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June 2000 27 Probation and Pretrial Chiefs Can Learn From the Leadership Styles of American Presidents

Michael Eric Siegel, The Federal Judicial Center

MANY MANAGERS AND leaders, • And a realistic John Kennedy said, “The presi- First a caveat. I do not intend this essay as including probation and pretrial chiefs, fan- dent is rightly described as a man of extraordi- a partisan document in any way. I will praise tasize about having more power—power nary power. Yet it is also true that he must wield and criticize Republican and Democrat presi- equivalent, say, to that of the president of the these powers under extraordinary limitation.” dents. The effort is not intended to enhance or a federal judge. These wish- or detract from the reputation of any recent The limitations on power are painfully ob- ful thinkers believe that if they had more president but rather to educate managers and vious to presidents; they include the constitu- power they could overcome obstacles and leaders about strategic and effective leader- tional provisions of separation of powers and move their organizations forward the way a ship. There is, after all, a widespread interest checks and balances. The limitations on power president can move forward. in improving the quality of leadership, which, also include political realities of Congressional according to James MacGregor Burns, is one power, interest groups, the media, and the of the “most often observed and frequently Introduction electorate itself. Recent examples include the misunderstood phenomena on earth” (Burns, There is no doubt of the president’s power. Supreme Court forcing to sur- 1985:3). Heinemann and Hessler agree that Though the office was created by men who render the Watergate tapes and the Monica to be a “strategic president” an occupant of “had their fingers crossed,” hoping that it Lewinsky incident almost bringing about the the must master four things: would not become too powerful political demise of . (Koenig,1981), it has evolved into a substan- Given the constraints, the question essen- Policy (Vision) tial institution of considerable power, over- tially becomes: How can a president exert a The issue of “vision” gets at the heart of a seeing an enormous budget and a personnel powerful, positive influence and lead effec- president’s objectives and goals. Questions a system of some three million people. The tively? presidential candidate might ask under this president is able to shape the nation’s agenda, In answering this question, I will draw dimension include: Why am I running for gain regular access to the airwaves, command upon a framework developed by two execu- president anyway? Where do I want to lead a huge military operation, and even oversee a tives of the Carter presidency, Ben the nation? What do I want to accomplish nuclear arsenal. It is no wonder that Ameri- Heinemann and and Curtis Hessler. In their during the next four years? What are my most cans sometimes have a “” image book, Memorandum to the President (1980), important goals? Values? Once elected, a of the presidency— the notion that a man can Heinemann and Hessler develop four com- president must continue to ask these ques- ride into town on a white horse and correct ponents of a strategic presidency. I will use tions, as he can otherwise easily lose control all of the nation’s problems (Smith, 1988). the Heinemann-Hessler framework to: of his agenda and, by extension, his purpose. And yet, those who have served in that • Compare three recent presidents regarding Readers familiar with the recent plethora office have quite a different view of the ex- their ability to conduct the office in a “strate- of management and leadership books on vi- tent of the president’s actual power. gic” fashion. sion will immediately recognize the theme embedded in these questions. The literature • Extend the “lessons” of the presidents to • A frustrated Lyndon Johnson remarked, is voluminous, but the point is simple and leadership generally, including managers and “The only power I have is nuclear, and I can- expressed eloquently by Warren Bennis: “The leaders in probation and pretrial services. not use it.” first ingredient of the effective leadership is a • Harry talking about Eisenhower • Illustrate the critical role of context for lead- guiding vision. The leader has a clear idea of said, “Poor Ike. He’ll think it’s like the mili- ership—how a leader’s behavior is powerfully what he wants to do—professionally and per- tary. He’ll say do this or do that, and nothing influenced by the behavior of the person he sonally—and the strength to persist in the face will happen.” or she is replacing. of setbacks, even failures” (Bennis 1989). 28 FEDERAL PROBATION Volume 64 Number 1

