

Youna-Men. Batchelours. and Others; Esbeciall~to Merchants. Silk-Men, Drawrs,

Grocers. Stationers. Haberdashers. Goldsmiths. Jovners. Camenters. Masons. Bricklavers,

Shoomakers, Weavers. Butchers. Cut lers. Dvers. Fish-Moneers. Cumers. Vitriers. Inn-

Holders. Chandlers. Gassiers. Tavlors. and U~holsters.Likewise. Three Excellent

S~eechesMade in This Great Assernbl\-. bv the Citv-Virgins; and Ei~htSeveral Acts,

Orders. and Decrees. Touchina. a Free Choice in Marriaee: Together with the Hi&

Iniunction. and Great Penaltv on AI1 Men Whatsoever. That Shall Abuse or Prove Unkind

to Their Wives. Whereunto Is Annexed. the Fair Maid of the Wests Love-Sonnet, Verv

Pleasant and Delightful for Al1 Young-Men and Maids. Both in Citv and Countrev.

Aupst 18, 1656. l33:E. 885 (9).

Ogilby, John. The Fables of Aesop Para~hras'd in Verse. December 30, 165 1. 12 1 :E.792 (1).

Our Demands of the English Lords Manifested. Beinr at Rippon Octob. 8. 1640. With Answers

to the Com~laintsand Grievances Given in bv the bis ho^ of Duham. Northumberland,

and Sorne of Newcastle: Said to Be Committed b\ Our Armv. Printed. b~ Marperv Mar-

Prelat. 1640. STC 2 1926.

Overbury, Thomas. The Overburian Characters to Which 1s Added "A Wife". Ed. W. J. Paylor.

Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 1936. 275 Overton, Mary. To the Rieht Honorable. the Knirrhts. Citizens, and Burrresses. the Parliament of

Ennland. Assernbled at Westminster. the Humble ADDeak and Petition of Mary Overton.

Prisoner in Bridewell. March 24. 1647.61 :E.38 1 ( 10).

Overton, Richard. An Arrow A~ainst- Al1 Tvrants and T~nnv.Shot from the Prison of New-

Gate into the Preroeative Bowels of the Arbitran. House of Lords and AI1 Other Usurwrs

and Tvrants Whatsoever. Wherein the Original1 Rise. Extent, and End of Maeisteriall

Power. the Naturall and National] Riehts. Freedomes and Promrties of Mankind are

Discovered, and Undeniablv Maintained: the Late O~~ressionsand Incroachments of the

Lords over the Commons Leaallv Ibv the Fundamentall Lawes and Statutes of this

Realme. as Also bv a Mernorable Extract out of the Records of the Rower of London)

Condemned: the Late Presbvterian Ordi~ance(Invented and Contnved bv the Diviners,

and bv the Motion of Mr. Bacon and Mr. Tact read in the House of Cornmons) Examined,

Refùted. and Ex~loaded,as Most Inhumaine. Tvranicall and Barbarous. October 10. 1646.

Facsimile rpt. Exeter: The Rota, 1976.

P., W. The Gossi~sGreetine: Or, a New Discover\. of Such Females Meeting. Wherein 1s

PIainelv Set Forth the Sundrv Sorts of Those Kinds of Women. with Their Severall

Humors and Conditions. Very Pleasant and Deiectable. 1620. STC 19080.5.

Pagitt, E Iphraim]. Heresionra~hyor a Descri~tionof the Hereticks and Sectaries of These Latter

Times bv E. Pa itt. "The Third Edition with Some Additions." 1st edn. May 8, 1645.

1647. Wing Pl 77.

Pallavicino, Ferrante. St Paul's Late Progress: See James Howell.

[ - - - ?] The Whore's Rhetoric 1683. Facsimile. Ed. James R. hine. New York: Scolar P, 1979.

Palmer, Herbert. The Glasse of Gods Providence towards His Faithfull Ones. Held Forth in a 276 Sermon Preached to the Two Houses of Parliament. at Marearets Westminster. Aun. 13.

1644. Bein~an Extraordinarv Dav of Humiliation. Wherein 1s Discovered the Great

Failinrrs That the Best Are Liable unto: Umn Which God is Provokes Sometimes to Take

Vengeance. The Whole Is Apdved S~eciallvto a More Carefuil Observation of Our Late

Covenant, and Particularlv aaainst- the Unrrodlv Toleration Pleaded for under Pretence of

Libem of Conscience. August 14. 1644.28:E.6 (8).

[Parker, Henry]. Observations umn Some of His Ma~rstiesLate Answers and Exaresses. July 2.

1642.27:E.153 (26).

PIarker], M[artin]. A Bnef Sum of Certain Worm-Wood Lectures Translated out of Ail

laneuanes into Billinnseate Dialogue. ( 1639? non-extant) 1682. Wing P4348.

- - - . Britains Honour. In the Two Valiant Welshnien, Who Founht anainst Fifieene Thousand

Scots, at Their Now Comrninn to Eneland Passing- over Tvne; Whereof One Was Kill'd

Manfirllv Fiahtina aerainst His Foes. and the Other Bein~Taken Prisoner. Is Now lubon

Relaxation) Corne to Yorks to His Maiestie. 1640: Cavalier and Puritan 90-94.

- - - . A Pemv-Worth of Good Counsell. To Widdon-es*and to Maides. This Counsell 1 Send

Free: and Let Them Looke before Thev Lea~e.or. That Thev Mamed Bee. To the Tune of

DuIcima. 163 8 STC 19263.

Parliament of England. Die Veneris. 15 Octob. 1647. Ordered bv the Commons Assembled in

Parliament. That the Sereeant at Ams Attendin2 on This House Be Required bv Himself

or His Servants. to A~prehendAI1 Such N'omen or Other Persons That He Shall be

Infonned of. Who Clamor about the Houses. and Sveak Anv Scandalous Words aeainst

the Parliament. etc. October 15, 1647. Wing E270A.

