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Fundamentalism, Terrorism, and Democracy: The Case of the Gush Underground

by

Ehud Sprinzak

Hebrew University of

C3

This paper was originally presented for discussion at a colloquiwncolloquium at The Wilson Center on September 16, 1986. TheThe meetingmeeting was was made made possible possible with with support support from from thethe FordFord .

Single copies ofof this this paper paper maymay bebe obtained obtained withoutwithout chargecharge by writing to the Wilson CenterCenter at: History, an~and Program, The Wilson Center, Smithsonian Institution Building,Building, Washington,Washington, D.C. 20506.

The Table of Contents can be found at the endend of this document and alsoalso byby clicking section headings.

Introduction

This study partpart of a a largerlarger attempt to understand andand explainexplain thethe radicalizationradicalization processesprocesses that havehave taken place within democratic inin thethe last twenty-five years and that ledled non-violentnon-violent political movements toto embarkembark upon a violent coursecourse thatthat finallyfinally producedproduced terrorism. TheThe study emerged from a specific interestinterest inin thethe radicalization ofofOush (the block of the faithful), an Israeli messianicmessianic movement committedcommitted toto establishingestablishing JewishJewish settlementssettlements inin thethe WestWest BankBank (biblical(biblical JudeaJudea andand ). ItIt was espeCiallyespecially triggeredtriggered by thethe exposureexposure andand arrest, inin AprilApril 1984, of a terror groupgroup composed composed ofof highly-respected members of the movement, who since 19801980 hadhad committed several stunning acts of anti-anti­ Arab terror inin thethe WestWest Bank. The fact that the "underground"-as"underground"—as it it was was named named inin thethe press-hadpress—had alsoalso developed aa veryvery elaborateelaborate plan to blow up the Muslim Dome of the the Rock on Jerusalem'sJerusalem's Mount,

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for ideological-religious ,reasons, was of special special significance.significance. ItIt showedshowed thatthat some prominentprominent members ofof Gush Emunim, who startedstarted their careers as peaceful,peaceful; idealistic settlers, had becomebecome extremely millenarian, radicalized to the point of considering catastrophecatastrophe a meansmeans ofof achieving national and religious .redemption.

The terrorism introduced by the members of the underground waswas notnot unprecedented.unprecedented. InIn thethe 1930s and 1940s therethere existed inin IsraelIsrael (then ) two smallsmall JewishJewish undergroundWlderground groups which conducted a very sophisticated terrorterror campaign againstagainst bothboth thethe ArabsArabs andand the the British.! British). ButBut followingfollowing the establishment of the state ofIsraelof inin 1948, these movements ceased to exist. The newly-established state became terrorismterrorism-free.-free. Terrorism was, for many years, considered in IsraelIsrael a barbaric Arab practice. Very few people believed,believed, untiluntil 1980,1980, that that IsraeliIsraeli JewsJews werewere capable,capable, morally or politically, of producing terrorism.terrorism: TheThe Wldergroundunderground ofof GushGush EmunimEmunim disproveddisproved thisthis conviction.conviction. It did to what other idealistic movementsmovements did,did, inin the the lastlast threethree decades,decades, toto otherother democratic societies—taughtsocieties-taught themthem'that that their political system was notnot immuneimmune to violence andand was capablecapable of generating generating intrademocratic terrorism.

This study was stimulatedstimulated byby thethe generalgeneral desiredesire toto understandunderstand the psycho-politicalpsycho-political mechanisms that produce terrorism withinwithin aa democracy,democracy, aa politicalpolitical systemsystem usuallyusually notnot associatedassociated with this typetype of action.

This general interestinterest was translated into five specific researchresearch questions regardingregarding Gush Emunim.

(1) What were the historical conditions that led to the radicalization of Gush EmunimEmWlim and to the emergence ofof the the underground? underground?

(2) What were the ideological predicaments of Gush EmunimEmWlim thatthat mademade itit possible possible forfor somesome of its members to consider violence asas aa necessarynecessary andand legitimatelegitiuiate means for achieving theirtheIr goals?

(3) How waswas the the underground undergroWld formedformed andand what was thethe naturenature of the the behavioralbehavioral transformationtransformation that led its young andand idealistic membersmembers toto becomebecome committed committed terrorists? terrorists?

(4) How diddid thethe groupgroup operate? What forms of terrorism terrorism did it carry out?out? HowHow werewere these forms of terror terror perceived andand justified by the members of the group? '

(5) Where and how does thethe casecase ofof the the Gush Gush Emunim EmWlim undergroundWlderground fit into our general understanding ofof social and withinwithin democratic societies?societies?

The answers to these questions bebe presentedpresented in three descriptive sections:sections: History, and Terrorism. AA final analytical section will trytry to place the lesson learnedlearned from the study of the Gush 'EmunimEmunim underground within a broader theoreticaltheoretical perspective.

History,

The Emergence of Gush Emunim

Gush Emunim was officially born born inin 19741974 as as a a reaction reaction to to thethe YomYom Kippur Kippur War.War. ButBut the spiritual inspiration for thethe newnew movement came directly out of the events ofofIsrael's Israel's previous conflict, the Six-

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Day War of 1967. 1967. Israel'sIsrael's swiftswift victory, victory, whichwhich brought brought aboutabout thethe reunificationreunification of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, the returnreturn to Israel of biblical JudeaJudea and Samaria (the(the WestWest Bank),Bank), thethe conquestconquest ofof Sinai, and thethe takeovertakeover ofof the Golan. , was perceived by many Israelis as an unworldlyunworldly event.event. TheyThey simplysimply couldcould notbelievenot believe it was aUall real. Zionist religious were especially stunned.stunned. The new eventevent did not square with thethe nonmessianic,nonmessianic, pragmatic stand they had maintainedmaintained forfor years;years. ItIt mustmust have have been been aa . miracle. TheThe GodGod ofIsraelof Israel hadhad onceonce I again showed his might. He camecame to thethe rescue of his peoplepeople inin theirtheir worstworst moment offearof fear and anxietyanxiety and, as in the days of old, turnedturned an unbearable situationsituation upside upside down. down. InIn one one strikestrike he he placed placed thethe wholewhole traditional Eretz Yisrael-theYisrael—the object ofof andand yearningsyearnings of of thousandsthousands of of years-inyears—in thethe handshands ofof hishis loyal servants. .

But while most ofof the the nation,nation, including the religious community, was stillstill shockedshocked andand overwhelmed.,overwhelmed, there was one small religiousreligious schoolschool thatthat was not.not. This schoolschool centeredcentered aroundaround Yeshivat Merkaz ha- in Jerusalem and aroundaround the the theology of of thethe KookKook .family. TheThe headhead of of thethe ,Yeshiva, ZviZvi Yehuda Kook, who succeededsucceeded thethe founderfounder ofof the the schoolschool (his(his revered revered fatherfather Rabbi AvrahamAvraham YitzhakYitzhak ha-Cohen Kook), was intenselyintensely preoccupiedpreoccupied withwith thethe incorporationincorporation of the entire Eretz Yisrael into thethe statestate ofof Israel. HisHis dreams were widely shared with his devoted students and werewere discusseddiscussed inin manymany courses and halakhic deliberations.~deliberations:2 Following thethe teaching of his father, and thethe beliefbelief thatthat ours ours is is aa messianicmessianic ageage inin which the Land ofIsrael,of Israel, in its entirety, is to be reunited, Rabbi ZviZvi YehudaYehuda KookKook leftleft no doubt inin the hearts of his students that inin theirtheir lifetimeslifetimes theythey werewere toto seesee the great e\,'ent.event. DistinctDistinct from the restrest ofof the religious community,community, thethe studentstudent body ofofMerkaz Merkaz ha-Rav was mentally and intellectually ready to absorb the consequences of the the Six-Day War—butWar-but not before witnessing a unique, seeminglyseemingly miraculous event.

On the eve of Independence Independence Day inin MayMay 1967,1967, graduatesgraduates of the the Yeshiva metmet atat Merkaz ha-Rav for an almnnialumni reunion. AsAs was his custom, Rabbi ZviZvi Yehuda KookKook delivereddelivered aa festivefestive sermon,sermon, inin thethe midstmidst ofof which his quiet voice suddenly rose, and he bewailed the partition of of historichistoric Eretz Eretz Yisrael.J. Yisraet. His faithful students were led to believe thatthat thisthis situationsituation was intolerableintolerable and must notnot last.last. WhenWhen threethree weeksweeks later, . in June 1967, theythey foundfound themselvesthemselves citizenscitizens ofof an an enlargedenlarged statestate of Israel, Israel, the~e graduates of Merkaz ha­ha- Rav were convinced thatthat a genuine spiritspirit of prophecy had come overover theirtheir rabbi on that IndependenceIndependence Day.

In one a flame had beenbeen lit and thethe conditionsconditions mademade riperipe forfor imparting imparting the the political political ideology ideology ofof Eretz YisraelYisrael toto aa widerwider religiousreligious public,public, especiallyespecially youngyoung ZionistZionist religiousreligious Jews.Jews. TheThe disciplesdisciples of Rabbi Kook became equippedequipped with unshakable confidence in the divine authority ofof their cause.cause. They consequently transformedtransformed a widewide religious community into a radical politicalpolitical constituency:constituency. According to the new ideo-theology, thethe entireentire historic Land ofIsraelof Israel wouldwould havehave toto be annexed,annexed, immediately, toto the State of Israel, Israel, whether by militarymilitary actionaction oror by by settlement settlement and and the the legal legal extension extension ofof Israeli sovereignty.

The new theology ofofEretz Eretz Yisrael,Yisrael, andand thethe political spiritspirit associated with it, had one problem. The secular ofIsraelof Israel did not share itsits convictionsconvictions and its messianic interpretation of of .politics. Pragmatic considerations prevailed, and SamariaSamaria were were notnot annexed, annexed, andand Jewish Jewish settlementsettlement inin thethe new territories was hesitant andand slow.slow. A core group of the future Gush Gush Emunim,Emunim, Elon -whoseMoreh—whose founders first formulatedformulated thethe settlementsettlement operationaloperational ideology-was ideology—was preparingpreparing itself itself diligently diligently toto settlesettle inin . .the midst of ArabArab populatedpopulated Samaria.Samaria.i4 Otherwise, littlelittle waswas takingtaking place.place. TheThe successfulsuccessful establishmentestablishment ofof Kiryat , aa Jewish city adjacent to , was started illicitlyillicitly and then authorized by the government. This strategy clearlyclearly showedshowed thethe directiondirection toto follow.follow. However,However, not untiluntil afterafter the the 19731973 YomYom Kippur WarWar did did these these people people feelfeel a needneed toto organize politically.politically. AmidArnid the the gloomy gloomy publicpublic moodmood occasioned byby thethe firstfirst territorialterritorial concessionsconcessions in the (required byby thethe disengagementdisengagement agreement with ), thethe foundersfounders ofof Gush Gush EmunimEmunim determineddetermined toto opposeoppose further further territorialterritorial concessions andand promotepromote the extension ofof Israeli Israeli sovereignty overover thethe occupied territories.territories.

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The founding meeting ofof Gush Gush EmunimEmunim tooktook placeplace inin MarchMarch 19741974 atat KfarKfar Etzion, a Bank that hadhad beenbeen seizedseized by the in the War of Independence and recoveredrecovered byby IsraelIsrael inin thethe Six-DaySix-Day War. ThisThis meeting had beenbeen preceded byby infonnalinformal discussionsdiscussions in which leading roles had beenbeen playedplayed by fonnerformer students ofof Rabbi Kook. At first, Gush Emunim \Vaswas a faction within the National Religious PartyParty (NRP), whichwhich atat thatthat time was aa partner inin thethe laborlabor coalitioncoalition govenunent.government. DistrustfulDistrustful ofof the NRP's position concerningconcerning thethe futurefuture of Judea Judea and Samaria, thethe GushGush peoplepeople soon left thethe party and declared their movement'smovement's independence. SinceSince then, they have refused toto identifyidentify withwith any political party and havehave gainedgained a unique political status, a combination of pioneering settlement organization, powerful pressure group, and wild extraparliamentaryextraparliamentary movement.movement. ThisThis combination of inner and outer systemic operationoperation proved highly effective andand fruitful.fruitful.~2

UnderUnder the Labor-led govenunentgovernment ofYitzhakof Yitzhak RabinRabin (1974-77),(1974-77), Gush Emunim pursued threethree typestypes ofof activity: it protested the interim agreements with Egypt and ; it staged demonstrations in Judea and Samaria to underscore thethe Jewish attachment toto thosethose parts ofEretzof Eretz YisraelYisrael (the(the LandLand ofof Israel, oror biblicalbiblical Palestine); and it carried out settlement operations in the occupied territories.territories.

The most controversial issue pursuedpursued by Gush Emunim was the demand toto settlesettle thethe denselydensely populated Arab Samaria. BasingBasing its claim on 's promise to somesome 5,000 years earlier, Gush Emunim challenged the government'sgovenunent's pragmatic AllonAllon plan toto avoid Jewish settlement in Samaria atat allall costs.costs. TheThe result was a political power struggle which ended,ended, surprisingly,surprisingly, with Emunim's success.success. Through countleSscountless illicit settlementsettlement effortsefforts andand streetstreet demonstrations, thethe youngyoung pioneerspioneers ofof Gush Emunim gotgot .what they wanted: several semiofficial settlementssettlements inin Samaria,Samaria, the heartland ofof historic Eretz Yisrael.Yisrael.

The victory in the electionselections of May .19771977 andand the declarationdeclara,tion ofof thejximetheprime minister designate thatthat "we will have manymany more Elon Morehs"Morebs" induced GushGush EmunimEmunim leadersleaders to to believe believe in all sincerity thatthat their extralegal period was over.§-over.2 And And indeedindeed the the new new regimeregime accordedaccorded themthem fullfull legitimacy. They werewere allowedallowed toto settlesettle Samaria. Samaria. Their settlement organization, ,Amana, waswas legitimizedlegitimized as an official settlement movement. Many of them welcomed this official acceptanceacceptance and were happy to shed their extremist image.

But Gush Emunim diddid not rejoice for long.long. Despite the Gush's expectations,expectations, the governmentgovernment diddid notnot comecome up with a large-scale settlement program. TheThe constraintsconstraints ofof dailydaily poJicymaking,policymaking, Begin'sBegin's failing health, and especially the pressures of the the American government all began to leave theirtheir mark on the cabinet. The government was still sympathetic—Ministersympathetic-Minister of Agriculture Sharon diddid notnot concealconceal hishis affection for GushGush Emunim—butEmunim-but itit graduallygradually became clearclear thatthat even underWlder a Likud administration itit might have to use thethe extralegalextralegal tactics itit hadhad devised duringduring the Rabin regime.

f'

The Emergence of the Underground

September 17, 1978, waswas thethe lowestlowest pointpoint inin thethe shortshort history of Gush Emunim. MenachemMenachem Begin,Begin, . Israel's primeprime minister,minister, signedsigned the CampCamp DavidDavid AccordsAccords withwith EgyptEgypt andand thethe UnitedUnited States,States, leavingleaving Emunim's peoplepeople stunned and inin disbelief.disbelief. His agreement to return all all of of SinaiSinai toto thethe ,Egyptians, asas wellwell as his of the the Autonomy PlanPlan (for the of the and Ghaza),Ghaza), was inconceivable toto them.them. ForFor many years, these people had ledled themselvesthemselves to believe that Begin, thethe great champion ofofWldivided undivided EretzEretz Yisrael, waswas theirtheir bestbest insuranceinsurance against territorial compromisecompromise withwith thethe Arabs. Most of them them were notnot Begin'sBegin's traditionaltraditional supporters butbut came came to to identify identify with with him him politically. politically. HisHis commitments toto havehave "many"many moremore ElonElon Morehs"Morehs" had for them a special appeal.