Vision is a powerful instrument of political influence members of the opposition party, manage organizations and people. What was leadership—consider of John or even members of my own party who may a fairly lonely cry by Tom Peters and Charles Kennedy’s vision of “sending a man to the have their own political agendas? How will I Waterman in their 1982 pathbreaking book, moon and returning him safely to the earth”— lead the executive branch of government? In Search of Excellence, has become a deafen- and an equally powerful contributor to corpo- How will I manage the complex world of lob- ing critique of the slow, plodding, confused, rate success. According to the excellent research bying and influence pedaling? How will I and inefficient that we allegedly of Porras and Collins, visionary companies that work with the media? Will I rely on amateurs serve in all our organizations today. In their are clear on their “core ideology” consistently or professionals, friends or experts to get the 1980 Harvard Business Review article, “Man- outperform their competitors (1997). work done? How will I stay true to my agenda, aging Our Way to Economic Decline,” au- Probation and pretrial chiefs have been fulfill my campaign promises, and still have thors Robert Hayes and William Abernathy hard at work developing mission/vision state- time to reflect on and assess what I am do- said: ments for their offices. Consider this one from ing? How many issues will I tackle at one time? American management, espe- the Probation Office, Middle District of Again, those who toil in the vineyards of cially in the two decades following Florida (US Probation M/FL Office Annual organizational management and leadership or World War II, was universally admired Report, December, 1999): are familiar with recent literature will quickly for its strikingly effective performance. “Our mission is the protection of society appreciate the value of the political skills sug- But times change. An approach molded through submission of comprehensive re- gested here. For example, persuasion and ne- and shaped during stable decades may ports to the Court and improvement of the gotiations skills must be used effectively by be ill suited to a world characterized by conduct and conditions of the offender. We any leader to get things done. This is espe- rapid and unpredictable change, scarce accomplish this through the contributions of cially true in an era when the command men- energy, global competition for markets, all those who perform or support investiga- tality has fallen by the wayside. In their book, and a constant need for innovation tion and supervision services.” The Manager as Negotiator, authors David Lax (1980). and James Sibinius contend that, “Negotiat- “Our vision is to be an agency which: ing is a way of life for managers, whether rent- This same critique of government bureau- Shows respect to all offenders and recognizes ing office space, coaxing a scarce part from cracy underscores a good deal of the work of their ability to change; another division, building support for a new the more recent National Performance Re- marketing plan, or working out next year’s view launched by President Clinton and Vice Values each staff member and shows appre- budget. In these situations and thousands like President Gore in March 1993 to help reshape ciation for his or her contribution to our them, some interests collide. People disagree” and rethink our approach to public adminis- shared work; (Lax and Sibinius, 1986:1). tration (Siegel, 1996). Responds to changing needs and opportuni- Negotiating, influencing, building coali- In probation and pretrial services, chiefs ties with flexibility, responsiveness, and re- tions, enlisting the support of competent and their colleagues have begun aggressively sponsibility; deputies—all of these are critical skills of a exploring alternative management structures strategic leader. Any chief of probation or for their operations, structures built around Garners systematic feedback regularly to pretrial services will agree about the impor- total quality management concepts or team- guide our work…” tance of negotiation as a leadership tool in based management views (See Hendrickson, daily organizational life and in the special 1996). Politics (Strategy, moments when change management is re- Political Savvy) quired (Vernon and Byrd, 1996). Process (Decision Making) “Politics” captures the leader’s ability to trans- This dimension relates to the methods a presi- form vision into reality, to get things done. Structure dent or a leader uses to make and announce once said, “You can campaign (Management–Organization) decisions. He must consider whether he wants in poetry, but you must govern in prose.” This This aspect of leadership deals with issues of a great diversity of opinion, or a more nar- aspect of leadership requires the leader (in this organization and structure. The best leader- rowly drawn range of options. Relevant ques- case, the president) to develop a strategy. ship intentions can go awry when frustrated tions include: How will I make and announce Management expert Peter Block asserts, “We by cumbersome organizational structures. decisions? Will I deliberately encourage dis- become political at the moment we attempt Questions here include: How will I orga- senting opinions? How will I handle conflict to translate our visions into actions” (Block, nize the White House? Who will manage? Will among my own advisers? How will I apply 1991: 58). According to a 1999 report pub- I have a chief of staff? Will I have an open or “damage control” when needed? lished in Fortune magazine (, 1999), closed White House operation? Again, there are many compelling man- the reason many CEO’s fail in the corporate Here again, there is much current discus- agement and organization dynamics studies world is due to “bad execution…not getting sion about organizational design. Starting in in the general area of management and lead- things done, not delivering on commit- the and continuing through today, ership around these themes. The fascinating ments.” management consultants, professors, busi- research on “group-think,” about how groups Relevant questions a president must ask ness leaders, public administration practitio- can quickly form consensus and block out any here include: Who will I rely on to relay my ners, scholars, and even government commis- dissenting opinions, has actually been applied message? Who will work with the congres- sions have sounded a louder and louder to presidential decision-making by psycholo- sional leadership? What strategy will I use to drumbeat for the improvement in the way we gist Irving Janis (1982). Robert Kennedy’s June 2000 LEADERSHIP STYLES 29

