9 EARLY ONSET ANTHROPOCENE: CONTROL OF THE LANDSCAPE BY THE ANCIENT MAYA IN NORTHWESTERN

Thomas Guderjan, Joshua Kwoka, Colleen Hanratty, Timothy Beach, Sheryl Luzzadder-Beach, Samantha Krause, Sara Eshleman, Thomas Ruhl and Colin Doyle

By the Early Classic, Maya peoples had developed near-absolute control over their landscape. They had modified wetlands into large-scale ditched agricultural systems. Uplands had been reconfigured into high population residential groups with local public nodes that connected the residents with the kingly power centers of plaza-pyramid complexes. We will show how ground truthing and other investigations confirm the results of the 2016 survey by the Northwest Belize LiDAR Consortium.

Introduction In this paper, we summarize data from the Xnoha Survey Block of 2016 LiDAR survey (Figure 1) conducted by the Northwestern Belize LiDAR Consortium1. The Xnoha Survey Block includes approximately 40 sq. kms and is centered on the Central Precinct on the Maya site of Xnoha (Guderjan et al., 2016). Evidence from the LiDAR survey and subsequent ground truthing indicate that the entire or nearly the entire Xnoha block had become a highly human modified and managed landscape, probably by the Early Classic period, though our temporal information is still rudimentary. Our evidence suggests that the areas around the Xnoha site center were inhabited by a much larger population than previously thought. These people constructed residences that were bounded by linear stone boundary markers (LSBMs) enclosing as much as a hectare of space surrounding each residence. These residences were organized into neighborhoods and the residents constructed terraces and ownership Figure 1. The Xnoha Survey Block superimposed on markers across the slopes that bounded their Google Earth imagery, showing its location in northwestern neighborhoods. Where appropriate, they also Belize. constructed ditched, intensive agricultural fields at the bases of slopes and especially in the human construction. Both are clearly present in eastern margin of the Alacranes Bajo which the Xnoha block. covers more than 500 kms2 of northwestern Belize, and . Xnoha and the Landscapes of the Xnoha Given these data, we argue that the Block Classic Maya represent a case of an early phase Xnoha is located in northwestern Belize, of the Anthropocene. The Anthropocene is near the Mexican border where Xnoha Creek defined broadly as the geological period when joins the Rio Hondo drainage. It is on the humans became the most impactful force of highest point in Belize north of and the change of landscapes of our planet. Markers of highest point and mid-way between the the Anthropocene include reduction of Alacranes Bajo and the Rio Bravo Escarpement. and lasting landscapes changes by The bedrock of the area is limestone and its

Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology, Vol. 17, 2020, pp. 105-117. Copyright © 2020 by the Institute of Archaeology, NICH, Belize. Control of the Landscape in Northwestern Belize