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The Camp Accords presentedpresented to GushGush EmunimEmunirn a challenge of unprecedented unprecedented magnitude. The accords signified a.ahurnan (Begin)(Begin) error capablecapable ofof stopping, or at leastleast halting,halting, anan inevitableinevitable divinedivine process, the process of redemption. redemption. How were they,they. membersmembers of a young and inexperienced political movement, toto respond?respond? EvenEven theirtheir elderlyelderly rabbisrabbis were not sure, and most of the reactions indicated despair and confusion.1confusion.2 For a while it looked as if Gush Gush EmunimEmunirn would fold. . .

The most extreme reaction to the Camp 'DavidDavid Accords was not known until the April 1984 arrest of the members of the the GushGush EmunimEmunim underground.underground. When it was firstfirst apprehended, and a longlong time after the beginning ofof its its trial,trial, the group was considered an ad hoc terror teamteam aimedaimed at avenging PLO terrorism. However, itit isis nownow establishedestablished thatthat thethe firstfirst contacts of the leaders ofof the group tooktook placeplace latelate inin 1978 and had nothingnothing to dodo with revenge against Arab terrorism.terrorism. The The only only issueissue onon theirtheir agendaagenda waswas blowingblowing up what they called the —theabomination-the Muslim Dome ofof the the Rock:aRock.~ The ideaidea.was was brought up byby two remarkable individuals,individuals, YeshuaYeshua BenBen Shoshan andand YehudaYehuda Etzion.Etzion. BothBoth men,men, althoughalthough closely closely affiliated with Gush EmunimEmunirn and its settlement , were nevertheless not typical members. More thanthan mostmost ofof their colleagues, theythey werewere intenselyintensely preoccupiedpreoccupied withwith thethe mysteries of the the processprocess ofof regeneration regeneration thatthat was about to bring the Jewish People—perhapsPeople-perhaps in their ownown lifetime-tolifetime—to its redemption.

The Kabbalistic Ben ShoshanShosban andand thethe Zealot EtzionEtzion broughtbrought the disappointment ofof Gush Emunim from the to its peak. Literally messianic, the twotwo convinced themselves thatthat the historical setback must have had a deeperdeeper causecause thanthan Begin'sBegin's simplesimple weakness.weakness. It was a direct signalsignal from that a majormajor nationalnational offenceoffence was committed, a that was responsible for the political disaster and its immense spiritual consequences. OnlyOnly oneone prominentprominent act of could match the magnitude of the setback: the presence of the and their onon TempleTemple Mount,Mount, thethe holiestholiest JewishJewish site,site, the place of the the first,first, secondsecond andand thirdthird (future) .2

It is not precisely clear when the group was seriously solidified byby thethe two,two, andand under what conditions. But the most important developmentdevelopment in those early years certainly took place in Yehuda Etzion's . This energetic youngyoung manman discovereddiscovered thethe writingswritings ofof an an unknown unknown ultranationalistultranationalist thinker Shabtai BenBen Dov. BenBen Dov, Dov, who who for for years years was was an an unimportant unimportant officialofficial inin Israel'sIsrael's MinistryMinistry of Industry Industry and Commerce, developed inin totaltotal isolationisOlation aa grandgrand theory of active national redemption. AmongAmong other notions,notions, the new theory brought lifelife into such ideas as the resumption ofof thethe biblicalbiblical kingdomkingdom ofIsraelof Israel and thethe buildingbuilding ofof the .temple. The man wrote about territorial expansion,expansion, national moral expurgation, and the establishment of Jewish lawlaw inin Israel.Israel. DrawingDrawing onon thethe almostalmost forgottenforgotten traditiontradition of ultranationalist poet Uri Zvi Grinberg, but withwith a post-1967post-1967 religious enthusiasm, Ben DovDov dareddared to think the unthinkable-aunthinkable—a total and concrete transformation ofof thethe nationnation intointo aa sacredsacred people people andand a a holy holy state. state. No No one,one, includingincluding Gush Emunim ,rabbis, hadhad done done it it before. before. Etzion, Etzion, who who only only slowlyslowly absorbed hishis newnew discoverydiscovery of the writings of Ben Dov, decideddecided toto devotedevote himselfhimself completely completely to to theirtheir publication.publication.lQ 1D ByBy 1979, Ben Dov was dead after a long illness. ButBut in thethe mind ofYehudaof Yehuda Etzion, his ideas were very much alive.

Some time earlyearly in 19801980 aa secretsecret meetingmeeting waswas convenedconvened byby YehudaYehuda EtzionEtzion andand his friend Menachem Livni. The meeting was attended by by eight eight men.!! men. This This was was the the first first timetime inin whichwhich thethe Temple MountMount operation was spelled out inin greatgreat detail. The main speaker waswas YehudaYehuda Etzion,Etzion, whowho presented hishis new redemption theology in itsits grandgrand contours. Etzion told the group thatthat thethe removalremoval of of thethe MuslimMuslim mosquesmosques would sparkspark a new lightlight inin thethe nationnation andand wouldwould triggertrigger aa majormajor spiritual . He appearedappeared convinced thatthat the operation wouldwould solvesolve once and for all the problemsproblems ofof thethe peOplepeople ofIsrael.of Israel. His tone and were prophetic and messianic.12ll The other speakers werewere moremore cautious.cautious. They raised technical as well asas substantialsubstantial political questions. Some diddid not believe thethe could bebe tackledtackled operationally,operationally. and others worried about thethe political and international consequences. consequences. MenachemMenachem Livni,Livni, a Hebron engineerengineer and captain in the reserves who emerged as the operational head of the group and the mostmost considerate and balanced person, agreed with Etzion inin principle.principle. HeHe was,was, however,however, apprehensive about thethe immenseimmense file://D:\Textbookfile:IID:\Textbook CD\CD\10-Cases\Fundamentalism, 1O-Cases\Fundamentalism, Terrorism, Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of of ...... 11/9/2011

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May of 1980 1980 was was a a critical critical monthmonth forfor thethe evolutionevolution ofof the the JewishJewish underground.underground. On , MayMay 3,3, aa group of yeshiva studentsstudents returningreturning to Hadassah House inin HebronHebron from a waswas firedfired uponupon by Arabs at close range.range. SixSix studentsstudents dieddied instantlyinstantly and several others were wounded. The attack waswas not an isolated case. It came againstagainst the background ofof growinggrowing anti-Jewish"violenceanti-Jewistfviolence in HebronHebron and in other parts of Judea and Samaria. TIleThe settler community was certain that thethe attackattack waswas mastermindedmasterminded byby the Palestinian National Guidance CommitteeCommittee inin JudeaJudea and Samaria, an unofficialunofficial PLO front orgariizationorganization which was allowed byby Defense Defense Minister Minister Ezer WeizmanWeizman toto operateoperate almost freely. It was generally felt that only a massive settlersettler retaliation could put thingsthings backback inin order. order. Following Following two two unofficial unofficial meetingsmeetings inin , attended byby thethe communalcommunal rabbis,rabbis, it it was was decided decided toto act.act. MenachemMenachem Livni,Livni, aa locallocal resident, knew whom toto contact—hiscontact-his friend friend andand partner partner in the planned operationoperation atat thethe TempleTemple Mount,Mount, YehudaYehuda Etzion.4114 Instead Instead of of committing committing a aretaliatory retaliatory mass mass murder, murder, inin the custom ofof Arab Arab terrorists, the twotwo decided to strikestrike at the top. The cars of five Arab leaders most active in the National Guidance Committee were to be blown up. The plan was to injure thesethese peoplepeople severelyseverely without killingkilling them. TheThe invalid leaders were to remain aa livingliving symbol for a longlong timetime toto come.come.

The "mayors affair" was was crownedcrowned withwith partialpartial success. success. Two Two ofof thethe leadersleaders involved,involved, MayorMayor BassamBassam Shakaa of NabNablus Ius and Mayor Karim KhalefofRamalla,Ithalef of Ramalla, werewere instantlyinstantly crippled.crippled. Two Two othersothers werewere savedsaved when the demolition teamsteams failedfailed toto wirewire theirtheir cars:cars~ The fifth case ended with an Israeli tragedy. TheThe mayor ofEIof Bireht whose garage was also up to explode,explode, was not at home.home. AA policepolice demolition expert rushed to the placeplace [and] hadhad mistakenlymistakenly activatedactivated the the explosive explosive device.device. He was seriously wounded and blinded. .

While thethe "mayors"mayors affair" hadhad nono directdirect relationrelation toto thethe paradigmaticparadigmatic idea idea of of thethe group,group, the the Temple Temple MountMount plot, it apparently boosted the spiritsspirits of the the plotters,plotters, forfor the settlers in Judea and Samaria applauded it overwhelmingly. TheThe groupgroup thusthus resumedresumed preparations forfor its its assault assault on on the the Dome Dome ofof the Rock.Rock. Indeed, Etzion, who masterminded the plant andand Livni,Livni, anan expertexpert on on explosives. explosives, studied and the Dome of the the RockRock inin minute detail for two years. Following dozens of surveillance hikes to the mount, a careful construction study ofof the , and thethe thefttheft ofof aa hugehuge quantityquantity of of explosivesexplosives from a camp in the Golan Heights, a full attackattack plan was worked out.out. Twenty-eightTwenty-eight precisionprecision bombsbombs werewere . manufactured toto destroydestroy the Dome without causing any damage to its surroundings.surroundings~ TheThe architectsarchitects ofof the operation planned to approach the placeplace silently butwerebut were ready toto kill the guards ifif necessary. For that purpose they purchased special Uzi silencerssilencers andand gas canisters. More than twenty people were to take part in the operatiolLoperation.11ll Since the time of the the final IsraeliIsraeli evacuation ofof thethe JewishJewish settlements inSinaiin Sinai agreed upon in the treaty was approachingapproaching rapidly, the operation,operation, whichwhich could prevent it and reversereverse thethe . whole peace process, waswas toto taketake placeplace nono laterlater than early 19821982. . ./ The underground suffered,suffered, however,however, from one major drawback.drawback. None None of of thethe individualsindividuals involved,involved, including Etzion, Livni,Livni, andand BenBen Shoshan, Shoshan, waswas anan authoritativeaUthoritative rabbi. The question of a rabbinical authority hadhad alreadyalready comecome upup inin thethe firstfirst meeting meeting inin 1980.1980. MostMost ofof the members ofof the group mademade it clear that theythey could not operate without the blessing of a recognized rabbi.rabbi. But all the rabbis the groupgroup approached, including Gush Emunim's mentor RabbiRabbi ZviZvi YehudaYehuda Kook,Kook, refusedrefused toto grant theirtheir blessings. blessings. It isis not clear how much of the the planned strike hadhad beenbeen spelledspelled outout toto thesethese authorities.authorities. ButBut Livni,Livni, whowho needed the rabbinical approval, waswas left with no doubt. HeHe did not have a green lightlight. When the final date of decision arrived,arrived, itit waswas patentlypatently clearclear that only two individuals were ready to proceed, the originators of the idea, EtzionEtzion andand Ben Shoshan.Shoshan. TheThe grandgrand plan had toto bebe shelved. ,

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The indefinite postponment in 19821982 ofof the the Temple Temple Mount Mount operation operation signifiedsignified a a major major breakbreak in the short history of the the Gush EmunimEmunim underground.underground. It meant,meant, for allall practical purposes,purposes, thethe removalremoval ofof the millennarian part ofof the plan-theplan—the aspect so attractive and deardear toto EtzionEtzion an,dand BenBen Shoshan-fromShoshan—from the agenda. It is therefore not surprising that whenwhen the undergroundunderground struck struck again again in in July July 1983, 1983, thethe twotwo playedplayed minor roles. The operation took place in the Islamic college ofof Hebron Hebron in response to thethe murder ofof a Yeshiva student.student. It was deadly. FollowingFollowing an an open open attack attack onon thethe school,school, justjust afterafter itsits noon break,break, three .studentsstudents were killed and 33 wounded. While logisticallogistical support support waswas providedprovided byby formerformer group members, the operation itself was carriedcarried out by three men who were not involved inin thethe "mayors"mayors affair." AllAll three were extremist settlers in Hebron recruited byby MenachemMenachem LivniLivni (who(who masterminded thethe action).action). The attack was not as sophisticated asas the firstfirst butbut otherwise otherwise followed followed thethe samesame .logic. It waswas wagedwaged in response to a growing wave ofof anti-Jewish anti-Jewish violence,violence, culminatingculminating inin thethe murdermurder of a Yeshiva student in broad daylight. It expressed fatalism and a growing frustration withwith the government'sgovernment's inabilityinability toto defend the settlers, and it was approvedapproved by rabbinicalrabbinical authorities.authorities.16 It was followedfollowed by some smaller actsacts ofof terrorism.

The emerging Hebronite fatalism was most visible inin thethe lastlast majormajor operation of the group, the one meant to be thethe most devastating. InIn a response to a new wavewave of of Arab Arab terrorism—thisterrorism-this time not in Hebron but in JerusalemJerusalem. and nearnear --Shaul Ashkelon—Shaul Nir, the most aggressive member of the underground, becamebecame impatient. This young man considered the earlier attackattack on on the the Islamic Islamic college college a great success.success. Determined to make it a model operation, he managed to the local rabbis that anotheranother decisivedecisive strike was needed.il-needed.l1 ArmedArmed withwith theirtheir authority,authority, he prevailed over the unsure Livni and made hirilhim plan an unprecedented brutalbrutal act. act. Five Five ArabArab buses buses full full of of passengerspassengers werewere to.beto be blownblown up inin revengerevenge for similar attacks on Israeli buses by PalestinianPalestinian terrorists. TheThe buses buses werewere toto explodeexplode on Friday atat 4:304:30 p.m.,p.m.,. atat a time and place Jews were not expected onon thethe road.road .

. The explosive devicesdevices were were placed placed under under the the busses'busses' fuelfuel tankstanks to cause maximum damage and casualties.casualties.!8.1-4 Every detail was takentaken carecare ofof ...... exceptexcept one. By 1984 thethe IsraeliIsraeli Secret Service had finallyfinally spotted the Hebron group. Immediately after thethe completioncompletion ofof the wiring, the whole group was arrested,arrested, bringing the secretive partpart of the story of the the firstfirst Gush Emunim underground toto itsits end.end. TheThe open part ofof the tale continues. Ever since thethe exposure of the the group, a fierce debate about itsits legitimacylegitimacy and itsits significance hashas beenbeen conductedconducted continuouslycontinuously withinwithin GushGush Emunim.Emunim.