account of the , pub- cans wanted a political leader who would not volved in as many as 35 issues. His involve- lished in the book Thirteen Days, provided a lie to them, who would not spy on them, who ment was intense in terms of studying the is- compelling description of the deliberation of would not develop an enemies list, who would sues and mastering the details, but not in the 13 members of the Executive Committee not, could not become an “ presi- terms of convincing others to go along. No during the Cuban Missile Crisis. A technique dent.” fit the bill perfectly. one has the capacity to lobby Congress on 35 employed by President Kennedy was to leave Carter’s 1976 campaign for presidency ech- issues at one time. Heinemann and Hessler the room so the other members could have oed the themes suggested by Caddell. He cam- suggest that a president should not be in- an open and honest debate. paigned heavily and effectively on the themes volved at the presidential level in any more Chief probation and pretrial services of- of “honesty,” “integrity,” and giving America than three to five issues at any one time. ficers have sought assistance from The Fed- a “government as good as the people.” He Carter’s 35 also lacked a hierarchy of prior- eral Judicial Center in developing sound de- raised issues of unemployment and related eco- ity. cision-making processes in their offices, at nomic affairs; however, his campaign was He personally undervalued the impor- times seeking ways to diversify the sources of largely “thematic,” based mostly on Carter’s tance of persuasion. A telling example comes input they consider in reaching decisions and lack of Washington experience and his hon- from a book by Speaker of the House Tip at other times seeking means to verify the vi- esty and openness. He did not truly elaborate O’Neil. O’Neil recounts the 1977 energy ability of alternative options presented to a “programmatic” campaign of action that he speech that Jimmy Carter delivered on na- them. would implement if elected (we will see how tional television in a cardigan sweater. Carter With these four aspects of presidential did precisely that in his 1980 eloquently explained to the nation how the leadership in mind, let us review the perfor- campaign for the presidency). Of course, we energy crisis demanded sacrifices of all Ameri- mance of four recent presidents to derive “les- will never know if Carter would have been cans and that the White House was no ex- sons” of leadership. elected in 1976 had President Ford not par- ception. He told Americans that he had or- doned Richard Nixon. But Ford did that, and dered all the thermostats at the White House Jimmy Carter Carter did achieve a victory in 1976. to be set at lower temperatures, and that was First a word about context, which is one of why he was wearing a sweater. He also men- the points I mentioned. It is my contention Politics tioned that he had an energy bill before Con- that the leadership style of a president (or a “Now what?” is the last line of the movie “The gress and that he would appreciate Congress manager) is in some important ways a reac- Candidate,” a film that depicts Robert acting on it. It was a great speech. tion to the leadership style of his predeces- Redford as a candidate without a real vision Five minutes after the speech, Carter’s sor. Thus, President Carter’s style was strongly who manages to get elected due to the savvy phone rang and Speaker O’Neil was on the influenced by the experience of Richard of his campaign managers and political con- line. The Speaker complimented Mr. Carter Nixon and Watergate ( only had sultants. While the analogy is not perfect, the on his speech and then asked the president to a short time in the office, though he undoubt- same movie could be written about Jimmy call all the chairpersons of the committees edly contributed a great deal in a calming Carter. who would be dealing with the energy bill. manner to the nation). In the same way, Without a guiding vision, without an ani- Carter responded that he did not feel that was Reagan was a reaction to Carter, and Bush to mating purpose for his presidency, Jimmy necessary, as all the committee chairs had Reagan, and Clinton to Bush! Carter never established policy priorities for heard the speech. This missed opportunity himself or for members of his staff. A former was symptomatic of the president’s style Policy White House aide in the Carter years de- (O’Neil, 1988). In 1976, we elected a former Georgia gover- scribed the early meetings of Carter’s senior Carter’s White House aides were mostly nor named Jimmy Carter. A year earlier, advisors