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3.5. Administrative Staff Therese Garstenauer 3.5. Administrative Staff This chapter will describe and discuss the social position, work, and conditions of employmentofagroup that has been called ambtenaren, Beamte, chinovniki, civil servants, fonctionnaires, guān, mülkiye, quipucamayocs,and otherwise in various times and places.These terms are not synonymous, but in avery general waythey denote similar phenomena. Manyofthe terms had not come into general use before the late eighteenth century.For an overview that spans aperiod from 1500 to the present,itistherefore useful, difficult as it maybe, to find amore general term for this group. Following JosC.N.Raadschelders’ suggestion, we will use the Weber- ian term administrative staff (Verwaltungsstab), encompassing “all thoseworkingfor those in political power at all times”.¹ Thework performedbythis staff includes a wide rangeoftasks, such as clerical work, auditing and accounting,tax collection, advising the ruler,judicial activities, policing,and other public tasks, from menial activities to prestigious ones. In some of these functions, they represented the inter- face between the subjects and the ruler or the citizens and the state respectively. Aglobal history of administrative staff as such has yettobewritten, although the personnelalso figureinseminal works on the historiesofempires, bureaucracies, and public administration spanning manyepochs and cultures.² In the academic field of public administration, the necessity of comparative approacheshas been ac- knowledgedfor some time and has engendered anumber of prolific international re- search projects.Notably, from the early1990sonscholars from the universities of Leiden and Indiana have been collaboratingonthe project “Civil service systems in comparative perspective”,developing aneo-institutional conceptual basis (of which historical development is one crucial component) and empirical applications thereof.³ This chapter alsodraws on arecent volume on empires and bureaucracies which, covering an impressive rangeofcultures and time periods, looks at bureauc- JosC.N.Raadschelders, “ChangingEuropean Ideas about the Public Servant: ATheoretical and Methodological Framework”,in: Fritz Sager and Patrick Overeem (eds), TheEuropean Public Servant: AShared AdministrativeIdentity? (Colchester,2015), pp. 15–34,15. See, for example,S.N.Eisenstadt, ThePolitical Systems of Empires (London, 1963); E.N.Gladden, AHistoryofPublic Administration: From the Eleventh Centurytothe PresentDay,2vols (London, 1972); Henry Jacoby, TheBureaucratization of the World (Berkeley,CA, 1973); and Ferrell Heady, Public Administration: AComparativePerspective,6th edn (New York, 2001). Frits van der Meer, “Civil ServiceSystems in WesternEurope: An Introduction”,in: idem (ed.), Civil Service Systems in Western Europe,2nd edn (Cheltenhametc., 2011), pp. 1–11, 4. See also Hans A.G.M. Bekke,James L. Perry,and Theo A.J. Toonen (eds), Civil Service Systems in ComparativePerspective (Bloomington etc., 1996), and Sager and Overeem, European Public Servant. DOI 10.1515/9783110424584-015 298 Therese Garstenauer racies as an essential component of imperial rule.⁴ Whereas the evolution of the civil service in Europe is stronglyrelated to the growingrole of the state and the develop- ment of centralized national states,administration within empiresfollows different rules. Although this chapter is supposedtopresent aglobal view of the history of ad- ministrative staff, it will start with Max Weber’sclearlyEurocentric criteria of bureau- cratic and patrimonial rule and organization.⁵ Giventhe lack of more globallyorient- ed ones so far, these conceptswillserveasabasis. In the following section, the cases of China, the Ottoman Empire, Western Europe, Russia, and the United States,and some aspects of colonial and postcolonial administration willbeaddressed. It will thus become clear that the history of administrative staff has manyfacets,and re- search perspectivesneed to be expanded. Thisshould be done not as comparative history in atraditionalsense, but as a “history thatcompares”,i.e.“meaningful com- parisons across time and between cultures” without “sweeping the particularunder the global”.⁶ The final section will brieflyaddress developments in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, particularlythe internationalization and globalization of pub- lic administration. Patrimonial and bureaucratic rule andstaff The Weberian ideal typesofpatrimonial and bureaucratic rule and the correspond- ing staff are auseful framework for making sense of various forms of administrative staff in different contexts, not onlyfor want of aframework developed especiallyfor global history.Itis, however,crucial to understand them as ideal types, not as pre- scriptive models. Traits of both types can coexist in one context – and they do, even in today’sapparentlyhighlyrationalized European public administration (“old boys’ networks” as arecruitingground for higher public office for example).