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The Fleet of Syracuse (480-413 BCE)
ANDREAS MORAKIS The Fleet of Syracuse (480-413 BCE) The Deinomenids The ancient sources make no reference to the fleet of Syracuse until the be- ginning of the 5th century BCE. In particular, Thucydides, when considering the Greek maritime powers at the time of the rise of the Athenian empire, includes among them the tyrants of Sicily1. Other sources refer more precisely to Gelon’s fleet, during the Carthaginian invasion in Sicily. Herodotus, when the Greeks en- voys asked for Gelon’s help to face Xerxes’ attack, mentions the lord of Syracuse promising to provide, amongst other things, 200 triremes in return of the com- mand of the Greek forces2. The same number of ships is also mentioned by Ti- maeus3 and Ephorus4. It is very odd, though, that we hear nothing of this fleet during the Carthaginian campaign and the Battle of Himera in either the narration of Diodorus, or the briefer one of Herodotus5. Nevertheless, other sources imply some kind of naval fighting in Himera. Pausanias saw offerings from Gelon and the Syracusans taken from the Phoenicians in either a sea or a land battle6. In addition, the Scholiast to the first Pythian of Pindar, in two different situations – the second one being from Ephorus – says that Gelon destroyed the Carthaginians in a sea battle when they attacked Sicily7. 1 Thuc. I 14, 2: ὀλίγον τε πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ τοῦ ∆αρείου θανάτου … τριήρεις περί τε Σικελίαν τοῖς τυράννοις ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο καὶ Κερκυραίοις. 2 Hdt. VII 158. 3 Timae. FGrHist 566 F94= Polyb. XII 26b, 1-5, but the set is not the court of Gelon, but the conference of the mainland Greeks in Corinth. -
Aelius Aristides , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) P.279
BLOIS, LUKAS DE, The "Eis Basilea" [Greek] of Ps.-Aelius Aristides , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) p.279 The Ei~ BauLAea of Ps.-Aelius Aristides Lukas de Blois HE AUTHENTICITY of a speech preserved under the title El~ Ba T utAia in most MSS. of Aelius Aristides (Or. 35K.) has long been questioned.1 It will be argued here that the speech is a basilikos logos written by an unknown author of the mid-third century in accordance with precepts that can be found in the extant rhetorical manuals of the later Empire. Although I accept the view that the oration was written in imitation of Xenophon's Agesilaus and Isoc rates' Evagoras, and was clearly influenced by the speeches of Dio Chrysostom on kingship and Aristides' panegyric on Rome,2 I offer support for the view that the El~ BautAia is a panegyric addressed to a specific emperor, probably Philip the Arab, and contains a political message relevant to a specific historical situation. After a traditional opening (§ § 1-4), the author gives a compar atively full account of his addressee's recent accession to the throne (5-14). He praises the emperor, who attained power unexpectedly while campaigning on the eastern frontier, for doing so without strife and bloodshed, and for leading the army out of a critical situation back to his own territory. The author mentions in passing the em peror's education (1lf) and refers to an important post he filled just before his enthronement-a post that gave him power, prepared him for rule, and gave him an opportunity to correct wrongs (5, 13). -
Theopompus's Philippica
chapter five Theopompus’s Philippica heopompus of Chios (FGrHist 115) was widely renowned in antiq- T uity for the severity with which he condemned the moral faults of the characters peopling his Philippica. Few indeed escaped the scathing vigor of his pen. Despite his family’s exile from Chios, Theopompus seems to have had the necessary funds to carry out thorough research (TT 20 and 28,FF25, 26 and 181) and did not have to work for a living, but was able to devote himself wholly to his writing.1 Because he was in no need of either patronage or an income, he had the freedom to write whatever he pleased without risk of losing his livelihood by causing offense. It is per- haps for this reason that he was known in antiquity as “a lover of the truth” (φιλαληθης )(T28). We must now determine whether or not this epithet was justified in Theopompus’s use of the past in the Philippica. In addition to his numerous epideictic speeches, Theopompus wrote three known historical works: an epitome of Herodotus, a Hellenica, and a Philippica.2 It is likely the epitome of Herodotus was Theopompus’s earliest 1. A recent discussion of the (very vague and contradictory) evidence for Theopompus’s life can be found in Michael Attyah Flower, Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 11–25. 2. Suda, s.v. Θε π µπ ς ι ς ρ ητωρ (ϭ T 1). 143 144 lessons from the past historical work,3 but all that remains of it is an entry in the Suda stating it contained two books (T 1) and four attributed fragments from ancient lexica giving it as the authority for the use of specific words (FF 1–4), although the possibility exists that some other, unattributed fragments may belong to it also. -
ANDREW COLLINS, Callisthenes on Olympias and Alexander's Divine