as follows: “We all looked at each from Georgia, lacked Washington experience, Democratic activists would not have named other and asked, who should lead the first and were not respected by the congressional Carter as their presidential candidate. In fact, meeting? Maybe Bob Lipshitz because he is leadership. Carter’s director of congressional the popular refrain at the time of Carter’s the oldest among us” (Smith). James Fallows, liaison, Frank Moore, was a novice in dealing announcement was “Jimmy who?” Carter was Carter’s , described Carter’s with Congress. He and his colleagues were considered a “woodwork” candidate, mean- presidency as “passionless,” due to the ineffective at persuading a Congress still con- ing he came out of the woodwork and sud- president’s lack of devotion to any single is- trolled by the Democratic Party. denly appeared on the national scene. How/ sue or set of issues and his resulting inability why did he become the Democrats’ choice? to inspire passionate commitment among his Structure Because of Watergate. Carter was the per- staff (Fallows, 1979). Carter was determined to eschew any appear- fect candidate to attract voters in the years Carter surrounded himself with Washing- ances of being an imperial president. He following Watergate. He was an outsider, not ton amateurs. The Georgia Mafia, Carter’s greatly reduced limousine service for White part of the Washington Establishment; he was political colleagues from his days as governor House aides and other perks for White House a man of the people, not an elitist; a farmer, of Georgia, did not really understand how to staff. He enrolled his daughter Amy in public an engineer, and most important, a person influence Capitol Hill. Carter, a Democratic school, and he walked down Pennsylvania of integrity. Pollster Patrick Caddell per- president, had considerable trouble getting his Avenue after his inauguration. Carter stopped suaded Jimmy Carter that these were out- legislative program approved by a Democratic the playing of “Hail to the Chief” when he standing qualities for a presidential candidate Congress for several reasons. He did not es- made public appearances, thinking this too to project in the wake of Watergate. Ameri- tablish priorities. Carter was personally in- regal a practice for the American democracy. 30 FEDERAL PROBATION Volume 64 Number 1

In managing the White House, Carter de- strued here. He did have his accomplish- can business and productive enterprise. cided not to have a chief of staff. Again, he ments. He was directly responsible for medi- Reagan was effective in articulating these felt that eliminating that position would make ating a peace process between and themes using his talents as the “Great Com- the president more accessible. Mr. Carter had and for getting those adversaries to sign the municator,” uniting disparate constituencies been influenced by Stephen Hess’ book on the Peace Treaty in 1978. Carter was to whom each pillar had a different appeal. presidency, which argued for a “spokes-of- successful in negotiating the Canal He succeeded in getting elected and showed the-wheel” management style—the president Treaty, a feat that several presidents prior to impressive coattails, as six liberal Democratic in the center and his staff radiating out from him had failed to accomplish. He definitely senators were defeated in their re-election the center as spokes on a wheel. No hierar- placed the issue of on the in- bids in 1980. chy, just access would typify the Carter presi- ternational agenda, and perhaps his influence Though Ronald Reagan was not sophisti- dency. Unfortunately, the lack of hierarchy led to the release of political prisoners in Ar- cated in understanding all of the details of his resulted in the president being inundated with gentina and other countries. Carter was re- own policy recommendations, he was pas- requests for visits by all kinds of staff mem- sponsible for nominating more women and sionate about the general ideas and more than bers. Carter’s proclivity for micromanage- minorities to the federal bench than any other willing to fight for the implementation of ment exacerbated the situation even more, president before him. But this Democratic these ideas (tax cuts, increases in military and the story is told that Mr. Carter even got president had trouble leading a Democratic- spending, cuts in social spending, himself involved in the scheduling of the controlled Congress, did not establish clear etc.). Americans admired him for being reso- White House tennis courts! policy objectives, presided over a huge eco- lute and for the ease and comfort with which nomic downturn (interest rates reached 17 he communicated his belief in these ideas. Process percent), and failed to rally the nation in many In an unusual attempt to build diversity into respects. His practice of telling the nation the Politics his foreign policy apparatus, Jimmy Carter truth—that there was a “malaise” in the na- Because his aides knew what Reagan’s priori- named two wildly different men to the high- tion and our children’s lives might be worse ties were, they were prepared to sell his pro- est foreign policy posts in government. Cyrus than ours—was unsuccessful. gram to Congress even before the president Vance, an accomplished lawyer, was inaugurated. , former a conciliator and mediator by temperament Ronald Reagan congressman