The China Narrative, Part One: War-Machine Propaganda Republished from Australian Alert Service, 12 August 2020
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1. Gina Rinehart 2. Anthony Pratt & Family • 3. Harry Triguboff
1. Gina Rinehart $14.02billion from Resources Chairman – Hancock Prospecting Residence: Perth Wealth last year: $20.01b Rank last year: 1 A plunging iron ore price has made a big dent in Gina Rinehart’s wealth. But so vast are her mining assets that Rinehart, chairman of Hancock Prospecting, maintains her position as Australia’s richest person in 2015. Work is continuing on her $10billion Roy Hill project in Western Australia, although it has been hit by doubts over its short-term viability given falling commodity prices and safety issues. Rinehart is pressing ahead and expects the first shipment late in 2015. Most of her wealth comes from huge royalty cheques from Rio Tinto, which mines vast swaths of tenements pegged by Rinehart’s late father, Lang Hancock, in the 1950s and 1960s. Rinehart's wealth has been subject to a long running family dispute with a court ruling in May that eldest daughter Bianca should become head of the $5b family trust. 2. Anthony Pratt & Family $10.76billion from manufacturing and investment Executive Chairman – Visy Residence: Melbourne Wealth last year: $7.6billion Rank last year: 2 Anthony Pratt’s bet on a recovering United States economy is paying off. The value of his US-based Pratt Industries has surged this year thanks to an improving manufacturing sector and a lower Australian dollar. Pratt is also executive chairman of box maker and recycling business Visy, based in Melbourne. Visy is Australia’s largest private company by revenue and the biggest Australian-owned employer in the US. Pratt inherited the Visy leadership from his late father Richard in 2009, though the firm’s ownership is shared with sisters Heloise Waislitz and Fiona Geminder. -
Chinese-Language Media Outlets
澳大利亚-中国关系研究院 CHINESE-LANGUAGE MEDIA IN AUSTRALIA: Developments, Challenges and Opportunities Professor Wanning Sun Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology Sydney FRONT COVER IMAGE: Ming Liang Published by the Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) Level 7, UTS Building 11 81 - 115 Broadway, Ultimo NSW 2007 t: +61 2 9514 8593 f: +61 2 9514 2189 e: [email protected] © The Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) 2016 ISBN 978-0-9942825-6-9 The publication is copyright. Other than for uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without attribution. CONTENTS List of Figures 4 Executive Summary 5 Overview 5 Recommendations 8 Challenges and opportunities 10 Future research 11 Introduction 13 History of Chinese Media in Australia 15 Trends and Recent Developments in the Sector 22 Major Chinese Media (by Sector) 26 Daily paid newspapers 28 Television 28 Radio 28 Online media 29 Access to Major Chinese Media Outlets (by Region) 31 Patterns of Media Consumption 37 The Growth of Social Media Use and WeChat 44 Recommendations for Government, Business and Mainstream Media 49 Challenges and Opportunities 54 Pathways to Future Research 59 References 63 Appendix 67 Appendix A: Circulation Figures (Chinese-language Print Publications in Australia) 67 About ACRI 70 About the Author 71 CHINESE-LANGUAGE MEDIA IN AUSTRALIA 3 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Media sectors currently targeting Chinese migrants in Australia. 21 Figure 2. Time spent with media (hours per week) by Chinese in Australia aged 14-74 years, compared to overall Australian population. 37 Figure 3. -
Politiker, Parteivorsitzender Communist Party of Australia Biographie 1955-1956 Ein Australisches Studienteam Unter Laurence Aarons Reist in China
Report Title - p. 1 of 104 Report Title Aarons, Laurence = Aarons, Laurie (Sydney 1917-2005 Sydney) : Politiker, Parteivorsitzender Communist Party of Australia Biographie 1955-1956 Ein australisches Studienteam unter Laurence Aarons reist in China. [StraL2:S. 201] 1958 Laurence Aarons besucht Beijing. [StraL2:S. 227] Albinski, Henry = Albinski, Henry Stephen (1931-2003 Sydney) : Professor University of Sydney, University of Melbourne, Curtin University Bibliographie : Autor Albinski, Henry S. Australian policies and attitudes towards China. (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1965). [WC] Allgrove, John (um 1966) : Australischer Diplomat Biographie 1966 John Allgrove ist australischer Handelskommissar in Hong Kong. [ChiAus3] Alston, Richard = Alston, Richard Kenneth Robert (Perth 1941-) : Politiker, Minister for Communications, Information Technology and the Arts Biographie 2000 Sun Jiazheng besucht Canberra und trifft Richard Alston. [Tho2] 2000 Richard Alston besucht Shanghai um über ein online Handels-System zu diskutieren, Xi’an und Beijing. Er trifft Wu Bangguo in Beijing. [Tho2] 2000 Eine chinesische kulturelle Regierungs-Delegation unter Sun Jiazheng besucht Australien. Er trifft Richard Alston, Peter McGauran und Zhou Wenchong. [ChiAus] Ambrose, David (um 1988) : Australischer Diplomat Biographie 1985-1988 David Ambrose ist Botschafter der australischen Botschaft in Beijing. [Int] 1997-2000 David Ambrose ist Generalkonsul des australischen Generalkonsulats in Shanghai. [ChiAus4] Anderson, John Duncan = Anderson, John (Sydney -
Sex Discrimination Legislation in Australia
