DOCSLIB.ORG

CORI Country Report Southern Kyrgyzstan, December 2010

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
CORI Country Report Southern Kyrgyzstan, December 2010 CORI Country of origin research and information CORI Country Report Southern Kyrgyzstan, December 2010 Commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Any views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of UNHCR 1 Preface Country of Origin Information (COI) is required within Refugee Status Determination (RSD) to provide objective evidence on conditions in refugee producing countries to support decision making. Quality information about human rights, legal provisions, politics, culture, society, religion and healthcare in countries of origin is essential in establishing whether or not a person’s fear of persecution is well founded. CORI Country Reports are designed to aid decision making within RSD. They are not intended to be general reports on human rights conditions. They serve a specific purpose, collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin, pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. Categories of COI included within this report are based on the most common issues arising from asylum applications made by nationals from Kyrgyzstan. This report covers events up to 20 December 2010. COI is a specific discipline distinct from academic, journalistic or policy writing, with its own conventions and protocols of professional standards as outlined in international guidance such as The Common EU Guidelines on Processing Country of Origin Information, 2008 and UNHCR, Country of Origin Information: Towards Enhanced International Cooperation, 2004. CORI provides information impartially and objectively, the inclusion of source material in this report does not equate to CORI agreeing with its content or reflect CORI’s position on conditions in a country. It is acknowledged that all sources have a bias, it is for decision makers to place a weight on sources, assessing relevance to each individual application. CORI Country Reports are prepared on the basis of publicly available information, studies and commentaries within a specified time frame. All sources are cited and fully referenced. Every effort has been taken to ensure accuracy and comprehensive coverage of the research issues, however as COI is reliant on publicly available documentation there may be instances where the required information is not available. The reports are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Every effort has been made to compile information from reliable sources; users should assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. CORI is an independent centre providing specialist research resources to support Refugee Status Determination. CORI works internationally with all parties to RSD, including governments, legal representatives and NGOs, producing commissioned research reports and providing knowledge management services. CORI works to improve standards of COI production through capacity building and training. Country of Origin Research and Information (CORI) www.cori.org.uk [email protected] December 2010 2 Table of Contents Preface................................................................................................................................2 A. Background and Recent Developments......................................................................4 1. Political Actors and System in Kyrgyzstan ................................................................4 2. External Actors, Including Islamic Extremists and Terrorist Groups........................12 3. Population Demography and Ethnic and Religious Composition ............................20 4. Inter-ethnic Relations and Prior Conflicts and Unrest..............................................22 B. Security Situation in Southern Kyrgyzstan...............................................................35 1. Inter-Ethnic Violence and Conflict in 2010 and Their Causes .................................35 2. Specific incidents in Southern Kyrgyzstan (Chronology of Events).........................47 3. Role of Government Forces and External Actors in Recent Turmoil.......................62 C. Human Rights Situation..............................................................................................71 1. Protection of Ethnic Minorities in Kyrgyzstan ..........................................................71 2. Freedom of Religion in Kyrgyzstan .........................................................................77 3. Racial discrimination against Uzbeks in Southern Kyrgyzstan................................84 4. Human Rights Violations During and After the June Unrest in Southern Kyrgyzstan.. ................................................................................................................................93 3 A. Background and Recent Developments 1. Political Actors and System in Kyrgyzstan According to the US Department of State (USDOS) 2009 country report published in March 2010, “The Kyrgyz Republic's 2007 constitution defines