present form evolved through a series of uplift (aka, Blue Creek Archaeological Project) which and erosional processes. Consequently, the culminated in a summary volume (Lohse 2013) topography consists of mixed upland hills that and Jason Gonzalez’s doctoral dissertation on are rugged and rocky and flat lowlands (bajos) Xnoha (2013). which have deep and highly fertile, calcareous More recent excavations have been soils. While it has no direct access to undertaken by the Blue Creek Archaeological waterways, in the rainy season, the Rio Hondo Project from 2012 through 2018 and it is likely flows 4 kms. north of the site. The public that the project will undertake additional precinct occupies most of a large hilltop fieldwork at Xnoha in the future. A brief separated from four others by heavy summary of the work through 2015 was downcutting into the Alacranes Bajo and the Rio published in the BAAS volume for that year Hondo drainage system. West of Xnoha and the (Guderjan, et al., 2016). Xnoha Survey Block, we have documented The central precinct of Xnoha consists of intensive and consistent settlement (Hammond a large, irregularly shaped plaza approximately 2019) terminating in clusters of public 150 meters, SW-NE, and 100 meters, SE-NW. architecture such as Tulix Mul (Hammond 2019, The east side of the plaza is well defined by a 70 Helmke, et al. 2019). Both of these are located m long range building, Structure 1, with on the edge of the Alacranes Bajo. South of the uncarved stelae on both its east and west sides. Xnoha Survey Block, we have seen, but not The south and west sides of the plaza are defined formally documented similar density of by the pyramidal Structures 2 and 3. North of settlement until reaching the site of Bedrock, Structure 1 is Structure 10, where recent located at a strategic mid-point of the Dumbbell excavations have revealed evidence of a now Bajo. A few kilometers to the east of Xnoha lies destroyed set of masks adorning the façade of the Blue Creek polity. the building (Pastrana 2019). Also, on the main Xnoha, along with Bedrock, are the two plaza, at the base of the Acropolis Courtyard are largest site centers in this area and both are best a pair of buildings, Strs. 15 and 16, that have thought of as minor centers (Bullard 1954; doorways, rooms and benches. This being an Marken 2105). Xnoha incorporates outlying unlikely place for residences, they have been clusters of large masonry architecture that misidentified as a ballcourt. housed non-royal, elite lineages such at Tulix Above and west of Strs. 15 and 16, is the Mul, Nojol Nah, Mulaan and Krohntown Acropolis Courtyard on top of a hill about 7 (Guderjan, et al., 2016; see also Guderjan and meters above the plaza. This is centered on a Hanratty 2006 for a discussion of non-royal, single monumental building, Str. 22. On the elite lineages). frontal façade of this building, a pair of plaster Xnoha was shown to Thomas Guderjan masks were excavated in 2017 and 2018. As and Froyla Salam (now Tzalam) while they were this paper refers mostly to the region around conducting initial site identification and Xnoha, they will be reported in a more mapping in the Rio Bravo Conservation Area as appropriate setting. Ongoing excavations in well as locations north and south of the front of Str. 22 are revealing deeply buried conservation area in 1990 (Guderjan 1991). At earlier construction including a Late Preclassic that time, relocating the site was problematic round shrine (Leonard 2019). due to the circuitous route taken by the person Both to the east and to the west of the who guided them and as GPS technologies were main plaza are two elite residential groups not in existence. Their guide was a member of EERG-Eastern Elite Residential Group and the Quatro Leguas Mennonite community, a part WERG-Western Elite Residential Group), both of the larger Blue Creek Village community. interestingly anchored by the earliest buildings Over several years, attempts were taken to constructed at Xnoha’s Central Precinct, two relocate Xnoha without success, until the same Late Preclassic Shrines (Lincoln 2019). informant brought Jon Lohse to the site in 2002. Surrounding central Xnoha are four This began field work from 2002-2005 by the neighborhoods roughly at the cardinal directions Blue Creek Regional Political Ecology Project from the central precinct. These are the NEWS

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Figure 2. Xnoha Survey Block surface model image based on LiDAR obtained in 2016.

(North, East, West and South neighborhoods) residential settlement and is the primary focus of and the North and West Neighborhoods are this paper. The third are the slopes of these central parts of this discussion. upland area which appear to have been terraced in their entirety. The fourth use of space are the Upland Neighborhoods in the Xnoha Survey agricultural lands marked by ancient Maya Block ditches which have also been identified visually The Xnoha Survey Block covers 39.8 sq. and confirmed by LiDAR data. kms. (Figure 2). Our terrestrial surveys, Digital survey and digitization efforts are combined with visual aerial survey and the 2016 ongoing, but at present 2,167 structures have LiDAR data (see Beach, et al, 2019 for been identified within the 39.8 sq. kms. Xnoha methodology) indicate that there is a near Survey Block, for a structure density of at least complete absence of ancient vacant space. 54.4 per km2 (Kwoka, et al., in press). For There are four types of space usage to be comparison, this figure exceeds regional considered in this paper. The first is the kawik structure density figures for some of the major or Central Precinct of the site of Xnoha Classic period (AD 300-850) sites, including El- (Guderjan, et al., 2016) which was briefly Perú-Waka’, Tintal, , , and El discussed earlier. The second is the upland areas Zotz (Canuto, et al., 2018, Table 4). While these that are entirely covered by the remains of regions contain much larger sites and buildings,