Parliament of Australia Parliamentary Research Service Background Paper Sex Discrimination Legislation in Australia Consie Larmour Education and Welfare Research Group 3 October 1990 This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Members of the Australian Parliament. The views expressed in the paper do not necessarily reflect those ofthe Research SeNice or of any part of the Parliament. The content of the paper may be attributed to the author. ISSN 1034-8107 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 1990 , Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the COPyriq" transmitted in any form or by any means including information of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by M~ duties. Published by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 199( It Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or storage and retrieval system, without the prior written consent ,mbefs 01 the Australian Parliament In the course of their official (' This paper updates Current Issues Brief No 9 of 1983, Basic Paper No 3 of 1985 and Basic Paper No 9 of 1986-87. Johanna Sutherland, then of the Law and Government Group, Catherine Wildermuth, then of the Education and Welfare Group and Sue Bromley then Principal Legal Officer, Human Rights Branch, Attorney-General's Department, read the 1987 paper and provided valuable comments. This updated paper has been read and commented on by Dy Spooner, Dennis Argall, Ian Ireland, and Geoff Winter. My thanks for this assistance and that provided by Carole Wiggan, Cathy Madden, Paula O'Brien and David Anderson. Special thanks to Kate Matthews. Note on style Only where an Act is referred to in the text by its full title and date, is it italicised. -
Australia's Silence on Tibet
AUSTRALIA’S SILENCE ON TIBET Australia Tibet Council 2017 How China is shaping our agenda AUSTRALIA’S SILENCE ON TIBET: How China is shaping our agenda Author: Kyinzom Dhongdue Editors: Kerri-Anne Chinn, Paul Bourke Australia Tibet Council acknowledges the input from the International Campaign for Tibet for this report. For further information on the issues raised in this report please email [email protected] ©Australia Tibet Council, September 2017 www.atc.org.au CONTENTS Executive summary 3 Chapter 1 - China’s influence on ustralianA politics and Tibet Australia’s response to Tibet 6 Chinese influence on Australian politics 8 Two Australian politicians with connections to China 11 Recommendations 12 Chapter 2 - China’s influence on Australian universities and Tibet A billion-dollar industry 13 Confucius Institutes 15 Case studies of two academics 18 Recommendations 19 Chapter 3 - Australia’s Tibetan community 20 Conclusion 22 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, the Tibetans have earned widespread public support, with the Tibet cause continuing to test the conscience of world leaders. While China is far from winning over the international community on its policies in Tibet, in recent years it has been making rapid progress in numerous areas. Through a proactive foreign policy, utilising both economic leverage and soft power diplomacy, the Chinese government is making determined efforts to erode the support the Tibet movement has built up over many years. In Australia, China’s influence has infiltrated political and educational institutions, perhaps more than in any country in the western world. In fact, extensive reports in the Australian media over the past year have revealed an alarming level of Chinese influence in Australia. -
Chapter 3 Section 5
SECTION 5: CHINA’S DOMESTIC INFORMATION CONTROLS, GLOBAL MEDIA INFLUENCE, AND CYBER DIPLOMACY Key Findings • China’s current information controls, including the govern- ment’s new social credit initiative, represent a significant es- calation in censorship, surveillance, and invasion of privacy by the authorities. • The Chinese state’s repression of journalists has expanded to target foreign reporters and their local Chinese staff. It is now much more difficult for all journalists to investigate politically sensitive stories. • The investment activities of large, Chinese Communist Par- ty-linked corporations in the U.S. media industry risk under- mining the independence of film studios by forcing them to consider self-censorship in order to gain access to the Chinese market. • China’s overseas influence operations to pressure foreign media have become much more assertive. In some cases, even without direct pressure by Chinese entities, Western media companies now self-censor out of deference to Chinese sensitivity. • Beijing is promoting its concept of “Internet sovereignty” to jus- tify restrictions on freedom of expression in China. These poli- cies act as trade barriers to U.S. companies through both cen- sorship and restrictions on cross-border data transfers, and they are fundamental points of disagreement between Washington and Beijing. • In its participation in international negotiations on global Inter- net governance, norms in cyberspace, and cybersecurity, Beijing seeks to ensure continued control of networks and information in China and to reduce the risk of actions by other countries that are not in its interest. Fearing that international law will be used by other countries against China, Beijing is unwilling to agree on specific applications of international law to cyberspace. -
Material on Dr Chau Chak Wing from Honest History Website (Honesthistory.Net.Au)