IdeologyIdeololY

Gush Emunim:Emuniin: BetweenBetweeD MessiaailmMessianism and FundamentalismFUDdameotaUsm

A thorough examination of the spiritual worldworld ofof GushGush Emunim,Emunim, which which includesincludes itsits theology,theology, politicalpolitical ideology, andand modes of behavior, suggestssuggests thatthat the the movement movement is is both both messianicl2 messianic and and finidamentalist.fundamentalist.2o22 It is messianic because itit maintainsmaintains that ours isis a messianicmessianic age in which 'redemptionredemption isis a relevant 'concept concept and a possible historical event. ItIt is fundamentalistfundamentalist because it readsreads the entire historical realityreality of our time, includingincluding thethe indicationsindications for for redemption,redemption, throughthrough thethe sacredsacred scripturesscriptures of the the and the andarid prescribes on this basis a proper mode of behavior for its members and for the nation.

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The relation between the messianic componentcomponent ofof Gush Gush EmunimEmunim andand the fundamentalist element in the movement may well bebe illuminated illuminated byby comparingcomparing the of the the two spiritualspiritual founding fathers ofof the movement, Rabbi AvrahamA vraham Yitzhak ha-Cohen Kook-theKook—the man whowho before his inin 1935 established Yeshivat Mercaz ha-Ray—andha-Rav-and his son Rabbi ZviZvi Yehuda Kook,Kook, whowho succeeded him in the . Yeshiva andand lived longlong enoughenough toto usherusher in Gush Emunim as a political and sOcialsocial movement. RabbiRabbi KookKook the father, by far thethe moremore original thinkerthinker ofof thethe two,two, believed that the eraera ofof redemptionredemption ofof thethe JewishJewish people hadhad already begun. It was, he said, marked byby the riserise ofof modernmodem the , and the growing Zionist enterprise in Palestine.I!Palestine.a Kook's Kook's interpretation interpretation of redemption was original and daring. It signified an immense deviation fromfrom the traditional JewishJewish beliefbelief tl)atthat thethe messiahmessiah couldcould onlyonly come throughthrough the single metahistoricalmetahistorical appearanceappearance of anan individual redeemer. And there werewere clearly some elementselements ofof heresy in in the the new new interpretation, interpretation, forfor itit assigned aa holy andand redemptive status to the secular Zionists--theZionists—the modem,modern, nonobservingnonobserving Jews.Jews. Kook'sKook's argumentargument that thethe laylay ZionistsZionists werewere unknowingly God'sGod's true emissaries did not win him much support. ThisThis distinguisheddistinguished man,man, thethe firstfirst chiefchief Rabbi of the Jewish community in Palestine, waswas constantlyconstantly castigatedcastigated by thethe anti-Zionistanti-Zionist ultra-ultra­ .

But Kook the fatherfather never advocated political fundamentalismfundamentalism or "operative ." Writing in the 1920s andand 1930s, hehe whollywholly supported supported the vision of the secular Zionist movement,movement, oneone ofof slow and prudent progressprogress towardstowards independence.independence. HeHe diddid notnot establishestablish aa politicalpolitical movementmovement and diddid notnot callcall for a policymaking processprocess basedbased onon aa dailydaily readingreading of the the Torah. The theology that was studied for years in Yeshivat Mercaz ha-Rav had riono immediate consequences and made nono exclusivistexclusivist political demands. . . Israel's victoryvictory inin thethe Six-Day War transformed thethe statusstatus of of Kook'sKook's theology. theology. SuddenlySuddenly itit becamebecame clear to his studentsstudents thatthat they were indeed living inin thethe .age. OrdinaryOrdinary as~edassumed a sacred aspect; every event possessed theologicaltheological meaningmeaning andand waswas partpart of the metahistorical processprocess ofof redemption. -22 Though shared byby manymany religiousreligious authorities,authorities, the the view view was was mostmost effectivelyeffectively expounded byby Kook's son, Rabbi Zvi Yehuda. This man, who before 19671967 waswas onlyonly an an unknownunknown interpreterinterpreter ofof hishis father's writings,writings, becamebecame a of a fundamentalist movementmovement.ll22 He defined the state ofIsraelof Israel as thethe halakhic kingdom ofoflsrael Israel and the kingdom ofIsraelof Israel as the kingdom of heaven on earth. Every living inin IsraelIsrael was holy; all phenomena,phenomena, even thethe secular,Secular, were inbued with holiness.holiness.-24 Not only Kook's students but the restrest ofof the nation waswas expected to recognize thethe immenseimmense transformationtransformation and toto behave accordingly. The governmentgoverrunent ofofIsrael Israel waswas countedcounted uponupon toto conductconduct itsits affairs,affairs, or at least part ofof them.them, according to 'Maimonides' "rules"rules of kings" kings" andand to be judged by thesethese rulesrules andand byby Torah Torah prescriptions.-prescriptions.122-1

The single mostmost importantimportant conclusion of the the new theologytheology hadhad toto dodo withwith EretzEretz Yisrael, the . The land--everyland-every grain grain of of its its soil—was soil-was declared declared holy holy in in a a fundamental fimdamental sense.sense. TheThe conqueredconquered territories ofof Judea and SamariaSamaria hadhad becomebecome inalienable and nonnegotiable,nonnegotiable, not asas a resultresult ofof political or security reasoning, but because GodGod hadhad promised them to Abraham 5,000 years earlier, and becausebecause thethe identity of the the nation was shapedshaped by this promise.promise.~1§ Redemption could only take place in the context of greater Eretz Yisrael, and territorial withdrawalwithdrawal meant meant forfeiting forfeiting redemption.redemption. The The ideologists ideologists ofof Gush Emunim ruled that thethe Gush had toto becomebecome a settlement movement because settlingsettling JudeaJudea and Samaria waswas the most meaningful actact ofof human human participationparticipation in the process of redemption. redemption.

The messianic enthusiasmenthusiasm of Gush Gush Emunim,Emunim, and the conviction of the spiritual headsheads ofof the movementmovement that redemptionredemption waswas at hand, greatlygreatly shapedshaped thethe operativeoperative ideology ideology ofof the movement. In fact, it shaped the lack of such ideology.ideology. TheThe heads heads ofof the the movement,movement, mostlymostly rabbis,rabbis; were very excited about thethe . government of Israel Israel that had commandedcommanded thethe armyarmy toto itsits greatestgreatest victoryvictory ever.ever. FollowingFollowing Rabbi Kook's theology, theythey werewere certain certain thatthat thethe government was the legitimate representative ofof the kingdom oflsraelof Israel in thethe making. 2722 Their job,job, according to this interpretation, waswas notnot toto contestcontest thethe goverrunentgovernment but toto settle Judea and Samaria and toto makemake sure that,that, onon thethe criticalcritical issueissue ofof the territories, thethe nationnation diddid notnot gogo

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. astray. That isis the why Gush Emunim was, for many years, equivocal andand unclear on three critical political issues: the Arabs, democracy, and the rule of . However, over the years the members ofof the movement discovered,discovered, toto their their greatgreat dismay,dismay, thatthat the rest of the was notnot as enthusiasticenthusiastic about their prescriptions. There were too many Palestinians in the West Bank who were not thrilled aboutabout becomingbecoming passive observersobservers ofof the the Jewish Jewish regeneration regeneration in in "Judea "Judea and Samaria." ThereThere werewere tootoo manymany IsraelisIsraelis whowho were happier with their imperfect democracy than withwith thethe mysticalmystical and unclearunclear visionvision ofof halakhic redemption. And most important ofof all,all, therethere was was anan officiallyofficially electedelected government whosewhose heads were either not enthusiasticenthusiastic about settlingsettling allall thethe WestWest BankBank or,or, eveneven ifif theythey were, felt greatly bound byby thethe law of the the landland and by Israel's international obligations.obligations. '

The result of the encounter of Gush Emunim with the political reality of the world has beenbeen a very confused andand unsystematic operative ideology. WhileWhile thethe leadersleaders ofof the the GushGush wantedwanted to maintain the constructive andand altruistic posture they started with, they realized that redemptionredemption couldcould not be reached without pain. They furthermore furthermore discovered that that theirtheir fundamentalistfundamentalist naturenature required that theythey draw their political inspirationinspiration not from the experience ofof the the democraticdemocratic WestWest butbut fromfrom thethe of the Torah and the 12th century luminary Maimonides. The results have been very, significant.significant. TheThe Palestinian Arabs, according to Gush Emunim, do not constitute a nation andand areare not not entitled entitled to to collective politicalpolitical in Eretz Yisrael. The land isis not theirs. TheThe bestbest theythey cancan hopehope forfor isis toto getget the individualindividual rightsrights ofof what the Torah callscalls "stranger alien, alien," "the the alien alien who who fully fully recognizesrecognizes thethe hegemonyhegemony of the Jewish nation, and is consequently allowed to have full individualindividual residence rights. But ifif thethe JewishJewish hegemonyhegemony is not recognized andand upheldupheld chapterchapter and verse, then the Palestinians have to be treatedtreated today as the Canaanites were treated in the old days: either be subdued and subjectedsubjected in Eretz YisraelYisrael oror bebe evicted.~evicted.21

Gush Emunim's positionposition on democracy and thethe rulerule oflawof law is equally equivocal. In principle, democracy is bound to give wayway toto halakhahalakha , but thisthis doesdoes not havehave toto taketake placeplace now.now. IfIf thethe governmentgovernment ofof Israel fulfills itsits prescribed duties—settlingduties-settling all thethe landland and making no territorial concessions concessions to the Arabs—thenArabs-then democracy and thethe prevailingprevailing legallegal systemsystem maymay bebe allowedallowed toto function. ButBut ifif conflictconflict between democracydemocracy andand ZionismZionism (a(a la la Gush Gush Emunim)Emunim) erupts,erupts, then Zionism takes precedence and extralegal action becomes legitimate.legitimate. TheThe modernmodem state ofoflsrael Israel was not established, according to Emunim's ideologists, inin orderorder to have anotheranother legal democracy underunder the sun. Two thousand years after its destruction it was revived for only one purpose,purpose, toto redeemredeem the nation and eventuallyeventually thethe world. The prescription for this redemption is not written inin the charter of of thethe UnitedUnited Nations,Nations, itit isis writ large inin the Torah, the bookbook ofbooks.of .1222

Yehuda EtzionEaion and the TheolostvTheology of Active Redemption

One topic that never was on the agenda of Gush Emunim was the destruction ofof El Sharif, the Muslim Dome ofof the the Rock.Rock. WhileWhile many many membersmembers ofof this this movementmovement werewere greatlygreatly disturbed byby the "desecrating" presence presence of of thethe Muslims-onMuslims—on thethe placeplace toto whichwhich eveneven most Jews were not allowedallowed to enter—almostenter-almost none of them thought of blowing up the shrine. TheThe feelingfeeling of unease was.was a product ofof the paradoxical situation created in 1967. WhileWhile thethe reunificationreunification ofof Jerusalem Jerusalem signified thethe nation'snation's returnreturn to its holiest place after 2,000 years,years, itit alsoalso ruinedruined for much of this achievement. The government of Israel, acting out of its sovereign will,will, decideddecided that that TempleTemple MountMount must remain, for reasons of political prudence,prudence, in Muslim hands.

The fundamentalist members of Gush Emuntm managed toto live with the paradox becausebecause of their "Kookist" theology. They believed that the lay government ofIsraelof Israel was legitimate andand holy,holy, thatthat despite

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ACLURM018964 FBI018755 Fundamentalism, Terrorism,Terrorism, and and Democracy: Democracy: The The Case Case of of the the Gush Gush Emunim Emunim Undergro Undergro...... PagePage 1010 of32of 32 its many mistakes it had a bright future.future. UnderUnder the the guidance guidance of of God,God, theythey felt,felt, itit waswas boundbound toto changechange in time and lead the nation to redemption, justjust asas itit had inin thethe Six-DaySix-Day War. ThereThere waswas aa pointpoint inin strugglingstruggling against the government on the simplesimple andand clearclear issue ofof settling settling Judea Judea andand Samaria,Samaria, but there waswas no sense inin disobeying itit onon such such aa sensitivesensitive issue issue as as Temple Temple Mount. Mount. TheThe matter matter had to be left to God andimd to his mysterious ways of directing directing the world.

It was on the issue ofof Temple Temple Mount Mount that that thethe undergroundunderground deviated sharply from Gush Emunim, and the person who soliditiedsolidified the challenge to the official theology was Yehuda Etzion. This young man, 27 years old when he first developed hishis revolutionaryrevolutionary theory, was a typical product ofof thethe movement.movement. While he himself did did not study in Mercaz ha-Rav,ha-Ray, hishis rabbirabbi in in Yeshivat Yeshivat Alon Mon Shvut Shvut was was Yoel Yoel BenBen ,Nun, oneone ofof the most influentialinfluential graduatesgraduates of "Mercaz." "Mercaz." 2(130 But something happened toto EtzionEtzion inin 1978. Probably as a result of the crisis of Camp David and because of his immense interestinterest in the mystery of redemption, he.he discovered aa wholewhole newnew world, world, the the ultranationalist ultranationalist traditiontradition worked out by the poet Uri Zvi Grinberg in the 1930s,I 930s, thethe traditiontradition of the the "Kingdom"Kingdom of Israel." Israel."

The unique feature ofof this vision (which inin Etzion'sEtzion's case was redevelopedredeveloped by thethe unknownunknown thinker Shabtai Ben Dov) was thatthat it spelled out the notion of active redemption. AccordingAccording toto BenBen Dov, there was no need toto waitwait forfor anotheranother miracle. All thethe conditionsconditions forfor concreteconcrete redemptionredemption were already present; one had merely to act. The revolutionary elementelement inin BenBen DoysDov's ideologyideology was his concept of redemption. He spoke aboutabout building the Third Temple and the institutionalization ofof JewishJewish theocracy on earth. He envisioned aa systemsystem governed governed by by Torah Torah law law and and run run byby a a supremesupreme rabbinicalrabbinical court and a (the(the council of the the seventy wisewise men).men). NoneNone of of the the leaders leaders andand ideologists ofof Gush Gush EmunimEmunim had ever spoken in such concrete tenns.terms. NoneNone of them dareddared press press the the issue.l! issue.n

It isis not clear whetherwhether EtzionEtzion wouldwould havehave followedfollowed thethe ideologyideology of Ben Dov had the debacle of Camp David not taken place. But in 19781978 hehe startedstarted to develop a thoroughthorough' intellectual critique ofof Gush Emunim and the ideology of Rabbi Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook. Etzion's new theology was only written down and published after he was sent to prison in 1984, butbut there is no doubt that thisthis isis the system that inspiredinspired hishis activityactivity within the underground.underground.