the country as a sovereign, unitary, democratic state based on the rule of law. The country, with a population of approximately 5.4 million, has an elected president, an appointed prime minister and cabinet, and an elected Supreme Council (parliament).”1 The Inter Parliamentary Union reports that Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, the Jogorku Kenesh (Supreme Council), is unicameral with 120 directly elected representatives.2 The USDOS noted with regard to the July 2009 presidential election in which President Bakiev was re-elected, “According to independent election observers, the July 23 presidential election failed to meet many of the country's international commitments and was marred by significant obstacles for opposition parties, intimidation, voting irregularities, and the use of government resources to benefit specific political interests. Three parties are represented in parliament, with the pro-presidential Ak Jol party holding 71 of 90 seats. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces, although there were isolated cases of serious human rights abuses.”3 In Freedom House’s January 2010 report on Kyrgyzstan, the organisation states that the country’s democratic standards have weakened, “Kyrgyzstan’s political rights rating declined from 5 to 6, its civil liberties rating from 4 to 5, and its status from Partly Free to Not Free due to a flawed presidential election, the concentration of power in the executive branch, and new legal restrictions on freedom of religion.”4 The International Crisis Group reports in April 2010 on the impact of the overthrow of President Bakiev and the challenges facing the interim Kyrgyz government, “A swift, violent rebellion swept into the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek in early April 2010, sparked by anger at painful utility price increases and the corruption that was the de-fining characteristic of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev’s rule. In less than two days the president had fled. Some 85 people were killed and the centre of the capital was looted. The thirteen- member provisional government now faces a daunting series of challenges. Bakiyev leaves behind a bankrupt state hollowed out by corruption and crime. Economic failure and collapsing infrastructure have generated deep public resentment. [ ] The speed with which the Bakiyev administration collapsed is a salutary reminder of the risks of overemphasising Western security concerns in framing policy towards the region. So far the provisional government’s performance has not been promising. Its members have largely failed to present themselves as a cohesive or coherent administration, or to be 1 USDOS, 2009 Human Rights Report: Kyrgyzstan, 11 March 2010, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/sca/136089.htm, accessed 10 October 2010 2 The Inter-Parliamentary Union, Kyrgyzstan; Jogorku Kenesh (Supreme Council), Latest elections, http://www.ipu.org/parline/reports/2174_E.htm, accessed 15 December 2010 3 USDOS, 2009 Human Rights Report: Kyrgyzstan, 11 March 2010, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/sca/136089.htm, accessed 10 October 2010 4 Freedom House, Freedom in the World - Kyrgyzstan (2010), 12 January 2010, http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2010&country=7856, accessed 12 November 2010 4 transparent about their activities at a time of great anxiety and uncertainty. They have displayed a lack of common ideology or strategy, and show signs of internal discord.”5 A Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty article published in April 2010 notes the challenges faced by the Kyrgyz provisional government following the overthrow of President Bakiev “and his internationally brokered departure late on April 15,”6 “The next six months will be a decisive period for Kyrgyzstan. That’s the amount of time the country’s provisional government -- which took power last week after President Kurmanbek Bakiev initially fled the capital following violent protests opposing his rule -- has allotted itself to write a new constitution, create an electoral code, and hold elections for a new parliament. Amid the general euphoria at the downfall of Bakiev and his internationally brokered departure late on April 15, one pressing question hangs in the air: Is the interim government now running the country -- composed of 14 former opposition figures from a variety of different political parties -- sufficiently
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kyrgyz Republic
    Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights KYRGYZ REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 10 October 2010 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Report Warsaw 20 December 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................ 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................. 3 III. BACKGROUND......................................................................................................................................... 4 IV. ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ....................................................................... 5 A. ELECTORAL SYSTEM .................................................................................................................................. 5 B. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ................................................................................................................................. 5 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ............................................................................................................ 7 VI. VOTER REGISTRATION ........................................................................................................................ 9 VII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION .............................................................................................................10 VIII. ELECTION CAMPAIGN.........................................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyzstan: Closer to Democracy — and Russia
    At a glance October 2015 Kyrgyzstan: Closer to democracy — and Russia Praised by both Russian and European observers, the elections of 4 October 2015 are considered a milestone in Kyrgyzstan's democratic transition of the country, consolidating the new political system launched by the new constitution adopted after the 2010 revolution. With seats split between six pro-Moscow parties, the results entail the formation of a coalition government in the fractured parliament, and herald further rapprochement to Russia. Background: transition to parliamentary democracy Once regarded as an 'island of democracy' in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan has a turbulent political history. The first president of independent Kyrgyzstan, Askar Akayev, was toppled in political unrest, known as the Tulip Revolution, in April 2005. The European Parliament (EP) resolution of 12 May 2005 called on Kyrgyz authorities to begin a genuine democratisation process, welcoming the launch of an inclusive process of constitutional reform aiming to ensure fundamental change. Hopes for a democratic transition soon faded with President Kurmanbek Bakiyev's increasingly authoritarian rule, as noted in a May 2006 EP resolution. Bakiyev's ousting in April 2010, known as the 'second tulip revolution', presented a window of opportunity for democratisation. A new constitution, adopted after the referendum in June 2010, transformed Kyrgyzstan from an authoritarian presidential system to a relatively democratic semi-presidential one, combining elements of parliamentary and presidential systems in addition to checks-and-balances mechanisms. As the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) acknowledges, progress towards consolidation continued with the legislative elections of October 2010. The presidential elections of October 2011 thus constituted the final step in the post-Bakiyev transition process.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Asia-Caucasus
    Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst BI-WEEKLY BRIEFING VOL. 6 NO. 6 23 MARCH 2005 Searchable Archives with over 1,000 articles at http://www.cacianalyst.org ANALYTICAL ARTICLES: KYRGYZ GOVERNMENT’S CONTROL SLIPS, FIELD REPORTS: CREATING DANGERS AND OPPORTUNITIES Aya Telekova A ‘TULIP’ REVOLUTION DEVELOPS IN KYR- GYZSTAN? DID RUSSIA ESCALATE TENSION IN CHECH- Maral Madi NYA BY ASSASSINATING MASKHADOV? Murad Batal Al-Shishani NO PROGRESS IN NURISTAN Daan van der Schriek GEORGIA’S DIPLOMATIC OFFENSIVE PROBES MOSCOW’S REAL INTENTIONS ON SMUGGLING AND CORRUPTION CON- BASES TINUE TO PLAGUE GEORGIA Jaba Devdariani Kakha Jibladze ARMENIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: TOWARDS CENTRAL ASIAN EFFORTS TO COMBAT REAL COMPLEMENTARITY HIV/AIDS Tevan Poghosyan Nazgul Baktybekova NEWS DIGEST Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst BI-WEEKLY BRIEFING VOL. 6 NO. 6 23 MARCH 2005 Contents Analytical Articles KYRGYZ GOVERNMENT’S CONTROL SLIPS, CREATING DANGERS AND OPPORTUNITIES 3 Aya Telekova DID RUSSIA ESCALATE TENSION IN CHECHNYA BY ASSASSINATING MASKHADOV? 5 Murad Batal Al-Shishani GEORGIA’S DIPLOMATIC OFFENSIVE PROBES MOSCOW’S REAL INTENTIONS ON BASES 8 Jaba Devdariani ARMENIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: TOWARDS REAL COMPLEMENTARITY 10 Tevan Poghosyan Field Reports A ‘TULIP’ REVOLUTION DEVELOPS IN KYRGYZSTAN? 13 Maral Madi NO PROGRESS IN NURISTAN 15 Daan van der Schriek SMUGGLING AND CORRUPTION CONTINUE TO PLAGUE GEORGIA 16 Kakha Jibladze CENTRAL ASIAN EFFORTS TO COMBAT HIV/AIDS 17 Nazgul Baktybekova News Digest 19 EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES The Analyst is an English language global Web journal devoted to analysis of the current issues facing the Central Asia-Caucasus region. It serves to link the business, governmental, journalistic and scholarly communities and is the global voice of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, The Johns Hopkins University-The Nitze School of Advanced International Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyzstan Country Report BTI 2010