Material on Dr Chau Chak Wing from Honest History website (honesthistory.net.au) The War Memorial and Dr Chau Chak Wing [13 June 2017 updated] The ABC’s Four Corners last week said this about Dr Chau Chak Wing. NICK MCKENZIE: ASIO singled out two billionaire donors with especially close ties to the Chinese Communist Party. The first was enigmatic property developer Dr Chau Chak Wing, a man who keeps a low profile except when it comes to his big donations. [The other donor of interest to ASIO was Mr Huang Xiangmo.] Dr Chau at the Memorial, September 2015 (AWM Annual Report 2015-16) Dr Chau and his company Kingold have been significant donors to the Australian War Memorial. Kingold appears on the list of donors just inside the entrance of the Memorial and is in the Memorial’s 2015-16 Annual Report (Appendix 9) as a benefactor which has contributed over $250 000. His company is also listed as a donor in the recently released War Memorial Annual Report for 2016-17 (page 92). In September 2015, Dr Chau led a delegation to the Memorial to honour Chinese-Australian servicemen and to open the Memorial’s Kingold Education and Media Centre, a green screen studio with full facilities for broadcasting and recording. At the same time, Dr Chau was awarded an Australian War Memorial Fellowship and his name appears on the list of Fellows at the entrance to the Memorial. According to the recent ABC-Fairfax investigation, Dr Chau is referred to by the code name CC3 in a court case brought by the FBI over the bribery of the former president of the United Nations General Assembly, John Ashe. -
Access and Influence in Australian Politics
Who’s in the room? Access and influence in Australian politics Grattan Institute Support Grattan Institute Report No. 2018-12, September 2018 Founding members Endowment Supporters This report was written by Danielle Wood, Kate Griffiths and Carmela The Myer Foundation Chivers. Grattan interns Tim Asimakis, Matthew Bowes, Isabelle National Australia Bank Hughes and Anne Yang provided research assistance and made Susan McKinnon Foundation substantial contributions to the report. We would like to thank the members of Grattan Institute’s Public Policy Affiliate Partners Committee for their helpful comments. We also thank AJ Brown, Ken Medibank Private Coghill, Belinda Edwards, Darren Halpin, Serena Lillywhite, Cameron Susan McKinnon Foundation Murray, Joo-Cheong Tham and Anne Twomey for their suggestions, and staff of the Australian Electoral Commission, NSW Electoral Commission, NSW ICAC and other government and industry bodies for Senior Affiliates their technical input. Google Maddocks The opinions in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of Grattan Institute’s founding PwC members, affiliates, individual board members, committee members or McKinsey & Company reviewers. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the authors. The Scanlon Foundation Grattan Institute is an independent think-tank focused on Australian Wesfarmers public policy. Our work is independent, practical and rigorous. We aim Westpac to improve policy outcomes by engaging with both decision-makers and the community. Affiliates For further information on the Institute’s programs, or to join our mailing Ashurst list, please go to: http://www.grattan.edu.au/. Corrs This report may be cited as: Wood, D., Griffiths, K., and Chivers, C. -
Submission to the Inquiry Into Services and Treatment Options for Persons with Cancer by the Community Affairs Committee, the Senate, Parliament of Australia
Submission to the Inquiry into services and treatment options for persons with cancer by the Community Affairs Committee, The Senate, Parliament of Australia March 2005 Dennis Argall founder (in 2000) and ‘facilitator’ of the Australian Internet Brain Tumour Support Group http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/OzBrainTumour/ OzBrainTumour is not an organisation with a view on anything but an open group where people (over 200 hundred subscribed at any time these days) share information and provide mutual support, strength and empowerment. This is not a submission on behalf of any group, but an individual submission informed by what I have learned, with others, along this road. In memory of Margaret Gray 1949-2001 Dennis Argall [email protected] www.aplaceof.info 349 Hawken Rd TOMERONG NSW 2540 02 4443 4499 The author is a former ambassador to China, former head of the research group in the Parliamentary Library, has personally experienced long term illness (not cancer) and recently was a member of a steering group to establish a ‘world’s best’ cancer support web site at Northern Sydney Health. Dennis Argall’s submission to Senator Cook’s Cancer Inquiry 1 RECOMMENDATIONS 1 That it be recognised that case management based on support for the whole person is essential. 2 That, in particular, the opening discussions with patients with cancer diagnosis focus on that whole perspective, not just the perspective of the first line professional. 3 That case management be focused on supporting the strengths of the person with the diagnosis and granting control and support for patients and carers who wish to have degrees of responsibility. -
The Congressional-Executive Commission on China