The main thrust ofof thethe new theory is directed against Kook'sKook's subserviencesubservience to thethe lay government:oflsrael.government of Israel. Etzion could not understand whywhy Gush Emunim, whichwhich has identified thethe messianicmessianic quality of the present time, should wait until the secular politicians reach the same conclusion. He refused to grant a full legitimacy toto "erroneous""erroneous" rulersrulers whowho werewere committingcommitting outrageousoutrageous mistakes.mistakes. AttackingAttacking thethe spiritspirit ofof Mercaz ha-Ray,ha-Rav, the fountainhead ofof Emunim's ideology,ideology, he wrote,

.... . the the sense sense of of criticism—which criticism-which is is a aprimary primary condition condition for for any any correction—perished correction-perished here entirely. The StateState ofofIsrael Israel waswas grantedgranted in MercazMercaz ha-Ray,ha-Rav, an unlimited and independent credit. Its operations--evenoperations—even thosethose thatthat standstand inin contrastcontrast to the model ofoflsrael's Israel's Torah—areTorah-are conceived ofof as as "God's "God's will,"will," oror aa revelationrevelation of his his .grace. ThereThere isis nono doubtdoubt thatthat had the state announced its sovereignty inin ourour holy mountain,'mountain, driving thereby the (theWaqf (the MuslimMuslim religious authority—E.S.)authority-E.S.) out and removing thethe DomeDome ofof the Rock-itRock—it wouldwould havehave won a full religious backing.backing. TheThe voicevoice comingcoming from from thethe schoolschool wouldwould have have said said "strengthen "strengthen Israel in greatness and crown Israel with glory." But now that thethe statestate does does nothing,nothing, whatwhat dodo wewe hear? That these acts are prohibited becausebecause itit isis notnot allowed.allowed. Moreover, letting the Arabs stay is aa grace of God God sincesince wewe are, are, anyway,anyway, notnot allowedallowed intointo thethe mount.mount.JZ12

Yeshivat Mercaz ha-Ray,ha-Rav, and by implication Gush Emunim itself,itself, hashas becomebecome aa supportsupport systemsystem ofof secular Zionism according to Etzion. Narrowing itsits perspectivesperspectives downdown toto settlementsettlement only,only, itit doesdoes not think inin grand tenns,terms, doesdoes notnot challengechallenge thethe inactiveinactive governmentgovenunent ofIsrael,andof Israel, and failsfails toto do what God wishes it to do.

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What, then, is to be done? What direction should the misled GushGush EmunimEmunim havehave taken,taken, had its rabbismbbisread read the Torah "correctly?" Following Following Ben Dov andand thethe ultranationalistultranationalist School of the the "Kingdom"Kingdom ofoflsrael: IsraeL7 Etzion maintains emphatically that the Torah portraysportrays thethe "deserved "deserved model" model" of of life life asas aa nation.nation. ThisThis is,

...... thethe proper kingdom ofIsraelof Israel that wewe have to establish here between the twotwo rivers (the .EuphratesEuphfates andand thethe Nile-E.Nile—E. S.). This kingdom will be directeddirected by the Supreme Court whichwhich is bound toto sit on the placet chosen by God to emit his inspirationtinspimtiont aa sitesite whichwhich willwill have a temple, an , andand aa kingking chosenchosen by God.God. All the people of IsraelIsrael will inheritinherit the land to labor and toto keep. 233-1 '

Etzion's deviation from the standard theology theology ofof GushGush EmunimEmunim isis thusthus veryvery clear.clear. ByBy hishis thinking,thinking, it is fully legitimatelegitimate toto portrayportray now the contours of the final stage of redemption, including a theocratic government centered on Temple MountMount andand a country that controls,controls, in addition to present-day Israel, the Sinai, , Syria, and parts ofof and . Moreover,Moreover, it isis mandatory toto strive now for the fullfilment of this this vision,vision, andand GushGush EmunimEmunim oror another devoted movement should taketake thethe leadlead in the forthcoming struggle.

Why did Etzion focus onon TempleTemple Mount?Mount? HowHow diddid hehe justify anan operationopemtion more incredible and dangerous than any anti-Ambanti-Arab planplan ever ever conceivedconceived ofof in Israel sincesince thethe beginningbeginning ofof Zionism in the 19th19th century? How does thethe TempleTemple Mount Mount operation operation fitfit intointo Etzion'sEtzion's general theory of redemption? In a unique monograph, Temple Mount, published while in jail, Etzion explained,

David's in Temple Mount is thereforetherefore a real and eternal propertyproperty inin the the namename ofof all Israel. It waswas never invalidatedinvalidated andand nevernever will will be.be. NoNo legality, or ownership claim, which are , not made in the name ofof Israel Israel andand forfor thethe needneed ofof rebuilding rebuilding thethe temple,temple, are are valid.-M valid. 34

The expurgationexpmgation ofof Temple Temple Mount Mount will will prepare prepare the the hearts hearts forfor thethe understandingunderstanding and further advancing of our full redemption. The purified MountMount shallshall be-if be—if GodGod wishes-thewishes—the ground and the anvil for the future processprocess ofof promotingpromoting thethe next next holy holy elevation. elevation:Ji11

The redemption of the nation was stopped, according to Etzion, onon TempleTemple Mount. NotNot until its expurgation—aexpurgation-a step that had to be taken by the government of IsraelIsmel but wasn't~ouldwasn't—could the grand prOcessprocess be renewed.renewed. AndAnd sincesince "this "this horriblehorrible statestate ofof affairs" affairs" was not corrected by the government but was rather backed by it, the task had to be fulfilled by the most devoted and dedicated.

But how did Etzion, aa veryvery intelligentintelligent andand educated man, believe thatthat Israel could go unharmedunhanned with the destruction of the Dome ofof the the Rock? Rock? HowHow could could it it conquer conquer Jordan, Jordan, Syria,Syria, partsparts of Egypt, IraqIraq and Lebanon and transformtransform itself, itself, in front ofof the rest ofof thethe world,world, intointo a Khomeini-likeKhomeini-like theocracy? What did Etzion think about the constraints of political reality?

Reading Etzion,Etiion, and talking to him, reveals a unique combination of an other-worldlyother-worldly messianicmessianic spirit and a very logical mind, a man who talks and thinks inin thethe languagelanguage ofof thisthis worldworld buttotallybut totally liveslives in another. Etzion's responseresponse to these questions is based on the only intellectual explanatory construct possible: a distinction between the of existence and the laws of destiny.

Securing and preserving 'lifelife oror itsits preservationpreservation isis anan "utmost"utmost norm" for allall the livingliving , for humanity in general-andgeneral—and for us, Israel, too. This is indeedindeed aa norm that dictatesdictates laws,laws, and in the name of which, peoplepeople gogo to to war.war. ButBut asas forfor ourselvesourselves "our"our God is not theirs." NotNot onlyonly is our existential experienceexperience differentdifferent fromfrom theirstheirs but also from their very definition. For the , life is mainly a life of existence, while ours is a life of destiny, the .lifelife of a kingdom file://D:\Textbookfile:IID:\Textbook CD\lO-Cases\Fundamentalism,CD \10-CasesTundamentalism, Terrorism, Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of of ...... 1119/201111/9/2011

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of and a holy people. We existexist inin thethe worldworld in order to actualize destiny.36destiny.M

The question about thethe constraintsconstraints of of politicalpolitical reality reality is is relevant relevant only only to to those those who who live live byby thethe lawslaws ofof existence. But,

Once adopting the laws of destiny instead ofof thethe lawslaws ofof existence, Israel willwill be no more an ordinary state,state, oneone whosewhose eyes are rolled from hourhour toto hour hour ...... she she willwill becomebecome the kingdom of Israel byby its very .

It is therefore impossible toto "stick""stick" to the present statestate somesome "good advices," regarding itsits specific behaviorbehavior inin anan isolated "local""local" situationsituation inin thethe name name of of thethe laws laws ofof destiny.destiny. TheThe stagestage of this change will taketake place, inevitably, in the imnienseimmense comprehensive movemove of the transformation fromfrom thethe statestate ofof Israel toto thethe kingdom of Israel." 17J1

Operation TempleTemple MountMOWlt was bound,boWld, according to Etzion, to trigger the transformationtransformation of of thethe statestate of of Israel fromfrom oneone system of lawslaws toto another.another. It was meant toto elevateelevate the nation nownow to the status ofof thethe kingdom of Israel, a kingdom of priests capable ofof actualizingactualizing thethe lawslaws ofof destiny and ofof changing the nature ofof the world.

Terrorism

A close study ofof the the undergroundWldergroWld suggests that whilewhile itit waswas mainlymainly shapedshaped byby thethe millenarianmillenarian theology theology ofof Yehuda Etzion, it ended up with rugged vigilante terrorism. ThisThis internalinternal evolution, evolution, whichwhich leftleft EtzionEtzion himself isolated isolated andand disappointed, is a revealing exercise. It shows the course through whichwhich idealistic dreams produce idealistic terrorism and the way in which idealistic terrorism isis routiniZedroutinized into professional terrorism. While the was was caughtcaught before before itsits evolutionevolution intointo aa professionalprofessional organizationorgAni7ation of of killers,killers, it had all the potential ingredients within it.

Toward MilleDarianMillenarian Terrorism: The OperationOoeradoD That Did Not Take Place

There is no question that the fundamental psychopolitica1frameworkpsychopolitical framework forfor thethe emergenceemergence ofof the Wldergroundunderground waswas formed withinwithin Gush Emunim longlong beforebefore thethe pactpact amongamong EtzionEtzion andand hishis friends. ThisThis framework waswas constructed withwith thethe ideologyideology of Rabbi ZviZvi Yehuda Kook,Kook, whowho created withinwithin hishis followers immense expectitions.expect8tions. Many Many observers observers of Gush Gush Emunim have not failed toto identifyidentify itsits behavioral messianic craze,craze, thatthat extra-normal qualityquality ofof intenseintense excitementexcitement and hypemomianhypemomian behavio~behaviorM that producedproduced withinwithin manymany members·members ofof thethe movementmovement constant expectationsexpectations of toward redemption.1222 David Rapoport, who studied the affinityaffinity between terrorism andand messianism,messianism, recentlyrecently observed that:

Once a messianic adventadvent is seenseen asas imminent,imminent, particular elementselements ofof a messianic doctrine become critical in pulling a believer in the direction of terror.~terror:ill

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Rapoport argued convincingly that messianism-oncemessianism—once it becomes operational-andoperational—and 'terrorismterrorism imply extranormalextranonnal behavior,.behavior, a pattern of action and orientation which is predicated onon the conviction thatthat the traditional conventions of and conduct are not binding.

Under certain conditions, that usually imply a failure ofanof an expected redemption to materialize, it is possible, according to Rapoport, for messianic people to resort to extranormal acts of violence. Either because they want to prove to themselves that redemption remains relevant, or because they wanttowant to convince God that this is the case,case,they they may opt for exceptional catastrophe.11il Menachem Livni, thethe operational "commander" of the underground, described to his investigators how it was all born.

Shortly after President 's Visitvisit oflsrael,of Israel, I was approached by a friend who showed me the picture of the on Temple Mount-toMount—to which I shaUshall heretofore referrefer as the "abomination." My friend argued that the existence of the abomination on TempleTemple Mount, our holiest place, was the root cause of all the spiritual errors of our our generation and the basis oflshmael'sof 's (i.e. the Arabs'-E.s.)Arabs'—E.S.) hold in Eretz Yisrael. In this first meeting I did not clearly understand my friend and more meetings were held to which an additional friend 42 joined. 42

What apparently happened after the crisis of Camp David is that mostmost of the membersmembers of Gush Emunim.Emunim, who were also shocked by the postponement of redemption, were able to follow old Rabbi Kook's instruction to maintain their allegiance to the Israeli govenunentgovernment and to its legallegal system, but a fewfew were not. They gathered around Yehuda Etzion, Yeshua Ben Shoshan and Menachem Livni, whowho all believedbelieved they had a better response to the disaster, an act that would alleviate thethe misery in a single strike.strike.

The spiritual and mysterious nature of the project was described in great detail by many membersmembers of the underground. Long before they started to discuss operatiOnaloperational matters, such as explosives andand guns,guns, they immersed themselves in halakhic issues and kabbalistic spiritual deliberations. Chaim Ben David, whowho attended the meetings since 1978,1978, described how he was recruited and how it all took place.

In about 1977 or 1978, I was approached by Gilaad Peli from Keshet inin the Golan Heights, a man I have known since 1975 and his activity within Gush Emunim. He told me to come to Yeshua Ben Shoshan with whom I had a previous learning experience ioin Torah subjects. Following the learning part, Yeshua and Gilaad discussed with me a planplan toto removeremove the Dome of the Rock on Temple Mount-aMount—a plan meant to be part of a spiritual redemption of the people of Israel. The great innovation for me was that this was a "physical operation"operation" capable of generating a spiritual operation.

I agreed to joinjoin the group and participate in its project Then came thethe stages of thethe meetingsmeetings and conferences in Yeshua's house as well as in an isolated house ...... owned by Ben Shoshan's relatives. There were many sessions and I am sure I did not attend them all because of my physical distance. The meetings were attended by Menachem Livni, YehudaYehuda Etzion, Yeshua Ben Shoshan, Gilaad Peli and myself. There were several sessions ioin Yeshua's house without his personal presence ...... In the sessions the spiritual side of the idea was discussed as well as questions relating to the possible of, andand responseresponse to, the act by the people of Israel. Then they started to discuss operational matters. The first idea was to bomb (the place) from the air-weair—we had a pilot in our group but itit isis notnot clear whether it was serious or just aajoke. joke. Finally, it was decided to blow up the Mosque by explosives.exp)osives.fi42

As we have already seen, Operation Temple Mount never took place. Despite threethree yearsyears ofof intense preparations and planning that farfar exceeded exceeded anythinganything elseelse donedone by the group, thethe projectproject was was finallyfinally

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. In retrospect itit appearsappears toto thatthat the the honor honor of of Temple Temple MountMount and and the the Temple Temple itself, itself, asas wellwell as the of the the peoplepeople of of Israel, Israel, instructsinstructs usus thatthat this operation should be carried out by a united nation and itsits government. We, on our behalf, did our bestbest in front ofof heaven and earth, asas ifitif it was like "open"open for me a niche needle wide," and I pray thatthat we we shallshall bebe blessedblessed to see thethe buildingbuilding ofof the the TempleTemple inin ourour time. And commentscomments thatthat were made on are true andand relevantrelevant toto allall thethe eventsevents andand allall membersmembers involved,involved, "Bless"Bless thee Rabbi AkivaAkiva for being caught following thethe Torah."Torah." 4~.-1

A closeclose reading reading ofof Livni's Livni's statementstatement suggestssuggests a a mysticalmystical approach.approach. Paradoxically,Paradoxically, the statement epitomizes thethe entireentire millenarian nature ofof the underground. Livni Livni doesdoes notnot onlyonly speakspeak toto hishis interrogators, hehe alsoalso appeals toto God.God. WhileWhile somewhatsomewhat apologetic, he is nevertheless proud and hopeful.hopeful. He seems toto believebelieve that that althoughalthough he and his colleagues did not remove the Dome of the Rock, nor did they shun their apocalypticapocalyptic mission. In fact, he argues, theythey did allall theythey could.could. TheyThey identified the national spiritual malaise,malaise, they singled out the "abomination" as as thethe root root cause cause of of it,it, theythey delveddelved into the problem,problem. studied it, and prayed about it,it, andand finallyfinally theythey went all the way prepared toto act.act. OnlyOnly inches away from the operation, they did notnot getget God'sGod's finalfinal signal,signal, hishis ultimateultimate O.K.O.K. God,God, hehe felt,felt, should know how devoted theythey werewere andand how seriousserious theirtheir mission was. He shouldshould be aware of the "needle wide" niche they opened. PerhapsPerhaps he would move the the governmentgovernment andand the nation to concrete action.

From Settler ExtraiegaUsmEitraleealism toto VigilanteVigilante TerrorismTerrorism.

