CEU eTD Collection Second Reader: Professor ConstantinIordachi Supervisor: Professor Jacek Kochanowicz In partial fulfillment ofthe requirements forthe degree of Albanian Nation-Building Project Manufacturing Homogeneity CentralEuropean University Budapest, Hungary 2008 By TaraAshley O’Brien in theModern History Department Master ofArts Submitted to CEU eTD Collection instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may Details European Library. inthe Central and lodged Author by the given instructions Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the bemade without maynot suchinstructions with accordance in copies made Further Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the with accordance in may bemadeonly part, or infull either byanyprocess, Copies be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copiesany made. such of must form apart page This librarian. the from obtained be Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with theAuthor. restswith thesis inthe textofthis Copyright written permission of the Author . 1 CEU eTD Collection BIBLIOGRAPHY 95 6. CONCLUSIONS...... TO PROMOTE A NATIONAL COMMUNIST IDENTITY 5. THE COMMUNIST RISE TO POWER AND ATTEMPT UNITY THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION 4. EVIDENCE OF LACK OF NATIONAL IDENTITY AND 3. THE ROLE OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, POST 1878 ALBANIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 2. ‘INTERNAL’ OBSTACLES WITH THE CREATION OF 1. INTRODUCTION AND FRAMEWORK THEORETICAL 1. INTRODUCTION C 5.2 5.1 I 4.2 N 4.1 3.2 3.1 1.2 1.1 DENTITY OR A OMMUNIST ATIONAL Cultural Differences Diminished Albanian Identity The Useof The Media toPopularize Ideasofa Communist andNationalist Educational Policy andReform Anti-Religion Campaign 2.3 The Religious Divide 2.2 The Linguistic Divide 2.1 TheCultural/Societal Divide Culture and Nationalism...... 13 ...... 10 Nationalism Defining Identity...... 6 T A T T T I T T NTRODUCTION HE HE HE HEORETICAL BSENCE OF HE HE C I T C Y NTERNATIONAL REATY OF REATY OMMUNIST I OUNG OMMUNIST DENTITY IN THE , A L S ACK OF W T P F URKS OLITICAL ...... 3 ELL RAMEWORK S ...... 90 A AN A ...... 97 ...... SSENT TO SSENT A TTEMPT TO TTEMPT N TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE ...... 33 C S S ATIONAL OMMISSION N TEFANO B U ...... 79 ATIONALIST ORDER ...... 22 ...... 19 NITY AS ...... 6 P I OWER AND THE DENTITY ...... 26 L R ...... 86 ESSEN ...... 93 ...... 17 E EGION : A VIDENCE OF VIDENCE , N I DENTITY A ...... 60 D TTEMPT TO TTEMPT ...... 49 IFFERENCES AND ...... 16 ...... 77 N F ATION RAGMENTED D ISCERN -B UILDING P ROMOTE A ...... 48 ...... A N LBANIAN ATIONAL P ROCESS .. 70 ...... 71 .24 .. ..3 2 CEU eTD Collection somehow the samesimilar or peoples. theAlbanianWithin context these internal population, preventing that same population from identifying with eachother as the Ottoman context. Internal obstacles refer tothe obstacles, withinthe chapter two, theinternal obstacles, as of the late19 relevant totheremainder ofthepaper the in theoretical framework. Next, in any other regime before,thus creating Albanian nationalcommunist identity. wouldachieve greater successand reach larger segments ofthepopulation than with theirmass education program and successful control ofthe media. They communistscontinue would the nation-building process begun decades before wouldremain until thenation-building project ofthe communist period.The years ofthestate’sexistence. This stateofdisunity andideological fragmentation proof as tothe political and ideological disunity within Albaniaduring thefirst few demarcation commission sent by theCongress ofLondon, will provide further the nation didnot. The International Commission Correspondence, aborder fragmented, possibley non-existent muchin of the new country; the state existed, and wouldstrengthen much later.As of1912, Albaniannational identity was The nation-building process, however, hadachieved minimalsuccess thus far NationalCongress and declaration ofindependence from the Ottoman Empire. 1.1 Introduction 1. Introduction andTheoretical Framework The paper begins by exploring, and, somein cases,defining keyconcepts Albanian state The processbuilding achieved itssuccess 1912with the in th century are outlined within 3 CEU eTD Collection Albaniaas of 1913-1914 (after independence). Thedetails ofthe four andisusedtoillustrate thepoliticalchaos ofnational andlack identity within into the Young TurkEmpire orbecoming astate. movement Albanians were forced todecide between becomingmore integrated building movement ‘backed nationalist asit into acorner.’ theYoung With Turk also described inchapterthree, alsoserved stimulusas alater forthenation than national identity. Fearmotivated nationalism. TheYoungTurkmovement, building movement andAlbanianstatewas baseduponfear of partition, rather state thusarose. TheTreatyof SanStefano revealshow the stimulus foranation movement theOttoman if fully Empire collapsed andtheneedfor anindependent autonomy movement thatwould eventually develop into a nation-building Albanianstate building process because it madethe need clearfor astronger Treaty ofSanStefano in1878.Thus, 1878 inparticularwas a turning point inthe surrounding new and nationalizing nation states, and the almost-implemented interests. These interests were duetothe collapsing Ottoman Empire, the previously, Albanians were motivated torecognize eachother ashaving similar theduring statebuilding process and after. obstacles preventedAlbanians from identifying andcooperating with oneanother the cultural region) andseveralforms ofthewritten language aswell. These groups, the culturalexistence oftwo and many dialects (based upon sub-dialects obstacles includethe presence ofthree religious groupswithin theregion, two The International Commission Correspondence isexamined chapter in Chapter three explores how and why, regardless of the obstacles outlined 4 CEU eTD Collection the population never greatly influenced before. popularizing an Albanian national communist identity that reached proportions of nation-building process begun the in late 19 Albanian nationalcommunist identity. Thus, thecommunists continued the isolationist policies, anduse ofthemediawere to spread they able theirvision of campaignscrystallizing in thebanning ofreligion by 1967, their continual education program of thelate1940sand1950s, early theanti-religious nationalist andcommunist identity. Through thecommunists Party’s mass rose topowerthen and consolidated its hold on Albaniansby creating a popular section ofthe essay,chapter five, attemptsto show how the communist party Albanian national identity hadnot yet come into being. other asadistinct national group. These reportshint atthepossibility thatan revealthe disunity of Albanians and their evident difficultly in recognizing each great tension among religious and culturalgroups. These Commission reports Commission reports also elaborate onthe politicalchaos within Albania andthe great difficulties differentiatingin between Albanian andGreekcitizens. Foreign Ministry, SirEdward Grey, reveal that representative members found correspondence between Commission members and The Head of the British Thus, when didapopular Albanian national identity emerge? Thefinal th centurybyforming and 5 CEU eTD Collection (Feb. 2000), p.9. 2000), (Feb. 2 p.2. 2000), (Feb. 1 nothing atall humanities are either too‘hard’ or ‘too ‘soft,’ orsymbolize too much orsimply their definitions. They explain thatthedefinitions ofidentity usedinthe Frederick Cooper explore themeaning(s) ofidentity anddiscuss problemswithin One must understanddefinitions of identity before tackling these questions. culture, language, ethnicity, religion, etc. form and/ordefine national identity? identity, orparticular,in national identity, developwithin agroupofpeople?Does culturally, religiously, and linguistically divided nation? andhowWhen does Identity Defining 1.2 TheoreticalFramework the term is oftennecessary despite problemswith thedefinition of identity, the discussion andacceptation of ambiguous andsomewhat useless to theory. However, the authors admit that first ethnically based and thenlater developed a moreinto national identity. for theAlbanian state rested on theclaim of asharedAlbanian identity which was Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper. “Beyond Identity.” “Beyond Cooper. and Frederick RogersBrubaker Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper. “Beyond Identity.” “Beyond Cooper. and Frederick RogersBrubaker In aninfluential work entitled, “Beyond Identity,” RogersBrubaker and How does onedefine identity, especially within thecontext ofanew and This discussionhas important implications for this thesis astheargument 1 . Thus, identity, hasbecomeunhelpful concept, an aterm that is 2 . Theory andSociety Theory Theory andSociety Theory . Vol. 29, No. 1. . Vol. 29, No. 1. 6 CEU eTD Collection Ashgate Publishing Limited. England: 2001, p.211 2001, England: Limited. Ashgate Publishing 4 209-210. 2001,pp. England: Limited. Ashgate Publishing 3 Anderson argues that, instead of linear time, pre-modern peoplesexperienced shared history andcommon futureforagroupofpeoplecould not exist. exist. society. Theconcepts ofpast and present, as thenotionas wellof “I” donot individualidentity take-on adifferent form than within a modern orpost-modern “pre-modern.” In a tribally-based or collective society, concepts such as time and century Albanian context asthesocietycanbedefinedtribally-based and structures ofthe nation that develop. identify themselveswith each other and themselvesinclude within the larger of peopleand eventually expands tothenational context. that is createdthrough historical continuity orshared experience among agroup Study,” Douglas Saltmarshe that argues identity formation a“dynamic process” is a work entitled, “Identity inaPost-Communist State:An Balkan Albanian Village is defined, shaped,shared, andconstantly modified within agroupofpeople. In another aspect of identitywhich is important toexplore ishowcollective identity chapters. declared its nationhood, yet is another matter to explore further thein proceeding Whether ornot anAlbanian national identity existed in1912, when Albania Douglas Saltmarshe. “Identity in a Post-Communist Balkan State: An Albanian Village Study.” Village An Albanian State: Balkan a in Post-Communist “Identity Saltmarshe. Douglas Douglas Saltmarshe. “Identity in a Post-Communist Balkan State: An Albanian Village Study.” Village An Albanian State: Balkan aPost-Communist in “Identity Saltmarshe. Douglas 4 Thus,without theconceptofpastand present,orhistory, the feeling ofa This process Thisparticularly is interesting the 19 in late Thus, insteadofdiscussing further theweaknessesofterm itself, 3 Slowly peoplebeginto th century early 20 th 7 CEU eTD Collection only asaconsequence toincreasing technology andwealth. break thepower ofprimordial traditions and that thenationstate was created could only developafter the formationof a shared national culture that would peoplewitha shared national identity? Albanian independence, actually conceive of themselvesgroup, anationof asa inhabited” regions of the Ottoman Empire oreven later, after the declaration of of collective identity? Thus,whenthose andhow peoplesdid ofthe“Albanian- or, more tothis relevant thesis,nationalidentity. then createsWhat, this instance crystallizes atcertain moments time, instances especially ofcollective in identity, changelessness, notofchange andindividuality. process oftraditions,was acyclical supported bytriballoyalties, andrelative time ofindependence and perhaps until as late asthe communist period,time members toconnectwith the“outside”world. Thus, fortherural Albanian atthe 1950s, into amore nationalcommunist Albanian identity. This ethnic identity communist party’sstrong rhetoric andwide-reaching policies ofthe1940s and more ethnic identity, in the Albanian context, eventually developed, due to the Instead, the separate from the clanor 6 5 time asacyclical process. Gellner, 1984, p. 8. 1984, Gellner, p.36. 1991. Anderson, Benedict Gellner, argues that common identity, andthestate nation in particular, Also important tothediscussion ofidentity isitsfluidnature. Identity only fis servedasboththetraditional basisofsociety andasaway for 5 fis Andfurthermore, the idea ofindividual identity, that is , couldnotexist without thereorganization oftime. 6 What began asa What 8 CEU eTD Collection (Feb. 2000), p.8 2000), (Feb. 9 p.8. 2000), (Feb. 8 p.29. 2001, England: Limited. Ashgate Publishing 7 and resulted thein nation-building process of communist-period Albania. collective national identity was formed then thecreation later of thestate itself is notanddefined byshared culture. ethnic, rather thannational, identity thatitdefineswhat inrelationis towhat is it it differed from the national identity thatdeveloped asone important feature of strongly felt commonality.” perceived sameness andrefer tothe nation itself as “a powerfully imagined and nation aswell. Theyshow how isbaseduponsubjective,national identity or experienced, felt, orperceivedsameness).” be understood objectively (as asameness “in itself”) orsubjectively (asan and consequential sameness amongmembers ofa group or category. This may or imagined, between eachother,rather than the differences Albanians werelessened and peoples were shown thesimilarities, whether real and popularizing itcould notoccur until the many culturalbarriers between Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper. “Beyond Identity.” “Beyond Cooper. and Frederick RogersBrubaker Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper. “Beyond Identity.” “Beyond Cooper. and Frederick RogersBrubaker Study.” Village An Albanian State: Balkan inaPost-Communist “Identity Saltmarshe. Douglas Brubaker and Cooper explore the term identity within the context of the Thus, in this workcollective identity will bedefined, as “… afundamental 9 Thefollowing chapters will illustrate how senseof this 7 This This processofformingnational identity 8 Theory andSociety Theory Theory andSociety Theory . Vol. 29, No. 1. . Vol. 29, No. 1. 9 CEU eTD Collection Twentieth Century Political Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, p.106. UP, Cambridge Cambridge: Thought, Political Century Twentieth 10 19 building process. questions, andtheir possible answers, areintertwinedwithin theAlbanian nation- fear play innationalism? Orfurthermore…does feartrump identity? These what radicalized the autonomists? Thesecond question asks; what role does movement tonational movement? Or,inthe Albanian nation-building context; mentionhere. Onesuch question is; whatprompts thechangefrom autonomy however, certainquestions thatfall within thefieldare important toatleast term and research regarding nationalism due tothe smallscope of this thesis, nation-building project within Albania. Itwould be impossible to dojustice tothe important concept for this work because of the particular development ofthe Eli Kedourie defines nationalism as, Nationalism James Mayall, “Nationalism and Imperialism” in: Belamy (ed.) The Cambridge History of History Cambridge (ed.)The Belamy in: Imperialism” and “Nationalism Mayall, James th centuryas a movement formore autonomy withintheOttoman Empire, not To address the first question; The nation-building project began thein late Nationalism, althoughabroad term, andabroadfield, becomes an organization of ofstates. a society organization right and the state, for the ofpower in exercise legitimate the own, its for exclusively agovernment enjoy to proper population a of the unit of determination the for a criterion supply century…to the of nineteenth beginning atthe Europe in invented A doctrine 10 10 CEU eTD Collection would happen after Albania was created and thereasonfor thefearwas thus Autonomists?” statehood. Thiswillbe discussed further chapterin two,“What radicalized the state itquite bluntly; asof1912, fear wasthe primary impetus forAlbanian greatest role) inthe shiftfrom autonomymovement movement. tonational To nationalizing states. Thus, fear played an influential role (and perhaps the and basisfor astate,butthe result offear;the fearofbecomingminorities within recognize asharedAlbanian national identity, that would serveastheargument question, theimpetus forradicalization was nottherecognition orchoice to the othernationalizing states of the Balkans. Thus,to address the second many Albanians that theirtraditional inhabited lands would bepartitioned among occurred due totheimmanent collapseofthe OttomanEmpire andthefearof movement, is not unique, the reasons for thisshift perhaps are. This shift obstacleto the formationof aunified Albanian national identity. process within Albanian-inhabited lands of the Ottoman Empire became an also important tothe autonomist. Thus,the very character of the nation-building of nationalidentity important is tothenationalist, but, itisnotnecessarily explain the ofanattemptlack toform Albanian nationalan identity. Theformation nationalist goals, isimportant. Thispathof development possibly could further autonomy movement andnationalist movement, aswellas the autonomist and as amovement forsuccession. advocating This difference between the However, iffearwas theimpetus forstatehood, thanone must askwhat Although this series ofevents, from autonomymovement tonational 11 CEU eTD Collection Ashgate Publishing Limited. England: 2001, p.30 2001, England: Limited. Ashgate Publishing 12 p.33 2001, England: Limited. Ashgate Publishing 11 the mediawouldbe used to spread and popularize their ideas. cultural groupsto unify thepopulation. This also meant thatmass education and both lessen cultural barriers whilst culturally appropriating aspects ofdifferent popularize anationalAlbanian communist identitymeant thatthe Party needed to tribal or as familial loyalties, with nationalist ones. need for identity theycould replace traditional markers of self-identification such history. creating thenational myth, theappropriation of traditions, and theredrawing of a different and new set ofloyalties. Thiswas brought about through amixture of was throughthelesseningof local andtribally-based loyalties andthecreationof power andgovernment. Partyleadersknew that themethod allegiance toreceive was notarevivalof nationalism itselfin butan effort to consolidate and holdonto the firsttime inAlbania’s history, aunified nation. Thepurpose behind doing so state sponsored Albanian nationalcommunist identity inanattempt tocreate, for power thecommunist Party in Albania sought to form and popularize their own modern statetosurvive itmust haveanation. the absence ofaunified nation? The assumption here is, ofcourse,that for a (as before) would holdthe state together in the absence of national identity…in wasAlbania recognized bythe international community. then,ifnotfear What removed? Thefearofpartition, became ofaconcern less after thestate of Douglas Saltmarshe. “Identity in a Post-Communist Balkan State: An Albanian Village Study.” Village An Albanian State: Balkan a in Post-Communist “Identity Saltmarshe. Douglas Study.” Village An Albanian State: Balkan a in Post-Communist “Identity Saltmarshe. Douglas Hoxha Party seemed andhis tobelievethis. Immediately after achieving 11 Thus, thecommunists recognized thatby manipulating the individual’s 12 However, to form and 12 CEU eTD Collection Ashgate Publishing Limited. England: 200, pp.29-30. 200, England: Limited. Ashgate Publishing 13 defines, thanAlbania shared nationality. ethnicity, andshared ethnicity was more thebasisofclaim for theStateof culture. This isimportant assharedculture, isimportant to thedefinition of Nationalism Culture and Lessen Differences and Create aNationalist, aswellas Communist, Identity.” elaborated upon further in the finalchapter entitled, “The Communist Attempt to state which included shared beliefs, norms, values andcustoms. the partywas abletocreateanational identity andcommon publicculture of the communists asthestate required mass-participation and this would onlyoccur if Douglas Saltmarshe. “Identity in a Post-Communist Balkan State: An Albanian Village Study.” Village An Albanian State: Balkan a in Post-Communist “Identity Saltmarshe. Douglas The creation andpopularization ofnational identity wasimportant to the E.A Hammel,in an essay entitled, Also important to understanding the context ofthis work is adefinition of evaluation. such cultural of byanticipation isguided behavior and their interaction, ofsocial processes bythemin modified continually is It experience. andongoing bytradition afforded raw the materials of out by actors constructed conversation an evaluative [as] Culture 14 A Theory of Culture and Demography 13 This will be 13 , CEU eTD Collection expression ofhuman experience; and aset ofsymbols negotiated between set ofcoherently patterned behaviors; adeterminantof human action;an artistic is definedas“…an identifier ofsocial groups; a bodyofautonomous tradition;a or religion instead of noticing the particulars that create nationalculture. Ifculture particular habits toidentify nationality suchas thelanguagespoken inthehome nationality. However, the InternationalCommission choseonly to catalogue nationalculture. To dothis they relied upon locating symbolsof Albanian p. 323. p. 15 p.3. 