The Parliament of Women: Or. a Corndete Histon of the Proceedings and Debates. of a 277 Particular Junto. of Ladies and Gentlewomen. w-ith a Design to Alter the Government of

the World. bv Wav of a Satvr. 1684. Wing P506A.

The Parliaments X. Commandements. January 25. 1 648. N6:669.f.1 1 ( 1 2 1 ).

Partridge, John. The Treasurie of Commodious Conceits. & Hidden Secrets. and Mav Be Called

the Huswiues Closet. of Healthfull Prouision Mete and Necessarie for the Profitable Vse

of Ail Estates Both Men and Women. and Also Pleasant for Recreation: With a Necessarv

Table of Al1 Things Herein Contayned: Gathered out of Sundrye Exwriments Lately

Practised bv Men of Great Knowled~e.1573. STC 19425.5. Rpt. 1584 STC 19427; 1586

STC 19433.5; 1 59 1 STC 1 9429; 1596 STC 1 9-PI.5. Rpt.as The Treasurie of Hidden

Secrets. Cornmonlie Called. the Good-Huswives Closet . . . And Now Newlv Enlarned,

with Divers Necessary Phisicke Hel~es.and Knowledae of the Names and Naturall

Diswsition of Diseases. that Most Commonlv Hamen to Men and Women. Not

Im~ertinentfor Everv Good Huswife to Use in Her House. amonast Her Own Familie.

1600. STC 19430; 1608 STC 19430.5; 1627 STC 1943 1. and STC 1943 1.5; 1633 STC

19432; 1637 STC 19433: 1653 Wing P628.

- - - . The Widdowes Treasure. Plentifullv Furnished u-ith Sundn. Precious and Amroued

Secrets in Phisicke and Chirureerv. for the Health and Pleasure of Mankinde. Heereunto

Are Adioined. Sundrv Prittie Practices and Conclusions of Cookerie. with Manv

Profitable and Wholesome Medicines for Sundp Diseases in Cattle. 1 586. STC 19433.5.

Rpt. 1595 STC 19434; 1599 STC 19435: 163 1 STC 19437; 1639 STC 19437a; 1656

Wing M613.

A Perfect Tiurnall: Or Welch Post. With Her Creat Packet of Letter. for Her to Cam into Her

Countrev of Whales. Touchinn- Her Pretern Proceedinn, and War in Ennland. Rom 278

Saturdav the 4 of Feb. to Saturdav the 1 1. February 1 1, 1643. 243E.89 (10).

Periwig, Nicholas. A Wittv Answer. and Vindication to a Foolish Parn~let.Intituled New Mers

New, Agreed upon by a Parliament of Round-Heads. Or. OId Orders Old. Newlv Varn~t

bv a Parliarnent of Rattle-Heads. Confirmed bv the Brethern of the Malinnant Partv Now

Assembled At Rattle-Heads Court, a Wav-Bit from Yorke. With the lnnorant Rashness of

Mr Short-Breath, a Damnified Cornvanion. Mr Sbeaker of the House. Avowed bv

Nichofas Periwip, Alias No Ears. Cler. Part. Ratle. 1642. 27:E. 15 1 (22).

The Petition of the Weamen [sic] of Middlesex. Which Thev lntended to Have Presented to the

Hiah Court of Parliament. but Shewine. of It to Some of Their Friends Thev Disswaded

Thern fiom It. untill It Should Please God to Endue Them with More Wit. and Lesse Non-

Sence. Subscribed with the Names of above 1 20000. With the Abmentices of Londons

Petition Presented to the Riaht Honourabls. the Hieh Court of Parliament. Whereia 1s Set

Downe the Manifold Greevances. Wherewith of Late Yeeres Thev Have Bin Ob~ressed.

Uruat Rex. Subscnbed and Presented with the Names of above 30000. h~rentices.

Likewise a True Relation of the Earle of Tvrones Ovenhrow. Also. a Bloudv Battell

Mich Was Fou& Betweene the Re~rimentof the Lord Conzenna and the Com~aniesof

the Lord Muskrev in the Countrv of Conno. Where the Protestants Got the Victorie.

Decemb. 8. 1641. 1641.31:E.180(17).

Phillips, John. A Satvr aeainst Hmocntes. 1655. 129:E85 1 ( 19).

Plat, Hugh. Delights for Ladies to Adome Their Persons. Tables. Closets. and Distillatories: with

Beauties. Banauets. Perfbmes. & Waters. Read. Practice. & Censure. 1603. STC 19978.5-

Rpt. 1608. STC 19980: 1609. STC 19981 : 1628. STC 19983.7; 1632. STC 19985; 1635.

STC 19986; 1636. STC 19987; 165 1 Wing P238 1 : 1654 Wing P2382. 279 --- . Deliehts for Ladies. Ed. Violet and Hal. W. Tro\.illion. Hemn: Trovillion Private Press,

1939. Bod. Johnson e.2978.

Poole, EIizabeth. A Vision: Wherein 1s Manifested the Disease and Cure of the Kinndome.

Beine the Summe of What Was Delivered to the Generall Councel of the Annv. Decernb.

29.1648. Toeether with a Tnie Co~ieof B'hat Was Delivered in Writine (the Fiflh of This

Present Januam) to the Said Generall Conncei (sic]. of Divine Pleasure Concemina the

Kin%in Reference to His Beina Broueht to Trial]. What Thev Are Therein to Do. and

MatNot. Both Concemine His Ofice and Person. Bv E. Pool Herein a Servant to the

Most Hkh God. January 9. 1649.83:E.537 (24).

Porter, Jean-Baptista. Natural Maeic. 1659. Wing P2982a.