The underground ofof Gush Emunim became a terror organizationorganization on on JuneJune 2, 2, 1980;1980. It was on that night and under thethe commandcommand of Menachem Livni andand Yehuda EtZionEtzion that thethe groupgroup blewblew up thethe carscars ofof two Arab Westwest Bank mayors held responsibleresponsible forfor anti-Jewishanti-Jewish terrorism.terrorism. The act that provokedprovoked the attack waswas the brutal murder of of sixsix Yeshiva students near Beit Hadassah in Hebron. The "mayors affair"affair" was was welcomedwelcomed by the settler community in Judea andand SamariaSamaria as as well well asas byby manymany segmentssegments ofof thethe Israeli society.society. It opened the way to severalseveral additionaladditional terror plansplans andand operations operations that that took took place place between between 1982 1982 andand 1984. The most brutal amongamong thesethese operationsoperations was was thethe attack attack on on July July 26, 26, 1983, 1983, on on the the Islamic Islamic College College ofof Hebron. The attackers, who responded to another murdermurder of of aa YeshivaYeshiva student in Hebron, killedkilled three Muslim students and wounded. thirty-three. In 1984 the group drew up a plan to bomb the men's dormitory ofBirof Bir Zeit University in Ramala. When the operation waswas postponed,postponed, becausebecause of a governmental shutdown of the university, it was replaced by a more comprehensive one.:--anone—an attempt to blow up five ArabArab buses full ofof passengers. passengers. EveryEvery detail of this plan was perfectly worked out, including the final wiring of the buses on April 27, 1984. But at the last moment thethe wholewhole conspiracyconspiracy waswas exposedexposed and the bombs were defused in time. TheThe arrestarrest that followedfollowed ended up the career ofof the most daring Jewish terror underground inin nearly forty years.

A review of the the confessionsconfessions and and testimoniestestimonies ofof all all thethe membersmembers of the the underground, andand especially especially ofof Livni's and Etzion's, the leaders, suggests that thethe issue at stake was not religious and that it had onlyonly slight relation toto redemptionredemption oror messianism.messianism. TheThe name name of of thethe game game was was revenge.revenge. TheThe onlyonly associationassociation 00 between the Dome ofof the the Rock Rock plan plan andand thethe actsacts of terror terror that actuallyactually tooktook placeplace waswas the identityidentity ofof the perpetrators. TheThe groupgroup thatthat blew blew upup thethe mayors'mayors' cars, cars, and and some some of of thosethose whowho continued to operate until 1984, werewere thethe samesame peoplepeople whowho started started toto prepareprepare themselves.themselves, morally and spiritually, to expurgate

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Temple Mount.~t. But the motivations and the thinking were totally different. DiscussingDiscussing his participation in the "mayors affair" inin relationrelation toto hishis mainmain concern,concern, TempleTemple Mount, YehuMYehuda Etzion told the court:

Planning and executing the attack onon thethe murdermurder chieftains chieftains took took only only one one monthmonth of of mymy life,life, one month that started withwith thethe assassinationassassination nightnight ofof six boys in Hebron, and ended up in conducting thisthis operation.operation. II insist thatthat this operation was right. So right, in fact, that to the best of my my understandingunderstanding ...... even the law thatthat prevails in the state ofof Israel couldcould recognizerecognize its justicejustice or ought to have recognized it as a pure actact ofof selfself defense ...... ItIt is unquestionable that inin ourour presentpresent realityreality ...... thethe realityreality of of thethe sovereignsovereign statestate ofIsraelof Israel ...... thethe defense defense forcesforces of the state had to take care ofof this matter, quickly,quickly, neatlyneatly andand effectively, effectively, so that nobodynobody could have, inin hishis rightright mind,mind, thoughtthought aboutabout suchsuch operation,operation, I,I, furthermore,furthennore, do not deny that it was a clear case of undue undue excess. ButBut thethe situationsituation at stake.wasstake was a case in which the "policeman" responsibleresponsible for the mattermatter not not only only steppedstepped aside aside ...... ,, not onlyonly ignored the gravity of the case,case, andand thethe factfact thatthat the murderers werewere allowedallowed toto actact freelyfreely ...... , but developed withwith themthem a friendly relationship ...... ThisThis situation,situation, Sirs,Sirs, was was aa case case ofof nono choice,choice, . a condition that created aa needneed toto actact inin thethe fullfull sensesense ofof the word, for thethe veryvery sakesake ofof the preservation oflife. of life.k46 ..

No reader familiar with the literature on on vigilante vigilante movementsmovements couldcould failfail toto detectdetect inin Etzion'sEtzion's speechspeech the classical logic of the vigilante mind. What Etzion so eloquently told the court waswas that hehe tooktook one month of his life,life, aa lifelife otherwise otherwise devoted devoted to to the the approximation approximation of redemption, redemption, to become a vigilante terrorist.terrorist. A vigilante movement, wewe shouldshould recall,recall, nevernever sees itselfitself in in a a statestate of principled conflict, either with the government or with the prevailing concept ofoflaw. law. ItIt isis notnot revolutionaryrevolutionary and does not try to bring down authority. Rather, .what what characterizescharacterizes thethe vigilantevigilante statestate ofof mindmind isis the profound convictionconviction that the government, or some of its its agencies,agencies, havehave failed failed toto enforceenforce theirtheir own lawslaws oror to establish their own orderoIder in an area under theirtheir jurisdiction. jurisdiction.illl Backed by the fundamental normnorm of of self-defenseself-defense and speaking in the name of what they believe to bebe thethe valid law of the land, vigilantes, in effect, enforce the law and execute . "Due"Due process of law" law" is thethe leastleast of their their concernsconcems. 48 When Yehuda Etzion responded in May 1980 toto MenachemMenachem Livni'sLivni's requestrequest for help in avenging the of six YeshivaYeshiva studentsstudents murderedmurdered in Hebron, he was not thinking ofof messianism but ofof vigilantism. He took a shortshort leaveleave ofof absence from his main concern to take care of an altogether different .

But how did Etzion, thethe messianic dreamer,dreamer, suddenly become a rough vigilante? What was the psychosocial mechanismmechanism thatthat made it possible forfor him—andhim-and also for his millenarian followersfollowers in the underground—tounderground-to switch from their other-worldly lofty concernconcern aboutabout redemption to the this-worldly mundane concern about revenge and law and order? AndAnd whywhy waswas the vigilante terrorism ofof thethe members of the underground legitimized by thethe rabbisrabbis of Gush Gush Emunim who refused to support the millenarian terrorism onon TempleTemple Mount?

The answer to these questions,questions, withoutwithout whichwhich a a fullfull understandingunderstanding of the underground isis boundbound to be incomplete, has very littlelittle toto do withwith eithereither the teaching ofRavof Rav Kook or thethe intellectualintellectual climateclimate of Gush Emunim. Itconcems,It concerns, instead, another facet of Gush Emunim, which until nownow was not elaborated upon, . the existential extralegalismextralegatism ofof thethe movement as a "frontier" operation operation inin thethe WestWest Bank. Gush Emunim, as Goldberg and Ben so well remindremind us, diddid not produce only strange messianicmessianic types, true believers thatthat would walkwalk thethe hillshills ofof Judea Judea andand Samaria expecting redemption toto bebe delivered.delivered. It equally created a breedbreed ofof doers, rugged frontier men who started their careercareer as as illicit illicit politicalpolitical settlers and sustainedsUstained it through a growing friction with theirtheir neighboring Arabs:Arabs.4249

While the extralegal nature ofof Gush Emunim waswas a typicaltypical featurefeature of of thethe movement movement sincesince its inception, its vigilante side waswas notnot recognizedrecognized untiluntil thethe early 1980s.1980s. RumorsRumors aboutabout settler violenceviolence againstagainst Arabs file://D:file:IID:\Textbook \Textbook CD\IO-Cases\FundamentaJism,CD \10-CasesTundamentalism, Terrorism, Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of of ...... 1119/201111/9/2011

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The vigilante nature of the settler community was examined in a comprehensive pioneering study conducted by David Weisburd, a young American Ph.D. candidate inin 1983.2.11983.51 Weisburd foundfound that 2828 percent of the male settlers and 5 percent ofof the femalefemale settlers, outout ofof a sample ofof 500, admitted to having participated inin somesome type of vigilante activity.activity. 6868 percentpercent ofofWeisburd's Weisburd's respondents agreed with the statement that "it isis necessarynecessary for the settlers to respond quickly and independently to Arab harassments of settlers and settlements." FollowingFollowing another finding,finding, thatthat only only 1313 percentpercent ofof thosethose questioned disapproved of vigilantism, Weisburd concluded: .

The vigilantism ofof Gush Gush EmunimEmunim settlerssettlers is partpart of an organized strategy ofof social control calculated to maintain order inin the WestWest Bank. Though aa minorityminority ofof settlers actually participate in vigilantevigilante acts, they are not isolated deviant figuresfigures in thisthis settlement movementmovement. Rather, those vigilantes are agents of the the Gush EmunirnEmunim communitycommunity asas a whole.whole. They carry out a strategy ofof control thatthat is is broadlybroadly discussed discussed and and supported. supported.-ll52

Weisburd's study of the vigilantism of the the settlersettler community,community, asas wellwell as as the the Carp Carp reportreport and other documenteddoculnented studies,53studies,2 was written and published before the exposure of the the GushGush EmunimEmunim underground. They nevertheless provideprovide usus withwith usefuluseful factualfactual andand analytical perspectives toto comprehend the actual terrorism ofof the group. They tell us that the Communalcommunal leaders ofKiryatof Kiryat Alba---theArba—the JewishJewish city adjacent to Hebron—whoHebron-who convenedconvened after after thethe BeitBeit Hadassah Hadassah murdermurder of six studentsstudents were not strangers toto communal conflict, anti-Arabanti-Arab violence oror vigilantevigilante justice.justice. ExtremistExtremist rabbis, soldiers and military reservereserve officers, andand rugged settlers-allsettlers—all were used to the idea of communal reprisal. TheyThey alsoalso knew,knew, asas we are told by Weisburd, that thethe priceprice forfor previousprevious vigilantevigilante actsacts waswas very low.~low.

The convergence pointpoint betweenbetween the the millenarian millenarian orientationorientation of the underground andand thethe vigilantevigilante spiritspirit ofof the settlers that actuallyactually producedproduced terrorismterrorism was was described described in in some some detaildetail by by MenachenLivni.Menachen Livni. LivniLivni toldtold his interrogators that,that, immediatelyimmediately following thethe BeltBeit HadassahHadassah. murder, it was decided in Kiryat AlbaArba to respond. A special actionaction committeecommittee waswas assignedassigned thethe job,job, butbut itsits members did not have the "adhesive spirit necessary to act." Livni then approached RabbiRabbi Levinger,Levinger, thethe leadingleading authority inin thethe city,city, and told him that "for these these purposespurposes we we havehave toto chosechose purepure people,people, highlyhighly observan,observan, andand sinless,sinless, peoplepeople with no shred of violence inin themthem andand who areare disinclined to reckless action." 55 Levinger apparently approved 'andand it was at that point that LivniLivni asked Yehuda Etzion, not a resident ofK.iryatof Kiryat AlbatArbat toto helphelp him.him. OnlyOnly then did the twotwo decide toto mobilize thethe entireentire group, which until that timetime was preoccupied with preliminary deliberations about Temple Mount. The group members werewere perceived by their leaders to be pure and devoted. They werewere not not terroriststerrorists but rather God's God's emissaries. emissaries. TheirTheir immenseimmense commitmentcommitment and to God and nation qualified them for the merciless task.

A key toto thethe understandingunderstanding of the operations that diddid andand diddid notnot taketake place place isis thethe issueissue ofof the rabbinaJrabbinal authority. A careful reading of the confessions andand testimonies of the the membersmembers of thethe underground doesdoes not clarify how much of the operational part ofof the was shared by the leading rabbis ofKiryatof Kiryat Arba. But it makes clear that none of the operations that took place was opposedopPosed by thethe rabbisrabbis and that all of the the actsacts were,were, inin fact,fact, blessedblessed by by these these authorities. authorities. The The first first operation,operation, thethe "mayors"mayors affair," waswas opposed byby RabbiRabbi Levinger,Levinger, butbut thethe reasonreason for the objection was thatthat Levinger preferred extremeextreme action and recommended an indiscriminate act of mass violence. Rabbi Eliezer WaIdman,Waldman, a prominent Gush

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Emunim rabbi and since ·19811981 a member, even volunteered, acCordingaccording to Livni, to participate in the first operation. Two other Hebron and Kiryat Arba rabbis werewere, instrumental in inducing Livni to commit the lastlasttwo two operations that involved indiscriminateindiscriminate terrorismterrorism.i ..22 6 Shaul Nir, the man who conducted the murderous attack on the Islamic College in Hebron, told his interrogators:

I would like to add that in the time span of 3 years, I discussed the issue with 44 rabbis,rabbis, all of whom expressed their support for warning operations within the Arab public ...... I also heard the names of an additonal three rabbis who stated their support in different Stagesstages of the operation.221

Rabbinical refusal to support Operation Temple Mount is of crucial importance. It tells us that the radicalization process that finallyfinally produced terrorism within Gush Emunim was not marginal but central. It was a by-product of the movement's in its own redemptive role and in the necessity of settling Judea and Samaria at all costs. The idealistic and excited people who started in 1968 to settle Judea and Samaria did not go there with violent intentions. None of them expected to become a vigilante, a terrorist, or a terror supporter within just twelve years. But the combination of messianic belief and and aa situationsituation of endemic national conflict had within it a built-in propensity forfor incremental violence-extralegalismviolence extralegalism, Vigilantism,vigilantism, selective terrorism, and, finally,finally, indiscriminate mass terrorism. Had the undergroWldunderground not been stopped in ·1984,1984, it would have likely become a Jewish IRA.

Extremism.EItremisni. Terrorism. and Democracy:Demoeraey: Some General Conclusions

What do we learn from the story of the JewishJewishtinderground? underground? What lesson is to be drawn from the reintroduction of Jewish terrorism into Israeli political life nearly forty years after its official demise? Is it possible to draw some general conclusions from the process of radicalization that finally led these idealistic young men to engage in terrorism, an extreme anti-democratic activity theythey could not have dreamed about before embarking on that course? Does the evolution of Gush Emunim, and its related underground, help us better understandWlderstand and theorize about the complex relationship between extremist·extremist beliefs, terrorism, and political democracy?

It appears that there are two ways of approaching these questions and coming toto grips with their answers. The first is to read the story of the underground within the narrow boundaries of its special circumstances:~rcumstances: the IsraeliISraeli conquest of the West Bank in 1967, the emergence ofof the theology ofYeshivatof Yeshivat Mercaz ha-Rav,ha-Ray, the unexpectedWlexpected peace with Egypt, and the growth of Arab resistance in Judea and Samaria. This perspective stresses the unique and the unprecedented. It leads to the conclusionconclusion that under a different set of conditions the whole affair would be most improbable. It tells .us,us, in fact, that no general lesson can be learned from thethe case of the Jewish underground because it was special and unrepeatable. The writing of the entire paper, up to this point, was guided by this approach.