1990), 3.(Sept., 16,No. Vol. 14 To identifyandgroup borderpeoples Albanian into orGreeknational identities attempt toplacethese border peoples into cultural, ethnic, ornationalcategories; ambitions, possessed of different notions as towhat all life is about…” and [themselves], encased differentin material conditions, driven bydifferent also an attempt totryto,“…understand people quite differently placedthan between Albania andGreece, thatwould satisfy theconcerns ofthePowers, but define thein southern border regionsas of 1913-1914. case studytoshow nationalhow identityAlbanian was (orimpossible) difficult to International Commission Reportswillbe examined andusedassomewhat ofa The definition of culture is important as in the fourth chapter of this thesis as the Clifford Geertz, “History andAnthropology.” “History Geertz, Clifford E.A Hammel. Thus, demarcatingin aborder the representatives hadto identify Albanian The duties oftheInternational Commission were not only todraw a border “ A Theory of Culture and Demography.” and ofCulture A Theory NewLiterary History Population and Development Review andDevelopment Population , Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter 1990), 21,No.2(Winter Vol. , 15 , 14 . CEU eTD Collection Vol. 16, No. 3. (Sept., 1990), p.4 17 p.4. 1990), 3.(Sept., 16,No. Vol. 16 lived within. Only by navigating inbetween thesetwo, oftenconflicting,criteria populations, how they identified themselves, and theculture they created and southern Albanian border. They had to also take into account the local enforce the wishes of their perspective governments whilst demarcating the the flux of real history” institutionalactors, combine tomerge separable theseanalytically concepts in well astheir representation of social groups that may be thought of as cultural(and national) groupsresiding the region.in border region ofAlbaniaas they were unableto distinguish between thetwo serve, instead, as evidence ofthe lackof clear group identities inthesouthern International Commission Reports. TheInternational Commission Reports can ‘outside’ perspective. Thus,this istheboth benefitand thelimitation ofthe answer andtheInternational Commission Reports canshed light onlyfrom an themselves anAlbanian orGreek as nationals? This question isdifficult to 1914, (only two yearsafterAlbanian Independence was declared), identified distinguish betweentwo cultures,Albanian and Greek? social actors,”then why were therepresentatives oftheCommission to unable E.AHammel. E.AHammel. Thus, the,“Interpretation, selection, andinnovation byindividualactors, as One must questionwhether people ofthe border regions, asof 1913- “ “ A Theory of Culture andDemography.” ofCulture A Theory A Theory of Culture andDemography.” ofCulture A Theory 17 . Andso, the International Commission could notmerely Population and Development Review andDevelopment Population Population and Development Review andDevelopment Population 16 15 , , CEU eTD Collection leaders touniteAlbanians behind a national identity. These cultural, linguistic,and religious differences prevented nationalmovement the late19 formed state. identity, had not yet formed andspread throughout the population ofthe newly for theclaim to nationhood 1912.in However, asof1912, anationalAlbanian based divisions within thepopulation which wouldeventually become thebasis oneselfwith another. These factors are the cultural, religious, and regionally- are factors that impeded theprocess of recognizing orchoosingto identify Ottoman Portewould beconsidered external factors. These internal obstacles nationalconsciousness, thus, the roles of the internationalcommunity andthe region. Internal obstacles refer to the factors that impeded the formation ofa manyobstaclesinternal duetothecultural diversity ofthepeopleswithin the of thepushfor greater autonomywithin the Ottoman Empireandwas facedby National Identity Obstacles 2. ‘Internal’ theAlbanianWith Creationof Commission create aborder thatwould stand the testof time. (the wishes of the Powers andthe Local populations) could theInternational To understandthedifficulty withforming an Albaniannational identity in The Albaniannation-building process was amovement that developed out th century one must firstexamine thediversity within the population. 16 CEU eTD Collection the Tosks lived primarilycentral inthe and southern regionsof Albania mostmountainous regions ofAlbanian territory, north of theShkumbiRiver, and but some also lived Monastir.in Most simply, theGhegsare from the northern- traditional law code called the outside groups than the Tosk Albanians and more importance placedupon the loyalties.” mountain society characterized byblood feuds andfierce clanandtribal Ghegs, partlyRoman Catholic, but mostly Muslim, liveuntil after ina WWII and theTosks. or Toskalik (Ottoman Turkish), andtwo corresponding populations the Ghegs regions, Gegani (Albanian) orGegalik (Ottoman Turkish) andToskeri (Albanian) the Ottoman Empireas Publication Data. 1994, p.75. Data. Publication 21 p.5. 20 22. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 19 21. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 18 (Kosovo), Manastir (Bitola) andYanya. Ottoman four Empireinto Divide Cultural/Societal 2.1 The Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” ACountry Congress.“Albania: of Library 1995, London: Ltd. andCo. I.B.Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. As of1877-1878 Albanian-inhabited lands were within divided the 21 This isolationism This and tribalism can beattributedto less contact with 19 Ghegs lived primarily within the Arnavudlar, vilyets Kanun or provinces, Iskodra orprovinces, (Skoder),Kosova . 22 weredivided intotwo culturally distinct 18 Thus,tribal societywas organized along Atthis time theAlbanians,referred toby vilayets ofIskodra and Kosova, 20 . “The 17 CEU eTD Collection Limited, United Kingdom: 1999, p.10. 1999, Kingdom: United Limited, 27 1994, p,76. Data. Publication 26 Studies East Middle of 25 22. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 24 1994, pp.67-68. Data. Publication 23 30. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 22 but also within Monastir. And so,women a lesser filled rolewithinboth public andfamily life. with themale headservingasclan chiefwith decenttraced through his lineage. unwritten laws ofthe the combination ofseveralfamilies forming clans; Allthis according tothe lines ofkinship anddescent with extendedfamily asthebasicunit ofsociety and Empire within theregion. that oftheGhegs, duetothe greater influence andintegration theinto Ottoman countryside andlived somewhat thetraditional like nobility of Europe,butona to its comingmuch more firmly underOttoman control.” between theGheg and Tosk Albanians as, “southern Albania’s accessibility lead industry. notables deriving their wealth from mining,farming, lumbering, andminor influence, theTosk socialsystem was characterizedassemi-feudal with land Stevan K.. Pavlowitch. “A History of the Balkans, 1804-1945” Addison Wesley Longman Addison Wesley 1804-1945” Balkans, ofthe “A History K..Pavlowitch. Stevan Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” ACountry Congress.“Albania: of Library Kemal H. Karpat. “The Transformation of the Ottoman State, 1789-1908.” ofState, the Ottoman “TheTransformation H.Karpat. Kemal Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. As ofthe 1880s the Tosk population lived mostly thein vilayet ofYanya, 27 A numbersmall ofwealthyMuslim Tosk families ownedmuch of the , Vol. 3, No.3. (July 1972), p.296. 1972), 3, No.3.(July , Vol. Kanun 24 25 The social The structure ofthe Tosks was lesstribal than Thegeography played amajor role in thedifferences . 23 Thesocial structure was patriarchal andpatrilocal, 26 Thus, due to Ottoman International Journal International 18 CEU eTD Collection Albanians dependant upon regional and religious affiliation. Latin script was by Albanians.” early twentieth century, more thanadozen differentalphabets were being used structure, butalso linguistically,by spoken dialect. Tosk culturalgroups were not only divided by geography, religion, and social Tosk Albanians could easily understand each other. Thus, both the Gheg and early 20 Publication Data. 1994, p.71. Data. Publication 31 1994, p.71. Data. Publication 30 p.103. London:1999, Limited. 29 11. 28 larger groups. severaldialectsTosks, while otherlocalsub- were thesetwo within present primary dialectsexisted, onetraditionally used bytheGhegs, otherbythe language family, butthe language hasmuch Latininfluence aswell Divide Linguistic 2.2 The was theresponsibility ofthe semi-feudal smaller scale. Withinthe Tosksocial structure family, aswellas civil, authority “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Longman Wesley Addison 1804-1945.” Balkans, ofthe “A History K. Pavlowitch. Stevan p.9- 1995, Press.New York: University Colombia Literature.” ofAlbanian “History Elsie. Robert Also within the language were numerous differences in script. “Bythe Albanian isdefined as its ownseparate branch oftheIndo-European th centuries. Manysub-dialects existed aswell. 29 31 Thesedialects were regionally very strong during the19 Latin, Greek,and Turko-Arabic werewidely all usedby bey . 30 However, Gheg and 28 . Two . th and 19 CEU eTD Collection I.B Tauris and Co Ltd. London:2006, p.165. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 33 p.55. 32 use ofscript, andalphabet, isyetanother example ofthecultural diversity within Albanians bypolarizing them further between thesetwo alphabets. The diverse Thus, instead ofaunifying congress, this convention insteadfurther divided alphabets and hope that eventually one would become the popular alphabet. representatives attheconvention decided to adoptbothregionally-based Muslim Albanians. However, as no consensus could be found, the was topickonly one alphabet so as to unify Ghegand Tosk andChristian and the Toskand Gheg dialects respectively. Theinitialpurpose of the Congress lands. representing twenty-three different cultural clubs throughout Albanian-inhabited 1908. Monastirheld in (Bitolja, Macedonia) thattook place from November 14-22, based onthe region and religion ofthe writer. Combinations ofthese scripts were also common. Theuseofdifferentscript was alphabet wasthe used in more OrthodoxSouth, duetoGreek influence. territory where the most Ottoman andMuslim influences spread, while the Greek inhabited lands,theTurko-Arabic scriptwasused inthecentralregions ofthe primarily used the Catholicin northern mountainous regions ofAlbanian- George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. 1995, London: Ltd. andCo. I.B.Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda 32 33 The script was standardized intotwo alphabets at a NationalCongress Thesealphabets were both thein Latin script but were eachbased on TheMonastirCongress was attended by fifty-eight Albanian members 20 CEU eTD Collection 1874-1913” I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd. London:2006, p. 22. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 35 dependant uponthe regionwhich in they lived. spoke more then onelanguage including Serbian, Greek,and Turkish, Nationalism.” 34 possessing an Albanian nationality asof1912 also is questionable. even thesmall literatepercentage ofthepopulation viewed themselves as leaders could onlyreach the literate members ofthe population. To whatextent mechanism to popularize national Albanian identity, was rather ineffective as employed bythe communist government. Thus, this unifying attempt, and remained illiterateuntilthe compulsory mass education policyofthe 1940s adoptionof a single Latin-based alphabet in 1924,themajority ofthepopulation Albanian nation-building project inthe earlytwentieth century. Albanian-inhabited regions andareasonfor the difficulty increating aunified George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam, and the Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Jane C. Sugarman. “Imagining the Homeland: Poetry, Songs, and the Discourses of Albanian of Discourses the Songs, and Poetry, Homeland: the “Imagining Sugarman. C. Jane Another important factorto note isthefact thatmany Albaniansalso Regardless oftheadoptionof two Latinalphabets 1908in andthe official Ethnomusicology clear’ (Hobsbawn 1992:53).” (Hobsbawn clear’ is from far withoneanother, affinity an or recognized as such, saw themselves centuries twentieth and early century nineteenth thelate in Albanians ordinary how far, even sense, or what In the literate. on reliance too much ‘webeware of should large: at population bythe reception their guaranteed by nomeans text literary of production the that concedes one point at “…Hobsbawm , Vol. 43, No. 3. (Autumn, 1999), pp. 419-420. pp. 1999), (Autumn, 43,No.3. Vol. , 34 35 This This was both a dividing and 21 CEU eTD Collection territory was mostly comprised ofBektashiandSunniMuslims andsome of theearly 20 These three religions were Catholic, Bektashi or Sunni Muslim, andOrthodox. As the amount ofinfluence other ‘outside’ groups actedupon the local population. Divide Religious 2.3 The Commission reports. becomemore clear chapterin four with the examination ofthe International difficulties with the construction of a distinct Albanian national identity. This will lingualism or tri-lingualism, especially, after1912,border regions,in also created Albanian identity regardless of religious affiliation. However, the existence of bi- religious differences, which enabled people to unify behind amore secular the useof, different languages, fostered anenvironment ofacceptance of (November, 1983), p. 520. 1983), (November, 1800-1912.” Community, Albanian 36 both religious andcultural it remained asignificant force for fostering an atmosphere oftolerance toward Balkans was notafeature unique tothe early partof the nineteenth century, but unifying factor; inonerespect, “The regional dimension ofsocietythe in Western George W. Gawrych, “Tolerant Dimensions of Cultural Pluralism in the Ottoman Empire: The Ottoman the in Pluralism Cultural of Dimensions “Tolerant Gawrych, W. George Albanians were divided into three religious groups, based upon region and th century,thenorthern, Gheg, regions ofAlbanian-inhabited diversity…” International Journal of Middle East Studies Middle East of Journal International 36 . Thus, the presence, and acceptance of , Vol. 15, No.4. 15, Vol. , 22 CEU eTD Collection I.B Tauris and Co Ltd. London:2006, p.21. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 41 p.22. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 40 p.21. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 39 p.12 1976, 38 1994, p.75. Data. Publication 37 Muslim, butincreasingly Orthodox thein southern-most territories Catholics. Thecentraland southern regions were primarily Bektashiand Sunni Hungry andwere administered tobyItalian orAustrianclergy. Greek. And lastly,the Catholic Albanians fell under theprotection ofAustria- lands aswell. responsible for the Orthodox schools and churches within Albanian-inhabited subjectsunder fell theauthority oftheRum EcumenicalPatriarch, which was subject totheSultan asnotonly political, but also a religious leader. Orthodox taxation systems, lawcodes,and hierarchies. as amethod ofdetermining allegiance…” This was the“…Ottoman practiceofusingreligion and notethnic consciousness were byand defined separated into different groupsdependent uponreligion. many aspectsofaOttoman subject’s life. affiliation was notsimply apersonal experience, butonethat greatly influenced George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Albanians.” Islam andthe Rule, Eagle:Ottoman and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” Albania, and “Greece Basil. Kondis, Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Thus, Orthodox, Muslim, andCatholic Albanians were subject todifferent Also, dueto the political infrastructure ofthe Ottoman Empire, subjects 40 Thelanguage used inthese schools andchurches was only 38 39 Thus,Muslim Albanians were 41 37 Thus,religious . 23 CEU eTD Collection factor the in emergence ofanation-building movementwithin Albanian- building projects within andoutsideof the Ottoman Empirealsoplayed a that followed (butwas not implemented) in1978. The many othernation- lands, especially aftertheTurko-Russo andtheTreatyofSanStefano War particular, were thefearof outsiders taking traditionally Albanian-inhabited corresponding lossofeconomicmilitary and resources. territory, itspolitical instability withthe rise oftheYoungTurk revolution, and its in greatpart, tothecollapsing OttomanEmpire; andthequickly shrinking eventually resulted inthe nation-building movement. common This fearwas due, fear of‘outsiders’ taking-over Albanian-inhabited lands united Albanians and 3. The Role of the Ottoman Empire, Post 1878 identity during the early statebuilding process. these threereligious groups createdanobstacle fortheunification ofnational and theconservative religious elements ofthe population. Thus, the existence of of thePrizrenLeague in1878. Thisstrategy, however, alienatedreligious leaders secular approach. This approach was graduallyadopted asearly asthecreation leaders of the nation-building movement inthe late 19 The leading factors that fueled theAlbanian nationalist movement, in As noted previously, thein theoreticalframework section,the common The existence ofthree religious groups, based onregion, forced the th century, toadopt a 24 CEU eTD Collection and community-building. Each of thesefactors account for thegrowing thus, looked to newly formingnationalist movements forself-identification within this diverse empire felt increasingly disillusioned byits inefficiency and, to bringabout social change orunify itsdiverse peoples. Andthirdly, peoples financialmilitary or resources. Second, the Ottoman government was unable establish tightercontrolof administration intheBalkans without adequate The reasonsfor unrest are threefold; first, the government attempted to negotiate withnationalist groupsonly increased unrestand fueledtensions. fear, butfrustrationwith theYoung Turk’s inability orunwillingness to unrest within theOttoman Empire duetootherimportant factors. Notonly Ottoman Empire, created theAlbanian nationalist movement. common goalof remaining oneentity, whether within or outside of the national identity nolongermattered. Fear became agent and the a unifying partition. Thus,with theTreatyofSan Stefano,the lack ofanAlbanian Albanians the weakness of the Ottoman Empire andfulfilled their fears of Albanian autonomy ornation-seekers. The event starkly revealed to San Stefano, however, was perhapsthemost significant unifying event for be left asminorities within newly formed nationalizing states. The Treaty of possibility that the Ottoman Empire would break apart andAlbanians would and created afeeling ofcompetition and fear. Thisfear was createdbythe inhabited territories as these other movements provided examples aswell However, it alsois important tokeep in mindthe effect of domestic 25 CEU eTD Collection was blockedbyAustria-Hungary and Britain due tothe fear that it would disrupt Serbia, Montenegro, andBulgaria. This first draft ofthe Treaty of San Stefano treatyon March 3,1878.This granted traditionally Albanian-populated lands to This fearbecame alegitimate onewith the signingofTreaty ofSan Stefano Indemnity.” 