    BTI 2010 | Kyrgyzstan Country Report Status Index 1-10 4.94 # 81 of 128 Democracy 1-10 4.35 # 85 of 128 Market Economy 1-10 5.54 # 65 of 128 Management Index 1-10 4.17 # 91 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Transformation Index (BTI) 2010. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2010 — Kyrgyzstan Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2009. © 2009 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2010 | Kyrgyzstan 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 5.2 HDI 0.71 GDP p.c. $ 2006 Pop. growth % p.a. 0.8 HDI rank of 182 120 Gini Index 32.9 Life expectancy years 68 UN Education Index 0.92 Poverty2 % 51.9 Urban population % 36.1 Gender equality1 - Aid per capita $ 52.3 Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2009 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2009. Footnotes: (1) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (2) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Following the regime change in March 2005, an event also known as the Tulip Revolution, Kyrgyzstan was for two years politically unstable. Opposition parties and civic associations as well as important figures within the administration during this time were able to sway opinion to the benefit of their interests; the result was a perception of Kyrgyzstan as a weakened state and of overall instability.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Opinion Poll Residents of Kyrgyzstan
    Public Opinion Poll Residents of Kyrgyzstan August 6 – August 15, 2020 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research by SIAR Research & Consulting. • Data was collected between August 6 – August 15, 2020 though computer-assisted telephone interviews administered via both mobile and landline numbers. • The sample consisted of n=1,223 residents of Kyrgyzstan, aged 18 and older. • A multi-stage sampling method was used to design a nationally representative sample according to National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic’s 2019 Demographic Yearbook of the Kyrgyz Republic (January 1, 2019). The sample was stratified by oblast/city and urbanicity. • An initial database of mobile and landline numbers was assembled that comprised two separate sources. Seventy- five percent of the database’s numbers are sourced from SIAR’s proprietary database of previous survey participant phone numbers. SIAR’s database is derived from phone numbers collected during nationally- representative surveys conducted throughout the past twelve months. The remaining twenty-five percent of the database’s phone numbers are randomly generated from area codes used by operators at the time of this study. Numbers were randomly selected from the combined database. • The respondent selection methodology depended on the type of line used to contact respondents. For mobile numbers, the mobile phone user is selected. For landline numbers shared by multiple individuals, the last birthday protocol is used for randomized respondent selection. • The data is weighted by oblast/city, urbanicity, age and gender according to the 2019 Demographic Yearbook of the Kyrgyz Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • KIRGUISTÁN/Elecciones Legislativas 10 De Octubre De 2010
    Análisis del Observatorio Electoral TEIM www.observatorioelectoral.es Análisis del observatorio electoral TEIM FICHA ELECTORAL: KIRGUISTÁN/Elecciones Legislativas 10 de octubre de 2010 Rubén Ruiz Ramas Última revisión: 12 de febrero de 2011 Revisión científica: Rafael Bustos Observatorio Electoral Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos Universidad Autónoma de Madrid www.observatorioelectoral.es www.opemam.org ISSN: en trámite 1 Análisis del Observatorio Electoral TEIM www.observatorioelectoral.es Antecedentes de las elecciones: El 10 de octubre se celebraron las segundas elecciones legislativas con un sistema proporcional de circunscripción única y listas de partidos. En las primeras elecciones bajo ese sistema, en diciembre de 2007, el entonces partido del poder, Ak Jol, ocupó 71 de 90 escaños posibles. Lejos de aquel escenario, el proceso electoral de 2010 se presentaba como el primero en la historia de Asia Central donde el resultado era incierto. Además, la reforma constitucional del 27 de junio de 2010 hizo de éstas las primeras elecciones legislativas en un sistema no presidencialista, lo que, unido a la inestabilidad y a los antecedentes de conflictividad post electoral, generó una expectación sin precedentes. El proceso electoral vino precedido por el derrocamiento del hoy ex presidente Kurmanbek Bakiyev y por los conflictos en las regiones sureñas de Osh y Jalal-Abad, que desembocaron en una oleada de violencia contra la comunidad uzbeka. A pesar de la crisis humanitaria, con más de 400.000 desplazados, dos semanas después tuvo lugar el referéndum para la reforma de la constitución. Los resultados oficiales ofrecieron una amplia victoria del “sí” (90,55%), estableciéndose un sistema de gobierno semi-presidencialista.