The Congressional-Executive Commission on China Statement by Clive Hamilton Professor of Public Ethics, Charles Sturt University 26th April 2018 My background is not in China studies but in politics and public policy. I decided to write Silent Invasion: China’s Influence in Australia in 2016 when it became obvious from newspaper reports that interference by the Chinese Communist Party in Australian politics is a serious issue that demands greater public awareness. Conversations with China experts soon established that the threat is more serious and deep-rooted than I had realised. Nevertheless, the scale and nature of the threat is one lay people need to understand. Since publication of Silent Invasion on 26th February this year it has become clear to me that many Australians have had an intimation that something is wrong and want it explained to them. When I formulated the idea of the book, Allen & Unwin, a highly respected independent publisher that had published eight previous books by me, could immediately see its importance and commercial appeal and we soon signed a contract. However, last November, as the finished manuscript was about to go to typesetting, Allen & Unwin notified me that it would not proceed with publication. The CEO wrote saying that, based on advice it had received, the company was reacting to ‘potential threats to the book and the company from possible action by Beijing’. He went on to write: ‘The most serious of these threats was the very high chance of a vexatious defamation action against Allen & Unwin, and possibly against you personally as well.’ The company’s defamation lawyer had pointed out that it would not be possible to make textual changes to the book that would protect the company from vexatious legal actions by Beijing’s proxies in Australia, legal actions that would tie up the company in expensive legal action for months or longer. -
Councillor Robert Kok
ATTACHMENT B ATTACHMENT B REPORT ON 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE SYDNEY-GUANGZHOU SISTER-CITY RELATIONSHIP ATTACHMENT B Overseas Travel Report 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE SYDNEY-GUANGZHOU SISTER-CITY RELATIONSHIP — Report for Lord Mayor Clover Moore & Councillor Robert Kok EXECUTIVE SUMMARY From Sunday 29 May to Friday 3 June 2016, as Lord Mayor I led a 100-person delegation to China with Councillor Kok for a Sydney Week in Guangzhou to celebrate the 30th anniversary of our Sister City relationship with Guangzhou. Over the past 30 years, there have been many successful visits between the two cities, furthering our economic and cultural relations. In May 2014, I signed a memorandum of understanding with former Mayor of Guangzhou Chen Jianhua, further strengthening ties and collaboration on education, trade, culture, business and sustainability. Sydney and Guangzhou are natural partners. Both are outward-looking, economically-dynamic cities with thriving services and innovation sectors. This milestone presents a significant opportunity to promote Sydney’s global economy and world-class cultural institutions in southern China. Guangzhou is a city of over 13 million people, in a province of 110 million. We have close historic ties and many of our international students, visitors and business partners come from southern China. Image 1: Visit to Guangzhou People's Government with Guangzhou Mayor Mr Wen Guohui. 1 | Page ATTACHMENT B NSW is also a sister state to Guangdong Province. Signed in 1979, the NSW-Guangdong relationship is underpinned by yearly meetings promoting economic collaboration between the two economies. This was a significant campaign promoting Sydney’s economy overseas and our events – a business summit, sustainability forum, alumni reunion, Sydney Symphony concert and art exhibition – provided opportunities to celebrate and strengthen our longstanding economic, cultural and civic connections with Guangzhou. -
Huawei's Smart Cities and CCP Influence, at Home and Abroad
Huawei’s Smart Cities and CCP Influence, At Home and Abroad What do international espionage concerns, a Chinese truckers’ strike, and the smart cities of the future all have in common? All are part of the story of how the commercial ambitions of Huawei—one of the PRC’s leading developers of high-tech electronics and telecommunications equipment—could be leveraged by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to protect its wealth and prerogatives at home, and extend its surveillance reach abroad. 21st-Century Strike Breaking On June 8, truck drivers at locations across China began a loosely coordinated national strike (China Labour Bulletin, June 11). The CCP immediately banned any mention of the strike by social or traditional media (China Digital Times, June 12). The information blackout, a common tactic for preventing the spread of large-scale industrial action, indicates that the CCP’s response to the strike is likely to follow a well-worn path: Strike leaders will probably be detained by state security organs. Some strike participants may be subject to criminal punishment, or stripped of their employment (China Labour Bulletin, December 2017) [1]. These time-honed strikebreaking tactics have been given a new edge by the CCP’s widespread deployment of tools such as networked surveillance cameras, facial recognition algorithms, and big data-enabled monitoring of social ChinaBrief Volume 18 • Issue 11 • June 19, 2018 media communication. These tools make it easier to identify, track, and punish people—like strikers—who threaten social stability (SCMP, May 31). Huawei is doing its part to contribute, through its development of what it calls “safe city solutions”—a marketing term for smart city platforms that integrate and analyze the torrent of data generated by this proliferation of automated surveillance technology.