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1. Gina Rinehart 2. Anthony Pratt & Family • 3. Harry Triguboff
1. Gina Rinehart $14.02billion from Resources Chairman – Hancock Prospecting Residence: Perth Wealth last year: $20.01b Rank last year: 1 A plunging iron ore price has made a big dent in Gina Rinehart’s wealth. But so vast are her mining assets that Rinehart, chairman of Hancock Prospecting, maintains her position as Australia’s richest person in 2015. Work is continuing on her $10billion Roy Hill project in Western Australia, although it has been hit by doubts over its short-term viability given falling commodity prices and safety issues. Rinehart is pressing ahead and expects the first shipment late in 2015. Most of her wealth comes from huge royalty cheques from Rio Tinto, which mines vast swaths of tenements pegged by Rinehart’s late father, Lang Hancock, in the 1950s and 1960s. Rinehart's wealth has been subject to a long running family dispute with a court ruling in May that eldest daughter Bianca should become head of the $5b family trust. 2. Anthony Pratt & Family $10.76billion from manufacturing and investment Executive Chairman – Visy Residence: Melbourne Wealth last year: $7.6billion Rank last year: 2 Anthony Pratt’s bet on a recovering United States economy is paying off. The value of his US-based Pratt Industries has surged this year thanks to an improving manufacturing sector and a lower Australian dollar. Pratt is also executive chairman of box maker and recycling business Visy, based in Melbourne. Visy is Australia’s largest private company by revenue and the biggest Australian-owned employer in the US. Pratt inherited the Visy leadership from his late father Richard in 2009, though the firm’s ownership is shared with sisters Heloise Waislitz and Fiona Geminder. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
Chinese-Language Media Outlets
澳大利亚-中国关系研究院 CHINESE-LANGUAGE MEDIA IN AUSTRALIA: Developments, Challenges and Opportunities Professor Wanning Sun Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology Sydney FRONT COVER IMAGE: Ming Liang Published by the Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) Level 7, UTS Building 11 81 - 115 Broadway, Ultimo NSW 2007 t: +61 2 9514 8593 f: +61 2 9514 2189 e: [email protected] © The Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) 2016 ISBN 978-0-9942825-6-9 The publication is copyright. Other than for uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without attribution. CONTENTS List of Figures 4 Executive Summary 5 Overview 5 Recommendations 8 Challenges and opportunities 10 Future research 11 Introduction 13 History of Chinese Media in Australia 15 Trends and Recent Developments in the Sector 22 Major Chinese Media (by Sector) 26 Daily paid newspapers 28 Television 28 Radio 28 Online media 29 Access to Major Chinese Media Outlets (by Region) 31 Patterns of Media Consumption 37 The Growth of Social Media Use and WeChat 44 Recommendations for Government, Business and Mainstream Media 49 Challenges and Opportunities 54 Pathways to Future Research 59 References 63 Appendix 67 Appendix A: Circulation Figures (Chinese-language Print Publications in Australia) 67 About ACRI 70 About the Author 71 CHINESE-LANGUAGE MEDIA IN AUSTRALIA 3 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Media sectors currently targeting Chinese migrants in Australia. 21 Figure 2. Time spent with media (hours per week) by Chinese in Australia aged 14-74 years, compared to overall Australian population. 37 Figure 3. -
Independent Commission Against Corruption in the Matter of an Investigation Known As Operation Aero
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION AGAINST CORRUPTION IN THE MATTER OF AN INVESTIGATION KNOWN AS OPERATION AERO OPENING STATEMENT OF COUNSEL ASSISTING THE COMMISSION (SCOTT ROBERTSON) The general scope and purpose of this public inquiry 1. Chief Commissioner, this is a public inquiry conducted for the purposes of an investigation by this Commission into whether, from January 2015, officials of the Australian Labor Party (NSW Branch) (NSW Labor), members of Chinese Friends of Labor, political donors and others have entered into or carried out a scheme to circumvent prohibitions or requirements under Part 6 of the Election Funding, Expenditure and Disclosures Act 1981 (NSW) relating to political donations. The origins of the Commission’s investigation 2. The origins of this Commission’s investigation lie in a separate investigation undertaken by the New South Wales Electoral Commission. 3. During the course of a compliance audit, the Electoral Commission observed1 that NSW Labor and Country Labor disclosed that they received a total of $138,930 in revenue2 from an event called the “Chinese Friends of Labor: NSW Labor Chinese Launch” that was held at the Eight Restaurant in Haymarket on 12 March 2015, about two weeks prior to the NSW State election held that year. 4. Chinese Friends of Labor is a “Labor Action Committee” that falls within the auspices of NSW Labor3 although its members need not necessarily be members of NSW Labor. In 2015, the Patron of Chinese Friends of Labor was Ernest WONG MLC and its Convenor was Jonathon YEE, the General Manager of the Emperor’s Garden restaurants in Chinatown. 5. -