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the data support the view of a densely settled features, there is much space that is seemingly landscape that would be classified as rural empty when LiDAR data are viewed casually. within a traditional settlement dichotomy. An However, we argue that the spaces bounded by unexpected result of the LiDAR survey was the LSDM’s and centered on residential structures detection of extensive networks of linear stone are solarés, the external space essential to each features, 84.9 linear km of which have been residence. There are both ethnographic and identified to date. Many of these features appear archaeological traditions focused on the study of to delineate residential space and are similar in solarés (Guderjan 2016). appearance to contemporary Maya house lots, or solarés. These we refer to as Linear Stone Solarés in Yaxunah, Yucatan, Mexico Boundary Markers (LSDMs). A significant Yaxunah and its neighbor Chan Kom, are minority of the 84.9 linear kms of these stone likely the most traditional Maya villages features are also hill slope terraces. remaining in the northern part of the Yucatan These residences appear to be organized Peninsula. They are structured today as ejidos in into neighborhoods and each discrete hilltop which residents cannot freely buy and sell group constitutes a neighborhood. homes and the community also has designated Neighborhoods are difficult to define when they communal lands for farming and other purposes. are not bounded by clear topographic features. Nevertheless, a family’s walled houselot is However, at Xnoha, like at Blue Creek controlled by them and publicly perceived to be (Guderjan 2006), neighborhoods are well- theirs. In Yaxunah, individual households have defined topographically. Neighborhoods also a small, usually one room, house within a stone often contain central places such as temples, walled compound. The external spaces within markets, administrative buildings and other focal the stone walls are known as solarés and within spaces (Hutson 2016:71). In the cases of both a solar are well-defined, fixed locations for the Western and Northern neighborhoods at specific activities. These include the batea or Xnoha, such central places have been tentatively washtub, which is usually covered by a shade. identified by LiDAR but not yet confirmed by Chickens, turkeys and pigs occupy the space. ground truthing, as of the end of 2019. Kitchen gardens with herbs, chiles, tomatoes, However, at nearby Blue Creek, each garlic, cilantro. Fruit trees are grown in solarés. neighborhood, then termed residential groups, Solarés and everything in them are the domain had central shrines (Guderjan 2006). of the women of Yaxunah, while men control The populations of the neighborhoods at more remote fields, etc. (Bascopé, 2005: 135- Xnoha are greater than anticipated if this was 137, Bascopé and Alcocer Puerto, in press). rural level of settlement. The Western Solar walls are termed albarradas and are used neighborhood covers 7,348 sq. meters and to delineate the space between households. includes 216 identified residences. Estimates of Yaxunah solar walls, however, are much taller prehistoric population sizes are risky as they than the Xnoha block LSDM’s. They generally are based on 20th century analogies sometimes as much as 3 meters tall and provide (Kom Chan in particular) that must be modified a more formidable physical barrier and often a to account for empty houses that lower the visual barrier for privacy as well. The following population and “invisible” houses that would will be a review of the archaeological study of raise the estimated population size. Even so, by such features. using a standardized estimate of 5.6 people per residence, we project an estimate of 1,210 Prehistoric Boundary Walls residents in the neighborhood (See Haviland While still rare, reports of prehistoric 1972; Culbert and Rice 1990; and Van den albarradas are increasing. In addition to those Notelaer 2016 for discussions of methodology). discussed here, recent unpublished LiDAR surveys show similar features in the Peten Solarés district of Guatemala and the central Yucatan While residential building can be viewed Peninsula. Interestingly, they do not seem to be as geographic nodes and LSDM’s as lineal found south of northern Belize.