from who would be and training, was appointed Secretary of State With Ronald Reagan, things were almost to- named the director of the Office of Manage- by Carter. And , irascible tally different, at least in his first administra- ment and Budget, had thoroughly prepared by nature and tempered by a horrific personal tion (1980-1984). In terms of context, the a plan to cut domestic spending. In the experience with the , was ap- public perceived Reagan as Carter’s opposite. months between Reagan’s election and inau- pointed Adviser. Where Jimmy Carter was seen as vacillating— guration, Stockman raced around Capitol Hill On almost all policy decisions that arose one member of Congress described him to the soliciting congressional approval of cuts in during the Carter Presidency, Vance and author as having both feet “firmly planted in domestic social welfare spending and in- Brzezinski took diametrically different posi- mid-air”—Reagan was seen as resolute. creases in defense spending. Reagan ap- tions. Typically, Vance favored negotiating Where Carter was seen as incapable of execut- pointed Max Friedersdoorf, an experienced with the Soviets, working out compromises ing even a relatively minor military operation, Washington representing the in international conflicts, relying on the to rescue the hostages from , Reagan was Rockefeller wing of the Republican Party, as and other international or- seen as a competent defense advocate who his director of congressional liaison. Jim ganizations to resolve regional disputes. would be willing to use force where necessary. Baker, the chief of staff, was another seasoned When a boss is confronted with two aides Overall, the public perceived a sense of con- Washington politician (and not an ideo- who constantly disagree, he or she must find sistency in Reagan’s policy pronouncements logue). Ed Meese, the president’s counsel, ways to resolve tough issues; frequently this and little equivocation on the issues of the day. would represent the purity of the right wing, means having to side with one person over They found these traits admirable in a leader. but would also be a team player. the other, or at least with one idea over the He won a decisive victory over Jimmy Carter Unlike Carter, Reagan was able to focus other. Not so with Jimmy Carter. He tried to in 1980. on a few key issues and avoid becoming dis- blend both positions—Vance and tracted from his agenda. The president’s staff Brzezinski—into a compromise position. Out Policy pursued Reagan’s objectives—cutting social of this amalgam, Carter presented numerous Reagan had been a tireless advocate for the welfare spending, cutting taxes, and increas- schizophrenic proclamations on foreign conservative movement in American politics ing defense spending—vigorously and almost policy issues; the speeches and pronounce- ever since he made the 1964 Republican single-mindedly. The president’s energies ments were half Vance and half Brzezinski. nomination speech for . The were focused on these major . Only when the Soviets invaded major pillars of “Reaganism” were solid: gov- Threats to the agenda, such as Secretary of did Carter finally decide to side with ernment needed to cut taxes, cut domestic State ’s efforts to get the Brzezinski, and shortly thereafter, Vance left spending on social welfare and “entitlement” United States involved in El Salvador, were the administration (after opposing the Iranian programs, increase military spending, and muffled through a deliberate strategy of dam- hostage rescue mission). deal with moral decay in American society. age control. Overall, then, we can say that Jimmy Government also needed to cut itself, to With the focus and resolve on three or four Carter was not a strategic president as con- shrink its role and its encumbrance on Ameri- key issues, Reagan and his staff were able to June 2000 LEADERSHIP STYLES 31

mount an efficacious congressional persua- tion, President Reagan was able to exert this Carter, George Bush resorted to a thematic sion strategy. A Republican president con- kind of damage control by putting a lid on campaign; however, in this case, it was largely vinced a Democratic House (and Republican the pronouncements of Secretary of State a negative one. Bush accused his opponent, Senate) to pass most of his legislation, accom- Alexander Haig about U.S. intervention in El Governor Dukakis, of being “soft on crime.” plishing a seven percent cut (in real dollars) Salvador. The state of had a furlough law in spending on domestic welfare programs, a Overall, the first Reagan administration (which ironically had been enacted under 30 percent tax cut, and a ten percent increase may be judged successful by the criteria used Republican Governor Frank Sergeant). The in military spending. here. Reagan articulated a clear vision, worked law enabled convicted felons serving life sen- The Reagan team was consistent in claim- hard to get the vision implemented as policy, tences to have weekend passes (furloughs) ing to have gained a “mandate” for these kinds limited himself to a few key issues and goals, away from prison. , serving a of policy changes from the American elector- exercised “damage control” when needed, life sentence with no chance of parole, trav- ate. Even Tip O’Neil, the Speaker of the surrounded himself with highly capable po- eled to the state of and viciously House, told