42 fueled therise ofAlbanian early nationalism at thecloseof19 be partitioned between Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria, andGreeceonly further early 20 Turks inthe instability ofAlbanian-inhabited landsthat resulted from the policiesofYoung Turks. dissatisfaction ofAlbanians with theOttoman administration andYoung The Journal of Modern History Modern of Journal The 43 Russo-Turkish1877-1878. of War attemptingto acquire traditionallyAlbanian-inhabited territory during andafter the 3.1 TheTreaty of SanStefano as thewell effects ofthe Young Turk movementbe willexamined. and the role offear (instead of nationalism motivated bynational identity) and movement. Inthe proceeding two sub-chapters both the Treaty of San Stefano Michael R. Milgrim. “An Overlooked Problem in Turkish-Russian Relations: The 1878War The Relations: Turkish-Russian in Problem Overlooked “An Milgrim. R. Michael Barbara Jelavich. (Review of) Stavro Skendi. “The Albanian National Awakening 1878-1912” Awakening National “The Albanian Skendi. Stavro (Review of) Jelavich. Barbara Both the fear created bytheTreaty ofSan Stefano in1878andthe Albanian nationalism grew within the context offear ofother nationalities International Journal of Middle East Studies, Middle East of Journal International th centurymotivated andfueled theAlbanian nationalist- , Vol. 40, No. 4. (Dec., 1968), p. 684 42 Thefearthat Albanian-inhabited landswould Vol. 9, No. 4. (Nov., 1978), p. 519. th century. 26 43 CEU eTD Collection p.221 League, 1878-1881.” League, 47 p.220 League, 1878-1881.” League, 46 45 Vol. 2, No.2. (March 1923), p. 57 44 groups and later became onetheAlbanian nation-building movement’s leading the Ottoman Empire but,more autonomy withinit. defensive goals. Theearly purposeofthese groups was notindependence from territories. early 1878Albanian leaders began to organize defense groups within Albanian 1877-1878, causedmuch anxiety toAlbanian autonomists andnationalists. weakening ofthe Ottoman Empire after itsdefeat in theRusso-Turkish of War autonomy-seekers andnationalists. This treaty, aswell asthe obvious radicalized Albanian nationalists andmembers in theautonomy movement. 45 power, hashadimportant repercussionsthe on foreign policies ofBalkan states” chronic sense of vulnerability, both to immediate neighbors and to extra-Balkans “Nationality intheBalkans: TheCaseofthe Macedonians.” Heexplains, “The the Balkans. the balance of power within Europe by giving Russia too strong a position within Stavro Skendi. “Beginnings of the Albanian Nationalist and Autonomist Trends: The Albanian Trends: The andAutonomist Nationalist the Albanian of “Beginnings Skendi. Stavro Stavro Skendi. “Beginnings of the Albanian Nationalist and Autonomist Trends: The Albanian Trends: The andAutonomist Nationalist the Albanian of “Beginnings Skendi. Stavro 122. p. Macedonians.” the CaseofThe theBalkans: in “Nationality Yasmee, A. F. Pollard. “The Balance of Power.” . Fear, . Fear, and this feelingvulnerability of after theTreaty ofSanStefano, Frasherli AbdylBey was a founder of one of theseparticularly active This draftoftheTreaty of SanStefano was aunifying eventfor Albanian F.A.K Yasmee explores the role offear and/or vulnerability in his article, 47 Thesegroupsdid not initially havesecessionist ambitions, but 44 American Slavic and East European Review European East and Slavic American American Slavic and East European Review European East and Slavic American Journal of the British Institute of International Affairs ofInternational Institute British the of Journal , Vol. 12, No. 2. (Apr., 1953), , Vol. 12, No. 2. (Apr., 1953), 46 , By 27 CEU eTD Collection p.226 League, 1878-1881.” League, 49 p.40. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 48 Hate thattheLeague merely embodies adetermination, which, intheabsence of Albanian-inhabited lands. OnNovember 11,1898ConsulGreen wrote, “They nationalists, but wished toprotect the territorial integrity ofboth the Empire and consider. However, theseLeague members statedthatthey were notAlbanian leaders the delegate conversed with were honest is yetanother question to Salisbury ofthenon-nationalisticpurposes of theorganization. Whether these letter as the Albanian League, the British Consul Kirby Green wrote to Marquis of speaking with unnamed leaders within the Prizren League, referred toin the case lands in oftheimplementationof the Treaty of SanStefano to tax the population, andform a defensive army toprotectAlbanian inhabited independence, but togain autonomywithin the Ottoman Empire, attain the right later, the nationalist movement. League and would become theprimary organizing body in theautonomy, and first autonomist andlater nationalist activists became known asthePrizren regional leadersand clanchiefs, inPrizren on June10,1878. responsible fororganizing thefirst meeting ofAlbanian representatives, primarily figures. Frasherli, amember ofparliament andbrotherofSemseddin Sami,was Stavro Skendi. “Beginnings of the Albanian Nationalist and Autonomist Trends: The Albanian Trends: The andAutonomist Nationalist the Albanian of “Beginnings Skendi. Stavro and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. The initial goal ofthePrizren League was nottoachieve Albanian American Slavic and East European Review European East and Slavic American , Vol. 12, No. 2. (Apr., 1953), 48 This group of . 49 After 28 CEU eTD Collection the British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British the 52 p.45. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 51 Kew. Archives, National British 50 resistance.” somewhatlost importance, ithasstill ofits sufficient influence to raiseup into Committees andSub-Committees, some religious andothers military, has of Salisbury onOctober 22,1878henoted that, “Although theLeague split up League. Inaletter sentbyBritish ConsulKirby Greenfrom Scutari totheMarquis Ottoman Empire’srequest dueto religious allegiances. This split weakened the most ofthePrizren League were conservative Muslim and thussupported the somewhatmore radical factionremained aminority atthis point, however, as continued, under Frasheri’s leadership, toadvocate forAlbanian autonomy. This representatives tothedelegation, however, wherehesitant tomake thisoathand Empire, including present-day Bosnia andHerzegovina. advocate for theprotection of Moslem-inhabited lands within theOttoman radicalized somewhat bythis event. Somedelegates agreed, and began to to thePrizren League. The delegation split onthis issue andsomewere the Prizren League swear their allegiance to the Ottoman Empire, and secondly Ottoman government. However, Ottoman authorities insisted that delegates to mean eventheshadowofadesire for separation from the Sultan’srule. ” a better expression theycall ‘national’…The term ‘national must notbetakento Consul Kirby Green to the M of Salisbury. The Albanian League. October 22, 1878. Found in 22,1878. Found October League. Albanian The the MofSalisbury. to Green Kirby Consul and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. in 2,1878. Found Dec. League. the Albanian About ofSalisbury. toM. Green Kirby Consul Due to its initial goals, thePrizren League was supported first bythe 52 aftertheWhich, Congress ofBerlin re-convened, it did. 51 Theother 50 29 CEU eTD Collection I.B Tauris and Co Ltd. London:2006, p.46. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 54 p.44. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 53 attempt totrace aborderbetween theOttomanEmpire andMontenegro while Plav, Prizren, Janina, Prevesa, and Shkoder. from Tepedelen, aspresident and formed armed resistance groupsGusinje, in Prizren League formed acentral committeewith Seyh Mustafa, a religious official loses suffered bythe newlycreated draft of theTreaty of SanStefano, the losing Albanian-inhabited landsof Epirus to Greece. In reactionto the territorial to the Ottoman Empire although many Albanians began to fear the possibility of inhabited territory. Despite theterritorial loses, the PrizrenLeagueremained loyal villages ofGusinje andPlav, toMontenegro. Serbiawas also given Albanian- Albanian-inhabited cities ofBar andPodgorica, aswell aslands surroundingthe Berlin ignored the League’s demands, however, and decided to give the primarily and aradicalstep the in Albaniannation-building process. The Congress of community. thedeclaration Itis ofagroup separatefrom the Ottoman Empire important adeclaration asitis onbehalf ofall Albanians totheinternational and aTurkish governor stationed the townin ofBitola. Ottoman with province anelected assembly, chosen through universalsuffrage, memorandum demandingthe unification of Albanian landsinto anautonomous the TreatyofSanStefano. The Prizren League senttheGreat Powers a George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. By July 1878the Congress of Berlin convened tore-assess the terms of The Congress of Berlin also assigned aspecial commissionto 54 53 Thismemorandum is 30 CEU eTD Collection I.B Tauris and Co Ltd. London:2006, pp.66-67 London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 57 p.47. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 56 Studies Middle East 55 government armed theAlbaniansinstead. because theOttoman Empirewas militarily too weak toenforcethe borders the assume ofadministering theresponsibility these borderreforms. However, from the Congress. The Congress assumed that the Ottoman Empire would also asking theOttoman EmpireandGreeceto negotiate aborderseparately Ottomanto control Empire itsAlbanianpopulation. Thus,dueto international Albaniannationalists aswell astheadministrative andmilitary inability ofthe of thepopulation. the coastaltown pressuring while the Ottoman Empire toassist takingin control formed armed resistance groups within Ulcinj until the Great Powers blockaded town ofUlcinj, however, remainedwithin Montenegro. Once again, Albanians again byreturning the towns ofGusinje andPlav totheOttoman Empire. The border adjustments, theGreat Powers were eventually forced to alter the border themselves. where Catholic clan-based tribesmen suchastheMalissori organized Berlin, especially the Northernin mountainous regionsofmodern-day Albania armed resistance of Albanians tothenew borders created bytheCongress of George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. 1911-1912.” War, Turco-Italian and the “Germany David Wrigley. W. This uprising andresistanceUlcinj in further revealed the radicalization of 56 Duetothecontinued resistance ofAlbanians to theattempted , Vol. 11, No. 3. (May, 1980), p.314. 11, No.3.(May, , Vol. 57 55 This move This resulted only inthefurther International Journal of Journal International 31 CEU eTD Collection I.B Tauris and Co Ltd. London:2006, pp.70-71. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 59 229-230. pp. League, 1878-1881.” League, 58 maintain itsterritorial integrity. its leadershiphad already lostsome faith in theOttoman Empire’s ability to enforced. Although the Leaguestill alleged loyalty tothePorte, itisevident that organized armed resistance an effortto in prevent border reforms from being League unitarily sent amemorandum to theCongressofBerlin andthenlater group, created by thefear resulting from Treaty of SanStefano.the The Prizren League (after itsre-emergence) andother nationalist groups within Albania. later adopted bytheYoung Turks, would onlyfurther radicalize thePrizren resolution asaresponse tonationalist activity as well. These prohibitive policies, that theOttomans wereusing more prohibitive policies rather than conflict autonomywithin the Ottoman Empire. TheUlcinj incident particularin reveals community aware oftheexistence ofanAlbanian peoplewith aunified interest in remained.It effectively organized resistance groups that made the internationally suppress the Prizren League aswell asother resistance groups within Ulcinj. pressure, theSultan sent Dervish Turgent Pasha andamilitary forcetoforcibly radicalization ofAlbanian nationalists was duetothe notonly later reforms ofthe Porte was unable,orperhaps unwilling, tosecure. Thus, the increased the Ottoman Porte, ifnecessary, to protect the Albanian-inhabited lands thatthe George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Stavro Skendi. “Beginnings of the Albanian Nationalist and Autonomist Trends: The Albanian The Trends: andAutonomist Nationalist of Albanian the “Beginnings Skendi. Stavro The unitaryactions ofthePrizren League reveal theradicalization ofthis legacy its destroyed,effectively was LeaguePrizren the Although American Slavic and East European Review European East and Slavic American 59 TheLeaguefound itnecessary toeven disobey , Vol. 12, No. 2. (Apr., 1953), 58 32 CEU eTD Collection of Middle East Studies East Middle of 60 Albanian nation-building process for two primary reasons. 3.2 The Young Turks project. surroundingnationalizing states, or struggleto create an Albanian nation-building collapse, accept that Albanian-inhabited lands will bepartitioned among the Albanians were few; hopeandfight so that theOttoman Empire would not maintain thestatusquo.At thecloseof 19 unified andmotivated Albaniansprotect to theirtraditionally inhabited landsand Albanian nationalists. Young Turks would laterserve asmore a“finalpush” in theradicalization of nation-building process. The early twentieth century policies andreforms ofthe Stefano crystallized this fear,andserved asaturningpoint intheAlbanian inhabited lands theinto surrounding nationalizingstates. The Treaty of San Young Turks,butwas duetotheoverwhelmingof thepartition fear ofAlbanian- between policies thateither granted minorconcessions toeasetension orrather compromise withnationalist groups. The Young Turks continually switched the constitution and secondly, theYoung Turks were unwillingor unable to were radicalized due to the Young Turks inability tofulfillthe promises made by Kemal H. Karpat. “The Transformation of the Ottoman 1789-1908.” State, the ofOttoman Transformation “The H. Karpat. Kemal The YoungTurk Era,spanning1908-1918, played animportant role inthe Thus, thein absence ofa unified Albanian identity, onlycommon fear , Vol. 3, No.3. (July 1972), p.281. 1972), 3, No.3.(July , Vol. th centurytheoptions facing 60 Firstly, Albanians International Journal International 33 CEU eTD Collection 1976, p.38 1976, 63 46. 2002), p. (Jan., Revolutions and Why It Mattered” It and Why Revolutions 62 p.167. 1999, States: United Limited. 61 the southAlbanians were favorably disposed toward thenew regime.” “While thein North (ofAlbania) there was much unrest and a oflot confusion, in the language ofreligion andthe “invented” constitutional“tradition” of Islam” the Empire totheconstitutional solution, andjustified this doctrine bydrawing on ItMattered,”Why explains, “TheYoung Turks linkedall major problems within LocalWaves, Actors: the YoungTurksWhat Knew About OtherRevolutions and within Islam and Ottoman/Islamic culture. Nader Sohrabi, inthe article, “Global constitution. foreign influence byremoving Abdulhamid from power andrestorethe Committee ofUnion and Progress was tosave theOttoman Empire and cut-off 1804-1945” explains that the primary motives ofthe Young Turks, or the negotiation was an impossibility under the new Young Turkregime. within theregionfurther radicalizing nationalists andconvincing autonomists that uniform towardspolicy Albanians fueledthe growingdiscontent alreadyexistent outlawed political groups. Both the failures of theconstitution andthe lack ofa repressive policies that closed schools, banned the Albanian language, and was thesameconstitutionthat inArticle 8and17stated, “All individuals ofthe Kondis, Basil. “Greece and Albania, 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, Nader Sohrabi. “Global Waves, Local Actors: What the Young Turks Knew About Other Knew About Turks Young the Actors: LocalWhat Waves, “Global Sohrabi. Nader Longman Wesley Addison 1804-1945” Balkans, the of History “A Pavlowitch. K. Stevan On July 24 Balkans,the Historyentitled, of book“A his Pavlowitch, K. in Stevan 61 Theyarguedthatthe values inherent democracyin couldbefound th , 1908the Young Turks restored theconstitutionof 1876: Comparative Studies in Society and History and in Society Studies Comparative Institute for Balkan Studies Balkan for Institute , Vol. 44, No. 1. . Thessaloniki: . 63 62 This . 34 CEU eTD Collection international intervention as theYoung Turkstook control oftheEmpire. the re-implementation oftheconstitution of 1876 was simplyto prevent atool Somewell. Christian Albanians, however, became increasingly concerned that Albanian-inhabited territory and throughout the rest of the Ottoman Empire as implementationof the constitutionof 1876 Albanian clubs were createdwithin development oftheAlbanian language and nationalidentity. After there- founded Albanianin inhabited lands.Thus, enabling theunhindered useand alphabets variations existed. New schools in theAlbanianlanguage were Novemeber of1908topickthenew Albanian scriptasduring this periodmany allow for more educationalliberty. TheCongress ofMonostirwas heldin operation. newspapers, three musical societies, and twenty-four nightschools began fifteen literary societies were created,and fourprinting presses,eleven within Albanian-inhabited lands, sixty-six Albanian culture clubs wereformed, the constitutional government was formed fournational congresses convened International Journal of Middle East Studies Middle East of Journal International 66 pp.163-164. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 65 p.39. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 64 regardless of religion or sect.” and, “All Ottomans areequalbefore the law rightsand equal and in duties Empire are,without distinction, called Ottomans whatever theirreligion orsect” Kemal H. Karpat. “The Memoirs of N. Batzaria: The Young Turks andNationalism.” TheYoung Turks ofN.Batzaria: “The Memoirs H.Karpat. Kemal and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. 65 ManyAlbanian nationalists hoped that the new constitution would 64 It is estimated thatin the first ten months after , Vol. 6, No. 3. (July 19), p. 292. 66 35 CEU eTD Collection International Journal of Middle East Studies, Middle East of Journal International 69 p.41 1976, elected, there were 147 Turks, 60 Arabs, 27Albanians, 26Greeks, 14 election was completed onDecember Outofthe288total 17,1908. deputies initially many Albanians supported the Young Turks. annexed territoryand beintegrated into anew and nationalizingstate. Thus, shrinking. They did notwant Albanian-inhabited lands to become thenext getting closer and closer to the Powers as the Ottoman Empire was quickly country.” Montenegro, andGreece, andwere readyto fordie theterritorial integrity oftheir They couldnot any longer accept territorial favor losses in ofSerbia, that, “…the Albanian peoplewere united against thethreat offoreign invasion. Turk boycottand senttelegrams totheEmbassies of theGreat Powers saying Albanianclub located Constantinople in was astrongsupporter oftheYoung Austrian goods in protest to the annexation ofBosnia andHerzegovina. The to theGreatPowers forassistance and enacted arather unsuccessful boycott of 68 p.155. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 67 Austria-Hungry annexed Bosnia andHerzegovina. on the5 Turks faced aseriesofsignificant crisiswhen Bulgaria asserted its independence Kemal H. Karpat. “The Memoirs of N. Batzaria: The Young Turks andNationalism.” TheYoung Turks ofN.Batzaria: “The Memoirs H.Karpat. Kemal Kondis, Basil. “Greece and Albania, 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. the boycott, unsuccessfulthe and territorialloses the of Regardless During the Novemeber and December electoral period of 1908 the Young th 68 ofOctoberandthenext dayautonomous withCrete united Greece and This This is an understandable statement given thatthe Albanians were Vol. 6, No. 3. (July 19), p. 292 Institute for Balkan Studies Balkan for Institute 67 69 The Young The Turks appealed . Thessaloniki: . 36 CEU eTD Collection Ahrar partymembers supportedthemove were but notdirectly involved. Committee ofUnion and Progress and military officers. Ismail Kemaland other Sheriat or religious law. Demonstrators killed and/or burnedmembers ofthe reaction tothepolicies oftheYoung Turks and calledfortherestoration of corps andwas quickly joined bytheological studies and others. on April 12,1909and began with theFirst Army Corps,aprimarily Albanian administration and more local autonomy fornational minorities within theEmpire. Union and Progress, the Ahrar party favored decentralization of the government Committee ofUnion and Progress or the Young Turks. the former Sultan choseasuccessor. The ThirdArmyCorps, leadbyMahmud Sevket Pasa, pacify to rebels, HuseyinHilmi, the grand vezir, gave his resignation and the Union, or representatives, formed afederalist opposition byformingthe Party of the Liberal Prishtine, ShaninKolonja, andNexhip Druga, followed byall theGreeks groupsmall ofAlbanian deputies including leaders suchasIsmail Kemal, Hassan The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, pp.5-6 Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 73 p.167. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 72 p.157. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 71 Studies Middle East of Journal International 70 Armenians, 10Slavs, and 4Jews chosentoserve inthenew parliament. Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. andNationalism.” TheYoung Turks ofN.Batzaria: “The Memoirs H.Karpat. Kemal The April Uprising tookplace Hagiain SophiaSquare in Constantinople Osmanli Ahrar Firkasi Vali ofKosova, was alsosummoned toforcibly putdown the rebellion , inopposition tothecentral authority ofthe , Vol. 6, No. 3. (July 19), p.279 71 Unlike the Committee of 72 They rose in 70 73 A To 37 CEU eTD Collection 75 p.167. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 74 andissues, becamemore concernedwiththe Turkification ofall subjects ofthe Committeeof Union and Progress showed itself less flexible toward nationalist stationed there. Catholic Ghegs from the Kosova region organized andattacked Turkish troops men. Thesituation reached a breaking point when, onJune 12, 1909 a group of was avaluedtradition andstatus symbol tothenorthernCatholic Gheg tribes- Ghegsthe Catholic refused. Thisisnosurprise, however, ofarms asthecarrying pay taxes. InMay of 1909,aftera law was createdbanning the carrying ofarms failed promises andfurther disillusioned bythe Young Turks. Many refused to Ghegs, were becoming increasingly disappointed with the constitution and its regime. Also,in the northern-most Albanian-inhabited regions, the Catholic changed from excitement overthenew constitution to fear ofthe Young Turk supporters. underground as the Young Turks began to actively seek out and punish his promptedmany oftheAlbanian clubsandsupporters ofKemal togo Athens. ThenewsKemal, ofIsmail popular a leader inSouthern Albania, suppressed and leading deputies punished; including Ismail Kemalwho fled to able to secure the city. Soon after the uprising the members were quickly with aforceof20,000to 25,000 regulars and 15,000volunteers. 1919), p. 7 p. 1919), George P. Scriven. “The Awakening of Albania.” of “The Awakening P.Scriven. George and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. the Balkans, the in increased rule Ottomanagainst pressure “As 75 Thus,inSouthern Tosk Albanian-inhabited lands theclimate Geographical Review Geographical , Vol. 8, No.2. (Aug., 74 Theywere 38 CEU eTD Collection The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, p. 11. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 79 p,6. Publishers, Tauris I.B. with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 78 Studies Middle East of Journal International 77 p.46. 1976, 76 rebellion, they but were initially unsuccessful. 1909. TheYoung Turks sent JavidPasha and aTurkish forcetosuppress the the northern GhegAlbanians militarily roseup against theregime inthespringof language instruction. educational instructionthe Albanian in language andallowed only Turkish Ottoman Empirewas always permitted toownweaponry. Theyalso outlawed This was another unprecedented move as the Moslem population within the was passedoutlawing thecarrying ofarms theMoslem by population aswell. northern Albanian Catholic Ghegtribes-people. OnJune7, 1909 another ban imposed compulsory military service, taxation, and the arms banuponthe failed, andresulted violentin reaction, the Young Turkscontinued trying to attempt todisarm and pacifyAlbanian-inhabited lands. Although earlier attempts “denationalize” rebellious populations. from one ofrelative patience to one of suppression and an attempt to Turks were unable tonegotiate withtheAlbanians andthus changed theirtactic Empire andthe formation ofstrong centralized government.” Young Turks also passed another repressive measure inNovemeber 1909 that Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. andNationalism.” TheYoung Turks ofN.Batzaria: “The Memoirs H.Karpat. Kemal Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, Once again, inreactionto the suppressive measuresofthe YoungTurks , Vol. 6, No. 3. (July 19), p. 293. 77 Andso, theYoung Turks beganan 79 Inanon-military response the 76 Thus, the Young 39 78 CEU eTD Collection entered the town ofScutari. Catholic Gheg tribally-based society which inthemountainslived andhistorically Malissori tribes, began close tothe Montenegrin border. nationalist leaders. Albanian-inhabited regions. They also outlawed newspapers andimprisoned began closing Albanian cultural and political clubsaswell asschoolsthroughout suppression continued and during thefinal six months of1910the Young Turks population andregister people fortaxation purposes. The trend offorcible soldiers andonJuly 24 Minister of arrivedWar) onMay 2,1910. to the town ofUskub. Yet another troop under Mahmud Shevket Pasha (the Albanians bysendingan even larger troop under generalShevket Turgent Pasha The government responded to the continued dis-obedience ofthe northern oppose theYoung Turk regime forimpeding ontheirtraditions and way oflife. Albanian Catholic Gheg tribes-people, who in response swore abesa (or oath) to 1874-1913” I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd. London:2006, p. 30. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 83 p.48. 1976, 82 p.11. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 81 p.47. 1976, 80 completely outlawed ‘bands.’ George W. Gawrych. “The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam, and the Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, In March 1911, another revolt, carried-out by the Northern Catholic th theyhadcompleted thedefeatofuprising and 82 Aftertheir victory they beguntoforcibly disarm the 80 This was adirect attack against the northern 81 The two troopstotaled around 10,000 83 The Malissori were a 40 CEU eTD Collection against Albanians, thatAlbanians couldchoose theirdeputies, that the Albanian grantee that no un-constitutional actions would becommitted bythe government Co Ltd. London:2006, pp. 186-187. pp. London:2006, Co Ltd. Taurisand I.B the Albanians.” and Rule, Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the Crescent “The Gawrych. and GeorgeW. p.18. Publishers, I.BTauris with in association Studies Albanian for Centre The 85 31. p. & London:2006, Co Ltd. Tauris I.B. 1874-1913” 84 was tobesent the Young Turk leaders. Montenegro to sign a list of demands named theGerche memorandum, which called ameetingwith theMallissoriclan leaders in thevillage ofGerce in Gurakuqi(the director Catholic oftheschool inElbasan)andTiranli CemalBey tribes Montenegrininto territory. once againtoforcibly represstherevolt and was tochasetheMalissori able the same culturalgroup and region. Shevket Turgent Pasha was dispatched and Catholic Albanians and disunity among evenGheg Albanians; members of increasing frustration with theYoung Turks but alsothedistrust between Moslem anti-Turkish sentiment among thetribes.This uprising reveals notonly the Sctariresponded byburning twoCatholic churches, which only furtherfueled Catholics and presented the Christian revolt…,” asanti-Muslim. TheMoslems of “…appealed totheMoslems ofScutaritown todefendtheir andfaithagainst the outposts close to thetown ofSctari.In response, theValiBedri ofScutariPasha, and disillusionment withthe Young Turks. The tribes began byattacking Turkish up insteadas a result oftheirfrustration with the conscription policies and taxes occupied Iskodra. Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Albanians, andthe Rule,Islam, Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. Having heard aboutthe events, thenationalist leadersIsmail Kemal, Luigj 84 The Malissori The tribes-people hadnopolitical program, butrose 85 It asked for things such as, the 41 CEU eTD Collection 1976, p.56. 1976, 90 56. p. 1976, 89 Affairs, International 88 pp.18-19. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 87 54. p. 1976, 86 the fulfillment ofalldemands. autonomy forAlbanians andclaimed that the European Powers must guarantee point list also, and most importantly, asked for more administrative andterritorial that all taxes collected in Albania would beused in Albania,etc. language could be used freely, that Albanian schools wouldbe re-opened, and who despite supportedit, German protest. Committeean sentoutappealto other clubs and townspeople calling to prepare atmosphere wasspreading. OnMay 5,1911theCentral Revolutionary began otheranti-Young Turk movements severalvillages. in because itwas begunbyCatholics. spread in the north asMoslem Albanians were distrustful ofthe revolution Mallisoriagreed to leave Montenegro and return toAlbania. and lessened taxes, andgranted amnesty tomembers oftheuprising, the the Mallisoritribe to carry weaponry, limited military service toAlbanian lands Turks offered to re-open Albanian schools, implement economic reforms, allow Kondis, Basil. “Greece and Albania, 1908-1914.” Institute for Balkan Studies. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, G. P. Gooch. “Recent Revelations onEuropeanDiplomacy.” Revelations “Recent P.Gooch. G. 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Kondis, Basil. “Greece and Albania, 1908-1914.” Institute for Balkan Studies. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, Albanians thein South, urged bythe CentralRevolutionary Committee, Vol. 2, No.1. (Jan., 1923), p.11. 1923), (Jan., 2,No.1. Vol. 87 Thememorandum was alsosenttoEdward Grey, 88 OnAugust3,1911,aftertheYoung Journal of the British Institute of Institute oftheBritish Journal 89 90 The revolt did not Therevolutionary 86 Thetwelve- 42 CEU eTD Collection The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, p. 21. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 94 p.58. 1976, 93 History Modern of Journal The 92 12. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 91 Christian population did notseem supportive. Albanians. TheYoung Turks ignored Albanian demands, especially as the demanded thatthosesame concessions be madefour villayets toall andtoall regions became aware oftheconcessionsmade totheMalissori tribeand the Young Turks reacted bymovingtroops into placeonce again. guerilla bands.Armed were demonstrations held throughout the fourvillayets and Turks ignored the list ofdemands response andin theAlbanians beganforming nationality.” separate army; andthatall government employees tobeoftheAlbanian a singlevilayet governed byAlbanians, with aseparate parliament anda Ottoman Empire; unionof thefour villages (Scutari, Kosovo, Monastir, Janina) in after theTreaty ofSan Stefano asking for“Administrative autonomy withinthe government thatalmost exactlymirrored the demands ofthePrizren League for arevolution. Malissoritribes before.Instead theyoffered, generalamnesty tothoseinvolved in However, theyrefused toaccept theGerche memorandum used with the Turks agreed tomeet withthe Southern revolt leaders thein town ofTepelene. Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, 1878-1912” Awakening National “The Albanian Skendi. Stavro (Review of) Jelavich. Barbara 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Soon leaders of these movements inthe southern Albanian-inhabited 92 Itisimportant tonote here that theyuse the term nationality. The 91 Simultaneously, they sentalist ofdemands totheYoung Turk , Vol. 40, No. 4. (Dec., 1968), p. 684. 93 OnAugust 18,1911,theYoung 43 94 CEU eTD Collection Albanian language either. amnesty wasnever fullygranted andno schools hadbeen opened thein accepted, however, the concessions were only marginally implemented as 1976, p.66. 1976, 98 p.190. London:2006, TaurisandCoLtd. I.B 97 History, Modern of Journal The 96 pp.59-60. 1976, 95 moremoderate thanpreviously. Albanian leaders askedfor many ofthesame the Young Turks agreed tonegotiate with movement leaders.Thedemands were Albanian-inhabited lands. “Pro-Albania.” Kemal was able to acquire weaponry from an unofficial Italian committee called Kosova regionandspreadingsouth alloverAlbanian-inhabited territory. Constantinople andagreed toorganize afull-scalerebellion, starting inthe 1912, under the leadership ofIsmail Kemal,Albanian leaders met in implementof the agreed all points from the Tepelenemeeting, inJanuary of withthe Young Turks, and the inability or unwillingness of the regime to and therighttocarryarms with specialpermission. butonly customs, service military onlywithin thefour Albanian villayets, reduced taxation, language, the appointment ofcivilservants who knew the Albanian language and the uprisings, there-opening ofAlbanian schools, theteaching oftheAlbanian Kondis, Basil. “Greece and Albania, 1908-1914.” Institute for Balkan Studies. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, and theAlbanians.” Rule,Islam Ottoman Eagle: and the “The Crescent Gawrych. George W. 1878-1912” Awakening National Albanian “The Skendi. Stavro of) (Review Jelavich. Barbara Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, In anefforttopausethewidespread rebellion Albanian-inhabited in lands 98 Fighting ensued thein northern andsouthern regions of Vol. 40, No. 4. (Dec., 1968), p. 684. 96 Duetothecontinued ineffectiveness of negotiations 95 Thosepresent 97 Ismail 44 CEU eTD Collection allies intended to partition Albanian-inhabited landsfollowingthe war. Albanian leaders couldgovern in these four villayets. and thefour villayets amore politicalentity thanit had been before asonly accepted the demands ofthemovement leaders. International Journal of Middle East Studies Middle East of Journal International 102 76. p. 1976, 101 27. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 100 26. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 99 in the town ofUskub to discuss the war and its impact onAlbanian-inhabited Albanian nationalists. Albanian leadersorganized ameeting onOctober 14,1912 again, as with the Treaty of San Stefano before, the role of fear radicalized fell to other Albanian rebelforces. of Durres, Kruje, andPeshkopi, inShkoder, and Fier and Permet, inJanina, also They encountered little resistance. Two dayslater, onAugust 14, 1912 the towns Bajram Bey Curri, Riza BeyGjakova, andIdriz Seferi, ledbyIsa BeyBoletani. the 30,000strong Albanian irregularforces and forcesofforpowerfulchieftains, August 12,1912 thecapital ofthe vilayet of Kosova, Uskub, was overtaken by not,did and responsein Albanianrebels occupied thetown ofUskub.Thus,on demands theAlbanians gave the Young Turks forty-eight hours to respond. They collected from onlyAlbanians spentinAlbania, etc.After expressing their demands asbeforebutexcluded themore radical demand ofautonomy, taxation Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Kemal H. Karpat. “The Memoirs of N. Batzaria: The Young Turks andNationalism.” TheYoung Turks N.Batzaria: of “TheMemoirs H.Karpat. Kemal Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. The outbreakofthe BalkanFirst created War thefearthatBalkan 100 , Vol. 6, No. 3. (July 19), p. 296 BySeptember 4,1912 the Porte officially 101 Thismade Albanian lands, 102 Once 45 99 CEU eTD Collection International Affairs International 107 14. p. 2001), (Summer, Policymaking. inForeign and Processes People the Understanding and Coalitions: in International Relations Theory.” Relations International in 106 88. p. 1976, 105 84. p. 1976, 104 History Modern of Journal The 103 support, but,most importantly,hewas able toreceive thesupport ofBerchtold. assertive foreign policy theBalkans. within Austrian support was luke-warm although theywere tryingtobegin amore authorities Albaniain to cooperate withthe leaders of the nationalmovement.” Albanian people, andurgethe Turkish governmentmilitary toorderthe andcivil notables, address a memorandum to thepowers containingthe wishes ofthe Affairs and toldthe Austrian officials abouthis plans to call ameeting ofAlbanian other governments. “Kemal,Novemeber on 12,calledontheMinistry ofForeign to maintain their territory. to theinternational community thattheywere fighting ontheside ofTurkeyonly integrity oftheirtraditionally inhabited lands. would notfighttostrengthen theOttoman Empire, buttoprotect theterritorial In response leaders sent amessage tothe Great Powers stating that Albanians lands. G.P. Gooch. “Recent Revelations Diplomacy” on European Revelations “Recent Gooch. G.P. Joe D. Hagan. “Does Decision Making Matter? Systematic Assumptions vs. Historical Reality Historical Assumptions vs. Systematic Matter? Making “Does Decision JoeD.Hagan. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, 1878-1912” Awakening National “The Albanian Skendi. Stavro (Review of) Jelavich. Barbara 103 Kemalthen worked togather support ofAlbanian independence from Leadersagreed that the Ottoman Empire would probably lose the war. , Vol. 2, No. 1. (Jan., 1923), p.17. 1923), 2,No.1.(Jan., Vol. , , Vol. 40, No. 4. (Dec., 1968), p. 684. International Studies Review Studies International 106 104 Afew Austrian officials gavehim Thus,theAlbanians made clear Journal of the British Institute of Institute British ofthe Journal , Vol. 3, No. 2, Leaders, Groups, 107 105 46 CEU eTD Collection 1919), p. 73. p. 1919), activities. The loyalty thatsome Albaniansand Albanian groupsfelttowards the with theAlbanian nationalists only further radicalized Albanian nationalist southern Albania andNorthern Greece. state and send an International Commission todelaminate aborder between The peace conference would eventually recognize Albaniaas an independent attended the peace conference, which began in London onDecember 16,1912. Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro. Greece refused to sign the armistice but Powers announcingthe independence of Albania. president ofthe provisional government and a telegram was sentouttotheGreat to sendmembers tothecapitals oftheGreatPowers. Kemalwas electedasthe serve intheprovisional government, andtheformation ofaspecial commission proposed adeclarationof independence forAlbania, theelection ofasenateto 109 91 p. 1976, 108 for Albanians was theseparation from the Ottoman Empire.” view of the criticalsituation created by theBalkan war, theonly way tosalvation presided asspeaker andopened theconventionwith aspeech saying that, “…in gather inValona for thenationalcongress. After receiving his support,Kemal,sent a message tothe delegates Albaniain to George P. Scriven. “The Awakening of Albania” of “The Awakening P.Scriven. George Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, The inability and/or unwillingness oftheYoung Turkregime tonegotiate The Young Turks, concluded an armistice on December 3,1912with The National convention openedonNovember 28,1912. IsmailKemal Geographical Review 109 , Vol. 8, No.2. (Aug., 108 Inclosing Kemal 47 CEU eTD Collection unimportant, topopulations thein border regions ofAlbania two yearsafter the that perhaps adistinct Albanian nationality did notexist,or atleastwas was, andwho was not,Albanian national, in this border region. This could reveal investigation, Commission members difficultly foundgreat differentiating in who thewithin population, will bediscussed in more detailto follow. Greece. The“markers” ofnationality,chosen for Commissionmembers tolocate majority nationality ofthetowns intheborderregions between Albania and Commission were asked by thePowers todemarcate aborderbased upon the How Does ThisWork Address the Topic,” membersthe oftheInternational 1914. Asmentioned previously, in thesub-chapter entitled “Defining Identity: identified Albaniannationality the in Southern Albanianborder regionasof1913- an example ofhow‘outsiders,’ or those outside ofaparticular cultural group, International Commission NationalIdentity The and Unity ofLack 4. Evidence announced in1912,accepted in 1914, but thenationhad yettobeformed. choice, was to‘Turkify,”andthe only otheroptionwas state torebel.The was in aposition where only radical and opposing steps could betaken. One step, or for many. Albanians were onceagain, asin1878with theTreatyofSan Stefano, OttomanPorte shifted with theYoungTurks.Thatloyalty somewhat disappeared Most importantly this chapter should illustrate that,despite months of The International Commission and their detailed correspondence serve as 48 CEU eTD Collection territorial expansion ofSerbia. separate existence. This is unsurprising asAustria-Hungry wanted tocheckthe Mensdorff, stated that Albania should be viable and large enough to have its own territory thatAlbania wouldencompass. TheAustrian Ambassador, Count member statesastowhat form that thefuture governmentwould takeandthe sovereignty ofthe Sultan. ByDecember 20, 1912the representatives agreed autonomous Albaniashould becontrolled bythesix GreatPowers underthe The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, p. 35. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 111 629. 