Potter, Lois, ed. "The Mrs. Pariiament Political Dialogues." AEB 1. 1987: 101 -1 70.

A Powerfull. Pitifdi. Citi-Full Crv. of Plentifull Children. and Their Admirable. Lamentable

Com~laint.1. For Cavaliers Curdling Their Mother Milke. 2. That the Cavaliers Powder

BIew UP Their Mothers Bellies. 3. That the Ca\,aIiers Have Kilfed Sorne of Their Fathers.,

4. That Their Fathers Be Run Wwav from Them. 5. That the Pa~istsBeare Armes. 6. For

the Cavaliers Plunderina. 7. For Their Mothers Tumblin~- in the Grasse. 8. Want of

Trading and Sustinance. 9. Want of Learning. 10. Want of Education. 1 1. Want of Peace.

12. That Love 1s Foreotten. February 16. 1643. 15:E.89 (27).

P[rice], L[awrence]. A Monstrous Shaw or Shapelesse Monster. A Descrimion of a Female

Creature Borne in HoIland, Comdeat in Evem Parte Save Onlv a Head Like a Swine,

Who Hath Travaifed into Manv Parts. and 1s Now- to Be Seene in London . . . TO the Tung

of the Spanish Pavin. 1639. STC 203 1 7.

A Propre New Booke of Coken. Declapng What Maner of Meates Bee Best in Ceason for Al1 280 Tpesof ve Yere and How Thes Oueht to Bee Dressed and Serued at the Table Bothe for

lm

That Deliehteth in Cokery. 1545. STC 3365.5

Prynne, William. A Fresh Discovehr of Some Prodi~iousNew Wanderine-Blasine-Stars, &

Firebrands. Stiling Themselves New-Liahts. Firine- Our Church and State into New

Combustions. Divided into Ten Sections. Com~risin~- Severall Most Libellous.

Scandalous. Seditious. Insolent. Unchari table. (and Some Blas~hemous)Passaes:

Published in Late Unlicensed Printed Pamohlets. aeainst the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction

and Power of Parliaments. Councels. Svnods. Christian Kinns and Magistrates. in

Generallr the Ordinances and Proceedinris of This Present Parliament in Swciall: The

National Covenant. Assemblv, Directon.. Our Brethem of Scotland. Presbyterian

Government; The Church of Ennland. with Her Ministers. Worshi~:the O~wsersof

indemndent Novelties: and Some Seditious Oueres. Incitations. Practices. to Stir UD the

Cornrnonaltv and Rude Vulnar- aeainst the Parliament. Assemblv. Minister. Worthv

Bath Houses. and Al1 Sober-Minded Christians Serious Consideration. Detestation. and

Cryinp: for S~eedvExemdarv Justice on the Libellers and Libels. to Prevent Our

Churches. Relinions. Parliaments. Kingdomes Eminent Ruine. 2nd edn. December 16,

1646.45:E.267(3).

A Full Re~hto Certaine Briefe Observations and Anti-Oueries on Master

PmesTwelve Questions about Church-Government: Wherein the Frivolousnesse,

Falsenesse. and Grosse Mistakes of This Anonvmous Answerer (Ashamed of His Name)

and His Weak Grounds for Indewndencev. and Sevaration. Are Modestlv Discovered,

Refelled [sic]. October 19. 1644.44:E.257 (7). 28 1 - - - . Histrio-Mastix. The Plavers Scourne. or, Actors Tra~aedie.Divided into Two Parts.

Wherein It Is Largelv Evidenced, bv Divers Arguments. bv the Concurrinn Authorities

and Resolutions of Sundrv Texts of Scri~ture. . . That Popular Stage-Plaves . . . Are

Sinfiill. Heathenish. Lewde. Unnodiv Smctacles, and Most Pernicious Com~tions;

Condemned in All Aaes, As Intolerable Mischiefes to Churches. to Re~ublickes.to the

Mamers. Mindes. and Soules of Men. And that the Profession of Plav-Poets. of

Stane-Plavers: To~etherwith the Pemina. Actinr. and Freauentin~of Stage-Plaves.- Are

Unlawfiill. lnfamous and Misbeseemina Christians. A11 Pretences to the Contrarv Are

Here Likewise Fullv Answered: and the Unla~fulnesof Acting. of Beholding

Academicall Enterludes. Brieflv Discussed: Besides Sundrs Other Particulars Conceming

Dancine. Dicinp;. Health-Drinkinn. &c. of Which the Table Will Informe You. 1633. STC

20464.

- - - . hde~endencvExamined. Unmasked. Refuted, b\- Twelve New Particular Interro~atories:

Detecting; Both the Maniford Absurdities. Inconveniences That Must Necessarilv Attend

It. to the Great Disturbance of Church, State. the Diminution. Subversion of the Lawfull

Undoubted Power of Al1 Christian Manistrates. Parliaments. S~nods:And Shakinn- the

Chiefe Pillars. Wherewith Its Patrons Would SUDW~It. September 26: 1644.44E.257

(3)-

- - - and Henry Elsynge. New Babels Confusion. Or. Severail Votes of the Cornmons

Assembled in Parliament: aeainst Certain Paoen. Entituled. The Agreement of the People

for a Fim and Present Peace upon Common Right. Delivered to ïhem in the Name of Ail

the Freebom People of England. Ordered bv the Commons Assembled in Parliament.

That These Votes Be Fonhwith Pnnted and Publ ished. January 301 1648. 84:E.540 (1 9). 282 - - - . Twelve Considerable Senous Questions Touchinc Church Goveniment: Sadlv Promunded

fout of a Real1 Desire of Unitie. and Tranauillitv in Church and State) to Al1 Sober-

Minded Christians, Cordiallv Affectine a Swedv Setled Reformation. and Brotherl~

Christian Union in AI1 Our Churches and Dominions. Now Miserablv Wasted with Civil1

Umaturall Wars. and De~iorablvLacerated wi th Ecc lesiastical Dissentions. September

16, 1644.44E.257(1).