his Democratic colleagues, “We litical operatives, and managed big picture raped Angela Barnes and beat her husband at better give this guy what he wants; he’s so issues capably. gunpoint (Germond and Whitcover, 1989). popular!” A closer look at the election results, Of course, damage control did not work The Bush campaign developed a TV ad however, reveals the fact that only 27 percent perfectly for Ronald Reagan, and in his sec- depicting prisoners leaving jail through a re- of the eligible voters voted for Ronald Reagan! ond administration (1984-1988) there were volving gate while a narrator described the This situation adds meaning to the concept several policy and political failures, includ- Massachusetts furlough experience: that perception is more important than real- ing Budget Director David Stockman’s dam- Governor ve- ity. It also gives us another insight into lead- aging revelations about the economic pro- toed mandatory sentences for drug ership strategies—people respond well to gram to William Grieder of The Atlantic dealers. positive interpretations of events! Monthly. Stockman confessed that Reagan’s economic program promising that we could He vetoed the death penalty. His Structure cut taxes, increase defense spending, cut so- revolving door prison gave weekend Reagan was not interested in making signifi- cial spending, and still balance the budget was furloughs to first-degree murderers not cant changes in the structure of the White based on notably optimistic assumptions eligible for parole. While out, many House the way that Jimmy Carter was. He about economic growth. Stockman thought committed other crimes like kidnap- kept things fairly simple and somewhat tra- these discussions with Grieder were “off-the- ping and rape and many are still at ditional. As mentioned, he had a highly com- record.” However, his comments were large. Now Michael Dukakis says he petent chief of staff in the person of James printed in The Atlantic Monthly. Although wants to do for America what he has Baker. He routinely deferred to his staff in the President Reagan took Mr. Stockman “to the done for Massachusetts. America can’t development of policy initiatives and in the woodshed,” the damage was done, and seri- afford the risk (Germond and completion of legislative details. Reagan pre- ous doubt had been cast upon the viability of Whitcover, 1989:11). sided over a more traditional White House the Reagan economic program. Then the Bush conducted a thematic campaign that operation characterized by energy and effi- Iran-Contra episode heated up, throwing the highlighted him as “tough on crime”and his ciency among the president’s deputies. second Reagan administration into a tailspin opponent as “soft.” He presented himself as Reagan ran a “9-to-5” presidency and was able (See Mayer and McManus, 1998 for a sum- an experienced government official who could to enjoy a relaxing horseback ride or other mary of the second Reagan administration). be trusted with the stewardship of the nation. leisurely activities while his aides slugged He never truly enunciated a vision of what he through the details and morass of policy- George Bush would do if elected president (Rockman, 1991: making. Policy, Politics, Structure, and Process 30-31). Largely due to the inadequacy of the Process Mr. Bush was cynical about vision, referring Dukakis campaign on many levels, Bush was to this idea sarcastically as “the vision thing.” elected by a solid majority. We find a more limited amount of diversity In his campaign against Massachusetts Gov- Because of his long years of government among the Reagan appointments. Character- ernor Michael Dukakis, Bush represents an- experience, Mr. Bush was able to bring pro- istically, Reagan delegated a great deal of other candidate who did not really under- fessionals to the White House and to the agen- power to his deputies and senior staff to man- stand the importance of vision. Mr. Bush cies. He included seasoned professionals like age brewing conflicts or to quell policy de- campaigned largely on the strength of his re- , , and others in bates before they reached the press. The troika sume, and a great resume it was. He had held his administration. But his lack of vision ham- of Meese, Baker, and Deaver was adequately almost every important position in American pered him in leading the nation. Let us look representative of the differing factions that government: vice president, ambassador to at a telling example. competed for the attention of the president the United Nations, ambassador to China, While Bush was in the White House, for him to feel that his constituencies were member of the House of Representatives. He invaded Kuwait and threat- satisfied. One particularly daunting need in knew government inside and out and clearly ened not only to take over that country but any presidency is that of “damage control.” possessed the competence needed to be presi- to endanger vital American interests by con- Things are bound to go awry. A president is dent. Yet he lacked a vision, a purpose, a ral- trolling as much as 40 percent of the world’s in constant danger of losing control over his lying cry for the American public. Like Jimmy oil supply. President Bush reacted quickly and agenda. We find that in his first administra- 32 FEDERAL PROBATION Volume 64 Number 1