An altogether different avenue is the attempt to comprehend the evolution and radicalization of Gush Emunim within a broader perspective, one that avoids the sui generis explanatory strategy. According to this approach, Gush Emunim should bebe· recognized as one of many movements of idealistic truetrue believers that have developed in thethe lastlast twenty-five years withinwitilln democracy and radicalized to the point of producing anti-democratic organizations of terrorists. Seen in this perspective; the Jewish underground is not unique or unprecedented. Rather, itit fits the larger category of movements thatthat challengechallenge thethe rulesrules of the democratic game. Each of these movements arises out of specific circumstances; yet each is transformedtransfonned from a non-terroristic entity into a terroristic one. No one who watched thethe young file://DATextbookfile:/ID:\Textbook CD\lO-Cases\Fundamentalism,CD\10-Cases\Fundamentalism, Terrorism, Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of... of ... 11/9/20111119/2011

ACLURM018972 FBI018763 Fundamentalism,Fundamentalism. Terrorism,Terrorism, and and Democracy: Democracy: The The Case Case of of the the G~h Gush Emunim Emunim Undergro... Undergro... PagePage 1818 ofof 32 enthusiastic members of the American, German, andand FrenchFrench New-Left New-Left inin thethe earlyearly 1960s 1960s expected them to produce, by the end of the decade, suchsuch organizationsorganizations as Weatherman, thethe RAFRAF (Baader-Meinehoff(Baader-Meinehoff Gang) or La Cause du Peup/e.Peuple. No studentstudent of modern modern could predict in the 1950s that by the end of the following decade decade Irish Irish nationalists;nationalists~ Basque extremists, and AnnenianzealotsArmenian would establish or revive the IRA, .ETA,ETA, ASALA,ASALA, and and reintroduce reintroduce intenseintense terrorismterrorism into the Western Hemisphere. The Jewish underground ofof Gush Emunim has undoubtedly hadhad itsits specialspecial circumstances. It was Jewish, fundamentalist, and messianic. ItIt actedacted not against Jews but against Palestinian Arabs, whomwhom it considered external terrorists. ButBut legallylegally and politicallypolitically itit acted withinwithin thethe contextcontext ofof political democracy. Just like other intrademocratic terror organizations,organizations, itit introduced terrorism intointo aa non­non- terroristic political culture, one that was not preparedprePared forfor JewishJewish atrocitiesatrocities andand waswas veryvery surprised whenwhen they took place.

A careful comparativecomparative examinationexamination ofof many many terror-producingterror-producing radicalizationradicalization processesprocesses that tooktook place in the last three decades suggestssuggests that that ourour previousprevious understandingunderstanding of the relationshiprelationship between terrorismterrorism and democracy should be revised.revised. TheThe traditionaltraditional naive belief that historical democracydemocracy is totally incompatible with violence andand terrorismterrorism should give way toto a more sophisticated explanatory model, one that recognizes that under specific,specific, but not uncommon, conditions even the most accomplished democracy could generate an intrasystemicintrasyslemic terrorism,aterrorism.a i.e.,i.e., terrorism terrorism thatthat is not importedimported from an external system butbut is generatedgenemted by formerformer democrats from within. This new understanding should,should, in my opinion, be governed by the following twotwo generalgeneral observations:observations:

(a)

(b) Political extremism inin a democracy, just as in non-democratic systems, has a built-inbuilt-in. potential for unrestrained violence andand terrorism.terrorism.

While these propositionspropositions couldcould bebe expanded expanded aa greatgreat deal, a short elabomtionelaboration onon eacheach of them may sufficiently clarify each.

The ViolentizatfonVlolentizatlon of Democracy

Today, it is undeniableundeniable that the emergence of secular and religious extremism in the West, over the last three decades, has dealtdeatt a mortal blow to two of the the most cherishedcherished notions of the the post-Worldpost-World WarWar IIII social :science: "the"the endend of ideology" ideology" andand "secularizaion.""secularizaion." InIn thethe 195081950s and thethe firstfirst halfhalf ofof thethe 1960s1960s it was generally believed that that thethe worldworld waswas progressingprogressing and improving significantly. Post-industrialPost-indllStrial societies (i.e.,(i.e., )democmcies) .werewere seenseen asas capablecapable of containing ideologyideology 5259 (i.e., partial knowledge,knowledge, extremism, and political violence),violence). and and humanityhumanity was expected to passpass fromfrom "ideology" to "" (i.e., objectiveobjective and and scientificscientific knowledge, knOWledge. capable capable of of producing producing pragmaticpragmatic and peaceful politics)politics).2!l .22 This general theory, that forfor allall pmcticalpractical purposespurposes predicted predicted the the decline decline of of violence violence inin politics;politics; was not restricted to the post-industrial world. TheThe Third WWorld orId waswas alsoalso included in this grand vision.vision. Developing countriescountries werewere notnot expectedexpected toto becomebecome democratic democratic in one strokestroke but it was believed that they too were headingheading inin thethe rightright direction, thethe "Westminster stylestyle of democracy." InIn thethe longlong run,run, eveneven in . this area, violenceviolence was expected to subside. Observers ofIsmeliof Israeli politicspolitics whowho witnessedwitnessed thethe declinedecline ofof Zionism inin thethe 1950sI 950s also also thought thought inin thethe grandgrand terms of the "decline ofideology"of ideology" andtheand the riserise ofof "pragmatic" politics. politics. NoNo new extremism was expected inin Israel.Ismel.

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This optimistic philosophy ofof progress, progress, formulatedfonnulated in the language ofof empirical socialsocial theory, was equally emphatic aboutabout . Religion and and religiousreJigiou.<; zealotry,zealotry, consideredconsidered by by definition definition "irrational" "irrational" and "obsolete," were expected to decline too. Like secular ideology andand extremism, these phenomena had no room in a world dominated by the economic prosperityprosperity of the post-industrial societysociety and by thethe reasoningreasoning of sociology. sociology. Jewish Jewish religiosity, religiosity, Christian Christian commitment, commibnent, andand IslamicIslamic zealotry had to go and, according to the new theory,theory, were boundbound toto do soso throughthrough an all-embracing process of . secularization: 610-

In the grand perspective of the the "end"end of ideology" ideology" andand "secularization,""secularization," riotnot only terrorism, butbut eveneven political violence waswas an an irrelevant irrelevant concept. No oneone waswas expectedexpected toto studystudy itit or pay any attention toto its evolution. The 1968 edition of the International EncyclopediaEncyclopedia Ojtheof the SocialSocial , which reflected the cumulative knowledge ofof the the postwarpostwar generation of social scientists, did not include entries on either violence oror terrorism.terrorism.

The emergence of the the anti-waranti-war student movement and the introductionintroduction of of the the protest protest ideology ideology of of thethe NewNew Left in the imdand , thethe growthgrowth of of etluiicethnic extremismextremism allover all over the the globe, globe, thethe revivalrevival ofof nationalist separatism, and thethe rediscoveryrediscovery ofof aggressive religious fundamentalism—allfundamentalism-all shattered the progressivist theory. The theory was proven wrong not only by the events of the past three decades but also because of its flawedflawed logic. TodayToday wewe recognizerecognize thatthat economic welfare does not automatically resolve emotionalemotional conflictsconflicts and and thatthat religious extremismextremism andand modernity are notnot necessarilynecessarily incompatible.incompatible. We also know, perhapsperhaps too well,wen, thatthat the complex relationshiprelationship between democracy and extremism cannot be reduced to the simple equation that historical progress warrantswarrants decline decline in in emotions emotions andand violence. violence. Ours is a time forfor thethe recognition thatthat valid theories about the "stabilization ofof democracydemocracy and consensus"consensus" cannot exclude the equally validvalid theoriestheories regardingregarding the "destabilization of of democracydemocracy andand social social conflict"conflict " for history is never guaranteed toto move in one linearlinear direction.-Udirection.~ TheThe experienceexperience of the postwar era suggests that while several segmentssegnients of the post-industrial democracydemocracy (like (like thethe economyeconomy andand technology)technology) may progress a great deal, other segmentssegments can decline or deteriorate contemporaneously.contemporaneously. WhatWhat isis calledcalled for, insofar as the relationship betweenbetween democracydemocracy andand violenceviolence isis concerned, isis a new understanding ofof aa set of principles that govern the logiclogic of the the phenomenon I suggest naming the violentization.violentization ofof democracy, which is the emergence of processes processes ofof radicalization radicalization that in time introduce violenceviolence and terrorism intointo thisthis politicalpolitical system.system. The four most significant maxims tell us that:

(a) No living democracydemocracy isis perfect.perfect. Democracy,Democracy, inin thethe finalfinal analysis,analysis, isis aa limitedlimited politicalpolitical arrangement,arrangement, which, animated by a constitutional ideology of equality equality and liberty, producesproduces orderlyorderly life life forfor aa widewide variety of individuals and groups differingdiffering aa greatgreat dealdeal inin theirtheir epistemological epistemological andand ideological ideological perspectives. As longlong as as the the partners partners to this arrangement areare satisfied, satisfied, they they willwill playplay accordingaccording to the rules of the game andand be content. But once all,all, oror part of them, are nono longer convincedconvinced that it works to.to their advantage,advantage, theythey are likelylikely to change dramatically. Their predemocratic primordialprimordial convictions andand conflictual instincts are likely to surface, and theythey willwill not hesitatehesitate toto radicalize,radicalize, challengechallenge thethe systemsystem oror rival groups, and apply violent means in order toto achieveachieve their goals.goals.

(b) No democraticdemocratic governmentgovenunent can either always live upup toto thethe principlesprinciples of freedom freedom andand equality that are inscribed inin its or satisfysatisfy allall itsits citizenscitizens all the time. This isis especially true inin a democraticdemocratic systemsystem that isis socially or culturally heterogenous. Almost no democracy involved in a serious national or international conflictconflict is capable of applyingapplying thethe same criteriacriteria of civilized behavior atat home andand abroad. The use of a a doubledouble standardstandard ofof govenunent,government, whichwhich is quite common,common, is likely to lead to dissent andand harsh . criticism on behalf of the the aggravatedaggravated and the hurt. InIn time, time, and and under under specific specific conditions, conditions, it it is is likelylikely to lead to extremist opposition and violence.violence. . . (c) No democratic polity lives inin isolation.isolation. AllAll thethe existingexisting democraciesdemocracies are either involvedinvolved directly in confliCtsconflicts withwith non-democraticnon-democratic statesstates or are influenced indirectly by ideological andand political turmoils that take place in these systems. The contacts and involvements of democratic statesstates withwith nondemocraticnondemocratic onesones

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ACLURM018974 FBI018765 Fundamentalism, Terrorism;Terrorism, and and Democracy: Democracy: The The Case Case of of the the Gush Gush Emunim Emunim Undergro... Undergro... PagePage 2020 ofof 32 areare"often often likely to provide attractive non-democraticnon-democratic modelsmodels ofof behaviorbehavior forfor aa widewide varietyvariety ofof dissatisfieddissatisfied people. ExternalExternal forms of extremism, extremism, violence,violence, and and terrorismterrorism may in this wayway be imported intointo the democratic world in many shapesshapes andand structures.structures. All too oftenoften thesethese behavioral behavioral patternspatterns take root in a " democracy, not as a result of external conspiracy, but becausebecause they fitfit thethe mentalmental andand political political needsneeds ofof bitter and unhappy former democrats.

(d) Terrorism is usually notnot introducedintroduced into democracydemocracytbrough through an externalexternal conspiracy.conspiracy. ItIt isis equallyequally not a product of psychopaths, sociopaths or crazy people.people." Rather, it is in most cases the imperfect nature ofof democracy—thedemocracy-the seamyseamy sideside of of the the regime regime and and its its surrounding surrounding environment—thatenvironment-that produces intense conflict, extremismextremism andand violence. II suggestsuggest naming naming thisthis formfonn ofof terrorism terrorism intrademocratic te"orism.1tterrorism. It is basically the extension of oppositionopPosition politics, one special case of a conflict oflegitimacy.of legitimacy. It is, furthermore,furtherniore, thethe behavioralbehavioral productproduct of ofa a prolonged prolonged process process of of radicalizationradicalization whose whose beginningbeginning is,is, ahnostalmost always, non-violentnon-violent and and non-terroristic.non-terroristic. The carrier ofof thethe procesSprocess ofof radicalization, usuallyusually an idealisticidealistic and radical movement, starts its career with positive intentions. But as a resultresult ofof its confrontation with the hard factsfacts ofof life-includinglife—including irresponsiveirresponsive ,governments, hostile rivals,rivals, ananunfriendly unfriendly media, and a disinterested public-itpublic—it may give birthbirth to a violent group. Certain elementselements withinwithin thethe movement,movement, usually the most idealisticidealistic andand action-oriented,action-oriented, becomebecome impatient impatient withwith the the ordinary ordinary procedures and the boring rules of the the game. FacingFacing hostility,hostility, andand perhapsperhaps agression, they start toto driftdrift intointo illicitillicit action,action, whichwhich ultimately leads to intentional violence. InIn thethe later stages of these processes, their violentviolent acts far exceedexceed those acts of occasional occasional violence violence that that werewere applied applied againstagainst them. Young, capable, and highly motivated.motivated, they engage inin terrorismterrorism and outdo their rivals. In timetime they become a great danger toto thethe democratic society inin whichwhich they they live live and, and, quite quite frequently, frequently, aa riskrisk toto theirtheir own parent movementmovement.

The "violentization of democracy," democracy;" it must be stressed,Stressed, is neither necessary nor inevitable. It mayormay or may not take place. However, its repeated occurrence inin thethe formform of of violence-producingviolence-producing processesprocesses ofof radicalization requires that thisthis phenomenonphenomenon bebe recognized today as a potential part ofof thethe politicalpolitical reality of every democracy.

The ViolentizationVJolendzadon of IsraeliIsraeU DemocraqDemocracy

The study of Gush Emunim, its radicalization, and thethe emergence of the Temple Mount underground, illustrates thethe violentization of democracy. democracy. LikeLike soso manymany other other cases,cases, JewishJewish terrorismterrorism did not have to take place but it did. And it occurred despite the predictions itit wouldwould not.not. AlmostAlmost no-oneno-one thought before or even after the Six-Day War War thatthat Israel could produce an internal JewishJewish violenceviolence or terrorism. The Israelis were considered reasonable, pragmatic, secular,secular, andand politicallypolitically non-violent.non-violent. TheyThey have undoubtedly had their shareshare ofof troubles--political,troubles—political, social,social, economic, and military-butmilitary—but noilenone of the students ofIsraeliof Israeli society believed thatthat these problems hadhad aa violentviolent potential.potential. The The few few exceptions exceptions ofof religious violenceviolence in in Israel Israel (involving(involving the the ultraorthodox ultraorthodox community)community) werewere not taken seriously. Rather, they were seenseen asas thethe lastlast gaspsgasps ofof a a loser'sloser's struggle.struggle. WagedWaged against against thethe "heretic""heretic" ZionistZionist regime,regime, they signified anan anachronisticanachronistic attemptattempt toto reverse history and disqualify the state of Israel.

The post-1967 eraera provedproved thethe old expectations naivenaive andand ill-founded. From the perspective of the present study it uncovered twotwo fundamental fundamental truths:truths: (a)(a) thatthat Israel'sIsrael's democratic system could not be isolated forever from the very undemocratic reality of the Arab-Israeli conflict;conflict; (b)(b) that religionreligion andand extremeextreme religious dreams werew~ notnot deaddead in the land.land.