1913), p. (Dec., 110 had arose during thewar. with Edward Greypresiding, todiscuss the“Albanian problem” andothersthat Discern Albanian National Identity in the Border Region 4.1 The InternationalCommission:Attempt An to examined. movementsmentioned intheCommissioncorrespondence are also briefly the second sub-chapter of this section as the various governments andpolitical weakness ofnational identity within Albania during thisperiod alsois outlined in southern regions ofthe country, or itdid not exist yet. Further evidence asto the state’s existence. Thus, either national Albanian identity was weak inthe Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Adjustment.” Balkan “The Duggan. P. Stephan The Great Powers began the Conference of London on December 13 110 Therewas some disagreement between the 111 TheRussian Ambassador argued that Political Science Quarterly . Vol. 28, No.4. th , 1912, 49 CEU eTD Collection organized. an independent state and found a consensus onhow the new state would be wouldcontrol thenbegan and many different opinions circulated. had declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire onNovember 28 (Dec., 1913), p. 630. 1913), p. (Dec., 115 p.107. 1976, 114 33-34. pp. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 113 96. p. 1976, 112 was alsodelayeddue to disagreements regarding whether Greece or Turkey border inthenorthor(especially) thesouth.in Theborderdelimitation ofAlbania country. Austria, Italy, andGreece(with French support) could notagreeona representatives were still unableto definethe southern boundary ofthe new Djakova, Prizrend, and Dibrashould go totheSerbs.” Austria-Hungary agreed that the almost exclusively Albanian towns ofIpek, boundary ofAlbania. “Inorder tocarry her point thatScutarimust beAlbania, March 26theconference also agreed upon thenorthern andnortheastern community asanindependent stateand notsimply asanautonomous region.On Powers. Thus,Albania finally achieved recognition bythe international 1912 already. sovereignty of theSultan. that anautonomous andneutralAlbania wouldbe setuponly under the Stephan P. Duggan. “The Balkan Adjustment.” Balkan “The Duggan. P. Stephan Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Kondis. Basil 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Kondis. Basil On July29,1913the Conference ofAmbassadors recognized Albania as 114 Albaniawas to be independent and assigned a prince bythe Great 113 Thenegotiations over what territory this autonomous region 112 Thisdecision was made thefact despite thatAlbania Political Science Quarterly . Vol. 28, No.4. 115 However, 50 th , CEU eTD Collection and geographic principles. September 30,1913 and was asked to base itsfinal decision on ethnographic and aninternationalgendarmerie presence. the form of government beinghenceforth aprincipality appointed bythePowers, London and included clausessuch asthesovereignty andneutrality ofAlbania, Constitution passed on July29, 1913 bythe Conference of Ambassadors in delegates from the Powersten andlasting years, was included thein new boundary ofAlbania. that anInternational Commission besentto create asouth and southeastern Albania and Greecethe in south, on August 1, 1913 Sir Edward Greyproposed support ofthe eventual bordermodifications of Albanian territory. preceding years. TheAegean islands would become atoolto ensure Greek Aegean islands wouldbecome linkedduring the negotiations to follow over the The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, pp. 43-44. pp. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 118 109. p. 1976, 117 628. 1913), p. (Dec., 116 to defense reasons. islands were primarily Greek, but Turkey claimed Imbros, Tenedos, and Lemnos wouldtake possession of the Aegean islands aswell. The populations ofthese Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Kondis. Basil Adjustment.” Balkan “The Duggan. P. Stephan The InternationalCommission began its investigation andcorrespondence In anattempt toinvestigate theidentities of border populations between 116 117 Theissues of the Albanian border with Greece and the The six delegate International Commission composed of 119 Ethnographic criteriarefers tothe language spoken Political Science Quarterly 118 . Vol. 28, No.4. 51 CEU eTD Collection twelve kilometers southofthetown ofArgyrocastro.Insupport claim ofthis they that state. Germany advocated for the Albaniancause and the largest possible territory for Russia pressed forthe Greekclaims toterritory, while Austria, Italy, and As was thecaseinConference ofAmbassadors in London,France and differences arose betweenTriple the Alliance andTriple Entente representatives. language spoken homes.in local ascertainthe national identity ofvillages intheborder regions byfinding the InternationalCommission wouldconduct secret deliberations in an attempt to guides, andcompletesecrecy regarding thedeliberations. included the exclusion of all journalists and Albanian or Greek military and civil International Commission should follow so astomaintain fairness. These rules Edward GreytoSirF.Bertie theMinister outlines some general rules thatthe formulatedother generalrules orderin tomaintain fairness. Ina letter sent by Sir difficulties with attempting tofollow solely this criterion. The Commission The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, p. 45. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 122 Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 14,1913. October F.Bertie. toSir Edwardpp. Grey Sir 37-38. No.73. 1913.” October toDecember Albania: 121 Kew. Archives, National British the Accessed at 1913. 29, Dering. October to Mr Sirp.92. Edward Grey No.181. 1913.” OctobertoDecember Albania: 120 Kew. Archives, National British the Accessed at 30,1913. September Grey. SirEdward to Crackanthorpe Mr. from p.1.Letter No.1. 1913” December Octoberto Albania: 119 in thehome. Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International As soon astheInternational Commission began its investigation, notable 122 Austriaand Italy argued that the boundary should bedrawn atleast 120 However, theInternational Commission encountered several 121 Thus,the 52 CEU eTD Collection Sir Edward Grey. October 26, 1913. Accessed at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National AccessedBritish 26,1913. at October Edward Grey. Sir to Doughty-Wylie pp. 99-101.Lieutenant-Colonel No.202. 1913.” December October to Albania: 124 p.117. 1976, 123 town spokeAlbanian while theyounger spoke only Greek. difficulties with thismethod. For example, oftentheolder generation ofagiven language spoken in the home. TheInternational Commission encountered some Greek. As notedpreviously, thecriterion for identifying nationality was the the majority population ofeach town intheborderregion was either Albanian or the Great Powers andneighboring states. when delaminating the border but alsoeconomic concerns and the demands of identity ofthemajority ofthepopulation of each townwas takenintoaccount national compositions ofthelocal towns Thus,notonlywell. as thenational other. Thewishes oftheinternationalcommunity placedabove were also the importance, nottheof the willlocal populations to liveunderone stateor the the portwhich the entire country communicated withthe outside world.” that Argyrocastro was theindustrial centerfor theterritory, andSanta Quaranta that theroad from Argyrocastro toDelvino must remain Albania, within andthirdly narrow if thevalleyofArgyrocastro weregiven toanothercountry; tobe secondly reasoned that,“thecoastal region already granted toAlbania would betoo written from Lieutenant-Colonel Doughty-Wylie toSirEdward Grey from Kolonia were bilingual andspokebothAlbanian andGreek inthehomewell. Inaletter as International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, However, theInternational Commission still attempted tolocatewhether Thus, economic reasonsfor theborder delimitation were ofprimary 124 Ofteninhabitants 123 53 CEU eTD Collection Edward Grey. Oct. 26, 1913. Accessed at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 26,1913. Oct. Edward Grey. to Sir Doughty-Wylie Lieutanent-Colonel p.93. No. 162. 1913.” December October to Albania: 126 Kew. Archives, National 1913. AccessedBritish at 26, October Edward Grey. Sir to Doughty-Wylie pp. 99.Lieutenant-Colonel 202. No. 1913.” December Octoberto Albania: 125 Christian houses and various preparations.” follow. Languages of families have been concealed from us bytheclosing of all standstill because the “Conditions laid down inLondonhave been impossible to Colonia on Oct. 26, 1913 the Lieutenant explains that the Commission was ata correspondence from Lieutanent-Colonel Doughty-WylieEdward toSir Greyfrom households were being closedfrom Internationalthe Commission. In determining factorof nationality was that,foraperiod oftime, Christian is entirely impossible toestablish nationality on thisbasis.” way aborder. todelaminate Hecontinues bystating, “The general resultthat it is it, totakeasaguidethe language spoken inthefamilies,” was aninadequate ethnographic andgeographic baseforafrontier, and,fortheethnographic partof on October26, 1913he explains thatthegoal ofthecommission; “toestablish an to thebullying ofAlbanian households byGreek members ofthecommunity for households werebeing closed. Consul-General Lamb thoughtthat this wasdue and SirEdward Grey, attempted tounderstand why thesemany Christian spoken byfamily members. Commission couldnot visit homes inanattempt toinvestigate the language International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International Another problem contributing tothedifficulty ofusinglanguage asthe In the proceedingcorrespondence International Commission members, 126 Thus,the International 125 54 CEU eTD Collection nationality. “Itcan almost betakenas certain, however, that,eventhough 29 from the Acting Consul-GeneralMorgan to Sir L.Mallet from onOct. Salonica unified, or simply inexistent Albania,in especially inborder regions. Ina letter probably aware thatnational consciousness wasnew andfragmented, un- nationality ofpopulations. instead, nationalconsciousness shouldserve forthebasis ofidentifying the a reliable criterionfor determining thenational character ofapopulation andthat, were oftenspoken within families or simply because the homewas closed. community members were Albanianand which were Greekasboth languages impossible, for International Commission members to distinguish which somewhat integrated in some oftheseborder townsmaking itvery difficult, notif common theseborder in regions. Thusthe Greek andAlbanianpopulations were mothers. attempt toconceal Christian households with Moslem, Albanian-speaking Doughty-Wylie mentioned the possibility thatis these homes were closed in an The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, p. 39. p. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 129 Kew. Archives, National British 1913. Accessed at 30, October Edwarad Grey. to Sir Doughty-Wylie Lieutanent-Colonel 96-97. No. 193.pp. 1913” December October to Albania: 128 Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 26,1913. October Edward to Grey. Sir Lamb Consul-General No. 182.p.92. 1913” OctobertoDecember Albania: 127 fear thattheywould themselvesidentify asAlbanian. Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International th 1913heexplains that perhaps religion couldbe used as the basis for Thus, the Greek government continuedto complain that language was not 128 Intermarriage between Christian men andMoslem women was 129 This This is anunsurprising requestas the Greeks were 127 Lieutanent-Colonel 55 CEU eTD Collection Albania’s economic, strategic, and geographic features. could about Albaniannationality by looking attherest ofthe nation along with determinant ofnationality, Commission members attempt tolearnwhat they ineffective. SirEdward Greyrecommended thatinsteadofusing language asa Edward Greyaskingwhat representatives should doasthe language testwas government, theBritish delegate tothe International Commission telegraphed Sir criterionfor identifying nationality,as aswellcontinuing pressure from the Greek northern Albania. the argument was becausethere invalid was population aChristian within consciousness as a criterion was perhaps onesided, andreligion un-useful as 7, 1913. Accessed at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 1913. 7, November Berti. F. to Sir Edwardp.128. Sir Grey No.247. 1913” toDecember October Albania: 131 Kew. Archives, National British 1913. Accessed at 29, October Mallet. L. Sir to Morgan Consul-General Acting 139-141. pp. No. 271. 1913” December Octoberto Albania: 130 Greece…” that all Christian villages thein zone under examination sincerely desire union to composedthe inmajority ofMoslems. Itwould besimplerto take as an axiom no Christian willdesire topassfrom a Christiangovernment underagovernment nationality. Christian and Moslem Epirusin may bothbeofAlbanian origin, but Moslem thisin countrycannot be bridged in the present case by the bonds of desire to change Greek for Albanian rule. The cleavage between Christian and speaking Albanian inthehome, noneofthemembers ofanyChristian family International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International Due totheproblems encounteredwith using language as theprimary 130 Thus, language was aninsufficient determinant,national 131 TheCommission 56 CEU eTD Collection November 25, 1913. Accessed at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 25,1913. November F.Elliot. Sir to Edward Grey Sir 187-188. pp. No. 367. 1913” December October to Albania: 134 Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 1913. 9, November EdwardGrey. toSir Mr.p.136. O’Beirne No. 264. 1913” toDecember October Albania: 133 118. p. 1976, 132 frontier, receiving compensation; andVlachs should beGreek.” Moslem ofcertain districtspopulations should specifically migrate acrossthe “…follow a specifiedlinefrom mountainsGrammos westward. Greekand almost allofthe disputed territory toAlbania. The proposed frontierwould, British Foreign Ministry thatwouldcreate, asomewhat arbitrary line which left sent December 12,1913. agreed. submitted amemorandum to theGreatPowers onDec.12, 1913 advocating for leaders. as theywouldnot want toliveunder a state governed byamajority ofMoslem wouldbe forced into Albania and would eventually rebelagainst the government disagreed withthe boundary purposed. Venizelos warned thatmany Greeks Austrian members agreed with theproposal. The Greek government, however, identities couldnot be identified bytheInternationalCommission. TheItalian and was proposedthatignored thenational identities oflocalpopulations, asthese International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Correspondence Respecting I: “Part Correspondence. Commission International of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, The InternationalCommission, while Leskoviki,in sentaproposalto the instead he proposal, againstthe advocating hopelessly of Instead 132 134 However, thistaskwas nevercompleted asaborder proposal was 133 Thus,aborder 57 CEU eTD Collection 1976, p.111. 1976, 138 p.120. 1976, 137 p.53. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 136 Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 10,1913. December Edward toSir Grey. F.Elliot Sir 264-266. pp. No.496. 1913,” December Octoberto Albania: 135 this sacrifice of the wishes of localpopulations can be found aspeechin when compared tothe goals andpolicies of the Great Powers. Further proofof Epirus.” with theAegeanislands usedascompensation forthe loss ofmuch ofNorthern the onehand and Italo-Austrian, Albanian interests on the other, was reached after ithadevacuated itstroops from Albanian territory. receive theAegean islands, excluding Tenedos, Imbros, andCasteloritzoonly Albania.” Korcha andArgyrocastro, two focalpointsofthedisputed territory were togo “…Delvino, Chimara, SantiQuaranta, Tepeleni, Premeti, CapeStylos, andboth the Protocol ofFlorence on December 17,1913. Florence to create maps illustratingthe new border. This border was includedin proposed. Imbros, butonly ifGreecewould becooperativewith theborder delimitation the Aegean islands should goto Greece, excluding the islands of Tenedos and the acquirement ofAegean islandsbyGreece. Kondis, Basil. “Greece and Albania, 1908-1914.” Institute for Balkan Studies. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” and Albania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International south (Northern“In the compromise, Epirus) a better Greekinterests on Having reached adecision the International Commission traveled to 138 137 Thus the Thus interests of the local populations weresecond of importance . OnFeb.13,1914theGreatPowers agreedthatGreecewould 135 136 SirEdward Greyagreedthat Accordingtothenew border, 58 CEU eTD Collection The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, pp.45-46. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 139 willbe examined inthefollowing chapter. evidence asto thelackofnational identity and unitywithin thepopulation. This groups, and amovement toreturn the Ottoman Empire arealso further identity atthis time however. Alackofpolitical unity, tension between religious border regions isnot the only indicator of a lack of a clear national Albanian not beusedtoidentify Albanian nationals. Thelackofidentity in thesouthern identity did not exist inthese border regions. Both language and religion could criterionfor identifying Albanians, reveals thatperhapsaclear Albaniannational InternationalCommission, aswell astheir evident difficulty increatingrelevant arbitrarily drew a border between Greece and Albania. This endresult ofthe which citieshadmajority Albanianor Greekpopulations, theymore orless Edward Greyexplained, delivered tothe HouseofCommons asAugust 12, asearly 1913when Sir Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Thus, the end,becausein theInternationalCommission couldnotidentify interests of the peaceofEurope. ofthe interests the in essential which is most has workdone the it that secured has Albania about agreement the and if Powers themselves, Great between the agreement was preserve to essential primary the agreement the making in that mind in tobeborne is It itself. locality of the merits onthe purely at it who looks knowledge local anyonewith from ofdealcriticism to a great points open onmany be will it bestated to comes whole when the aware quite that I am 139 59 CEU eTD Collection kazas government formed byIsmailKemal inValona continued to extend only tothe country was astateofrelative stillin anarchy. Theauthority oftheprovisional identity. create a newEpirote state is evidence of a lackofunified Albanian national each movement’s corresponding different political values, as well asthe desire to Albanians would become. Thepresence of great political fragmentation, with their followers, as had differing views onhow the countryshould lookandwho what should Albania become politically. Thus, eachofthese leaders, aswell as Essad Pashaas theresupporters, Toptani,aswell hadverydifferentviews of identity. Throughout the new country local leaders,such asIsmail Kemaland Epirote State inSouthern Albania reveal the fragmentation ofAlbanian national changes such as areturn to the Ottoman Empire orthe formation ofanew Identity Fragmented National IdentityoraLackofNational Absence Unity of 4.2 as Evidence ofPolitical ofthe With regard tothepoliticalWith situation Albania, in bythesummerthe of 1913 The political disunity and presence of various movements advocating for sanjack ofBerat.Thus,only asmall recognized population andwere 60 CEU eTD Collection 1914. Accessed at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 1914. May25, p. 99. Lamb to EdwardSir Grey. No.262.Mr. 1913.” December to October Albania: of 142 p.44. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 141 Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 1913. 16, Oct. EdwardGrey. Sir Lamb to Consul-General No.81. p.41. 