IB # 366-New Text
JUNE 2020 ISSUE NO. 366 Australia-China Relations: The Great Unravelling NAVDEEP SURI ABSTRACT Over the last three decades, Australia and China have established mutually beneficial economic ties. However, Australia’s decision to ask for an independent enquiry into the origins of SARS-CoV-2, which causes COVID-19, has led to a backlash from China. This brief examines the more important developments since 2015 that persuaded Australia to take measures aimed at protecting both its open economy and its democratic polity against China’s systematic campaign to expand its influence. The brief describes various case studies including the attempts by the Chinese Communist Party to use Australia’s large Chinese community to support its foreign policy objectives, its attempts to secure strategic economic assets in Australia, and its efforts to use corrupt practices for recruiting politicians who would support its agenda. Attribution: Navdeep Suri, “Australia-China Relations: The Great Unravelling,” ORF Issue Brief No. 366, June 2020, Observer Research Foundation. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think tank that aims to influence the formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed analyses and in-depth research, and organising events that serve as platforms for stimulating and productive discussions. ISBN 978-93-90159-20-8 © 2020 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. Australia-China Relations: The Great Unravelling INTRODUCTION reaction from China. Australia has held firm in its response to threats of economic coercion, Over the last three decades, China and causing concern in business circles about the Australia have developed a mutually new dynamics of the relationship. -
Australia's Silence on Tibet
AUSTRALIA’S SILENCE ON TIBET Australia Tibet Council 2017 How China is shaping our agenda AUSTRALIA’S SILENCE ON TIBET: How China is shaping our agenda Author: Kyinzom Dhongdue Editors: Kerri-Anne Chinn, Paul Bourke Australia Tibet Council acknowledges the input from the International Campaign for Tibet for this report. For further information on the issues raised in this report please email [email protected] ©Australia Tibet Council, September 2017 www.atc.org.au CONTENTS Executive summary 3 Chapter 1 - China’s influence on ustralianA politics and Tibet Australia’s response to Tibet 6 Chinese influence on Australian politics 8 Two Australian politicians with connections to China 11 Recommendations 12 Chapter 2 - China’s influence on Australian universities and Tibet A billion-dollar industry 13 Confucius Institutes 15 Case studies of two academics 18 Recommendations 19 Chapter 3 - Australia’s Tibetan community 20 Conclusion 22 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, the Tibetans have earned widespread public support, with the Tibet cause continuing to test the conscience of world leaders. While China is far from winning over the international community on its policies in Tibet, in recent years it has been making rapid progress in numerous areas. Through a proactive foreign policy, utilising both economic leverage and soft power diplomacy, the Chinese government is making determined efforts to erode the support the Tibet movement has built up over many years. In Australia, China’s influence has infiltrated political and educational institutions, perhaps more than in any country in the western world. In fact, extensive reports in the Australian media over the past year have revealed an alarming level of Chinese influence in Australia. -
Chapter 3 Section 5
SECTION 5: CHINA’S DOMESTIC INFORMATION CONTROLS, GLOBAL MEDIA INFLUENCE, AND CYBER DIPLOMACY Key Findings • China’s current information controls, including the govern- ment’s new social credit initiative, represent a significant es- calation in censorship, surveillance, and invasion of privacy by the authorities. • The Chinese state’s repression of journalists has expanded to target foreign reporters and their local Chinese staff. It is now much more difficult for all journalists to investigate politically sensitive stories. • The investment activities of large, Chinese Communist Par- ty-linked corporations in the U.S. media industry risk under- mining the independence of film studios by forcing them to consider self-censorship in order to gain access to the Chinese market. • China’s overseas influence operations to pressure foreign media have become much more assertive. In some cases, even without