As for the impact of the the Arab-Israeli conflict, the new era showed that thethe beliefbelief that thethe IsraeliIsraeli society,society, file://D:\Textbookfile:IID:\Textbook CD\lO-Cases\Fundamentalism,CD\10-Cases\Fundamentalism, Terronsm, Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of of ...... 11/9/2011

ACLURM018975 FBI018766 Fundamentalism, Terrorism, and Democracy: The Case of the Gush Emunim Undergro...Undergro... Page 21 of32of 32 or some segments of it, could remain uncontaminated by the bloody and torturous Palestinian question was wishful thinking. Especially naive was the conviction among certain Israeli circles thatthat the settlement of Judea and Samaria could take place with no extra costs to Israel's democracy, and that violence and terrorism were unJewish. Everything that we know today about the violentization of democracy supportssupports the proposition that the appearance of Jewish vigilantismvigilanti~m and terrorism was highly probable.

The belief in the decline of religion and spirit of religiosity was also unfounded. The story of Gush Emunim is not simply the tale of the messianic response to the miracle of the Six-Day War.War. It is as much the story of the profound reaction to the Zionist secularization of a dream 2,000 yearsyears old-theold—the dreamdream ofof Jewish redemption in Eretz Yisrael. As long as .theIsraelithe Israeli public spirit was animated by genuine Zionism, the role of religion was marginal. The return to the land did not take place under thethe command of thethe rabbis,rabbis. and Zionism, like other modern nationalist .ideologies, had a built-in religiousreligious tingetinge thatthat responded·responded to deep-seated religious needs. But the decline of secular Zionism in thethe 195051950s and 1960s createdcreated a hugehuge vacuum. It was justjust a matter of time before the dormant forces ofreJigion-whichof religion—which remained alive in , Yeshivot, and religious communities—soughtcommunities-sought expression and surfaced. TheThe 1967 watershed was a natural opportunity for these forces to erupt. The emergence of Gush Emunim responded to many dormant needs. Many indications suggest that something in this realm could have happenedhappened even if the war did not occur.

Jewish terrorism did not have to take place.place. If Gush Emunim hadhad notnot pressedpressed thethe issueissue ofof settlementsettlement adad absurdum,absurdum. if the government of Israel had been sufficientlysUfficiently determined toto restrain thisthis movementmovement inin time.time, if the Palestinians of the West Bank had been more docile, and if many other such "ifs" hadhad not pertained,pertained, it is quite possible that this paper would not have been written. .

But given the post-lpost-1967 967 conditions, the erosion of Israel's democracy and the emergence of Jewish violence were highly probable: contrary to many unfounded beliefs and theories, no one is immune to violence, not even . Given the right circumstances.circumstances, Jews.Jews, like Christians.Christians, Muslems.Muslems, BuddhistsBuddhists and pacifists of all origins, are capable of producing violence and of practicing terrorism. IfIf thethe struggle against terrorism is ever to take a constructive shape, it will have to be founded on the pessimisticpessimistic assumption that no one, even the best of all people, is immune to this terrible human deviation. For centuries, that kind of violence we have come to call terrorism was considered exceptional.exceptional, uncommonuncommon and unheard of in civilized society. Given what we know today, this may no longer be the case.

mu•• ,

Comments by MyronMyroD J. AroDOffAronoff

Professor of PoUdealPolitical SeleneeScience Rutgers University

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Professor Sprinzak hashas presentedpresented usus withwith aa fascinatingfascinating analysis analysis of of aa case case ofof thethe developmentdevelopment of of a domestic terroristterrorist underground in in anan environment environment which, which, until until very very few few yearsyears ago,ago, hadhad beenbeen consideredconsidered . to be inhospitable toto suchsuch anan organization. Based on his ownown originaloriginal researchresearch on thethe JewishJewish terroristterrorist underground inin Israel, Sprinzak raisesraises a numbernumber of of interestinginteresting questionsquestions andand propositionspropositions relatingrelating toto whatwhat he (unhappily) has chosen toto callcall thethe "violentization""violentization" of democracy. In the brief time allotted, I shall attempt toto questionquestion several aspects ofofSprinzak's Sprinzak's analysis of the process of radicalization.

Ehud suggests that when an idealistic radicalradical movement confrontsconfronts "the"the hard factsfacts ofof life," characterized by unresponsive governments, hostile rivals,rivals, unfriendlyunfriendly media, and a disinteresteddisinterested public, public, itit becomesbecomes radicalized. At best, these might be considered necessary but notnot sufficientsufficient causes,causes, since there are ampleample examples of idealistic idealistic radical radical movementsmovements whichwhich confrontedconfronted suchsuch conditions andand failed to resortresort to violence andand terrorism.terrorism. However, II suggest thatthat the first, and likelylikely the most important, ofof thesethese conditions waswas notnot presentpresent inin IsraelIsrael whenwhen thethe JewishJewish undergroundunderground carriCdcarried outout itsits attacks.attacks. AccordirigAccording toto Sprinzak's ownown publications, the last factor waswas clearlyclearly absent asas well.well. In fact, the underground associatedassociated with certain Gush Emunim settlerssettlerS engaged inin terroristterrorist acts precisely at a tinletime during whichwhich the Israeli government and large sectors of the public (the base of the iceberg, to use Sprinzak'sSprinzak's ) werewere most responsive to Gush Emunim. TheThe movementmovement hadhad gainedgained access access toto thethe highest highest levelslevels ofof the government which was actively implementingimplementing its settlement policy. The government had allall butbut co-optedco-opted the movement as its ideological vanguard.vanguard.

The most "moderate" membermember of of thethe firstfirst Likud-Ied Likud-led government, government, Moshe , Dayan, resigned resigned inin OctoberOctober 19791979 .. when Prime Minister Begin placedplaced thethe Minister of Interior, JosephJoseph BurgBurg (NRP),(NRP), inin charge ofof the negotiations over the implementation of autonomy for the Palestinians.Palestinians. ThisThis waswas notnot justjust aa politicalpolitical slightslight of Dayan. It signalled Begin'sBegin's intentionintention toto abortabort the autonomy plan. TheThe leadersleaders ofof Gush Emunim werewere overjoyed by Dayan'sDayan's resignation and his replacement by Yitshak Shamir, a leader ofof the former underground (popularly(popularly known known asas thethe SternStem gang).gang). ThisThis tooktook placeplace fullyfully six months prior toto thethe bombingbombing of the Palestinian mayors.

Ezer Weizman.Weizman, the otherother prominent "moderate" member member of of thethe firstfirst LikudLikud government, government, resignedresigned asas Minister ofof Defense towardtoward the end of May 1980,1980, shortlyshortly afterafter the murder of of thethe sixsix yeshivayeshiva students in Hebron. The Gush Emunim settlers rejoiced at his resignation and werewere thrilled withwith thethe eventualeventual appointment ofof Arik Sharon, their mostmost reliable patron,patron, to to the the post post after after Begin Begin heldheld itit himselfforahimself for a period. By the time the Jewish underground launched itsits firstfirst operation operation on on June June 3, 3, 1980, 1980, allall ofof thethe mostmost powerfulpowerful positions inin the government were heldheld byby individualsindividuals who werewere strongstrong supporters of Gush Emunim. It cannot be said that thethe governmentgovernment waswas unresponsive.unresponsive. The The Chief Chief of of StaffStaff ofof thethe IsraelIsrael Defense Defense ForcesForces waswas strongly supportive of Gush Emunim andand itsits settlement settlement policies, policies, asas werewere key key settlementsettlement officialsofficials inin the Jewish Agency. TheThe resultsresults ofof the the 19811981 electionelection resulted resulted inin a a moremore militantmilitant Likud government dominated by the hawks, Begin,Begin, Shamir, Shamir, and and Sharon,Sharon, andand the remaining terrorist actsacts tooktook placeplace duringduring thethe tenuretenure of of this government.

The apparent paradox, thatthat thethe undergroundunderground actually actually struck struck at at the the peak peak of of power power and and influence influence ofof thethe movement which spawnedspawned it,it, maymay offeroffer an an insightinsight intointo anan alternative explanation. The institutionalization of Gush Emunim resulted in many of its leaders gaininggaining positions in government-subsidized or -- supported institutions.institutions. AsAs thethe movementmovement successfullysuccessfully moved from thethe marginsmargins ofof thethe politicalpolitical systemsystem to . the center, its leaders may have appeared toto somesome ofof thethe moremore militantmilitant members members to to have have become become co-optedco-opted into the ruling political establishment. The resort toto violenceviolence and terrorism maymay havehave beenbeen motivatedmotivated inin part byby a desire to revitalize the movement's more radicalradical stance.stance. Although,Although, asas Sprinzak notes,notes, therethere waswas initial condemnation of the underground among among some some elementselements ofof GushGush Emunim,Emunim, eventuallyeventually theythey wonwon the support andand eveneven officialofficial defense by thethe movement. The radicals succeededsucceeded in forcing the moderates

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into a more militant position.

This is a vivid example of the the success ofof a a syndromesyndrome which I call the chain reaction of extremism. extremism. In a·a political system suchsuch asas Israel's,Israel's, which encourages a multiplicity ofof parties withinwithin aa relatively relatively ideologicalideological political culture, there is a tendency for thethe partiesparties toto competecompete Withwith theirtheir closest closest ideologicalideological rivals. In their attempt to establish their separate identityidentity fromfrom thethe nearestnearest rival,rival, moremore militantmilitant positions positions tendtend toto hehe taken. This in turn pressures the more moderatemoderate partyparty to to move move towardtoward moremore extreme extreme positionS.positions. ThisThis hashas traditionally beenbeen the case with the religious parties. ItIt isis possible that withinwithin GushGush EmunimEmunim individualsindividuals and groups affiliated with various ultra-nationalist parties,parties, e.g.,e.g., Techiya,Techiya, Matzad (Morasha),(Morasha), and , drove one anotheranother to greater militancymilitancy andand extremism.extremism. WeWe seesee a similar phenomenaphenomena amongamong thethe Palestinian movements which do not share many of the other features ofof thethe IsraeliIsraeli politicalpolitical system,system, and among whom itit isis frequentlyfrequently argued that despair andand desperationdesperation are are the the causes causes of of their their choice choice ofof terrorism.

I suggest that thethe erosionerosion ofof political authority has has led led to to a a crisis crisis of of legitimacy legitimacy inin IsraeliIsraeli society society whichwhich produced the conditions in which the chain reaction of extremism led to the outbreak of terrorism. TheThe erosion of political authorityauthority and ofof thethe legitimacylegitimacy of political institutions hashas beenbeen conspicuousconspicuous during the past decade. IricreasingIncreasing politicalpolitical polarization,polarization, whichwhich includedincluded thethe exploitationexploitation of of ethnicethnic hostilities,hostilities, reached aa peakpeak ofof domesticdomestic politicalpolitical violenceviolence in thethe 1981 election campaign. TheThe divisivedivisive war in Lebanon, protests and co~ter-demonstrations,counter-demonstrations, the the exploitation exploitation ofa of a general general sense sense ofof national insecurity,insecurity, widespread verbal violenceviolence (e.g., frequent charges ofof treason), andand isolated isolated acts acts of of physicalphysical violenceviolence and even terror (e.g.,(e.g., the throwing of a hand grenadegrenade which which killedkilled aa youngyoung PeacePeace NowNow activist on February 10, 1983) werewere conditionsconditions whichwhich provided a context in whichwhich violenceviolence became increasingly conunoncommon and eventually accepted as a way of life.Hfe. TheThe mainmain theme of the the annual meetingmeeting ofof the Israel CriminologicalCriminological Association meeting held on May 5-6, 1983,1983, was "Violence"Violence in Israeli Society."

Some attribute the underminingundermining of of thethe rulerule oflaw of law andand thethe acceptance acceptance of of violenceviolence to the military occupation after thethe 1967 war. Whatever itsits origins,origins, thethe erosion erosion of of civilitycivility andand oftolerane»-bothof tolerance—both socialsocial and political-producedpolitical—produced conditionsconditions whichwhich werewere congenialcongenial forfor thethe growthgrowth of of violence.violence. The dehumanization of the enemy (e.g., PrimePrime MinisterMinister Begin'sBegin's referencereference to PalestinianPalestinian terroriststerrorists as "two legged animals"animals" and Chief of Staff Eitan's reference toto themthem asas "cockroaches")"cockroaches") is is alwaysalways aa preludeprelude toto hishis persecution and justifiesjustifies the use of violence and and terrorterror againstagainst him.him. InIn thisthis regard regard the the highest highest level level ofof political leadership in the nation setset the tonetone whichwhich gave legitimacy to the more extreme measures taken by the underground.underground.

. Israeli political culture isis extremelyextremely fragile.fragile. The The fewfew symbolssymbols andand myths of of ZionistZionist civil civil religionreligion whichwhich unite all Zionists are not salient for the Israeli (]~sh(Jewish and Arab),non-ZionistsArab) non-Zionists andand anti-Zionists.anti-Zionists. EvenEven among those who consider themselves Zionist, the ideological divisionsdivisions appearappear to be more salient than broad cultural themes which unite. For a long period thethe Labor Party maintainedmaintained bothboth politicalpolitical and ideological dominancedominance of the the political system. The Likud,Lilrud, inin spitespite ofof cOncertedconcerted effortsefforts toto dodo so,so, failed toto establish either political or ideological dominance.dominance. GushGush EmunimEmunim has attempted toto createcreate aa newnew and more satisfying culturalcultural alternative to fill the void. TheThe claimclaim toto bebe revivingreviving traditional traditional culturalcultural patterns (both(both Zionist and religious) gives GushGush Emunim Emunim thethe character ofof what WallaceWallace hashas calledcalled a .

I find this concept toto bebe moremore usefuluseful thanthan thethe notionnotion ofof fundamentalism fundamentalism inin understandingunderstanding important aspects of Gush Emunim.Emunim. Millenarian andand messianicmessianic revitalizationrevitalization movements movements acrossacross aa widewide rangerange ofof have produced various extreme formsfonns of behavior among their adherents. ForFor example,example, have convinced theirtheir disciples thatthat bullets would be turnedturned into . PoliticallyPolitically inspired revitalization movements, suchsuch asas thethe anti-colonialanti-colonial MauMau MauMau in Kenya, have been particularly notednoted forfor theirtheir violence.violence. I think thethe anthropologicalanthropological conceptconcept ofof revitalizationrevitalization movements movements maymay aidaid in in thethe analysis analysis of of movementsmovements

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such as Gush Emunim and may help illuminateillwninate the rise of violence violence and and terrorismterrorism in contemporary democratic societies.societies. .

Comments

by David C. lUpoportRapoport

Professor of PoUtic:alPolitical Sdenc:eScience University of at LosLos AngelesAngeles

"Take onlyonly ten minutes. No more than ten minutes," AnnAnn SheffieldSheffield told me three or fourfour times.times. I waswas flying inin fromfrom the West Coast, and thethe wholewhole project waswas quitequite expensive;expensive; soso II calculatedcalculated howhow muchmuch eacheach word would be worthworth and felt guilty atat the thought that II mightmight wastewaste one.one. I keptkept rememberingremembering howhow II feltfelt when my mother used to complain, "it's"it's a shandshandaa (shame) the way you waste your ," and Ms. Sheffield's desperate concern made meme worry inin thethe samesame way;way. ThisThis isis why I have constricted mymy comments soso unnaturally;unnaturally; and I hope,hope, to continue the metaphor, thatthat doesn't doesn't give give youyou indigestion.indigestion.