Ouestions to Be Dis~utedin Counsell of the Lords S~irituallPrinted bv Mareery Mar-Preiate.

1641. Wing Q187.

R., M. The Mothers CounsefI. or Live Within Com~ass.1630. STC 20583.

Rabisha, William. The Whole Bodv of Cooken: Dissected. Taught and Fullv Manifested,

Methodicallv. Artificiallv. and Accordina to the Best Tradition of The Ennlish. French,

Italian. Dutch. etc. or a Svmpathie of Al1 Varieties in Natural Communds in That

Mvsterie. 1 66 1. Wing R 1 14.

The Ranters Monster: Bein9: a True Relation of One Man. Adams. Living at Tillineham in Essex,

Who Narnes Her Self the Virnin Marv. Bias~hemouslvAfirmina. That She Was

Conceived with Child bv the Holv Ghost: That from Her Should S~rinnForth the Savior

of the World: and That Al1 Those That Did Not Believe in Him Were Damn'd: With the

Manner How She Was Deliver'd of the Ueliest Ill-Sha~enMonster That Ever Eyes

Beheld. and Afierwards Roned Awav in Prison: To the Great Admiration of Al1 Those

That Shall Read the Ensuinn Subiect; the Like Never before Heard of. 1652. 101 :E.658

(6).

The Ranters Rantina: With the A~~rehendinn.- Examinat ions. and Confesson of John Coiiins. 1.

Shakesbear. Tho. Wiberton. and Five More Which Are to Answer the Next Sessions. And 283

Severall Songs or Catches. Which Were Sune At Their Meetines. Also Their Several

Kinds of Mirth and Dancine. Their Blasphemous inions. Their Belief Conce~ng

Heaven and Hell. And the Reason Whv One of the Sarne O~inionCut off the Heads of

His Own Mother and Brother. Set Forth for the Further Discovery of This Uneodlv Crew.

December 2, 1652. E.6 1 8 (8).

A Relation of SeverafI Heresies. 1 Jesuites. 2 Socinians. 3 Aminians. 4 Arians. 5 Adamites. 6

Libertines. 7 Anti-Scrivtarians. 8 Soule-Sleebers 9 Anabatis. 1 O Farnilists. 1 1 Exwctants

& Seekers. 12 Divorcers. 13 Pellaaians. 14 Millenaries. 15 Anti-Sabitarians. 16 Anti-

Trinitarians. 17 Sabatarians. 18 Se~aratists.19 Awstolikes. 20 Antinomians. Discovering

the Original Ring-Leaders. and the Time When The! Benan to S~read:As Also Their

Daneerous Opinions. and Tenents. Unto Which 1s Added Some Particulars of an

Ordinance in Debate (Some Heads of Which Already Pnntedl for the Preventine of the

Growine and S~readingof Heresie. October 17. 1646. 58:E.358 (2).

A Remonstrance of Londons Occurrences in a Brief. Real. and Inaenius Demonstration of AII

Particulars, and the Bundle of Newes That Flvins Rewrt Doth Annunciate in AI1 Matters.

Describing the Absolute and Present Estate of the Commonwealth. and Which Wav the

Fancies and O~inionsof Men Are Carried in These Troubles of the Kingdome. Also

Prescribina- Solid Counsell to the Innorant. How to Know the Fashions of London. and to

Discourse Prudentlv of the Whole Estate of This Kinedome. Re~lenishedwith Many

Witty Conceits and Humours. with Divers Ingenious Passages Inviting the Readers

Observation. and Judaement. Vir SadOui Pauca Loauitur. January 3 1, 1643. 15:E.87

(9).

A Remonstrance of the Shee-Citizens of London. And of Manv Thousands of Other the [sicl 284

Da

Free Trade. for the Kinps Swedie Corninr to London. for the Maninn [sic) of Their

Works. and for the Redresse of Their Manv Other Grievances. and Burdens Thev Now

Lie under. Aupst 2 1. 1647. lS:E.404 (2).

A Redv to the House of Commons. Or Rather to an Imtmster. Givinn Answer in Their Narnes to

the Londoners Petition. Presented to the Said Honourable House. Se~t.1 1. 1648.

November 4, 1648. 75:E.470 (6)-

The Resolution of the Women of London to the Parliament. Wherein Thev Declare Their Hot

Zeaie in Sendinn Their Husbands to the Warres. in Defence of Kinn and Parliament. As

Also the Proceedines of the Kine at York. with Their Full Detennination in Maintaining

This Their Resolution. to the Admiration of the Reader. With Their Desires to the

Parliament That This Mav Be Printed. August 26- 1642. 20:E. 1 14 (1 4).

Rolf. Alice. To the Chosen and Betrusted Kniahts. Citizens, and Bureesses. Assembled in

Parliament at Westminster. The Humble Petition of Alice Rolf. Wife to Maior Edmond

Rol~h.Close Prisoner at the Gatehouse Wesminster. &c. Presented to the Honorable

House of Cornmons Julv 10. 1648. 1648. 246:669.t'.12 (73).

Rollins, Hyder, E., ed. Cavalier and Puritan: Ballads and Broadsides Illustratine the Pericd of the

Great Rekllion 1640- 1660. New York: New York U?, 1923.

Rowe, John. Trapli-Comedia. Beinn a Brief Relation of the Stranne and Wonderfull Hand of -God. 1653. Wing R2067. Rthynes [sicl~ainstMartin Marre-Prelat. 1588. STC 17465.