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Some First Reports: Fieldwalls” in Eastern to prevent nor any other approach to Caribbean Coastal Sites water management. Nor were they functional in “Fieldwalls” were first encountered and terms of restriction of access. However, our described by the Harvard-Arizona Cozumel goals were unrelated and the mosquitos were Project in the 1970’s and described by David still in control of the interior of the island, so no Freidel in his doctoral dissertation (Freidel and follow up research was done. Sabloff 1984). They were found at multiple The largest mapped set of albarradas is at sites on Cozumel but were best known from the the site of Playacar, adjacent to the south side of site of Buena Vista. As implied by the term the modern tourist town of Playa del Carmen, “fieldwalls” these were believed to be where Rhoads and Carmen (1991) mapped a 3 delineations of boundaries of agricultural fields. square kilometer block between the Caribbean They did not consistently follow or cross Sea and Highway 307 (1.5 kilometers inland) contours as check dams might. They enclosed which included at least 455 contiguous spaces which often had no apparent evidence of compounds surrounded by albarradas. Within residential activity. They were too low, usually many were residential structures, rejolladas, only 3-4 courses high…less than a meter…to be cenotes, and caves. While not all had evidence functionally useful as barriers. Further, we have of residential activity, this is not surprising as no evidence of ancient Maya people herding most structures were probably perishable. animals or keeping animals such as Further, aside from the east, Caribbean sea side, domesticated pigs or chickens. They were also the survey was arbitrarily halted and we do not ambiguously dated to the Early Postclassic know how many compounds actually existed. period as was much architecture on the island, Nevertheless, if each compound represents a especially at the center of . household, the surveyed area alone could In subsequent years, extensive expanses include 2,548 people, using the same of several linear kilometers of similar features methodology as we used in the Xnoha Survey were found and mapped at Playa del Carmen Block. Again, these features are undated but (Silva Rhoads and del Carmen Hernandez 1991). likely date to the Early Postclassic period as do This inspired a re-examination of the Buena the small masonry buildings in the survey area. Vista fieldwalls by Adolfo Batún, who did much While Buena Vista has a central precinct more detailed mapping and largely established or Kawik, and the albarradas there are clearly that these must be residential in nature (2003, in associated with it, the Buena Vista main plaza is press). Batún surveyed linear transects, 1000 very small by Maya standards. And at Playa del meters long, in the cardinal directions from the Carmen and Ambergris Caye, there is no clear main platform at Buena Vista. Networks of association with a public plaza or central place. albarradas were encountered the entire length of More confounding is that none of these walls each transect. Then the ends of the transects have been adequately dated, only because piles were connected by new transects for a total of 12 of rock are notoriously difficult to date. linear kilometers surveyed in an area of 4 square Ceramics found within them may have derived kilometers. This entire area appears to be from any time after their construction. There covered with a vast network of albarradas. has been an ongoing assumption, largely due to Additionally, we discovered a similar, preponderance of Early Postclassic material at large network of albarradas on Ambergris Caye, Cozumel, that these albarradas dated to the Belize (Guderjan and Garber 1995) and while Early Postclassic or … perhaps as early as the they were not extensively mapped due to Terminal Classic period. While there has been presence of the greatest mosquito population in no nuanced interpretation published, the general the universe during the summers of 1987 and assumption, again, has been that albarradas 1988, it was clear to us that the network covered marked a shift on land tenure at the end of the more than 2 square kilometers and must also Classic period as the power of the large represent residential activity. Most of the kingdoms were failing and cities were collapsing ground surface was exposed bedrock and the and individuals began to fill the void by albarradas were neither cross-channel features asserting their claims to land around their homes

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Figure 3. LiDAR model with LSDMs overdrawn. Map by Joshua Kwoka.

and, in effect, thus creating private land tenure protected central place, in Tancah by and for the first time. Moreover, if this was the case, Calderitas, Oxtankah and other named sites it would appear to be a regional phenomenon which lined the Bay of Chetumal outside of the associated with the mid-Caribbean coast area as Ixpaatun wall (Guderjan 2005). far north as Playa del Carmen and as far south as Ambergris Caye. While large, in the context of Albarradas in Ancient Urban Settings the entire Maya culture area, this is a rather The Urban vs. Non-Urban dichotomy small area. used in this paper is only for distinguishing Importantly, two major coastal sites in between dense urban cities such as , which this area also exhibit defensive walls. The has been well described as a “metropolis”, defensive walls of Tulum are well-known. and Becan and less densely Fewer know that Ixpaatun, located along the populated areas such as the Xnoha survey block shores of Chetumal Bay was also a walled of northwestern Belize. It is a much different complex of Early Postclassic buildings. The discussion to consider whether Xnoha survey Ixpaatun walls enclose a much larger space than block should be thought of as urban as well do the Tulum walls. By the 1990’s, only a (Kwoka, et al., in press). The area surely fragment of the Ixpaatun walls remained, exhibits continuous settlement between two sets ironically adjacent to a coastal restaurant of the of pyramid-plaza groups. So, in the following same name. In both cases, the east (coast) side discussion of urban areas, I refer to high- of the complex was not walled. At Tulum, that population density areas. side is protected by a 30 meter cliff and at Known in today’s Yucatecan villages as Ixpaatun, a 3 meter bluff. In both cases, “albarradas”, these are found in ancient urban significant population lived outside of the centers such as Coba (Folan et al. 1983b),