⁷ Furthermore, atransition from patrimonial organization towards modernization by meansofbu- reaucratization is not always anecessary – and necessarilysuccessful – lineardevel- opment,asexamples from late colonial administration have shown.⁸ Patrimonialism has been described as a “broad concept referringtoseveral dif- ferent types of administrative forms usuallyassociatedwith traditionalauthority,in- cludingthe use of kin, slaves, patronage,feudalism,prebendalism, local notables, Peter Crooksand TimothyH.Parsons (eds), Empires and Bureaucracy in WorldHistory: FromLate Antiquity to the Twentieth Century (Cambridge,2016). Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft,5th edn (Tübingen, 1980), pp. 124–140. Frederick Cooper, “Race,Ideology,and the Perils of Comparative History”, American Historical Re- view,101,4(1996), pp. 1122–1138, at 1135. JosC.N.Raadschelders, HandbookofAdministrativeHistory (New Brunswick, 2012), p. 160. Peter Crooksand TimothyH.Parsons, “Empires, Bureaucracy and the ParadoxofPower”,in: idem, Empires and Bureaucracy in WorldHistory,pp. 3–28,at20. 3.5. Administrative Staff 299 sale of offices,and tax farming.”⁹ The patrimonial ruler is related to his subordinates and officials through arbitrary decisions of the moment,and he grants powers to his officials, or commissions them to perform set tasks. Decisions are taken either on the basis of the authority of particularreceivedlegal norms or precedents, or entirelyas arbitrary decisionsonthe part of the ruler.Household officials and favourites are often recruitedonapurelypatrimonial basis from among slavesorserfs. Qualifica- tion for office depends upon the ruler’spersonal judgement of quality among his household officials, retainers,orfavourites,who are usuallysupported and equipped in the ruler’shousehold and from his personal stores. The ruler himself, or those who act in his name, conduct the affairs of government when and if they consider it ap- propriate.¹⁰ By contrast, the bureaucratic organization is characterized by continuous admin- istrative activity and the application of formal rules and procedures. Offices are clear and specialized, and organized in ahierarchical manner. The use of written docu- ments and an adequate supplyofmeans (desks, paper,etc.) are amatter of course. Officialsdonot own their offices and are submitted to procedures of rational disci- pline and control. Within bureaucratic organizations, office is held by individual functionaries who are subordinateand appointed, and must have expertise. They are assigned by contractual agreement in atenured (secure) position, and fulfil their office as their main or onlyjob. They work in acareer system and are rewarded with aregular monetary salary and pension,accordingtorank. Furthermore,they are promoted accordingtoseniority,and work under formal protection of their office.¹¹ Lookingathistorical examples, we naturallyfind that ideal typesnever fully apply; instead, we find combinations of more or less of the criteria mentioned above, sometimes in surprising ways.The administration of Tahuantinsuyu,the em- pire ruled by the Incas until the late sixteenth century, efficientlygathered statistical information regardingdemographics and commodities using amnemonic system of knots (quipus), mastered by specialized staff called quipucamayocs.¹² Thus, aculture without alphabetic writing achieved higher levels of information retrieval than a Edgar Kiser and Audrey Sacks, “African Patrimonialism in Historical Perspective:AssessingDecen- tralized and Privatized TaxAdministration”, TheAnnals of the American Academy of Political and So- cial Science,636 (2011), pp. 129–149, 130. See ReinhardBendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship.Studies of Our Changing Social Order (Ber- keley,CA, 1969), p. 130. This condensed list of criteria (based on Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft,pp. 124–140) was compiled by A. vanBraam, “Bureaucratiseringsgraad vandeplaatselijke bestuursorganisatie van Westzaandam ten tijde vandeRepubliek”, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis,90, 3 – 4(1977), pp. 457– 483, quoted in JosC.N.Raadschelders and Mark R. Rutgers, “The Evolution of Civil ServiceSystems”, in: Bekke et al., Civil Service Systems in ComparativePerspective,pp. 67– 99,92. Chris Given-Wilson, “Bureaucracy without Alphabetic Writing: Governing the Inca Empire, c. 1438–1532”,in: Crooksand Parsons, Empires and Bureaucracy in WorldHistory,pp. 81–101. 300 Therese Garstenauer “modern” administration such as thatinBritish colonies in Africa in the mid-twen- tieth century.¹³ China Bureaucracy is neither aEuropean invention, nor is
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