Ruthven, Patrick. The Ladies Cabinet Enlareed and O~ened:Containine Manv Rare Secrets. and

Rich Ornaments of Several Kindes, and Different Uses. Com~rizedunder Three General 285

Heads. Viz. of 1 . Presenins Consemin p. Candvina. &c. 2. Phvsick and Chinugerv. 3.

Cookerv and Houswifery. Whereunto 1s Addird. Sundn. Experiments. and Choice

Extractions of Waters, Ovls. &c. 16%. 194:E.1 528 ( 1 ).

S., S. A Recei~tfor the State-Palsie. Or. a Direction for the Setline the Government of the

Nation: Delivered in a Sermon umn Proverbs 25.5. February 2. 1660. 150:E. 1015 (4).

Saintsbury, George. ed. Minor Poets of the Caroline Period. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1905.

Salter, George. An Answer to Roger Crabs Printed Pa-per io the Ouakers. And Likewise to His

fnnci~les and Doctrines. Whose S~irit1s Trved and Found in the Dark. Which 1s to Be

Directed A~ainto Roger Crab and His Followers. Who Cped uo His Pa-per: That Thev

Mav Learn Wisdom to Preserve Them in Innocencv. in the Power of God. in Which There

1s No Confusion. 1659. Wing S463.

Scobell. Henry. Die Martis. 23 Julii. 1650. Resolves of the Parliament. Conceminn Such

Delincauents As Have Not Paid in Their Fines Accordine to Comwsitions. 1650.246:

669.f.1 5 (29).

The Scotch-Cabinet Picklocke Amrehended and Esamined in a View and Briefe Answer to 5

Queries. or Reasons aeainst a Persona11 Treaty betwist the Kin~- and Parliament Published

in a Late Scandalous Parn~hletEntituled The Scotch Cabinet Opened, Tendine Much to

the Hinderance of a Desired Habbv Peace. and a Further Continuance of Our New

Abhorred Umaturall War Destructive to the Kinedorne. 1648. Wing S95 1.

The Scots Cabinett O~ened.Wherein You Have a Short and Full Account of the Secret

Transactions of the Late Affaires. bv the Scots Commissioners with the King and

Parliarnent. and the Invisible Stem. bv Which Wee Are Brought to a New Warre.

Toeether with Some Ouaeries Conceminn a Persona11 Treatie: Pro-munded to Awaken the 286

S~intsof Al1 True En~lish-Men.- to Take Heed of the Scots Desienes. August 4, 1648.72:

E.456 (36).

Scn~tureand Reason Pleaded for Defensive Armes: Or the Whole Controversie about Subiects

Takine UD Armes. Wherein Besides Other Pam~hlets.an Answer 1s Punctuaii~Directed

to Dr. Femes Booke. Entitled. Resolving of Conscience. &c. The Scri~turesAlledned Are

Fullv Satisfied. The Rationall Discourses Are Weiahed in the Ballance of Rinht Reason.

Matters of Fact Concemine the Present Differences. Are Examined. April 14, 1643.42:E.

247 (22).

Seaven Great Matters of Note Videlizet. First. Two Petitions of the Lords and Commons to His

Maiestie. Februarv 2. 1641. 2. His Maiesties Ansu-ere to the Two Petitions . . . 3. His

Maiesties Consent for the Princesse Maries Goinr to Holland. and the Oueen to

Accom~anvHer . . .4. Her Maiesties Answer to a Message of Both Houses. 5. His

Maiesties Message to the House of Commons to the Kinas Last Message . . . Also the

Humble Petition of Manv Thousands of Courtiers, Citizens. Gentlemens. and

Trades-Mens Wives . . . Concernine the Staving of the Oueenes Intended Vomze into

Holland. February. 1 642. Wing S2736A.

Severall Petitions Presented to the Honorable Houses of Parliament Now Assembled. 1 The

Hurnbie Petition of Manv Thousands of Courtiers. Citizens. Gentlemen. and Trades-Mens

Wives. Inhabitine within the Cities of London and Westminster. Concemine Lsic] the

Stavinn of the Oueenes Intended Vovage- into Hol land: with Manv Serious Causes and

Weiehty Reasons. (Which Thev Desire) May lnduce the Honourabie House to Detaine

Her Maiestv. Presented and Read in the House by the Lord Mandevill. the Tenth of

Februarv, 1641. 2. An Other of the Gentn. Ministers. and Communalty of Cleveland in 287 the Countv of Yorke, Subscribed to bv 1400 of the Best Ranke and Oualitv. 3. The

Humble Petition of the Gentlemen. and Other Inhabitants in the Countv of Cornwall.

February 1642.24:E.135 (31).

Shepherd, Simon. ed. The Women's ShmRevenee: Five Women's Pam~hletshm the

Renaissance. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1985.

Smith, Anne. The Case of Anne Smvth. the Wife of Daniel1 Smvth, One of the Daunhters of Sir

John Danvers of Culwonh in the Countnr of Nonhamnton Kt. Deceased, Truiv Stated.

Humblv Tendred to the Consideration of the Suiireme Authoritv of Eneland. the

Cornons Assembled in Parliament. 1 650. 246:669.f. 1 5 (6 1 ).

Smith. John. Mvstem of Rhetoric Unveiled. 165% Ed.. R.C. Alston. English Linguistics 1500-

1 800. Menston, Scholar Press. 1 969.

Smith, NigeI, ed. A Collection of Ranter Writines from the Seventeenth Centum. London:

Junction Books. 1983.

[Smith,Strap.] An Answer to Lame Giles Calfines Messe of Pottaee. Which Hee Tennes in His

Haltin~S~eech to Be Well Cmmed and Seasone, &c. 1642.25:E-143(1 1).

Spelman, John. The Case of Our Affairs in Law. Religion. and Other Circumstances Brieflv

Exarnined. and Presented to the Conscience. January 29. 1644. Facsimile rpt. Exeter: The

Rota, 1975.