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Dzibilchaltun (Kurjack 1974; Kurjack and Garza area between Xnoha and Grey Fox is clearly Tarazona 1981), Becan (Thomas 1981), the Río covered with residences surrounded by Bec region (Turner 1983), (Folan et albarradas enclosing 500 – 1000 sq. meters of al., 2008) and (Bullard 1952). They space. are likely found in many more settings, but most In addition to the northwestern Belize surveys are aimed at recording above ground situation, there are other references to “non- structures and record small linear features only urban” and non-coastal albarradas. Kurjack and incidentally. Garza Tarazona (1981) note that albarradas The best known of these settings are Coba were found in an unpublished survey north of and Chunchucmil. At Coba, there are numerous Cuca. Further, Turner (1983) notes their structures, both residential and non-residential, presence in the Rio Bec area (which is only that are surrounded by bounding albarradas. 20kms. north of Grey Fox). Consequently, it is Most of these are single walled, but some a very reasonable to expect that with LiDAR and double walled. Most of the albarradas are an increasing acceptance of the likelihood of located in Zone 1, the north side of the large area finding them, there will be increasing reports of that has been mapped (Folan, Kintz and Fletcher albarradas in the near future. 1983:Maps). In contrast, at Chunchucmil, albarradas were found to be “ubiquitous” and LSDM’s in the Xnoha Survey Block enclose structures and groups, such as patio As discussed previously, the LSDM’s in groups of structures (Hutson and Magnoni the Xnoha Survey Block total at least 84.9 linear 2015). By ubiquitous, they note that there were kms. encircling or partially encircling 2,167 or 200 linear kms. of albarradas within a 9.3 sq. more residential structures (Figure 3). Using the kms. survey area. 5.6 persons per household estimate, we may have as many as 12,135 persons with a Albarradas in a “Non-Urban” Setting population density of 303 persons per sq. kms. While Chunchucmil and Coba had high in the 40 sq. kms. Xnoha Survey Block. An population densities and definable boundaries to estimate based on a sample of about half of the those population densities, in northwestern identified houselots is that the main enclosed Belize, this is not the case. In the context of area is approximately 7,400 square meters or what seems to be an un-ending blanket of about 1.8 acres. population marked by nodes of symbols of Importantly, the distinction between power-pyramid-plaza groups or Kawiks, we LSDM’s in the Xnoha Survey Block and the struggle to understand central places of power albarradas previously discussed is drawn based and hierarchies of such central places (Guderjan on construction techniques and functionality 2007). For example, the Central Precinct of (Figure 4). All albarradas discussed previously Xnoha is surrounded by smaller pyramid-plaza consist of cut and stacked limestone blocks. groups which we think of as being secondary Generally, prehistoric albarradas are only a few centers (Guderjan, et al., 2016; Hammond courses high and can be easily stepped over by 2019). However, only 10 kms. north of Xnoha an adult. Contemporary albarradas at Yaxunah lies Grey Fox, a pyramid-plaza group that are much higher and represent a physical and approximates Xnoha’s size and may have visual barrier. By contrast, the Xnoha LSDMs housed another Kawik or royal center. are low, rounded, linear piles of small limestone We have long known that small to and chert rocks. Like the stacked limestone medium-sized, masonry residences were found albarradas, they are low, usually less than a on nearly every hilltop in the Xnoha Survey meter tall and do not alone present barriers to Block. However, until a LiDAR survey was human transit (Figure 5). This leaves open two conducted in July, 2016, of the 40 sq. kms. possible interpretations. First, they were only around Xnoha, we had no idea that these symbolic spatial boundary markers. Second, residences were surrounded by networks of they may be the remnant component of albarradas. Our data regarding these are still compound boundaries which incorporated a very insecure and tentative. However, the entire floral component such as trees or shrubs. This

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Figure 5. LSDM after excavation. Excavation by Thomas Ruhl.

and soil tests for phosphates on a 10 m. grid pattern across houselots AL17 and AL18.