direct pressure by Chinese entities, Western media companies now self-censor out of deference to Chinese sensitivity. • Beijing is promoting its concept of “Internet sovereignty” to jus- tify restrictions on freedom of expression in China. These poli- cies act as trade barriers to U.S. companies through both cen- sorship and restrictions on cross-border data transfers, and they are fundamental points of disagreement between Washington and Beijing. • In its participation in international negotiations on global Inter- net governance, norms in cyberspace, and cybersecurity, Beijing seeks to ensure continued control of networks and information in China and to reduce the risk of actions by other countries that are not in its interest. Fearing that international law will be used by other countries against China, Beijing is unwilling to agree on specific applications of international law to cyberspace. -
Material on Dr Chau Chak Wing from Honest History Website (Honesthistory.Net.Au)
Material on Dr Chau Chak Wing from Honest History website (honesthistory.net.au) The War Memorial and Dr Chau Chak Wing [13 June 2017 updated] The ABC’s Four Corners last week said this about Dr Chau Chak Wing. NICK MCKENZIE: ASIO singled out two billionaire donors with especially close ties to the Chinese Communist Party. The first was enigmatic property developer Dr Chau Chak Wing, a man who keeps a low profile except when it comes to his big donations. [The other donor of interest to ASIO was Mr Huang Xiangmo.] Dr Chau at the Memorial, September 2015 (AWM Annual Report 2015-16) Dr Chau and his company Kingold have been significant donors to the Australian War Memorial. Kingold appears on the list of donors just inside the entrance of the Memorial and is in the Memorial’s 2015-16 Annual Report (Appendix 9) as a benefactor which has contributed over $250 000. His company is also listed as a donor in the recently released War Memorial Annual Report for 2016-17 (page 92). In September 2015, Dr Chau led a delegation to the Memorial to honour Chinese-Australian servicemen and to open the Memorial’s Kingold Education and Media Centre, a green screen studio with full facilities for broadcasting and recording. At the same time, Dr Chau was awarded an Australian War Memorial Fellowship and his name appears on the list of Fellows at the entrance to the Memorial. According to the recent ABC-Fairfax investigation, Dr Chau is referred to by the code name CC3 in a court case brought by the FBI over the bribery of the former president of the United Nations General Assembly, John Ashe. -
Access and Influence in Australian Politics
Who’s in the room? Access and influence in Australian politics Grattan Institute Support Grattan Institute Report No. 2018-12, September 2018 Founding members Endowment Supporters This report was written by Danielle Wood, Kate Griffiths and Carmela The Myer Foundation Chivers. Grattan interns Tim Asimakis, Matthew Bowes, Isabelle National Australia Bank Hughes and Anne Yang provided research assistance and made Susan McKinnon Foundation substantial contributions to the report. We would like to thank the members of Grattan Institute’s Public Policy Affiliate Partners Committee for their helpful comments. We also thank AJ Brown, Ken Medibank Private Coghill, Belinda Edwards, Darren Halpin, Serena Lillywhite, Cameron Susan McKinnon Foundation Murray, Joo-Cheong Tham and Anne Twomey for their suggestions, and staff of the Australian Electoral Commission, NSW Electoral Commission, NSW ICAC and other government and industry bodies for Senior Affiliates their technical input. Google Maddocks The opinions in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of Grattan Institute’s founding PwC members, affiliates, individual board members, committee members or McKinsey & Company reviewers. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the authors. The Scanlon Foundation Grattan Institute is an independent think-tank focused on Australian Wesfarmers public policy. Our work is independent, practical and rigorous. We aim Westpac to improve policy outcomes by engaging with both decision-makers and the community. Affiliates For further information on the Institute’s programs, or to join our mailing Ashurst list, please go to: http://www.grattan.edu.au/. Corrs This report may be cited as: Wood, D., Griffiths, K., and Chivers, C. -
09-10-2019 Transcript