1913.” toDecember October 140 controlledby this provisionalgovernment. and was abletotake control ofmost of central Albania. town ofScutari,hadmarched toTirana andDurazzo with a armedlarge force governmentwas blockedbyEssad PashaToptani who,after thesurrenderof establishingof aMoslem underprince Suzeranity oftheSultan. movements advocating forareturn toOttoman withinrule Albania orthe Commission reports there ismention that Essad alsopossibley began of many Moslem Albanians, especially in thenorth. the InternationalWithin others reach. others spheres of influence aseach leader influenced territories outside ofeach Essad, aswellas theirsupporters, were direct in opposition for control ofeach pacify Essad, Ismail Kemaloffered him the position of Ministry of Interior, which of Valonabyaccusing being controlledit of byItalyand Austria. Inanattempt to government established Valona.in Essad attempted tosabotage the government creation ofthis movement eventual his was goal tooverthrow Kemal’s provisional and Moslem populations. Regardless ofthe rumored involvement ofEssad inthe serve asanexample ofreligious-based political division between theChristian development ofthismovement be discussedwill inmore detail later andwill International Commission Correspoendence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs the Correspondence Respecting I: “Part Correspoendence. Commission International 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. ofAlbania: Affairs the Respecting I:Correspondence “Part Report. Commission International Essad was apowerful political forcewithin Albania asheheld thesupport 140 Theauthority oftheprovisional 141 Thus,both Kemal and 142 The 61 CEU eTD Collection The Centre for Albanian Studies in association with I.B Tauris Publishers, pp.46-47. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 144 p.113. 1976, 143 Powers pressuring them to choosethenew of Albania.leader called the Senate of CentralAlbania and sent amemorandum to theGreat complicated as EssadPasha Toptaniestablished anew government atDurazzo national leader orgovernment. recognized localidentity, replaced anynational identity andallegianceto any national leaderor government. Thuslocalallegiances, based upon the identified themselves with local,tribal, or religious leaders rather than any there was still widespread politicaldisunity within Albaniaas localpopulations note that the different tribes were separate entities and were not unified. Thus, authority ofthe provisional government ofIsmailKemal. and Moslem tribes near Pike, Dakota and Prizren, refused to officially accept the the Montenegrin border and followed theirtribal chiefs orreligious authorities, Commission(which hadtakencontrolMay), in CatholicMalissoritribes controlled regions ofthe country. Scutari continued to be administered by the International however. AsofAugust 1913,other authorities had risen topower variousin powerful leaderwithin centralAlbania. correspondingsupporters, but only fora short time, asEssad remained a he accepted. This helped lessen the tension between thetwo leaders and their Owen Pearson. “Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic, and Monarchy, 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. Thessaloniki: Studies. Balkan for Institute 1908-1914.” andAlbania, “Greece Basil. Kondis, By October 12,1913 thepolitical situation became evenfurther The political tensions between Kemaland Essad were nottheonly ones, 143 It is also Itis important to 144 In a letter 62 CEU eTD Collection identity. The second possibility for identifying witha certain political leaderwas leader. Thus loyalty came from a feelingof‘being thesame;’ ofsharingthe same Thus, KemalEssad’s or supporters perhaps personally identified with their they likely felt thattheir loyaltywas warranted because hewas ‘oneoftheirown.’ allegiance toa‘national’ leader simply because hewas their locality, from then and hewasfamiliar orthey identified with his political values. Ifsupporters gave because, either theyidentified with thatleader becausehewas from regiontheir national identity?The followers ofboth oftheseleaders gave their allegiance representative government ofAlbania, reveal aboutthe status ofAlbanian ask, what does the existence of two governments, both claiming tobe the official groups refusing toowe allegiancetoeither government. Thus,onemust stopand over the country, one Valonain and one in Durazzo as well asmany other president.” Bey atVallona, and had formed aSenate, of which hehad nominated himself that Essad Pasha had“disavowed theprovisional government ofIsmailKemal On theway tomeet Essad Pasha Pasha Topkhanie andFaik BeyKanitza and planned tomeetwith EssadPasha. Durazzo four Commission members metwith notables local including Fazil October 15, 1913. Accessed at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 15,1913. October Edward Grey. to Sir Granet pp. 69-71.Colonel No.141. 1913.” December October to Albania: 145 1913 andreceivedonOctober 23 written byColonel Granetto Sir Edward Grey sentfrom on OctoberTirana 15, International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International Thus, as of October 1913, Albania had two governments claimingcontrol 145 Faik BeyKanitza explained tothe Commission rd , theColonel explainedhow to in avisit 63 CEU eTD Collection Duckworth and Co. Ltd. Great Britian:2002, p. 130. Britian:2002, Great Ltd. andCo. Duckworth 147 62-63. pp. Publishers, I.BTauris with inassociation Studies Albanian for Centre The 146 Northern Epirus. agreement, apro-Greek party the southin declared theautonomous Republicof had leftthenewly acquired Albanian territory, inaccordance with theFlorence of 1914when anew state was created inNorthern Epirus. but this time, thepolitical movementwould assume national aspirations. was verylacking. The politicalfragmentation wouldcontinue tomultiply in 1914, of unified national identity is envisioninga similar goalfor thenation,this aspect different and opposing ideasofwhat Albania shouldbecome. Andifoneaspect future. isevident,What thus, thatis bothEssad andKemal’s supporters had perhaps thepoliticalfragmentation inAlbania wasdue todifferent visions forthe wanted aMoslem prince tobe crowned, rather than a Christian prince. And so a Christian prince for the state. Essad disagreed. It seems asthough Essad Commission. Heagreed with theirgeneral plan forAlbaniaand the idea ofhaving politically, for example. Kemal was very loyal totheadvice oftheInternational perhaps agreeing withhis political values;how wantedhe thestate to develop George Zographos, the Greek Epirotes, at a meetingheld inCorcyra, succeeded eagle, asymbolof Albanian nationalism. Greek flag, blueandwhite, butwas surmounted bythedouble-headed black Greek andAlbanian national symbols. The Epirote flagusedthe colors ofthe T.J Winnifrith. “Badlands--Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania.” Gerald Albania.” Epirus/Southern Northern of History A “Badlands--Borderlands: T.J Winnifrith. 1908-1939” and Monarchy, Republic, Independence, andKing Zog: “Albania Owen Pearson. The political situation inAlbaniabecamemore even fragmented inMarch 146 Theflag created for the new state reveals thecombination of 147 ByMay 1914, underthe leadership of After Greek troops 64 CEU eTD Collection Duckworth and Co. Ltd. Great Britian:2002, p.130. Britian:2002, Great Ltd. Co. and Duckworth 149 Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at 1914. 29, March Edward to Lamb Grey. Sir Consul-General 6. pp.4-5. No. June1914.” Aprilto Albania: of 148 within Albanianterritory. Thenew flag ofthestateblatantly demonstrates the of theAlbanian population butalso thebriefexistence ofanother national identity evidence asto thelack of political unity within Albania. resistancelittle from the Epirotes. The case ofNorthernEpirus is further time asinOctoberGreek troops moved inandannexedthe territory. There was Grey from onMarchVallona 29 the suzerainty ofPrince of Wied. William Northern Epirus would bean autonomous regionwith full self-government under very unpopular, prince of Albania) and the great powers. They agreed that receivingin therecognitionPrince of of William (the newlyWied appointed, and declaring waron each other. resulted inhis abdication), and the great powers had abrogated responsibility by Prince William wasof Wied nolonger powerin Albania(as in unpopularity his very long. secondly themovement was veryfragmentedwould likely and not survive for existence ofAlbaniarequired there-integration ofitssouthern territories and government createdinNorthern Epirus. Firstly, hearguesthat the future T.J Winnifrith. “Badlands--Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania.” Gerald Albania.” Epirus/Southern ofNorthern A History “Badlands--Borderlands: T.J Winnifrith. Affairs the Correspondence Respecting III: “Part Correspondence. Commission International The Epirotemovement, andstate,reveals notonlythepolitical fragmentation By September of1914theCorcyra agreementwas clearlyworthless, as However correspondence in sent by Consul-General Lamb toSirEdward 148 149 Thus, Thus, the Republic of Epirus averylasted short th , 1914explained theproblems relatedtothe 65 CEU eTD Collection International Commission. Mr. Lamb noted in this correspondence that the movement. Themovement participants demanded direct communication with the Shiak, Cavaya, and Tirana, were arming andorganizing themselves behind this In correspondence byMr. Lamb toSirEdward Greyfrom Durazzo onMay 25 because they recognized themselves as perhaps more Ottoman, thanAlbanian. to Albanian independence or theydesired to re-unify withthe Ottoman Empire occurringAlbania. in This group of people either wanted areturnto the time prior during 1913-1914. This movement protest toall developedin ofthechange unification with theOttoman Empire. Commission reports is thedevelopmentmovement ofa advocatingforre- Another, and final, exampleof political fragmentation mentioned inthe Powers, short its existence is a clear indicator ofthegreat disunity within Albania. Although the state did not last, because it lost the support ofPrince andtheWied the existence ofasecond,and opposing national identity withinastate’sborders. thereveal lack of strong and unified Albanian national identity itwould havetobe national identity, another nation, within Albania’s borders. Ifanyevidence could mixingof Albanian and Greek culture and national symbolism to create another estimated thatthree or four thousand Albanians, principally from the movement leaders, andthe reactions oftheInternational Commission. Mr. Lamb Mr. Lamb explained insomethe course detail ofthemovement, thedemands of details the demands of Albanians within this popular and spreading movement. 1914 hebeginsby explaining theexpulsion ofPrince and of William then Wied fragmentationpoliticalanotherAlbaniawithinthe yet exampleof is Here kazas of 66 th , CEU eTD Collection instruction, restoration ofOttoman and rule, if thatwere impossible, European half were armed…” buildings, overwhich was hoisted aTurkish flag, some 500men, ofwhom about of themovement,where theydiscovered, “…assembled roundgovernment Commissionrepresentatives still present Durazzoin setoutforShiak, the center again sothat theycouldonce againhear their demands. TheInternational morningmovement leadersrequested tomeet with theInternational Commission the ‘Misurata’ forfear thatthemovement would takethetown. fighters Thenext Durazzo. Prince andWilliam hisof family DurazzoWied fled and boardedaship, discussion with movement leaders. some difficultly inunderstanding their demands, as so they postponed further government wasunjust. and thedeparture ofthe beys. Furthermore, theycomplained thatthe British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at Sir EdwardGrey. Lamb to p.102. Mr. 202. No. 1913.” December October to Albania: Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at SirEdwardGrey. Lamb to p.101. Mr. 202. No. 1913.” December Octoberto Albania: 151 Kew. Archives, National British at Accessed Edward to Lamb Grey. Sir pp. 99-101.Mr. No.202. 1913.” OctobertoDecember Albania: 150 movement explained thatthey wanted discover theirdemands andreach some sortofunderstanding. The people ofthe International Commission membersmet with movement leaders anin attempt to movement, “…appeared tobe partly religious and partly anti-feudal.” 152 International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Correspondence Respecting I: “Part Correspondence. Commission International The next dayfightingbroke out thein town ofShiakandproceeded to 152 Theirdemands were, “Greater extension ofreligious 151 TheInternational Commissionmembers encountered ilm-I-din or religious instruction, orreligious justice, 150 67 CEU eTD Collection Although hesupposedly stoppedadvocating forthis afterswearing allegiance to by Essad Pasha nearly ayear before advocating for a Muslim prince ofAlbania. possible. Mr. Lamb assumes thatthis movement beganwith propaganda begun rule was being implemented bytheInternationalCommission as quickly as negotiations realizingthat Ottoman rulewas impossible andthe European-style hours ofdiscussion many movement were participants satisfied with the more connectedtotheir religious identity than their national one.After three schools. Thisanother is interesting point asitreveals that the people were far were taken out being of religious schools andbeingplaced inthenewer national from the Muslim religious schools. They were particularly upset thattheir children demands; thepeopled argue that secular teachers were paid more than teachers theirliving livesandkeepingthe status regard quo. With tothereligious werewell, lessinterestedAlbanian inan national identity, andmore interested in and nationalconsciousness. Members movement, stateas ofthis andtheEpirus and theevents described? These events reveal alack of Albanian nationalism government” is not of primary importance here. government administration. is meantWhat bythephrasea “European form of Albania byaEuropean state,but,means insteadsomehow a “European”form of British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at Sir EdwardGrey. Lamb to p.102. Mr. 202. No. 1913.” December October to Albania: 153 rule.” International Commission Correspondence. “Part I: Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Affairs the Respecting I: Correspondence “Part Correspondence. Commission International Now, what can we take from the movement describedabove, their demands, 153 It is important tonote that “European rule” does not pertainto the rule of 68 CEU eTD Collection following.few Onlya years after independence, Albanianswere breaking away in themselves were asofthecountries independence 1912in andtheyears strong national identity. These events illustrate how divided the Albanian people fragmented between 1913and1914, perhaps itdidnot yethave astate-wide evidence ofastrongnational Because identity. Albaniawassoverypolitically local leadership,or religion, butalso tothemselves. Thuspoliticalunity is government astheirown andbeconnected to not only theirlocalcommunity and government. Thepeople supporting thegovernmentmust beabletoidentify that perhaps requires some sortofself-identification with thatorganization or national identity?allegiance Togive toapolitical organization orgovernment Perhaps widespread political fragmentation isevidence ofalack unified identity ornational consciousness if they did not want anindependent state? could members ofthis movement havepossessed a strong Albanian national numbers, arguedagainst having an independent Albanianstate. And so,how before 1912 (independence). Thus, this movement,which continuedtogrow in movement’s flag,this demand seemed tobeadesire tosomehow return to even with theAlbanian state, and demanded achange.As evident from the is thatAlbanians were unhappy with the current political climate, and possibley had already begun tospread. Prince the damageWilliam of the movementWied, beendoneand hadalready So, what thendoesalack of political unity reveal aboutnational identity? The most important pointofthedemands involved this ofthose in movement 69 CEU eTD Collection fully completed. how the communists continued thenation-building process that had neverbeen The second sub-chapter will then outline some oftheParty’s policies toshow why theywere initially more popular than the competing nationalist politicalparty. to power inAlbania,to give some background into how they rose to power and of thecommunist era.The following subchapter will illustrate the communist rise chapter, brokenupintotwo subchapters,will look momentsat key andprograms cultural unitywithin Albaniashortly after the state came intoexistence.This InternationalCommission gavestill further evidence astothe lack ofpoliticalor uncompleted, nation-building process were illustrated. Inchapter fourthe Looking back; in chapters two andthree, key moments inthestate building and, building process in astate that had already been existencein since 1912. Promote a National Communist Identity 5. The Communistearly 20th century. the northandsouth, clearevidence ofalacknational identity asofthe Rise to Power and Attempt to This chapter willshow how whyand thecommunists createdanation- 70 CEU eTD Collection 154 National Liberation Front claimed tobeanationalist Albanian party they were, and holding back the Albanian people from progress as anation. Although The the foreign occupiers, andcurrent leadership ofthe time,wereweighing down the oppressive three factors mentioned previously. The communists arguedthat itself not asa“communist revolution,” butasanational liberatingmovement from Party, especially, owes much early success ofits through its ability to present “personality cult”associated withmore totalitarian regimes. TheCommunist a more democratic orsocialist government based on nationalism and notthe factors also account for theearlypopularity of the communist partyinAlbania. communistmovement aroseasareaction tothese three factors. Thesethree thirdly,the invasion ofAlbania byNazisGermany Two. during World The War administration, economy, and evenmilitary between 1926through1941, and secondly, theprogressing encroachment of theFascistItalians within Albanian Front, was duetothreestimuli: firstly, the repressive dictatorship ofKingZog, Albania. Therise oftheCommunist Party,alsoknown astheNationalLiberation circumstances and using what tactics the Party was able to gain power within Albanian national communist identity it isfirst important toexplore under what Building Process 5.1 The AssentCommunist toPowerandtheNation- Miranda Vickers. “The Albanians: A Modern History.” I.B Tauris & Co. Ltd. 1995:London p.141 After the restrictive regime ofKingZog, Albanians seemed towant topursue Before examining howthe Communist Partycreated and popularized an 154 71 CEU eTD Collection within Albania. Although theyhad similar short-term goals; toexpel theItalians of democratic government, theotherattempting tocreatea communist revolution due primarily tothedifferinggoals ofthetwo parties; oneadvocatingthe creation many this difficulties in task given themistrust between them.mistrust This was platformsparties ofthese theywere naturally un-sanctioned byZog’s regime. parties. however, asKingrestrictive Zog’s regime outlawed politically non-sanctioned nation. response tothe many dangers,bothreal andimagined, thatwere facingthe then theNational Liberation Frontbecause it wasenough seenasanotradical democratic government within Albania. Publication Data. 1994, pp.31-32. Data. Publication 157 p.147. 156 1994, p.35. Data, Publication 155 1939-1941. organized both active andpassive resistance againsttheItalian “occupiers” of example,the National Front or Bali Kombetar, founded by Midhat Frasheri, nationalist ideologiesan attemptin togarner mass support. however, firstandforemost acommunist party. They blended communist and “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library 1995:London, &Co.Ltd. I.BTauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda Congress Cataloguing-in- of Library Study.” ACountry ofCongress.“Albania: “Library These political organizations at times attempted towork together,but faced Both ofthese political/paramilitary organizations were somewhat hidden, Purely nationalist groups didexist inAlbaniaduring the early 1940s.For 157 Andgiventherespective nationalist anddemocratic orcommunist 155 TheNational hadasits Front primary goalthecreation ofa 156 This This groupwas initially less popular 72 CEU eTD Collection all unrealistic either. Soviet Union andChina.Andso theconcerns oftheNational Frontwhere notat on theeconomic assistance provided byother communist nations, especially the Liberation Front, and eventually the communist regime, within Albania would rely at British National Archives, Kew. Archives, National British at Accessed reign. Zog’s King during organizations nationalist andother Kombetar Bali Regarding 1945. No.42. 