Phosphates in soils are proxies for Figure 4. LSDM before excavation. Sarah Eshleman is anthropogenic activity. Human landscapes shown for scale. typically have heterogeneous phosphate distributions and landscapes that have not been would explain why there are few evident impacted by humans have low intensity and entrances as entrances could be simply defined homogeneous distributions of phosphates. by gaps in the trees or shrubs. Figure 6 shows that the results of phosphate testing in AL17a, AL17b and AL18 indicate Solar use in the Xnoha Survey Block high intensity, heterogeneous distributions in Bascopé (2005), Bascopé and Alcocer each solar. These are highly indicative of Puerto (in press) and Hernandez Alvarez (in extended human activity. press) tell us that the use of space within solarés in the village of Yaxunah is structured. Specific Terracing of Slopes of NEWS Hillsides activities occurred in specific locations, leaving In addition to the transformative impacts us the opportunity to search for archaeologically of the Central Precinct and residential definable evidence for structured use of space neighborhoods of Xnoha, the third type of within prehistoric solarés. Figure 6 shows a landscape transformation is seen in what appears LiDAR generated surface model before and after to be agricultural terracing on the slopes enhancement. The enhancement consisted of adjacent to the NEWS neighborhoods that overdrawing lines on LSDMs and overdrawing decline to drainages to the Rio Hondo basin. buildings and other features confirmed and For example, near the bottom center of Figure 7 mapped by terrestrial survey using a Trimble are apparent terracing on the south hillslopes. GPS unit. Clearly space is being used in Also seen are north-south lines that may reflect structured ways and prehistoric buildings can be limits of kin resource control. Several extend found in all solarés so far investigated. from the base of the slope to the top of the slope To determine whether there were spatially then continue through the residential area to definable signatures of structured ways as within form boundaries of solarés. the apparent empty spaces within solarés, we conducted systematic shovel tests for artifacts

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Figure 6. LiDAR surface models of sample houselots with and without overdrawn LSDMs, structures and features. Map by Joshua Kwoka.

Agricultural Ditching of Wetlands survey. Consequently, we are building a For many years, our work has focused on dynamic and new understanding of the scale and understanding the wetland field agricultural nature of ancient agriculture and its place in the systems found largely at the base of the Bravo larger Maya economic system (Guderjan, et al., Escarpment, circa 20 kms. east of Xnoha. These 2016). A part of this view includes the were first discovered at the base of the understanding where we find ditches may well escarpment adjacent to the Chan Cahal not have been the only location that was residential neighborhood of ancient Blue Creek intensively farmed. For example, in the Rio (Beach, et al., 2015), then further south and east Hondo floodplain, complexes of ditches are at the Birds of Paradise fields that were probably sometimes found adjacent to slightly higher and not under control of the rulers of Blue Creek. drier soils that have equal or more agricultural Aerial imagery and multi-spectral satellite potential than the ditched areas. They simply imagery then revealed many and extensive sets did not require the front-loaded effort or of ditched fields along the Rio Hondo floodplain maintenance efforts that ditching require. (Guderjan and Krause 2011) and most recently, Consequently, we must view ditched fields as the 2016 LiDAR survey revealed that the scale the tip of the iceberg of the actual scale of of the Birds of Paradise complex of ditched agriculture (Guderjan and Krause 2011). fields underestimated its scale and that we can In the Xnoha Survey Block, LiDAR now document at least 16 sq. kms of fields provided a second proxy for the visual (Beach, et al., 2019) but the actual size could be identification of fields that we already believed much greater as the ditched field complex was to exist at the eastern edge of the Alacranes not entirely within the bounds of the LiDAR Bajo. We are only at the earliest stage of

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Figure 7. LiDAR based surface model of part of the Northern Neighborhood (top is north) showing apparent terracing on the south hillslopes.

investigation of these fields and cannot yet say will inform many of our other questions, such as much about them. It is also uncertain if only the debates regarding ancient deforestation. bajo margin was farmed and/or ditched or if Geoscientists similarly debate definitional farming extended further into the interior of the attributes of the Anthropocene. Did it begin vast 600 sq. kms. Alacranes Bajo. Nevertheless, with early large scale agriculture and forest our experience builds the expectation that we clearing or with the industrial age or with the have much to learn about the nature and scale of beginning of the atomic age? ditching and agriculture in the Alacranes Bajo. The Xnoha Survey Block is located where archaeologists have previously posited a Conclusion relatively low, “rural” Maya population. Xnoha All archaeologists fully understand that gives us ample information to argue that the ancient Maya of Belize and elsewhere made population density was much higher than indelible impressions on the landscape. Many of supposed and at the scale thought of elsewhere these impressions are inescapable…pyramids as “urban”. Furthermore, there is a dearth of towering over high canopy forests for example. vacant land in the survey block. And, lands that However, as we debate the scale of Maya cannot now be demonstrated as not being vacant landscape control, the outcome of these debates

114 Guderjan et al. are only designated so due to an absence of data Anthropology, Southern Methodist University, that may well be temporary. Dallas.