AEROPUB02313 AERO PUBLIC 09/10/2019 pp 02313-02391 HEARING COPYRIGHT INDEPENDENT COMMISSION AGAINST CORRUPTION THE HONOURABLE PETER M. HALL QC CHIEF COMMISSIONER PUBLIC HEARING OPERATION AERO Reference: Operation E18/0093 TRANSCRIPT OF PROCEEDINGS AT SYDNEY ON WEDNESDAY 9 OCTOBER, 2019 AT 2.00PM Any person who publishes any part of this transcript in any way and to any person contrary to a Commission direction against publication commits an offence against section 112(2) of the Independent Commission Against Corruption Act 1988. This transcript has been prepared in accordance with conventions used in the Supreme Court. 09/10/2019 2313T E18/0093 <JAMES IAN CLEMENTS, on former oath [2.00pm] MR ROBERTSON: Chief Commissioner, I’m starting to be a little bit concerned in terms of timing. Would it be convenient for the Commission to sit until at least 4.15pm today? THE COMMISSIONER: Yes, that’s quite in order, we’ll go through until 4.15. 10 MR ROBERTSON: Thank you, Chief Commissioner. Mr Clements, back to the gap that we discussed before the adjournment. So you’re saying someone other than you would calculate that gap. Is that right?---Yes. And just to understand what you mean by the gap, you’re referring to the fact that in 2015 there were caps on what was described as electoral communication expenditure. Correct?---That’s correct, yes. And you referred correctly to the fact that that is based in general terms on 20 the number of seats from the last election. Correct?---No, no, that’s not correct. I think that’s the administration funding from the last election, I think it’s done on the number of seats contested. -
The Congressional-Executive Commission on China
The Congressional-Executive Commission on China Statement by Clive Hamilton Professor of Public Ethics, Charles Sturt University 26th April 2018 My background is not in China studies but in politics and public policy. I decided to write Silent Invasion: China’s Influence in Australia in 2016 when it became obvious from newspaper reports that interference by the Chinese Communist Party in Australian politics is a serious issue that demands greater public awareness. Conversations with China experts soon established that the threat is more serious and deep-rooted than I had realised. Nevertheless, the scale and nature of the threat is one lay people need to understand. Since publication of Silent Invasion on 26th February this year it has become clear to me that many Australians have had an intimation that something is wrong and want it explained to them. When I formulated the idea of the book, Allen & Unwin, a highly respected independent publisher that had published eight previous books by me, could immediately see its importance and commercial appeal and we soon signed a contract. However, last November, as the finished manuscript was about to go to typesetting, Allen & Unwin notified me that it would not proceed with publication. The CEO wrote saying that, based on advice it had received, the company was reacting to ‘potential threats to the book and the company from possible action by Beijing’. He went on to write: ‘The most serious of these threats was the very high chance of a vexatious defamation action against Allen & Unwin, and possibly against you personally as well.’ The company’s defamation lawyer had pointed out that it would not be possible to make textual changes to the book that would protect the company from vexatious legal actions by Beijing’s proxies in Australia, legal actions that would tie up the company in expensive legal action for months or longer. -
AEROPVT01640 AERO COMPULSORY 29/07/2019 Pp 01640-01699 EXAMINATION COPYRIGHT INDEPENDENT COMMISSION AGAINST CORRUPTION the HONOU
NSW ICAC EXHIBIT AEROPVT01640 AERO COMPULSORY 29/07/2019 pp 01640-01699 EXAMINATION COPYRIGHT INDEPENDENT COMMISSION AGAINST CORRUPTION THE HONOURABLE PETER M. HALL QC CHIEF COMMISSIONER COMPULSORY EXAMINATION OPERATION AERO Reference: Operation E18/0093 TRANSCRIPT OF PROCEEDINGS AT SYDNEY ON MONDAY 29 JULY, 2019 AT 10.00AM Any person who publishes any part of this transcript in any way and to any person contrary to a Commission direction against publication commits an offence against section 112(2) of the Independent Commission Against Corruption Act 1988. This transcript has been prepared in accordance with conventions used in the Supreme Court. 29/07/2019 1640PT E18/0093 NSW ICAC EXHIBIT THE COMMISSIONER: Yes. MR ROBERTSON: Thank you, Commissioner. Ms Murnain attends in response to the summons issued to her. THE COMMISSIONER: Yes, thank you. Just before we get started, Mr Chin you appear for – you seek leave to appear? MR CHIN: Yes. May it please the Commission, I appear or seek 10 authorisation to appear for Ms Murnain. I am instructed by Ms Jennifer Williams of Spark Helmore. THE COMMISSIONER: Thank you, Mr Chin. Yes, I grant leave to you to appear. MR CHIN: Please the Commission. THE COMMISSIONER: I direct that the following persons may be present at this compulsory examination. Commission officers, including 20 transcription staff; Counsel Assisting; the witness, Ms Murnain; her legal representative, Mr Chin, and his instructing solicitor, Ms Williams. I propose to make a direction under section 112 of the Independent Commission Against Corruption Act, restricting the publication of information with respect to this compulsory examination.