13February, 7,1945,dated February sent Ministry), Foreign Caserta (British 158 Kombetar (National Front) and Italy wasdifficult to connect. leaders were “intouch” with Italian authorities, buttherelationshipbetween Bali 7, February1945 mentioned thepossibility thatBali Kombetar (National Front) British Representative atBari oftheResident Minister Central Mediterranean on occupied Albania inthe1920sand 30s.Incorrespondence from the Officeof NationalFront leaders might haveworked alongsidethe Italians when they totheespecially FascistItalians. Thisfearseems founded is possibly asit that the nation from invaders, the National Front would make toomany concessions, only truly nationalist one.Onthe other handthe Communists feared that,to save response to these fears, The National Front argued that their movementwas the the eventualcommunist government ofAlbania was eventually inplace. In movements andwould rely on the protection of other communistcountries once NationalLiberation Front, would unite withother international communist mistrusted each other. The National Front feared that the Communist party,the envisioned avery different future forthecountry. and Germans form Albania and end King Zog’s repressive regime, theyalso Letter sent from Mr. Klissura and the Resident Central Mediterranean at Bari to Mr. Broad to Mr. atBari Mediterranean Central Resident and the Klissura Mr. sent from Letter Due totheexistence ofdifferent long-term goalsthe two partiesgreatly 158 TheNational 73 CEU eTD Collection Kew. Archives, National British Accessed at the partin WWII. Albania’s Regarding Tirana. to Mission headofAmerican byMr.Jacobs been have made to said statement 5018. Quotes No. 1945. 160 1994, pp.35-36. Data. Publication 159 to briefly unite, at a conference held inMakaj onAugust 2, 1943. identifying which enemymore seemed threatening atanygiven time. communists andGermans, withdifferent members sides evenswitching when communists foughtagainst Germans, National members Front against entirely inertor incollaborationwith the Germans…” of actionwithin thepopulation. Inthe north, “…Albania remainedbut was left revealed thetrue non-existence ofthis alliance between the two parties andunity to theYugoslav communists, andthuswanted to return Kosova to Yugoslavia. to postpone talks regardingKosova. The National Liberation Fronthad loyalties notdid lastasthe leadership oftheCommunist partydisagreed with thedecision Committee ofNationalSalvation. This alliance between the two parties, however, from the two decided parties tounite oneinto politicalorganization named the this proposal. Eventually thedecision was postponedandthedelegates present Albania, while thecommunist National Liberation Front strongly disagreed with NationalFront wanted tomaintain itsright tointegrate theterritory of Kosova into had beenannexed bytheItalians andreintegrated intoAlbania. Initially the purpose ofthis conference was todiscuss the futureofKosova, which in 1941 Correspondence from M. Romanos, Greek Embassy to British Foreign Ministry. Dated 14 July, Ministry. Foreign EmbassyBritish Greek to M.Romanos, from Correspondence Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Despite themany differences, ideological eventually the two were parties able The Germanmilitary occupation ofAlbania, inJuly of1943, only further 160 Chaosensued as 159 Theprimary 161 Inthis 74 CEU eTD Collection within thewithin country’s borders. survive German occupationdespite littleAllied assistance andnoAllied forces members fight did onthe side of theGermans against the communists. occupiers. There some claim,is truthtothis however, Front assome National and targeted the National Front as a traitor to Albanians, who joined theGerman propaganda machine; evenover Allied radio frequency. The propaganda shifted, party, andregime, totheDemocratic Front, created aPeople’s Assembly, held receive legitimacy domestically and internationally. Hoxha changed the title ofhis early goal of the regime was tocreate a “democratic appearance” in order to members ofthe National Front who had not yet fled the country. The second government thenquickly acted todispose of allpolitical opposition, especially p.163. 164 1994, p.37. Data. Publication 163 p.153. 162 1994, p.33. Data. Publication 161 headed byPrime Enver Minister Hoxha, wascreated inTirana. create anew state within Albania. OnNovember 29,1944 thecommunist regime, the communists, were thestrongest, most united, group tofill this vacuum and following thewar, apower vacuum remained. TheNational Liberation Party, and its organization. environment ofchaos the National Front was more andmore unable tomaintain Miranda Vickers. “The Albanians: A Modern History.” I.B Tauris & Co. Ltd. 1995:London, &Co.Ltd. I.BTauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library 1995:London, &Co.Ltd. I.BTauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library The NationalLiberation Frontwasto able maintain its organizationand 162 Onthecontrary, theNational Liberation Front continued its 163 Thus,when the German forces retreated 164 The new 75 CEU eTD Collection and integrated into anew communistAlbanian ideology. government andeconomy. Thus,nationalism and communism were combined, Two duetothestrongItalian, andthenGerman, presence intheAlbanian popularized duetothepoliticalclimate beforeduring oftheperiod and World War of communism thecommunistduring revolution within Albania. Nationalism was communist and nationalist. identity andcapitalized ontheopportunity tocreateone;an identity thatwas both communist party,within Albania recognized the lack of a national Albanian Albaniaone candiscover distinctly its nationalist style. TheNationalFront, or the new communist government. asked that Hoxha maintain the earlier treaties created prior to the existence of Britainformally recognized EnverHoxha’s Regime Albania in 1945andonly Monographs. Moulder: 1999, p. 139. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 167 1994, pp.36-37. Data. Publication 166 1994, p.39. Data. Publication 165 Republic all inan effort toachieve this legitimacy. elections onDecember 2,1945,anddeclaredAlbania aPopularDemocratic “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James By exploring thehistory andcontext ofthe communist revolution in 167 Thisnationalistic style accounts for the popularity 166 165 TheUnited States and 76 CEU eTD Collection Publication Data. 1994, p.39. Data. Publication 168 These enemies were primarily political opponents, however, many ofwhom property belonging to socalled ‘enemies ofthestate’and‘war criminals.’ foreign anddomestic trade,nationalize transportation, aswell asconfiscate role of provisional government adopting lawswhich enabledthestate to regulate National Liberation Front), headed by PrimeMinister EnverHoxha, assumed the through education and mass propaganda. communists botheliminated obstacles whist creating anewAlbanian identity were neverable toaccomplish? The answer a is complicated one. The President and thenKing/Dictator Zogu, andtheItalian occupation government, before. How did the communists achieve whatthe Prizren League, King Wied, creatingcommon coretraditions andonenationalculture thathad not existed an imagined Albanian communist identity andwas Albanians abletounite by revived nationalist fervor whilst eliminating previous obstacles totheformation of institution ofobligatory mass-education. Itwill showhow the communists and popularizing national identity throughsocial policies and,inparticular, the periodof 1944-1967, were able tocontinue the nation-building project bybuilding Promote a Communist, As Well As Nationalist, Identity Attempt Differencesand5.2 TheCommunist toLessen “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library In December 1944thecommunist Democratic Front (before known asthe This chapter will demonstrate how the communist leadership, during the 168 77 CEU eTD Collection Publication Data. 1994, p.39. Data. Publication 171 17.p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 170 2002. pp.375-376. New York: Macmillian. 169 belonged to the competing political party, the National Front. in powerstruggles” ideology, ofawell-defined party line,as an instrument ofdiscipline andaweapon assumingpower EnverHoxha, “…had a clear grasp of the importance of first time inAlbania’s history), enabled the communist regime toreach portions of Albanian national identity. Masscompulsory education andmass (forthe literacy Hoxha onecansee how the communists were ableto create and popularize an the Yugoslav andSoviet constitutions.” “After months ofangrydebate,theassembly adoptedaconstitution thatmirrored met forthefirsttime January in 1946 to declare Albania apeople’s republic. Smallercouncils local wereto meet everythreeyears. ThePeople’s Assembly years, and oneassembly member was tobeelected forevery 8000 people. Front, (thecommunist party),was elected. TheAssembly wasmeet to every four sub-chapters. identity. Thedetailsthese policies will of bediscussedfurther intheproceeding consolidate and hold ontopower byforming anAlbanian national communist program, anti-religion and isolationist policy, aswell associal programs, to “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress Cataloguing-in- of Library Study.” A Country “Albania: ofCongress. “Library Palgrave to Communism,” Constantinople From “TheBalkans: P. Hupchick. Dennis James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” EastEuropean Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “AComing S.O’Donnell. James By looking atsome ofthepolicies of the Democratic Front and Enver In December 1945 a Peoples Assembly was elected and the Democratic 170 Hoxha, and theParty, wouldmass usethe education 171 169 Soonafter 78 CEU eTD Collection Publication Data. 1994, pp.87-88. Data. Publication 172 the population identified themselves with Islam, 20 percentwith theOrthodox Campaign Anti-Religion traditional society. obstacles tounifiedcommunist identity, and national suchas religion and popularize national identity while riding the country oftherealor perceived mass compulsoryeducation andthe media toreach the populationand following sections willexamine howthecommunist leadership was able touse and thenation;to popularize anAlbanian national communist identity. The communists soughtto unify thepopulation behindtheconcept of communism eventually resultedthe in extinction oforganized religion within Albania. The the country. Thus, the communists beganan anti-religion campaignthat people. Onesuch perceived obstacle was the existence of three religions within dedicated to his life. became nationalheroes. The first Albanian full-length color feature film was traditional myths and legends. Figures such as Skanderbeg were glorified and Communist leadership looked into the past to create national identity, using film, spreadideas of a unique communist, yet still nationalist, Albanian identity. the population unreachable before. “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library The results ofa religious census taken in 1945 revealed that 70percent of The regime also sought to rid thecountry of the barriers existing between 172 Theuseofmedia, newspapers, radio, and 79 CEU eTD Collection its practice andoutward expression.” religious communities arefree inmatters concernedwiththeirfaith aswellas in states that “All citizens areguaranteed freedom and belief…Allof opinion same. Theconstitution ratified in 1944 granted religious freedom. Article 18 discusseddivisions previously, inthesecond chapter,werestill relatively the Monographs. Moulder: 1999, p. 138. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. EastEuropean Hoxha.” Under Enver ofAge Albania “AComing S.O’Donnell. and James 176 141. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 175 137. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 174 173 motivatedbe to inform on theirparents ifthey practiced religion. would betaughtinthe newmandatory stateschools, and second, children would The long-term toplan eradicate religion was twofold; first, atheist propaganda policies against religious institutions untilthey were eventuallybannedoutright. religious institutions. ThePartygradually passed moremore and restrictive reality. Asthe Party slowly consolidated power,its also it slowly began attacking faith, andthe remaining 10 percent with Catholicism. people,agent an of division among them…” inessence, was and, un-Albanian. Albania byforeign occupying states andwas an“…instrument ofpower overthe to blame forthe“backwardness” ofthecountry, andthatreligion was brought into religion. Eventually religion woulddisappear. next generation grew to adulthood they would nevercome contact into with Miranda Vickers. “The Albanians: A Modern History.” I.B and Tauris Ltd. London: 1995, p.50. 1995, London: Ltd. I.Band Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver Age Albania of“A Coming S.O’Donnell. James James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James p. 178. 1995, London: Ltd. andTauris I.B History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda The Party justified its anti-religious campaign byclaimingthat religion was 174 This was was This therule,butit notthe 173 Thus,thereligious 175 Thus, as the 176 80 CEU eTD Collection who were notAlbanian nationals, were forcibly expelled from the country by ordered to stop functioning within thecountry. Roman Catholicclergy members, those religious institutions withbasesofoperationoutside ofAlbania were government tookfull responsibility foreducation in1945 as well. to continue operatingeducational programs for children asthe communist controlthe actions of those institutions. Religious institutions were alsoforbidden religious institutions operated, the communistgovernment also could greater could no longer own propertywithin Albania Bycontrolling thewhere land previously owned byreligious institutions. the purpose ofnationalizingprivate property, butalso toconfiscate land Albanian identity. communist andnationalist rhetoric, theParty leadership soughttocreate anew created by the existence of three different religions, whilst filling that void with nationalism. By eliminating religion, and the (perhaps perceived) divisions and theParty to replace religion with notonly communist butAlbanian ideology, Publication Data. 1994, p.85. Data. Publication 178 139. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 177 Albanianism.” Hoxha statedon numerous occasions that, “the religion of Albanians is “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James Due tothe fear, or justification, based on arule ofno ‘outside influence,’ Laws suchastheAgrarian Reform Law wereof 1945 notpassedsolely for 177 This isatelling statement as it reveals the goal ofthe Hoxha 178 Asof1945, religious institutions 81 CEU eTD Collection 178. 179 force tocommunism and aunifiedAlbanian people. religion, and the religious divisions within the country, asadangerous opposing vocal andopen theiranti-religionin policies andpropaganda. Hoxha viewed The communist leadership, especially Enver Hoxha, became progressively more organized religion, as of 1949, had becomemore openand outright. actions, and even therhetoric, of religious institutions. The attack against governmentThrough theselaws,others, the and greaterthe sought to control institutions tocontact the government foritsapproval. Thelawread: mandate entitled,Decree onReligious Communities required all religious institutes with foreign offices to disassociate from On Novemberthem. 26,1949a practice couldinnoway contradictthe laws of the State andaskedreligious January 26, 1949 Decree No.743, entitled, On Religion, stated that religious dissolved in1947. 1946. In 1946 the JesuitOrder was banned from Albania, the Franciscans were Miranda Vickers. “The Albanians: A Modern History.” I.B. Tauris and Co. Ltd. London: 1995, p. 1995, London: Ltd. andCo. I.B.Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda However, evenmore radical polices were tocomein the1950sand 60s’. In 1949 laws restricting religion became progressively more harsh.On power of this this law. power of of the entrance of date the from a month within be closed will exist andthosewhich etc.) institutions, philanthropic missions, (orders, openbranches to allowed arenot state the outside headquarters their have which braches or their communities religious The 179 82 CEU eTD Collection Constitution. Thus, religious freedom was nolonger “officially guaranteed” by the religious institutions granted by thereligious freedom theclause of 1946 Decree No.4337, was passed. This law officially cancelled the officialstatus of against religion. of hundreds of religious sites and was avery public, and well publicized, attack Regardless ofwhere the movement originated, the move resulted in the closure of random and simultaneously motivated students, ishighly questionable. the forcedclosure ordestruction ofthese2000 plusreligious sites was thework only duetotheircultural significance. Whether ornottheheadline isfactualand converted most ofthem culturalinto centers. after thestudents, through Partymandate, re-claimed 2,169religious sites and ‘created the first atheist nation intheworld.” May of1967anewspaper, the 195. 182 1994, p.86. Data. Publication 181 p.180. 178, 180 outlook and theCommunist worldoutlook weresaidto be irreconcilable…” Maoist China,anti-religious feeling, hadreached itsheight. “Thereligious world the Party’s anti-religion policies andcloser cooperation, orat least influence off, weaken therole of religious institutions within Albania. By the late 1960s, due to Miranda Vickers. “The Albanians: A Modern History.” I.B. Tauris and Co. Ltd. London: 1995, p. 1995, London: Ltd. andCo. I.B.Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda Congress Cataloguing-in- of Library Study.” A Country “Albania: ofCongress. “Library p. 1995, London: Ltd. andCo. I.B.Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda On November 13,1967, only months after the May religious site closures, During the1950s and 1960s the communist regime soughttoeven greater Nendori , reportedthat “theyouth hadthus 182 181 Fewreligious sites remained, and Thiswas theexcited headline 180 In 83 CEU eTD Collection House. Tirana: 2006, p.40. 2006, House.Tirana: 185 143. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 184 144. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 183 change them. with names thatarecontrarytotheofficial stateideology offensive, orare to state. OnSeptember 23,1975anotherlaw, DecreeNo.5339,required citizens scientific materialist worldoutlook inpeople.” whatever andsupports atheist propaganda for thepurposeof inculcatingthe passed thus far. It declared outright that, “the State recognizes noreligion names. DecreeNo.225forbade geographic names religious from having origins. identity? The policies ofthe Party, although harsh and brutalto the religious, actually help the population to better unify behind a national communist Albanian Albania? And, if these policies were successful, did the absence of religion during atime ofwar, thedeathpenalty. The penalty forreligious propaganda was harsh, uptotenyears prison time, or, condemnation ofthosepeople whocreated or conduced religious propaganda. (agitation and propaganda against the people’s power), which specified even the Assembly passedlaw no. 6300,basedon Article55 ofthe1976 Constitution despite already banning religion in1976. AsofMarch 27,1981thePeoples’ Constitutionally forbade and,at least officially, Albania becameatheiststate. an Sherif Delvina. “Albania: The Country of Inter-Religious Harmony.” Eurorilindja Publishing Eurorilindja Harmony.” of Inter-Religious The Country “Albania: Delvina. Sherif James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James Article 37 of the 1976 Constitution was the mostof radical all the laws How policiessuccessful were Partyin theanti-religion ofcommunist In the1970s and 80s the Partycontinued its anti-religion policy 183 This This law was anattack on religionas it outlawed religious 184 Thus,religion was 185 84 CEU eTD Collection Monographs. Moulder: 1999, p. 139. Table 9-1: Religious Background and Present Religion. andPresent Background 9-1:Religious 139. Table p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 186 but simply asanAlbanian. themselves asaMuslim Albanian, or Christian Albanian, orOrthodox Albanian, feeling ofunification. Asofthe early 1990s, a personcouldno longer identify supplementation ofcommunistnationalist, and rhetoric didcreate a greater communities. However, perhapsthe elimination of this difference, andthe 1944, there existed verylittleopen conflict between thethreedifferent religious atheist national identity, difficult is to say.Prior tothecommunist takeoverin Whether or not the ‘weakening’ of organized religion unified Albanians behind an percent atheist (inreligious background)30 to percent atheist (in1994). background, 55 nowsay that they are now atheist. The populationwent from 7 had grown in popularity; ofthe12that named atheism religiousas their aware oftheir religious background, but no longer practiced any religion. Atheism taken from Albania inMarch and April of1994reveals thatmany peoplewere religious practice had to have been significantly diminished. An interesting pole decades ofanti-religion policy andanti-religious rhetoric, thepopularity of related to religious tradition, was outlawed in the mid-70s. Dueto the previous Even subtle reminders oforganized religion, the names ofpeopleand places organized religion, thechurches, mosques, etc.were anddestroyed. closed institutionalreligion ceased toexist. Andas of May 1967,eventhesymbols of altogether Albania. Theywerein somewhatsuccessful. Asofthe 1940s, late weresuccess. The apartial goalofthe communists was religion toeradicate James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James Thus, theanti-religion campaign oftheParty was arelativesuccess. 