    [Show full text]
  • Feb 2 320071
    It Takes More than a Village: Mobilization, Networks, and the State in Central Asia by Scott Radnitz B.A., Political Science The University of California, Berkeley, 2000 Submitted to the Department of Political Science in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Ph.D. in Political Science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology October 2006 O 2006 Massachusetts Institute of Technology All rights reserved Signature of Author .................................... ............. ....... .;.. ......... Department of Political Science October 23, 2006 Certified by............................................. ........ .......... Roger Petersen Associate Professor of Political Science Thesis Supervisor Accepted by................................ ...................................... ....... Roger Petersen Associate Professor of Political Science Chairman, Committee for Graduate Students MASSCHUBSNSTrRC. OF TECHNOLOGY FEB 2320071 ARCHtiES LIBRARIES Abstract This dissertation develops and demonstrates a theory to account for the outbreak of mass mobilization in authoritarian settings. Two conditions make the expansion of protest across community boundaries more likely: (1) low levels of public goods, coupled with (2) economic opportunities that allow elites autonomous from the state to earn revenue. Under regimes where the rule of law is weak, non-state elites have an incentive to protect their assets from state predation by developing a social support base. They do this by making symbolic gestures and providing surrogate public goods to communities. If the regime threatens to harm this relationship, by restricting elites' freedoms or denying them access to resources, top- down mobilization is one of the few means available to advance or defend their position. Elites base their appeal on shared local identity and the material benefit that people derive from elite charity. The ultimate scale of mobilization is determined by the number and geographic dispersion of elites who mobilize locally and then unite their protests.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyzstan: After the Revolution
    KYRGYZSTAN: AFTER THE REVOLUTION 4 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS..................................................................... 2 A. THE OPPOSITION ...................................................................................................................2 B. THE CAMPAIGN.....................................................................................................................3 C. VOTING.................................................................................................................................5 III. THE POPULAR UPRISING ......................................................................................... 6 A. THE SOUTH...........................................................................................................................6 B. BISHKEK ...............................................................................................................................7 IV. AFTER THE REVOLUTION..................................................................................... 10 A. THE NEW GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................................10 B. NEW PARLIAMENT ..............................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Market Reform Regimes, Elite Defections, and Political Opposition in the Post-Soviet States: Evidence from Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan
    MARKET REFORM REGIMES, ELITE DEFECTIONS, AND POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN THE POST-SOVIET STATES: EVIDENCE FROM BELARUS, KAZAKHSTAN, AND KYRGYZSTAN Barbara Junisbai Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science, Indiana University December 2009 UMI Number: 3390277 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3390277 Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Doctoral Committee ____________________________________ Jack Bielasiak, Ph.D. ____________________________________ Regina Smyth, Ph.D. ____________________________________ Henry Hale, Ph.D. ____________________________________ William Fierman, Ph.D. December 1, 2009 ii © 2009 Barbara Junisbai ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii DEDICATION In loving memory of Cecilia Iniguez (1973-2006), who shared girlhood secrets and dreams and knew things about me that I have long since forgotten. I miss you. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like first to express my sincere gratitude to the members of my dissertation committee, who challenged me to find the larger implications of a research agenda that was at first narrowly cast, who with critical and appreciative eyes read through drafts of manuscripts that grew out of my field research, and who encouraged me to apply widely for fellowships and present my work at conferences and workshops.