Callisthenes on Olympias and Alexander’s Divine Birth Andrew Collins The proclamation of Alexander’s divine sonship at Siwah is universally acknowledged to have been of great importance to the steps that led to his later demand for divine honours. But the issue of whether Alexander already held a belief that he was son of a god before he travelled to Siwah is an equally important research question. Already a number of scholars have argued that Alexander believed in his divine sonship before Egypt,1 and I wish to strengthen that case in this paper by arguing that Arrian, Anabasis 4.10.2—a passage ascribing to Callisthenes a remark about Olympias’ stories concerning Alexander’s divine birth—has a greater claim to historicity than has hitherto been thought. First, some prefatory remarks on the notion of divine sonship are pertinent. Alexander’s assertion of divine sonship during his life did not make him a true god or fully divine in Greek thought or culture.2 For the Greeks, a man fathered by a god with a human mother during his lifetime was rather like a demigod of Homeric myth, on a par with the heroes of the mythic times, such as Heracles, Perseus and the Dioscuri. Homer, above all, uses the word “hero” of his living warriors, a subset of whom were sons of one divine and one human parent.3 The child of such a union was not an Olympian god, with the attributes and supernatural powers of the cosmic deities. One must also distinguish between the hero conceived as (1) a living man who was the son of a god (the sense in which the word is used by Homer), and (2) the hero as a powerful spirit of a dead human being, who received 1 E. -
The Aristotelian Doctrine of Homonyma in the Categories
JOHN P. ANTON THE ARISTOTELIAN DOCTRINE OF HOMONYMA IN THE CATEGORIES AND ITS PLATONIC ANTECEDENTS * ι The Aristotelian doctrine of h ο m ο η y m a is of particular historical in terest at least for the following reasons : (1) It appears that the meaning of homo n.y m a was seriously debated in Aristotle's times aud that his own formu lation was but one among many others. Evidently, there were other platonizing thinkers in the Academy who had formulated their own variants. According to ancient testimonies, the definition which Speusippus propounded proved to be quite influential in later times 1. (2) The fact that Aristotle chose to open the Categories with a discussion, brief as it is, on the meaning of homonyma, synonyma, and paronym a, attests to the significance]he attached to this preli minary chapter. Furthermore, there is general agreement among all the commen tators on the relevance of the first chapter of the Categories to the doctri ne of the categories. (3) The corpus affords ample internal evidence that the doctrine of homonyma figures largely in Aristotle's various discussions on the nature of first principles and his method of metaphysical analysis. This being the case, it is clear that Aristotle considered this part of his logical theory to have applications beyond the limited scope of what is said in the Cate gories. Since we do not know the actual order of Aristotle's writings it is next to the impossible to decide which formulation came first. It remains a fact that Aristotle discusses cases of homonyma and their causes as early as the Sophistici * To παρόν άρθρον εστάλη υπό τοϋ συγγραφέως, φίλου του αειμνήστου Κ. -
000 (London, 2009)
Aristotle from York to Basra An investigation into the simultaneous study of Aristotle’s Categories in the Carolingian, the Byzantine and the Abbasid worlds by Erik Hermans A dissertation submitted in partial ful@illment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Institute for the Study of the AnCient World New York University May, 2016 _________________________ Robert Hoyland © Erik Hermans All Rights Reserved, 2016 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is the produCt of a new and interdisCiplinary graduate program at the Institute for the Study of the AnCient World (ISAW) at New York University. Without the vision and generosity of Leon Levy and Shelby White ISAW would not have existed and this dissertation would not have been written. I am therefore greatly indebted to these philanthropists. At ISAW I was able to Create my own graduate CurriCulum, whiCh allowed me to expand my horizon as a ClassiCist and explore the riChness of Western Europe, Byzantium and the Middle East in the early medieval period. My aCademiC endeavors as a graduate student would not have been successful without the reliable, helpful and impeCCable guidanCe of Roger Bagnall. Without him AmeriCan aCademia would still be a labyrinth for me. I Consider myself very fortunate to have an interdisCiplinary Committee of supervisors from different institutions. Helmut Reimitz of PrinCeton University and John Duffy of Harvard University have voluntarily Committed themselves to the supervision of both my Comprehensive exams and my dissertation. I would like to thank them deeply for their time and assistanCe. However, I am most indebted to my primary advisor, Robert Hoyland. -
1 the Rhetorical Use of Torture in Attic Forensic Oratory VASILEIOS