186 85 CEU eTD Collection Monographs. Moulder: 1999, p. 113. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 189 1994, p.87,90. Data. Publication 188 164-165. pp. 187 schools, 0 high schools and 1,551 teachers in the entire country. only 2,400 children attending kindergarten, 0 grade schools, 11secondary country boasted noinstitutions of advanced-learning. attempt toincrease literacy within Albania. sought to create a new educationprogram, based on the sovietmodel, inan wouldgreatly diminish. After the standardization of the language the Partythen linguistic division thatexisted within thecountry priortothecommunist takeover, adopted educationsystem woulduse only theToskdialect and theprevious the communist party,andtheParty leadership, were Tosk. Thus, the newly The Toskdialect was chosenduetothe factthatmost supporters oftheearly of grammarwas leftalmost intact, while the Gheg vocabulary…was ‘Toskized.’” Albania’s official language was oneofthe earliest policies of the Party. “Tosk these two larger categories. The adoption of the Tosk (or Southern) dialect as Gheg and Tosk, existed within Albania. Other, more localdialects existed within Reform and Policy Educational James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver Age Albania of“A Coming S.O’Donnell. James Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library 1995, London: Ltd. andCo. I.B.Tauris History.” A Modern Albanians: “The Vickers. Miranda In 1938,approximately 85percentofthepopulation was illiterate andthe As noted before,prior tothecommunist takeover,two primary dialects, 188 As of 1938 there were 189 Although 187 86 CEU eTD Collection Journal 194 112. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 193 1994, p.87,90.p.92. Data. Publication 192 113. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 191 111. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 190 were operation in andabout 25% of children attendedclasses. King Zogcreatedacompulsory education program, asof1938only638schools had thelowest average level ofeducationwithin Europe. just twoyears afterthe communist seizure of power Albania, in the country still read orwrite inAlbanian toattend school. ideology and directed all citizens between the agesof12 and40 who couldnot Law, passedwithin thesame year,required all texts toreflectMarxist-Leninist of Albaniaand ridthe country of illiteracy. A law entitled theEducation Reform education system would instill communistthat ideological valuesupontheyouth constitution of1946, the Partysought to create auniform and partially mandatory values ofeducation, “ina pacifist spirit, with truepatriotism, andafeeling oflove citizens anopportunity togainaneducation. included inArticle 28 of thenew Albanian constitution, guaranteed all of its educational model. The education system, createdonAugust 17, 1946,and education. education. Forexample,in 1950 10.7%ofthe statesbudget was earmarked for Joseph S. Roucek. “The Sovietization of Albanian Education.” ofAlbanian “The Sovietization Roucek. JosephS. European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver Age Albania of“A Coming S.O’Donnell. James Congress Cataloguing-in- of Library Study.” ACountry “Albania: ofCongress. “Library European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver Age Albania of“A Coming S.O’Donnell. James James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James The curricula andstructure ofeducation was reflective ofthe Soviet , Vol. 2, No. 1. (Spring, 1958), p. 51. 1958), p. 2, 1.(Spring, No. Vol. , 193 192 194 The Party The invested heavily in The system system proclaimed the The The Slavic and East European East and The Slavic 191 Andso,withfirst the 190 As of 1946, 87 CEU eTD Collection of theParty. “By1952 more thenhalf a million Albanians could read and Institute, and theUniversity ofTirane, 1957.in PolitechnicalInstitute, andtheAgriculturalInstitute, opened 1951,in theJuridical Institute ofSciences, opened 1947,in the Four-year TeachersTraining Institute, called the “Alexander Xhuvani” Teachers Training Institute, followed bythe four yearsofsecondary instruction. twelve yearprogram with 8yearsofcompulsory elementary-level education and outlined thechanges totheeducationalprogram: education would change into a the Reorganization ofthe Educational System the PRA, passedin 1963, in relations, the educationalsystem was slightly changed. The new law entitled, On elementary andsecondary education. Soviet Union hadreached abreaking point, hadconsisted ofeleven yearsof education, existent until October of 1960 when tensions between Albania and the Monographs. Moulder: 1999, p. 113. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 198 113-114. pp. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 197 1994, p.93. Data. Publication 196 Journal 195 for theSoviet Union, Stalin, andOurParty!” “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Education.” ofAlbanian “The Sovietization Roucek. JosephS. James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James The educational policies were verysuccessful, which was much tothe benefit Higher educationbegan in1946 withthe first Teacher’s Training Institution , Vol. 2, No. 1. (Spring, 1958), p. 52. 1958), p. 2,1.(Spring, No. Vol. , 197 196 After theAlbanian-Sovietbreak in 198 195 TheSoviet-based structure of The Slavic and East European East and The Slavic 88 CEU eTD Collection political benefit totheParty.Not only couldthemedia beusedtoinfluence the LeninistAlbanian and nationalist ideologies into thecurricula itselfwas ofgreat percentages of thepopulation unreachable before. The integration ofMarxist- population enabled theParty to use the mediato reach and influence in 1938. secondary schools, and101.9 timesmore women schools attendedhigher than morewomen attended eight-year schools, 175.7 times morewomen attended taught that wasit dangerous to educate women. However, by1978,15.1 times 23,000 1960,in 47,5001970, in and103,000 by1983. of childrenattendingkindergarten had risen substantially from,1950, 10,000 in Monographs. Moulder: 1999, p. 114. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 203 1994, pp.93-94. Data. Publication 202 112. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 201 113. p. 1999, Moulder: Monographs. 200 Journal 199 from education. The female population.Priorto thecommunist takeover,tradition forbadefemales that bythe 1980s illiteracy was almost completely eliminated in Albania. higher schoolswere inoperation, with39,342 registered teachers. write…” “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library Education.” ofAlbanian “The Sovietization Roucek. JosephS. James S. O’Donnell. “A Coming of Age Albania Under Enver Hoxha.” East European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James European East Hoxha.” UnderEnver ofAge Albania “A Coming S.O’Donnell. James The compulsory education policy and resulting high literacy rate ofthe The educational programs ofthePartyalso instituted policies including the , Vol. 2, No. 1. (Spring, 1958), p,57. 2,1.(Spring, No. Vol. , 199 203 Alsoby1983,1621grade schools, 333 secondaryschools, and 8 Kanun , ortraditional law code,prevalentthe Gheg north,in The Slavic and East European East and The Slavic 201 Other statistics claim 200 Thenumber 202 89 CEU eTD Collection 1948-1949, with the help ofSoviet equipment and finance, was entitled“New controlled and operated by the Party. One of thefirst documentaries, filmed in eventually beaccepted bythe nation. the communists soughttocreate anew communistnational identity that would controlling the media,usingto spread and Party national communist ideology, portions of the population unreachable prior tothecommunist takeover. By media, newspapers, including radio, andfilm,were usedtoreachandinfluence Publication Data. 1994, p.182. Data. Publication 204 and pride associated with Albanian independence.” media’sof the messages hadanationalist content, evoking feelings ofloyalty not occuruntil two years later, in 1946. “Inorder toappeal tothemasses, much control ofthe media.However, theformalnationalization ofmedia operations did Nationalist Albanian Identity and a Communist of Ideas to Popularize The Media of The Use and yetstill nationalistic, identity thatcouldreach theentire population. newspapers andtextbooks), theParty was abletobuild anAlbanian communist, the resulting more effective useof different forms ofthe media (such as nation, butalso theeducationsystem itself. Through theeducationsystem, and “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library This is especiallyThis is evident the filmin industry. By 1946alltheaters were Soon after the communists assumed power in1944 they worked to seize 204 Different forms of the 90 CEU eTD Collection Journal 207 Journal 206 Journal format. Thus,evenportions ofthepopulation who were anddid illiterate not Party news broadcastsfollowed andachievements. Thedaily aprescribed 205 on theNew Albania film lot. Party torepresent an Albanian national hero, was thetitleof first film shoot 1952in and located inthe nation’s capital.Skanderbeg, afigure chosen bythe Albania.” them via radio. Articles taken from controlled, bytheParty. and couldread the many publicationscreated anddistributed, or inthe least Due tothe educational reformsmore andmore ofthe population became literate, Popullit Youth was responsible forsix different newspapers. The Partynewspaper, Constitution, operated theirown newspapers. Union of Youth, Working createdbyChapter 11,article8 ofthe1944 no relation tocommunism. communist Partychose afifteenth century Albanian hero; a figure with absolutely more traditional communist to “herofigure” dedicate a film to, theAlbanian Joseph S. Roucek. “The Sovietization of Albanian Education.” ofAlbanian “The Sovietization Roucek. JosephS. Education.” ofAlbanian “The Sovietization Roucek. JosephS. Joseph S. Roucek. “The Sovietization of Albanian Education.” ofAlbanian “The Sovietization Roucek. Joseph S. , Vol. 2, No. 1. (Spring, 1958), p.57. 2, 1.(Spring, No. Vol. , 1958), p,59. 2, 1.(Spring, No. Vol. , 1958), p,59. 2,1.(Spring, No. Vol. , For those of the population that remained illiterate the Party could reach The Party also tookcontrol ofnewspapers. Organizations suchas the , orVoice of the People, waspublished bythe PartyCentral Committee. 205 New wasAlbania also thename chosenfor the first film studio built 206 It is Itis important to notethat instead of picking a Zeri I Popullit I Zeri 207 were read aloud daily along with By1947,the Union of Working The Slavic and East European East and The Slavic The Slavic and East European East and The Slavic European East and The Slavic Zeri I 91 CEU eTD Collection 8 Nentori Publishing House. Tirana: 1978, p. 30. Accessed in British National Library, London. Library, National British p. 30.Accessed in 1978, House.Tirana: Publishing 8 Nentori The June 10,1978). (Tirana, Prizren Leagueof ofthe Albanian Centenary Speechonthe Blood.” 209 London. Library, National British p. 27.Accessed in 1978, House.Tirana: Publishing 8 Nentori The June 10,1978). (Tirana, Prizren Leagueof ofthe Albanian Centenary Speechonthe Blood.” 208 heroes while creating anenemy, religion and religious fanaticism. Written inBlood.” This excerpt demonstrates how praised theLeagueAlia as entitled, “The Albanian League ofPrizren—A Brilliant Page ofOur History as anniversary never celebrated before, Ramiz Alia,gave a fiery address anniversary ofthe founding ofthe Prizren League and anational holiday aswell to createideology. Inaspeechdelivered on June10,1978,thecentennial illiterate, totransmittheir ideasof Albanian identity. influence a percentagelarge ofthepopulation, including those who where speakers mounted townin centers. Thus, the Partywas able toreach and areas who didnot posses a radio could also hear thedaily broadcast from attend school, were alsosubjecttothe Partyrhetoric. Those people living in rural Ramiz Alia. “The Albanian League of Prizren—A Brilliant Page of Our History Written in History Written Our ofPage Brilliant Prizren—A of League “The Albanian Alia. Ramiz Ramiz Alia. “The Albanian League of Prizren—A Brilliant Page of Our History Written in History Written ofOur Page Brilliant Prizren—A of League “TheAlbanian Alia. Ramiz Lastly, itis important tomentionthe use ofpolitical speeches and history slogan that Albanian’s religion is Albania. is religion Albanian’s that slogan amilitant League…launched ofthe ideologist the speaking, we are which of thetime in easy no means which was by athing divisions, and fanaticism religious above religion, above Rising [By] unity. national strengthen to served Christians, and Moslems Tosks, and ranks Ghegs its in united which itself League the of organization sound The 208 209 92 CEU eTD Collection accompanying forms ofsocial structure; the Gheg and the Tosk. Many of the morea unified national identity was theexistence oftwo culturalgroups andtwo important toexamine asoneof therealor perceivedobstacles to theformation of the cultural practicesandsocietalsystems are ofthepast.Thesepolicies communists were aimed atlessening the influence of‘traditionalism’ andmany of Diminished Differences Cultural Party) anational communist Albanian was. form what isAlbaniannational communist identity andwho (according tothe they arenot. Through this speech, andmany others,the Partyused themedia to the Party also forms identity,aspeople aresometimes definedbywhat orwho connect. Also, byidentifying a common enemy, religion and religious fanaticism, drawn together; the population hassomething more common, in another way to history andgrow to admire thesesame, (invented) nationalist heroes of1878are the late19 shared acommon historyandcommon struggletocreateanation andstatein past andclaimingthat all Albanians, regardless ofreligion orculturalgroup, leaders usedboth themedia,and history, to create identity. Byreaching intothe campaign, speech this also serves as an excellent exampleof how the Party Many oftheeducational, anti-religious, and social policies ofthe Besides granting insight intohow the Party conducted itsanti-religion th century,Alia creating is identity. Thosewho identify withthis shared 93 CEU eTD Collection Publication Data. 1994, p.50. Data. Publication 210 industrialization, migrationfrom the countryside to urban areas, and the “…postwar repressionof clan leadership, collectivizationof agriculture, factors, even prior to the Cultural andIdeological Revolution, such as the, wasweakening inthe roles oftraditional kinshipandclan loyalties. But, other “Educational Policy and Reform”). successes (the details of which were described inthe sun-chapter entitled the laborforce. theeducationalWithin sphere, there seems tohavebeen proclaimed apolicy of gender equality, pushing women education into and into and the home. During the Cultural andIdeological Revolution Enver Hoxha and kinship system,women assumeda second-class position within thepublic For example, intraditionalAlbanian society, especially within the Gheg social these reforms toweaken ofreligion theroles and traditional societal organization. taking place during theMaoist cultural revolution toAlbania. TheParty used the 1960s, the Party sought to tailor and adopt some ofthecultural reforms 1960s. the Maoist-type “Cultural andIdeological Revolution” within Albania during the and leadersoftheParty were Tosk.These policies areespecially evidentduring tradition andkinship methods, more thanthe Tosk,asmany ofthesupporters educational, anti-religious, and social policies wouldweaken theroles ofGheg “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress ofCataloguing-in- Library Study.” A Country Congress.“Albania: of “Library It isdifficult toestimate just howsuccessful thepolicy of gender equality Due totheclose political andeconomic ties with communist China during 210 94 CEU eTD Collection more effectively use the media totransmit communist andnationalist rhetoric. increase the literacy rate of the population, thus enabling the Party leadership to nationalist, Albanian identity. TheParty used compulsory mass education to communists were able tocreate and popularize acommunist, aswell as Conclusions 6. as theexistence oftwo different cultural groups. Publication Data. 1994, p.51. Data. Publication 211 extended family andclan-based society, traditional law code(the religion altogether, theParty was abletogreatly weaken theroles oftraditional workforce, aswell as limiting the role ofreligion, and eventually eliminating organized religion. justified by other traditional institutions including notonly the with womenassecondary andlesser members, were toasmall also extent sources, theParty and its ideology, tofill that void. Traditional kinship systems, or absence of traditionalorganized religion forced citizens to turn to other diminishingof tradition and culturaldifferences andinfluences. The unpopularity differencescultural based on GhegorToskkinship structure orculture. suppression of religion” also played a role in lessoning the role oftradition and “Library of Congress. “Albania: A Country Study.” Library of Congress Cataloguing-in- of Library Study.” A Country “Albania: ofCongress. “Library Thus, bypushing women intoeducational programs andintothe The anti-religion policies oftheParty also played asignificant role inthe By looking the policies of the Party one cansee how the Kanun Kanun 211 , but also , but ), aswell 95 CEU eTD Collection constructing andpopularizing identity. before and had perhaps the greatest success in creatingthe nation by The communist Partycontinued thenation-building process begun generations apparent that, a year after the state came into being, the nation had yet to exist. as theInternational Commission Correspondence from 1913-1914, it becomes periods and documents dating from times tothecommunist prior takeover, such nationalcommunist was identity constructed and popularized. By reviewing key created and enforced bythe communist Partyonecan observe how an Albanian influence Albanian identity asno leadershipwithin Albaniahad done before. within Albaniapreviously. In this respect, the communist Partywas ableto the population thanever before andshape and popularize identity asnever done between groupsofpeople, thecommunists wereableto reach larger percents of eradicating organizedreligion, while lessoning thedifferences thatexisted successfullythe raising overallof leveleducation of thepopulation and different cultural groups with accompanying socialstructures andtraditions. By included the existence of three religious institutions, various dialects, and two perceived orgenuine), existing between Albanian citizens. These obstacles further strengthened its efforts by ridding the country ofthe barriers, (whether communist ideology, butalsothe nationand Albanian its identity. The Party This rhetoric sought to unite the population behind not onlythe Party and its Thus, through theeducational, anti-religious, andothersocial policies 96 CEU eTD Collection . Creveld, Martin Van. “In the Shadow of 8. Barbossa: Germany and Albania, Brubaker, Rogers and Cooper, Frederick.7. “Beyond Identity.” British Foreign Ministry. International 6. Commission Correspondence. “Part British Foreign Ministry. International 5. Commission Correspondence. “Part British Correspondence: Albania,4. Scutari: 1878. F.O 195/ 1136. British Barnes, J.S.3. “TheFuture of the Albanian State.” Backer, Berit. “Self-Reliance Under2. Socialism. The Case of Albania.” “Albania: A Country Study.” (ed.) by 1. Zickel, Ramond E. and Iwasskiw, (July-October, 1972), pg. 221-230. January-March 1941.” Society June 1914.” Call Number F.O.421.293. British National Archives, Kew. III: Further Correspondence Respecting the Affairs of Albania: April to Kew. December 1913.”Call Number F.O. 421. 287. 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