A Spirit Movine in the Women-Preachers: Or. Certaine Ouaeres. Vented and Put Forth unto This

Afionted. Brazen-Faced. Strange, New Feminine Brood. Wherein Thev Are Proved to Be

Rash. Ignorant, Arnbitious. Weake. Vaine-Glorious. Pro~haneand Proud. Moved Onelv

bv the Svirit of Errour. February 23, 1616.53:E.324 (10).

Stiff, Mary. The Good Women Crves anainst- the Excise of Al1 Their Cornrnodities. 288

Shewine. As the Businesse Now Stands. The! Are in No Case Able to Bear Such Heavv

Pressures. and Insu~prtableBurthens. Occasioned bv the Iuncto's New Imwst on Their

Wares. Wherebv Thev Are Like to Fa11 into Great Want of Trading. and Puttins Off Their

Cornrnodities at the Prizes Fonnerlv. to the Utter Undoinp of Their Deare Husbands and

Families for Ever. Therefore Having a Fellow-Feeling of One Anothers Lamentable and

Lanauishinn Cases. OJotwithstandinn Anv Act to the Contrant) Have Put forwards

Themselves to Seeke Redresse of Their Agerievances, and Inabiiities of Their Over-

Burthened Husbands Insufficiencies. and Unsatisfiing Performmces in Their Severall

Occu~ations:Have Convened Tonether in a Feminine Convention in Doe-Little-Lane. and

Tendred Their Amsievances and Comdaints to the Consideration of the Cornmon-

wedth; Desitina Sbeedv Redresse Therein. Witten bv MmStiff. Chair-Woman. in

Vinenar Verse. January 4. 1650. 90:E.589 ( 1 ).

Stradling, 1. Mrs., et al. The Citv-Dames Petition. in the Behalfe of the Lona Afflicted. but Well-

Affected Cavaliers. Presented to the Sumeme Pou-ersof This Kinadome. September 28,

1647. E. 409 (1 2).

Strong, James. Joanereidos: Or. Feminine Valour Eminentlv Discovered in Westerne Women: As

Well bv Defiine the Mercilesse Enemv at the Face Abroad. As bv Finhtinn anainst Them

in Gmison Townes: Sometimes Carrving Stones. Anon Tumbline of Stones Over the

Works on the Enemv. When ïhev Have Been Scaline Them. Some CvinePowder,

Other Chareine of Peeces to Ease the Souldiers. Constanth Resolved for Generality. Not

to Think Anv Ones Life Deare, to Maintaine that Christian Ouarrell for the Parliament.

Wherebv, As Thev Deserve Cornmendations in Themselves. So Are the^ Promsed As

Examde unto Others. June 9. 1645.47:E.287 ( 1 ). 289 Swetnam [altemately Sweetnam]. Joseph. The Amienment of Lewde. Idle. Froward. and

Unconstant Women. 161 5. STC 23534.

Symmons, Edward. A Vindication of King- Charles: Or. a Lova1 Subiects DUW.Manifested in

Vindicatinn His Soveraime fiom Those Asmrsions Cast umn Him bv Certaine Persons,

in a Scandalous Libel. Entituled. The Kings Cabinet Opened: and Published (as Thev Say)

bv Authoritv of Parliament. Whereunto 1s Added. a True ParaIlet betwixt the Sufferinns

of Our Saviour and Ow Soveraism- in Divers Particulars. &c. 1647.65:EA 14 (1 7).

Taylor, John. Al1 the Works of John Tavlor the Water-Poet 1630. Facsimile rpt. London:

Menston Scholar Press. 1973.

[ - - -1. Cornu-Co~iaor. Roorne for a Ram-Head. Wherein 1s Described the Dimitv of the Ram-

Head above the Round-Head. or Rattle-Head. 1 642. t7:E. 15 1 (6).

--- . Diverse Crabtree Lectures. Ex~resssinethe Severall Lanauanes that Shrews Read to Their

Husbands. Either at Morninrr. Noone. or Ni~ht.With a Pleasant Relation of a Shrewes

Mundav. and Shrewes Tuesdav. and Wh' Thev Were So Called. Also a Lecture Between

a Pedler and His Wife in the Cantinn Lanauage. With a New Tricke to Tame a Shrew.

(Registered April 24, 1639) 1639 STC 23747.

[ - - - .] A Junimr Lecture. With the Descri~tionof AI1 Sons of Women. Good. and Bad: From

the Modest to the Maddest. from the Most Civil. to the Scold km~ant.Their Praise and

Dismaise Compendiouslv- Related. Also the Authors Advice How to Tame a Shrew or

Vexe Her. (Registered Apd 24, 1639) 1639. STC 23766. Rpt.: November 9,1652.

27:E.I 402 (1).

- - - . Mad Fashions. Od Fashions. Al1 out of Fashions. or. the Emblems of These Distracted

Times. 1642.25:E. 138 (30). 290 [ - - - .] The Parlament of Women. With the Mem Laies bv Them Newlv Enacted. To Live in

More Ease. Pompe. Pride, and Wantonnesse: But Es~eciallvThat Thev Minht Have

Su~erioritvover Their Husbands: With a New Wav Found Out bv Them to Cure Any Old

or New Cuckolds. and How Both Parties Mav Recover Their Credit and Honesty Asaine.

(Registered June 18, 1640) 1640. STC 19306. Rpts: August 14, 1646. E. 1 150 (5)/ Wing

P505; October 23. 1656. E. 1636 (2)/ Wing P506: and as A Parliament of Ladies. Apnl 16,

1647. E.3 84 (9)/Wing NS I2A.

--- . A Plea for Preroaative: or Give Caesar His Due. Beinn the Wheele of Fortune TumTd

Round: Or. the World Turned To~sie-Tuneie.Wherein 1s Described the Tme Subiects

Lovalp to Maintain His Maiexties Preroeative and Priviledees of Parliament. Bv Thomy

Avlo: Alias, John Tayler. Malice, Disloval tv. War and Sects As~ire.Relinion. Peace,

Obedience Are Ith Mire. 1642.27:E. 154 (22).