decisively, stating on national television that We’ve experimented with this in some dency, instead of pursuing 25 goals haphaz- Hussein’s actions “will not stand.” Indeed, in of your leadership programs. ardly, the way Mr. Carter tried to do. By lim- this instance President Bush’s resume did iting the number of goals she pursues at one The reaction is predictable. work for him. He was able to call world lead- time, the chief will be able to maximize her People express frustration, impatience, ers and on a personal basis align them with resources more effectively and set clearer ex- confusion, anger, even nausea. They the cause of resisting Mr. Hussein’s aggres- pectations for her staff. avoid the situation by looking away. sion against Kuwait. So adroit was Bush in The new chief will also need to enlist her When we ask them whose responsibil- the diplomatic process that he aligned Israel, own staff in the implementation of her pro- ity it is to focus the projector, the vote , and on the same side of grams and policies. She will need to have is unanimous: “the leader—the person this conflict, against Saddam Hussein. He was open, honest discussions with them about with the focus button.” Some people also able to convince the Israelis not to inter- things that will be the same and things that get out of their chairs, walk over to the vene, in spite of the Iraqi Scud missiles being she would like to change. It’s important at this projector, and focus it themselves, but launched into their population centers and stage in a leadership transition for the new this doesn’t change how they feel: cities. leader to be open to hearing concerns and they’re still annoyed that the person Our military intervention proved success- anxieties among staff members about poten- with the button—the leader— ful, and we achieved quick and certain vic- tial changes. All too often managers and lead- wouldn’t focus the projector. in a high-tech war effort displayed on ers misinterpret tough questions as resistance. national television. American casualties were Whether your office is small or large, in Sometimes those asking the toughest ques- lower than predicted, and the operation to transition or not, vision helps set the agenda tions are the ones who will be the strongest drive Hussein out of Kuwait was over in a and give purpose to the enterprise. Many pro- supporters. matter of days. bation/pretrial services offices debate whether Another part of implementation or execu- At the end of this episode, George Bush they are in the business of “law enforcement” tion is that the leader might have to have what had an approval rating of 90 percent, a level or “social work,” whether they have indepen- are called “difficult conversations” with or- of approval that most leaders, managers, and dent authority or exist at the mercy of the ganizational colleagues. In a recent book titled presidents can only fantasize about. Yet, whims of a chief judge. You may not be fully Difficult Conversations (1998), authors Dou- because Mr. Bush lacked a vision, an in control of all the answers to these ques- glas Stone, Bruce Patton (from the Harvard animating purpose for his administration— tions, but you should try to imagine a future Negotiation Project) and Sheila Heen discuss especially in the domestic policy arena—he that can excite and animate your staff and the the inevitability of having difficult conversa- squandered this unusual groundswell of public. A good place to start is the article titled tions in our lives, but the availability of bet- popular support and did virtually nothing in “Guiding Philosophies in the 21st Century,” ter techniques than we usually employ to have terms of a policy agenda. He lost a golden published in the June 1994 issue of Federal these conversations. They stress the impor- opportunity to build on the momentum of Probation (Sluder, Sapp, and Langston, 1994). tance of learning from the other side about his “victory” in the . alternative perceptions, ideas, and approaches to a subject before imposing your own view. What It Means for Chiefs Have a Political Strategy Finally, in this area, you will need to You may not consider yourself a politician, consider how to recruit, retain, promote, or re- The comparative descriptions of these presi- and you may have never read or even heard assign staff within your office. While central dents, along the adumbrated leadership di- of Machiavelli! Nonetheless, you will have administrative policy limits your options to mensions, suggests the following lessons for trouble succeeding as a leader in the absence some extent, you can display creativity and probation and pretrial chiefs: of a political strategy. A newly appointed chief imagination in the way you carry out the staff- pretrial services officer, for example, will need ing situation in your office. Give careful Be Clear About Your Purpose to lobby for her vision, to sell it, to convince consideration to the human resources you have It does not matter if you consider yourself a others to go along with it. She will need to to carry out your vision, and do not become “visionary”— most leaders do not. Yet your consider the important people whose support caught up in the less impressive questions of who position requires that you have purpose, and she needs—like the chief judge—and the your “friends” are or who is owed a favor. that you find ways to inspire those who work methods available to persuade