As each subsequent study expands our Bascopé, Grace Lloyd and Elias Alcocer Puerto increasingly nuanced view of Maya settlement In press An Ethno-Ecological View of the Evolution and population, we may find that few or no of Solares: A Yucatan Maya Houselot Case. In The places exist that does not still bear their stamp. Ties the Bind and the Walls that Divide. Edited by Their control over the landscape was so great Thomas Guderjan and Jennifer Mathews. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. that they transformed a forest environment into a humanly controlled landscape. Whether this Beach, Timothy, Sheryl-Luzzadder-Beach, Thomas was an early aspect of the Anthropocene is a Guderjan and Samantha Krause definitional question that can be left to others. 2015 The Floating Gardens of Chan Cahal: Soils, Water and Human Interactions. Catena 132:151- Regardless, we can now know that the entire 164. landscape was reconfigured into the image the Maya people had for it. Beach, Timothy, Sheryl Luzzadder-Beach, Thomas Guderjan, Fred Valdez, Jr., Juan Carlos Fernandez-Diaz, 1The Northwestern Belize LiDAR Consortium; The Sara Eschleman and Colin Doyle 2019 Ancient Maya Wetland Fields revealed under National Science Foundation (BCS # 1550204, tropical forest canopy by laser Scanning and 0924501, 0924510; Luzzadder-Beach and Beach PIs; Multiproxy Evidence. Proceedings of the National CNH #1114947 Brokaw, PI); University of Texas Academy of Sciences 116:43: 21469-21477. College of Liberal Arts; The C.B. Smith Sr. Centennial Chair in US-Mexico Relations; The Batún Alpuche, Adolfo Iván Beach Geography and the Environment Labs at UT 2003 Maya Settlement Patterns and Land Use in Austin; The Center for Archaeological and Tropical Buena Vista, Cozumel, Mexico. Report submitted Studies; The Programme for Belize Archaeological to the Foundation for Mesoamerican Studies, Inc Project; The Maya Research Program and the Center (FAMSI), Crystal , Florida. for Social Science Research at the University of In press Prehistoric Albarradas at Buena Vista, Texas at Tyler; National institute of Culture and Cozumel. In The Ties the Bind and the Walls that History of Belize; and the National Center for Aerial Divide. Edited by Thomas Guderjan and Jennifer Laser Mapping at the University of Houston. Mathews. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

Acknowledgements We thank the staff of the Canuto, M.A., Estrada-Belli, F., Garrison, T.G., Houston, Institute of Archaeology not only for permitting S.D., Acuña, M.J., Kováč, M., Marken, D., Nondédéo, P., Auld-Thomas, L., Castanet, C., Chatelain, D., Chiriboga, our work, but also for being full partners in our C.R., Drápela, T., Lieskovsky, T., Tokovinine, A., work. Belize archaeology stands out in the Velasquez, A., Fernández-Díaz, J.C., Shrestha, R. world due to their efforts. We also thank the 2018 Ancient lowland Maya complexity as revealed partners and funders of the Northwest Belize by airborne laser scanning of northern Guatemala. Science 361.6409, eaau0137. LiDAR Consortium and of Maya Research http://doi.org/10.1126/science.aau0137 Program’s Blue Creek Archaeological Project and all of its supporters and participants. We Culbert, T. Patrick and Don S. Rice especially thank the University of Belize and its 1990 Population History in the Maya Lowlands, president, Dr. Clement Sankat, for our University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. partnership and the opportunity to train some of Dunning, Nicholas, John G. Jones, Timothy Beach and Belize’s next generation of archaeologists. Sheryl Luzzadder-Beach Finally, we thank the community of Blue Creek 2003 Physiography, Habitats, and Landscapes of the for their partnership and support. Three Area. In Heterarchy, Political Economy and the Ancient Maya, edited by Vernon L. Scarborough, Fred Valdez, Jr., and Nicholas References Dunning. University of Arizona Press.

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