[---.] St. Hi1lm.e~Teares. Shed uwn Al1 Professions.. from the Judee to the Pettv Fo-

From the S~niceDames of the Exchange, to the Dunv Walking Fishmone;ers. From the

Coven-Garden Ladv of Iniauitv. to the Tumebal-Streete-Trull. and Indeed fiorn the

Tower-Stairs to Westminster Feml. for Want of a Stimna Midsomer Terme. This Yeare

of Disasters. 1642. Written bv One of His Secretaries That Had Nothinp Else to Doe.

l642.252:E.85 1 (1 9).

- - - . Tavlors Feast: Contavnine Twentv-Seaven Dishes of Meate. without Bread. Dnnke,

Meate. Fruite. Flesh. Fish. Sawce. Sallats. or Sweet-Meats. Onlv a Good Stomacke. &c.

Being. Full of Varietv and Wittv Mirth. 1638. STC 23798.

[ - - - 1. The Womens Shame Revenpe: or an Answer to Sir Seldom Sober That Wnt Those

Railine Pam~heletsCalled the Junimr and Crabtree Lectures. &c. Beinn a Sound Rebly 29 1 and a Full Confination of Those Bookes: With an Amlow in This Case for the Defence

of Us Wornen. Performed bv Marv Tatt le- Well. and Joane Hi t-Him-Home. S~insters.

(Registered ApriI 24, 1639) 1640. STC 13706.

- - - . The Works of John Tavlor the Water-Poet Not Included in the Folio Vehme of 1630.

Facsimile rpt. 4 vols. New York: Spenser Society. 1967.

[ - - - 1. The World Tum'd U~sideDown: Or. a Briefe Description of the Ridiculous Fashions of

These Distracted Times. Bv T. J. a Well-Willer to King. Parliament. and Kinndom.

January 28. 1647.59:E.472 (19).

These Trades-Men Are Preachers in and About the Cit\. of London. Or a Discoverv of the Most

Danaerous and Damnable Tenets That Have Been S~readWithin This Few Yeares: Bv

Manv Erronious. Heriticall and Mechannick Spirits. Bv Which the Verv Foundation of

Christian Knowled~eand Practise is Endeavoured to Be Overtumed. April 26, 1647.246:

669.f.11 (6).

The Thornason Tracts. Ann Arbor. Universi5 Microfilms International.

[Thorowgood, G.I. Prav Be Not Anm: Or. the Women's New Law: With Their Several Votes,

Orders. Rules. and Precevts. to the London-Prentices. Both in Chea~-Side.Lumbard-

Street. Fish-Street. Gracious-Street. Broad-Street. Fleet-Street. Newszate-Market. the

Strand. Covent-Garden: and All Other Places Whatsoever. in and about the Citv of

London. or Parts Adjacent. Likewise, Their Rare Presidents and Instnictions. Both to

Young-Men- and Old. for the Choosine of a Good Wife. or Vertuous Mistress; and How

Thev Shall Know and Distinnuish an Honest U'oman from an Enticine. and Dissembling

More. Aupst 1 1, 1656. 1331E.885 (7).

To the Kinas Most Excellent Maiestv. The Hum bIe Petition of Divers Hundreds of the Kin~s 292 Poore Subiects. Afflicted with That Grevous Infirmitie. Called the Kins Evil. Of Which

bv His Maiesties Absence Thev Have No Possibilin: of Beinp:- Cured. Wantin~Al1 Means

to Gain Accesse to His Maiestv. by Reason of His Abode at Oxford. February 20, 1643.

16:E.90 (6).

To the Parliament of the Common-Wealth of England. The Humble Petition of Divers Afflicted

Women. in Behalf of M:Iohn Lilbum Prisoner in Newgate. June 25. 1653. 246:669.f.17

(26)-

To the Queens Most Excellent Maiestie the Humble Petition of Divers Gentle-Women. Citizens

Wives Tradesmens Wives. and Other Inhabitants in the Cities of London and

Westminster. and the Suburbs Thereof. 1 642? W ing T 1599.

To the Ripht Honorable. the Commons of Enaland. In Parliament Assembled. The Humble

Petition of Divers Wel Affected Pesons Inhabiting the Citv of London. Westminster. the

Borouah of Southwark. Hamblets. and Places Adiacent. Whereunto 1s Anexed. the

Humble Desires of the Said Petitioners for the Houses Resolution Thereon. before Thev

Proceed with the Persona11 Treax September 15. 1648.74:E.464 (5).

To the Riaht Honorable- the Hieh Court of Parliament: The Humble Petition of Manv Hundreds

of Distressed Women. Trades-Mens Wives. and Widdowes. 1 642? 245:669.f.4 (57).

To the Supreme Authoritv of Enaland the Commons Assembled in Parliament. The Humble

Petition of Divers Well-Affected Women. of the Cities of London and Westminster. the

Borouah of Southwark. Hamblets, and Parts Adiacent. Affecters and A~~roversof the

Petition of Seot. 1 1. 1648. May 5, 1649.216:E.885 (9).

To the Supreme Authoritv of the Nation. The Commons of Ennland. Assembled in Parliament.

The Humble Petition of Divers Well-Affected Persons of the Cities of London and 293 Westminster. the Borounh of Southwark, Hambiets. and Parts Adiacent. In the Behalf of

Liut. Coli. John Lilbm. M. William Walwin. M. Thomas Prince. and M. Richard

Overton. Now Prisoners in the Tower. Apri 1 17. 1649. 246:669.f. 14 (20).