The Rhetorical Use of Torture in Attic Forensic Oratory VASILEIOS ADAMIDIS Mailing Address: Flat 2, 43 Burns street, NG7 4DS Nottingham United Kingdom Email address: [email protected] Tel: +44(0)7930520275 1 The Rhetorical Use of Torture in Attic Forensic Oratory ABSTRACT: Come 'regola', la tortura di schiavi innocenti che è stata concordata dai querelantia fini probatori (βάσανος probatori) fu ritenuto dagli oratori lo strumento più efficace per giungere alla verità. Questo paper, con riferimento alla psicologia dell'antica Grecia, spiega perché la menzionata regola fu di cruciale importanza per la retorica. Gli oratori, sulla base della presunta attendibilità dell'istituzione dei βάσανος, furono in grado di sviluppare argomenti basati sulle sfide (πρόκλησις), che possono essere comprese al meglio alla luce della concezione greca, piuttosto che moderna, di razionalità ed azione umana. Di conseguenza, a dispetto dell'incertezza che circonda l'attualità della tortura a fini probatori nell'età degli oratori, l'importanza retorica dei πρόκλησις εἰς βάσανον è innegabile e va esaminata attentamente. KEYWORDS: Basanos (βάσανος), Greek psychology, human motivation, practical reasoning. *** The institution of torture is highly controversial; its morality is extremely dubious and its expediency is, at minimum, questionable. A particular form of torture that seems completely indefensible from a modern perspective is the torture (βάσανος) of innocent slaves for evidentiary purposes in Athenian law. This has been characterised as ‘wanton and purposeless barbarity’1, yet has been explained as a way classical Athenian citizens reinforced their dominant political status and ‘confirm[ed] their own social hierarchy and cohesion’2. The barbarity and putative irrationality of evidentiary βάσανος3, in addition to the lack of evidence proving the actuality of this practice, make its existence, at least in the period of the Attic orators, doubtful4. -
Catalogue of Titles of Works Attributed to Aristotle
Catalogue of Titles of works attributed by Aristotle 1 To enhance readability of the translations and usability of the catalogues, I have inserted the following bold headings into the lists. These have no authority in any manuscript, but are based on a theory about the composition of the lists described in chapter 3. The text and numbering follows that of O. Gigon, Librorum deperditorum fragmenta. PART ONE: Titles in Diogenes Laertius (D) I. Universal works (ta kathalou) A. The treatises (ta syntagmatika) 1. The dialogues or exoterica (ta dialogika ex terika) 2. The works in propria persona or lectures (ta autopros pa akroamatika) a. Instrumental works (ta organika) b. Practical works (ta praktika) c. Productive Works (ta poi tika) d. Theoretical works (ta the r tika) . Natural philosophy (ta physiologia) . Mathematics (ta math matika) B. Notebooks (ta hypomn matika) II. Intermediate works (ta metaxu) III. Particular works (ta merika) PART TWO: Titles in the Vita Hesychii (H) This list is organized in the same way as D, with two exceptions. First, IA2c “productive works” has dropped out. Second, there is an appendix, organized as follows: IV. Appendix A. Intermediate or Particular works B. Treatises C. Notebooks D. Falsely ascribed works PART THREE: Titles in Ptolemy al-Garib (A) This list is organized in the same way as D, except it contains none of the Intermediate or Particular works. It was written in Arabic, and later translated into Latin, and then reconstructed into Greek, which I here translate. PART FOUR: Titles in the order of Bekker (B) The modern edition contains works only in IA2 (“the works in propria persona”), and replaces the theoretical works before the practical and productive, as follows. -
The Appeal to Easiness in Aristotle's Protrepticus
THE APPEAL TO EASINESS IN ARISTOTLE’S PROTREPTICUS Matthew D. Walker [Uncorrected draft. To be published in Ancient Philosophy 39 (2019). Please cite only the final published version.] Aristotle’s Protrepticus sought to exhort its audience to engage in philosophy (filosofi&a), i.e., the “acquisition and use of wisdom” (kth~si&v te kai_ xrh~siv sofi&av: 6, 40.2-3/B53; cf. 6, 37.7-9/B8).1 The Protrepticus is now lost. But work by D.S. Hutchinson and Monte Ransome Johnson (2005) has confirmed earlier speculation – initiated by Ingram Bywater (1869) – that Iamblichus preserves large passages of the work in his own Protrepticus. Hutchinson and Johnson 2018 argue that significant portions of the Protrepticus also appear in Iamblichus’ De Communi Mathematica Scientia (DCMS), and that the Protrepticus was originally a dialogue. In passages preserved in Chapter 6 of Iamblichus’ Protrepticus (at 40.15-41.2/B55- 56), Aristotle offers three linked arguments for the claim that philosophy is easy. (I number the arguments in the translation that follows.) [1] For, with no pay coming from people to those who philosophize, on account of which [the latter] would have labored strenuously in this way, and with a great lead extended to the other arts, nevertheless their passing [the other arts] in exactness despite running a short time seems to me to be a sign of the easiness about philosophy. [2] And further, everybody’s feeling at home in it and wishing to occupy leisure with it, leaving aside all else, is no small sign that the close attention comes with pleasure; for no one is willing to labor for a long time. -