those people. for or with you to strive to achieve that pur- She will need to learn the agenda of these pose. Without a vision or a guiding purpose, important people and determine which parts Be Deliberate about Your your staff members will feel adrift and lack- overlap with her own agenda and where there Management Style and Structure ing direction. Consider this apt analogy from are differences. She will need the courage to You have more choices than you think about Kouzes and Posner’s outstanding book, The confront the differences, and perhaps the pa- how you manage your office and structure Leadership Challenge (1997: 110): tience to wait for better times. your operation. Be aware of a temptation to Leadership will be easier for the new chief simply implement “management fads” with- ….Imagine watching a slide if she knows her purpose clearly and can fo- out adequate attention to the workability of show when the projector is out of fo- cus on the accomplishment of five or six ma- these schemes in your own environment. Like cus. How would you feel if you had to jor goals, not 25 or 30 at one time. She will be Jimmy Carter’s easy embrace of the “spokes- watch blurred, vague, and indistinct better off doing five or six things well, like of-the-wheel” concept of management, yours images for an entire presentation? President Reagan in the early days of his presi- may be overly influenced by recent books or June 2000 LEADERSHIP STYLES 33

even conversations with colleagues. While Block, Peter. The Empowered Manager: Positive Mayer, Jane and Doyle McManus. Landslide: The these activities are invaluable, they should Political Skills at Work. : Jossey Unmaking of the Presidency, 1984-1988. : influence but not dictate the direction you Bass Publishers, 1991. Houghton Mifflin Co., 1998. choose for your own operation. Burns, James MacGregor. Leadership. New York: O’Neil, Tip. Man of the House. New York: St. You do need to consider the positioning Harper Collins, 1985. Martin’s Press, 1988. of your staff, your own accessibility, and how you want to be perceived by all of your staff Charan, Ram and Geoffrey Colvin. “Why CEO’s Porras, I. Jerry and James C. Collins. Built to Last: up and down the hierarchy. Facile pro- Fail.” Fortune. June 21, 1999: 69-78. Successful Habits of Visionary Companies. New nouncements about an “open-door” policy York: Harperbusiness, 1997. Fallows, James. “The Passionless Presidency: The or about “participatory management” will not Trouble with Jimmy Carter’s Administration.” Rockman, Bert A. “The Leadership Style of George do the trick, because staff will not really know The Atlantic Monthly. May, 1979. Bush.” In Colin Campbell and Bert A. Rockman what these phrases mean….until they see (eds.), The Bush Presidency: First Appraisals. them in action. Germond, Jack and Jules Whitcover. Whose Broad Chatham, NJ: Chatham House Publishers, Inc., Stripes and Stars? The Trivial Pursuit of the Presi- 1991: 1-35. Use All Resources to Make Decisions, dency, 1988. New York: Warner Books, 1989. Anticipate a Need to Manage Conflict Siegel, Michael E. “ Reinventing Management in Heineman, Ben W. Jr. and Curtis A. Hessler. Finally, as chief you need to understand your the Public Sector.” Federal Probation 60 (March Memorandum For The President: A Strategic own decision-making style and the available 1996): 30-35. Approach to Domestic Affairs in the 1980’s. New resources to help you make the best decisions York: Random House,1980. Sluder, Richard D., Allen D. Sapp, and Denny C. possible. You need to resist the temptation to Langston. “Guiding Philosophies for Probation surround yourself with “yes” men and women Hendrickson, David K. “Maximizing Productivity: in the 21 st Century.” Federal Probation 58 who will not and even cannot challenge you Improving Service in the Federal Courts.” Fed- (June, 1994): 3-10. at appropriate times. There will, of course, be eral Probation. March, 1996: 11-20. times when your best advisers, your closest Smith, Hedrick. The Power Game: How Washing- Janis, Irving L. Groupthink: Psychological Studies of confidants, are deadlocked. This is a lonely ton Works. New York: Ballantine Books, 1988. Policy Decisions and Fiascoes. Boston: position to be in, but you will have to be the Houghton Mifflin College Division, 1982. Stone, Douglas, Bruce Patton and Sheila Heen. one to make the decisions. Difficult Conversations: How to Discuss What Leadership is not easy. But by using these Kouzes, James M. and Barry Z. Posner. The Lead- Matters Most. New York: Viking Press, 1999. four areas of performance, we can all learn ership Challenge: How to Keep Getting Extraor- from the experience of American presidents dinary Things Done in Organizations. San Fran- United States Probation Office, Middle District of and from our own colleagues past and cisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1997. Florida. Annual Report to the Board of Judges. present. Elaine Terenzi, Chief, December 1999. Lax, David A. and James Sebenius. The Manager References as Negotiator: Bargaining for Cooperation and Vernon, Marilyn and John Byrd. “Leadership in Competitive Gain. New York: The Free Press, the 21 st Century: New Roles for Federal Pro- Bennis, Warren. On Becoming a Leader. Reading, 1986. bation and Pretrial Chiefs.” Federal Probation MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 60 (March 1996): 21-30. 1989.