To the Su~remeAuthority of This Common-Wealth. the Parliament of Endand: The Humble

Petition of the Creditors of Such Delinauents Whose Estates Are Promunded to Be Sold,

As the Petitionen Are Informed. August 1. 1650. 24k669.f- 15 (45).

To the Su~remeAuthoritv of This Common-Wealth. the Parliament of Enaland. The Humble

Petition of Several of the Wives and Children of Such Delinauents. Whose Estates Are

Prowunded to be Sold. As the Petitionen Are Informed. August, 1650.246:669.f. 15(46).

To a Vertuous and Judicious Ladv. Who (for the Exercise of Her Devotion) Built a Closet,

Wherein to Secure the Most Sacred Booke of Common-Praver. fiom the View and

Violence of the Enernies Thereof. the Sectaries and Schismatiaues of This Kinadome.

Written bv a Most Orthodox. Moderate. and Judicious Divine. a Banished Minister of

This Miserable Kinadome. October 12. 1646. %6:669.f. 10 (92).

Trapnel, Anna. The Crv of a Stone: Or a Relation of Somethina Smken in Whitehall. bv Anna

Tra~nei,Beina in the Vision of God. Relating to the Governors. Armv. Churches. 3

Ministw. Univenities: And the Whole Nation. Uttered in Prayers and S~intualSongs. by

an Inspiration Extraordina?. and Full of Wonder. Febniary 20, 16%. 1 12:E.730 (3).

--- . A Legacv for Saints; Beiny Several Exbenences of the Dealines of Gd with Anna

TrapneI. in and after Her Conversion. (Written Some Years Since with Her Own Handl

and Now Cominn to the Sinht of Some Friends. Thev Have Judaed Them Worthv of

Publike View: Toeether- with Some Letters of a Latter Date; Sent to the Congrenation

with Whom She Walks in the Fellowshi~of the Goswl. and to Some Other Friends. July 294 24, 1654. l23:E.806 (1).

- - - . Stranne and Wonderfil Newes from White-Hall: Or. the Miehtv Visions Pnxeedinw hm

Mistris Anna Tra~nei.to Divers Collonels. Ladies and Gentlewomen. Concemine the

Govemment of Commonwealth of Eneland. Scotland, and Ireland: and Her Revelations

Touchine His Hiahness the Lord Protector. and the Armv. With Her Declaration

Touchinn the State-Affairs of Great-Brittain: Even from the Death of the Late King

Charles, to the Dissolution of the Last Parliarnent. And the Manner How She Lav Eleven

Daves. and Twelve Niehts in a Trance. without Takina- Anv Sustenance. Excent a CUI)of

Smdl Beer Once in 24 Hours: Durinn Which Time. She Uttered Manv Thinns Herein

Mentioned. Relatinn to the Govemors. Churches. Ministrv. Universities, and A11 the

Three Nations: Full of Wonder and Admiration. for Al1 That Shall Read and Penise the

Sarne. h4arch 1 1. 1654.39:€.224 (3).

A True CODYof the Petition of the Centlewomen. [sic] and Tradesmens-Wives in and about the

Citv of London. Delivered, to the HonourabIe. the Kninhts. Citizens. and Burizesses. of

the House of Commons in Parliarnent. the 4th of Februarv, 164 1. Tonether with the

Reasons Whv Their Sex Ou& Thus to Petition. As Well As the Men: and the Manner

How Both Their Petition and Reasons Was Delivered. Likewise the Answer Which the

Honourable Assemblv Sent to Them bv Mr. Pvm. as Thev Stood at the House-Doore.

Whereunto 1s Added the Pro~hesieof Old Svbil la. 1 642. Wing T2657A. Rpts. with

variations l642.24:E. 134 (1 7); and 1 642. Wing T2657.

The Virgins- Comvlaint for the Losse of Their Sweet-Hearts. bv These Present Warres. Both in

Citv and Countrv. And Their Owne Long- Solitude and Kee~inaTneir Vireinities anainst

Their Wills: Presented in the Names and Behalfes of All the Darnsels both of Citv and 295 Counw bv Sundrv Virnins of the Citv of London. Whereunto 1s Added a Mounifiil Dittie,

Written bv Some of the Wittiest Wenches amonn Them. August 24, 1646.57:E.351 (5).

The Virgins Comalaint for the Losse of Their Sweet-Hear

Owne Lonn Sotitude and Kee~innTheir Virgini t ies a~ainstTheir Wills: Prsesnted in the

Names and Behalfes of AI1 the Damsels Both of Country and Citv. Janw29. Bv Sundw

Virains of the Citv of London. January 3 1. 1633. 15:E.86 (38).

Vox Borealis. or the Northern Discoverie bv Wav of a Dialogue between Jarnie and Willie.

Printed bv Marnerv Mar-Prelat. 164 1.3 1 :E.1 77 (5).

Wag the Doq. Screenplay by Hilary Henkin and David Marnet. Dir. Barry Levinson. With Dustin

Hofian, Robert de Niro. Anne Heche. New Line Cinema 1997.

Walker, Clement. The Comaleat Histo- of Indemndencie. Uwn the Parliament Bem 1640 . . .

Continued till This Present Year 1660. Which Forth Part Was Never before PubIished.

166 1. Bod. Tanner 3 19; and Fisher Rare Book Li bras.

Walker, George. A Sermon Preached in London bv a Faithfull Minister of Christ. Printed bv

Maraew Mar-Prelat. 1 641. Wing 353.

Walker, Mary. The Case of Mrs. Marv Walker. the Wife of Clement Walker. Esq: Trulv Stated.

Hurnblv Tendered to Everv Individual Member of the Su~rearnAuthority of the Nation.

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