Title Spons Agency Bureau No Pub Date Contract Note
DOCUMENT LIZSUME ED 071' C87 82 015 524 TITLE Project Musics Reader 2,Motion in the Heavens. .INSTITUTION Harvard Univ., Cambridge,Mass. Harvard Project _Physics. SPONS AGENCY Office of Education (DREW), Washington, D.C.,Bureau of Research. BUREAU NO BK-5-1038 PUB DATE 68 CONTRACT 08C-5-10-058 NOTE 233p.; Authorized InterimVersion EDRS PRICE MF -$0.65 HC-89.87 _DESCRIPTORS Astronomy; Instructional Materials;.*Motion; *Physics; Science, Fiction;. Science Materials; _Secondary Grades; *Secondary School Science; *Space; *Supplementary Reading Materials IDENTIFIER'S Harvard Project Physics ABSTRACT As a supplement to.Projpct Physics Unit 2, specially, selected articles are presented in this reader for student browsing. _Eight excerpts are given under headings:,the starry messenger, Newton_. And the principia, an appreciation of the earth, space the unconquerable, Is there intelligent life beyond the earth3,11 the life story of a galaxy, expansion of the universe, and Dyson sphere. Seven book passages. are included under. the, headings of the black cloud, roll call, a night at the observatory, Repler's celestial music, universal gravitation, a table of stars within twenty-two light years that could have habitable planets, and three poetic _fragments about astronomy. The remaining articles includea preface to the books of the ,revolutions, Kepler, Kepler on. Mars, laws of ..motion and proposition one,, garden of Epicurus, a search for life on earth at Kilometer resolution, the. boy who redeemed his father's _name, great comet of 1965, gravity experiments, unidentified flying objects, and negative mass. Illustrations for explanationpurposes . are provided. The work of Harvard. Project Physics has been .financially supported by: the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Ford. -
Aeschynē in Aristotle's Conception of Human Nature Melissa Marie Coakley University of South Florida, [email protected]
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 3-20-2014 Aeschynē in Aristotle's Conception of Human Nature Melissa Marie Coakley University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the Philosophy Commons Scholar Commons Citation Coakley, Melissa Marie, "Aeschynē in Aristotle's Conception of Human Nature" (2014). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4999 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Aeschynē in Aristotle’s Conception of Human Nature by Melissa M. Coakley A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy College of Arts and Science University of South Florida Major Professor: Joanne Waugh, Ph.D. Bruce Silver, Ph.D. Roger Ariew, Ph.D. Thomas Williams, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 20, 2014 Keywords: Shame, Anaeschyntia, Aidōs, Aischynē, Ancient Greek Passions Copyright © 2014, Melissa M. Coakley DEDICATION This manuscript is dedicated to my husband Bill Murray and to my parents: Joan and Richard Coakley. Thank you for your endless support, encouragement, and friendship. To Dr. John P. Anton, I have learned from you the importance of having a “ton of virtue and a shield of nine layers for protection from the abysmal depths of vice.” Thank you for believing in me, my dear friend. -
Max Planck Institute for the History of Science Aristotle And
MAX-PLANCK-INSTITUT FÜR WISSENSCHAFTSGESCHICHTE Max Planck Institute for the History of Science 2012 PREPRINT 422 TOPOI – Towards a Historical Epistemology of Space Pietro Daniel Omodeo, Irina Tupikova Aristotle and Ptolemy on Geocentrism: Diverging Argumentative Strategies and Epistemologies TOPOI – TOWARDS A HISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY OF SPACE The TOPOI project cluster of excellence brings together researchers who investigate the formation and transformation of space and knowledge in ancient civilizations and their later developments. The present preprint series presents the work of members and fellows of the research group Historical Epistemology of Space which is part of the TOPOI cluster. The group is based on a cooperation between the Humboldt University and the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science in Berlin and commenced work in September 2008. Contents 1 Introduction 1 2 Aristotle 5 2.1 Aristotle’s confrontation with the cosmologies of his prede- cessors . 6 2.2 Aristotle’s presentation of his own views . 9 3 Ptolemy 15 3.1 The heavens move like a sphere . 16 3.2 The Earth, taken as a whole, is sensibly spherical . 24 3.3 The Earth is in the middle of the heavens . 24 3.4 The Earth has the ratio of a point to the heavens . 32 3.5 The Earth does not have any motion from place to place . 33 4 Conclusions and perspectives 37 Chapter 1 Introduction This paper aims at a comparison of the different argumentative strategies employed by Aristotle and Ptolemy in their approaches to geocentrism through an analysis of their discussion of the centrality of the Earth in De caelo II, 13-14 and Almagest, I, 3-7.