    [Show full text]
  • OSCE ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Kyrgyz Republic — Presidential Election, 23 July 2009
    OSCE ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Kyrgyz Republic — Presidential Election, 23 July 2009 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Bishkek, 24 July 2009 – The OSCE Election Observation Mission (EOM) for the 23 July 2009 presidential election in the Kyrgyz Republic is a joint undertaking of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA). The election is assessed for its compliance with OSCE commitments and other international standards for democratic elections, as well as with Kyrgyz legislation. This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the election process, including the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post-election day complaints and appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the election process. This statement will be reported to the Standing Committee of the OSCE PA at its next meeting. The OSCE institutions represented in the EOM wish to thank the Kyrgyz authorities and other interlocutors for their co-operation. They stand ready to continue their support for the conduct of democratic elections in Kyrgyzstan. PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS Notwithstanding some positive elements, including distinct choices of presidential candidates and the continuing engagement of civil society, the 23 July presidential election failed to meet key OSCE commitments for democratic elections, including the commitment to maintain a clear separation between party and state.
    [Show full text]
  • Examining the Pressure on Human Rights in Kyrgyzstan
    Retreating Rights: Examining the pressures on human rights in Kyrgyzstan Executive Summary Kyrgyzstan has just experienced another period of rapid and chaotic change, the third time the country has overthrown an incumbent President in the last 15 years. This publication shows how the roots of the problem run deep. It explores how a culture of corruption and impunity have been at the heart of Kyrgyzstan’s institutional failings, problems that have sometimes been overlooked or downplayed because of the comparison to challenges elsewhere in Central Asia, but that were ruthlessly exposed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The publication tries to explain the recent emergence of the new President Sadyr Japarov in the unrest of October 2020 and what it might mean for the future of Kyrgyzstan. An instinctive anti-elite populist with a powerful personal narrative and a past reputation for economic nationalism Japarov is undertaking a rapid consolidation of power, including through controversial constitutional reform. Liberal minded civil society has been under increasing pressure throughout the last decade. They have faced successive governments increasingly seeking to regulate and pressure them and a rising tide of nationalism that has seen hatred against civil society activists expressed on the streets and online, particularly due to the weaponisation of work on women’s and LGBTQ rights. The publication proposes a root and branch rethink of donor initiatives in Kyrgyzstan to take stock of the situation and come again with new ways to help, including the need for greater flexibility to respond to local issues, opportunities for new ideas and organisations to be supported, and a renewed focus on governance, transparency and accountability.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrgyzstan: Political Situation
    At a glance April 2015 Kyrgyzstan: political situation The Kyrgyz Republic is the only Central Asian state in which power has transferred peacefully, following the April 2010 political uprising against the regime of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev. Since the adoption of a constitution paving the way for a democratic and pluralist system, Kyrgyzstan has been governed by coalitions of the political parties represented in the parliament. The prime minister's office is gaining in influence, whereas the president's authority has been circumscribed. Rise and fall of authoritarianism Kyrgyzstan was described as an 'island of democracy' in Central Asia during the first decade of its independence. Elected its first President in 1990, Askar Akayev was considered a promising leader, able to develop a democratic form of government, particularly in the early years of his term. However, as the years passed, Akayev's rule became more authoritarian, especially after his re-election in 2000. The detention of Feliks Kulov, a leading opposition figure and a former Vice-President, after his announcement that he would run for the presidency against President Akayev, was a concrete indication of the changing nature of Akayev's stance towards democratisation. The Tulip Revolution and the end of the Akayev period Widespread corruption, weak socio-economic conditions, nepotism, human-rights violations and the President's attempts to accrue more power were all seen to be on the rise in Kyrgyzstan. Allegations of fraud in the parliamentary elections of February-March 2005, coupled with the example of the revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine in November 2003 and 2004 respectively, led to mass protest, later known as the 'Tulip Revolution'.
    [Show full text]