" ,. This is a richrich and stimulating paper.paper. TheThe revealedrevealed religionsreligions havehave aa messianicmessianic componentcomponent whichwhich remains latent toto everyone most of the the time and becomes imminentimminent to some unexpectedly at other times.times. Ehud Sprinzak veryvery clearlyclearly details the circumstancescircumstances underunder which which messianism messianism became became imminentimminent in in the the case case of of the Gush Emunim. I am indebted personallypersonally toto himhim for that,that, becausebecause II amam engaged engaged inin aa studystudy ofof messianism andand terror and havehave discovereddiscovered that thethe greatestgreatest problemproblem isis tryingtrying toto describe describe howhow a messianic belief becomes imminent.imminent.

, There are two parts toto this paper: one one consistsconsists ofof details specific to thethe IsraeliIsraeli case, andand the other perUiinspertains to our general understanding ofof democracydemocracy andand violence. violence. I'mI'm notnot goinggoing toto evaluateevaluate thethe detailsdetails ofof the.the paper, but I dodo want to make some comments onon questionsquestions raisedraised by thethe paper,paper, particularly inin thethe moremore general second portion. .

Regarding the first partpart which which dealsdeals withwith Israel,Israel, twotwo questionsquestions shouldshould bebe raised.raised. WhenWhen wewe realizerealize the enonnousenormous hopes whichwhich traditionaltraditional associatesassociates with the return to to the the PromisedPromised Land, Land, is is itit possiblepossible for Jews to go back without making a belief in in messianicmessianic transformationtransforination imminent? Certainly,Certainly, thisthis isis not the first time a restored JewishJewish statestate hashas facedfaced thethe problemproblem discusseddiscussed byby Sprinzak.Sprinzak. ItIt was was experiencedexperienced twotwo thousand years ago after an earlier exile,exile, and that producedproduced aa disastrousdisastrous strugglestruggle whichwhich ledled toto thethe destruction of the and a second exile, one lasting two thousand years.years. II believebelieve the problem may be eveneven more more central central toto thethe naturenature of Judaism Judaism than Sprinzak hashas suggested.suggested.

The second questionquestion relatesrelates toto thethe placeplace ofof the the restorationrestoration' of the Jews in Christian and IslamicIslamic . WhatWhat wewe callcall American American fundamentalismfundamentalism'is is reallyreally a formfonn of Christian messianism,messianism, and the 67·67 War stimulated it immensely, justjust as that war influenced Jewish messianism. TheThe restorationrestoration ofof thethe Jews,Jews,

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\ it was believed, waswas necessarynecessary toto thethe SecondSecond Coming.Coming. TheThe factsfacts havehave beenbeen documenteddocumented in Timothy P. Weber's Living in the Shadow o/theof the . In there is'a tradition (Haddith) which relatesrelates to this issue also. After Christ returns, the Moslem (mandi)(mahdi) will follow. MyMy questionquestion is, "Does the revival of religiousreligioUs feeling IslamIslam have anything to do with thethe sensesense of messianic imminence among Jews and Christians?"—aChristians?"-a question which has never been treatedtreated as far as I know.

LetLet meme nownow turntum toto thethe secondsecond partpart of the the paper,paper, the question about the relations of democracy and ·violence.violence. ItIt waswas NormanNorman Angell,Angell, II think,think. whowho saidsaid thatthat in a democracy one substitutes ballots for bullets, and Sprinzak challengeschallenges this conventional , whichwhich hashas become embeddedembedded inin contemporarycontemporary political science.science. DemocracyDemocracy isis imperfect,imperfect, hehe says,says, andand becausebecause itit cannot cannot satisfy everybody, it cannot free itself fromfrom the possibility of violence. violence. NoNo democratic democratic systemsystem can can everever eliminateeliminate thethe problem.problem. InIn this respect, democracydemocraCy is just like all other political forms; theythey allall ex.perienceexperience violenceviolence because they are inherently imperfectimperfect forms. I agree that nono democraticdemocratic systemsystem cancan permanentlypermanently exorcise-violence. exorcise violence. But I am much more pessimistic onon thisthis issueissue thanthan SprinzakSprinzak: is, because II wouldwould argueargue that there isis a special disposition forfor violence inin democratic democratic systemssystems andand thatthat democratic systems produce more (not an equal amount) violence thanthan theirtheir variousvarious counterparts.counterparts.

This arguments rests on two grounds. The fIrstfirst is that inin democracy,democracy, competitioncompetition oror conflictconflict is stimulated, and thatthat frequentlyfrequently encourages encourages violence; violence; andand secondly,secondly, aa beliefbelief in perfection,perfection, whichwhich is an aspect ofof the modemmodern democratic ethos, createscreates a propensity for violence andand for terror asas well.well. TheThe twotwo reasons havehave been developed byby twotwo setssets ofof writers writers whowho useuse different different sourcessources toto makemake theirtheir points.

In the Federalist Papers, strangely enough, the first view is represented. LookingLooking atat thethe experiencesexperiences ofof the city state, it is argued that democracydemocracy invitesinvites violence because democracydemocracy must have liberty, and liberty stimulates factions which trespasstrespass on thethe rightsrights of others and therefore provoke violentviolent reactions. Hamilton said this in Paper No.9,No.9, and hehe went on to say that itit isis impossible to study the history ofof democracy "without feelings of horror horror and disgust"disgust." AndAnd MadisonMadison inin No.No. 10 said much the same thing, indicating that "Republics have short and violentviolent lives." Still, theythey both argued that whenwhen republics did work, they worked better than all other forms did; and theythey said that therethere waswas aa wayway toto the advantages of popular popular government without incurringincurring the disadvantages.

What was the solution? Well, you know whatwhat the solution was; separation of power, federalism, representative government,government, andand aa goodgood dealdeal ofof physicalphysical space,space, which all previous democraciesdemocracies which were tiny ones did not have. These devices oror circumstances would moderate conflictconflict or checkcheck it before it would become violentviolent. . .

The question then waswas "Was"Was thethe solution aa democraticdemocratic one?"one?" Certainly, the anti-Federalists did not think that thisthis was a democratic solution to a democratic problem. AndAnd othersothers whowho thoughtthought deeplydeeply onon thethe issueissue agreed. Sir Henry Maine, for example.example, a 19th century English conservative political theorist, said that the ideas behind the institutions of the the separationseparation of powers, federalismfederalism andand representation, were takentaken overover from thethe federal system,system, whose ethosethos waswas designeddesigned toto guaranteeguarantee liberty and privilegeprivilege and asas suchsuch was antithetical to the spread ofof democraticdemocratic principles.principles. BecauseBecause of those restraints, America,America, hehe claimed,claimed, in the middle of the 19th century was the most undemocratic country in the world! In a century or so that fact would become self-evident.self-evident. In In the the meantime,meantime, wewe must must regardregard FranceFnmce as the epitomeepitome of the . democratic experience. FranceFrance introducedintroduced thethe reignreign ofofterror terror to the modemmodern world, and wherever French principles were spread, Maine argued, a kindkind ofof persistent violenceviolence seemed to characterize thethe political system. Why? Democracy producedproduced an unsatiable desire to attack privilege, and most govenunentsgovernments which have absorbed French principles would manifest this perpetualperpetual violence. violence. NowNow he had in mind not only what had happened in betweenbetween thethe RevolutionRevolution andand LouisLouis Napoleon,Napoleon, butbut hehe waswas looking atat. . , at America, and waswas thinking of the future ofof what wewe call the third world.world. TheThe persistencepersistence of the military uprisings were essentially relatedrelated toto thethe spreadspread of democratic principles.principles~ . file://DATextbookfIle:IID:\Textbook CO\lO-Cases\fundiunentalism,CD\ 10-Cases\Fundamentalism, Terrorism, Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of... of ... 1119/201111/9/2011

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It is a question to ask whether the spread of democratic principles has brought more ratherrather than less violence? If it has brought more, are we entitled to believe that the condition will persist? I can't answer the question here, but II can say.that if you look at the history of the third world in particular, ballots are not substitutes for bullets, ballots produce bullets. The coups and the violence nonnallynormally occur before elections, during elections, and after elections. If you want to know when the next coup is likely to occur, find out when the next election will be.

How about our own country? We have little violence associated with elections and on the whole very little political violence. Still,StiJI, when we describe elections, we use an extraordinary number of military . We talk about campaigns, about strategy and tactics, and about mobilizing the public. We·We speak of parties which have aa cadre in them,them. which is supplemented by volunteers. Areas which strongly support particular candidates are citadels, etc. If you went through the newspaper and systematically looked at the metaphors that we use to describe politics in a democratic country, you would be entitled to wonder whether we're describing politics or war. Psychologists might say this is sublimation, what we're really doing is preventing ourselves from fighting by engaging in these activities which restrain us and don't really produce violence. I remember using a version of this myself when I contended that the English passion for sports was an important reason why they developed their extraordinary respectrespect for rules and keep violence at bay. But after watching the English at soccer matches recently, and remembering that European countries have banned English teams, I'm not so sure anymore.anymore. InIn any case, there may be a difference between short—andshort-and long-nmlong run effects of such sublimations.

The first general point is that democracy breeds conflict, it inflames internal hostilities, it fansfans pugnaciouspugnacious emotions. It creates issues sometimes when no issue exists, because that is thethe only way for an aspiring . politician to get ahead. The second point I want to make, however, is very different. It is usually made by different scholars who, on the whole, ignore the initial point. Their argument is that modern democracy, more than any other system, creates hopes that complete perfection in this world is possible. (Hope, incidentally Hobbes tells us, isis much more essential to revolutionary violence thanthan discontentdiscontent is. Hope really fueled the Gush. It was produced by the 1967 War, and then thethe littlelittle frustrationfrustration thatthat took place after the 1967 War. But it was the hope, not the frustration, which opened upup the new vision.)vision.)

Talmon, an Israeli whom you all know, first made this argument about perfection and democracydemocracy in three splendid, impossible-to-readimpossibl~to-read volumes on political messianism. Talmon thinks thatthat the is source of this phenomenon. More recently, a similar argument was developed inin aa brillantbrillant studystudy by the Center's director, James Billington (Fire,(Firein in thethe MindsMinds ofof Men: Men: TheThe OriginOrigin ofof the the RevolutionaryRevolutionary ).Faith). Incidentally, considering the extraordinary length of his own monwnentalmonumental study, Professor Billington, who is with us tonight, could not object to my taking eleven or twelve minutes instead ofof the ten allotted. Billington argues that the desire for perfection is represented by a secular revolutionaryrevolutionary tradition which has persisted since the French Revolution. That tradition seems to manifest in a kindkind ofof cyclical fashion, and in this respect it resembles the messianic phenomenon which has latent and imminent phases. But Billington's great work has a flaw, as far as the topic at hand is concerned; he sayssays inin a footnote, and he really writes enormouslyenonnously erudite footnotes,footnotes, that there really is no connection between religious messianism and our secular revolutionary tradition. I don't think he is right. I believe therethere isis a close, very persistent connection between these two hopes, and that both of these things are related to democracy.

But my alarm has rung, and Ms. Sheffield is looking at me. I will conclude byby reiterating thatthat Sprinzak's very perceptive original paper is too modest in its finalfinai assessment of violence. Democracy is not the equal of systems in producing violence. It breeds more internal vio,Ienceviolence than any other system does. It breeds it for two reasons; the classical argument based on the evidence of historyhistory is that it encouragesencourages conflict, and the more modern argumentargwnent based on the special experience of the French Revolution is that it produces a promise for perfection. When you have a belief that perfection is possibe, terror will follow soon. And on this point, democracy and the quest for perfection, Dr. Sprinzak ought toto readread Billington's

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, and Professor Billington ought to consider whether Dr. Sprinzak's paper has said anything that might makeml'lke ~imhim change his mind on one important feature of the revolutionary faith.

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Table of Contents

Title

Introduction

History

The Emergence ofof Gush Emunim

The Emergence of the Underground

. Ideology

Gush Emunim: Between Messianism and Fundamentalism

Yehuda Etzion and the Theology of Active Redemption

Terrorism

Toward Millenarian Terrorism: The Operation That Did Not Take Place

From Settler Extralegalism to Vigilante Terrorism

Extremism. Terrorism.Terrorism, and Democracy: Some General Conclusions

The Violentization of Democracy

The Violentization ofIsraeliof Israeli Democracy

Comments by Myron J. Aronoff

Comments by David C. Rapoport

Notes

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Notes

1.1. Cf. J.J; Boyer Bell, Terror out ofo/: Zion: The .Irgun, LehiLehi SternStern andand thethe PalestinePalestine Underground (: St. Martin's 1977).1977).

~.2. Zvi Ranaan,Ranaan, Gush Emunim (:Aviv; SifriyatSifriyat Poalim, 1980), ch.ch. 4;4; DannyDanny Rubinstein, On the Lord's Side: GushGush Emunim (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: HakibutzHakibutz Hameuchad, 1982), 18-28;18-28; E.E. Sprinzak,Sprinzak, "Gush Emunim: TheThe IcebergIceberg ModelModel ofof Political Extremism," ,Medina, MimshalMimshal VehechasimVehechasim BeinleumiimBeinleumiim (Hebrew)(Hebrew>. 17 (Fal11981)(Fall 1981) 29-30.29-30.

1.3. Nequda (The journaljournal ofof thethe settlerssettlers inin Jud~a,SamariaJudea, Samaria and and Gaza--:-Hebrew) Gaza-Hebrew) 86: 6-7,6-7.

~.4. Nequda 69: 5-7.

2.5. Sprinzak, GushGush Emunim,Emunim, 23-24.23-24.

2.6. Ibid., 26.

1.7. Rubinstein, Lord's Side, 147-156.

~.8. Menachem Livni, Interrogation (court documents), 18 May 1986.

2.9. Interview with Etzion, 9 September 1985.

10. Ibid.

11.11. Itzhak Ganiram, Interrogation (court docwnents),documents), 55 MayMay 19841984

12. Uri Meir, Interrogation (court docwnents),documents), 3030 April 1984.

11.13. Livni, Interrogation, 18 May 1984.

14. Ibid. li.15. Etzion, Interview, 9 September 1984.

12.16. Livni, Interrogation, 18 May 1985.

11.17. Ibid. ll.18. Licht's ReportReport (court documents), 2222 May 1984.

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19. For a definition of messianism see Hans Kohn, "Messianism" in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillian, 1935);1935); cf. R. J. Zvi Werblorsky, "Messiah and Messianic Movements," The New Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. II (New York: Encylopedia Britannica Inc., 1981). .

20. For a systematic treatment of the Concept of Fundamentalism see Robert E. Frykenberg, "Revivalism and Fundamentalism: Some Critical Observations with Special Reference to Politics in South " inin James W. Bjorkman, Fundamentalism Revivalism and Violence in South Asia (forthcoming) (Riverdale:(Riverdale: Riverdale Co.), 1-5; Robert E. Frykenbergt "On the Comparative Study of Fundamentalist Movements: An Approach to Conceptual Clarity and Definition," (Working Paper, Woodrow WilsonWilson Center, SpringSpring 1986).1986).

11.21. CfC£ ZviZvi Yaron,Yaron, The Teaching ofRavof Rav KookKook (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: 1979); Raanan, Gush Emunim, 28- 30; Charles S. Liebman & Eliezer Don-Yehiya,Don-Yehiya, Religion and Politics in Israel (Bloomington: IndianaIndiana University Press, 1984), 70-74.

22. Cf. Sprinzak,Sprinzak. Gush Emunim, 29-30.

23. Raanan, Gush Emunim, 64-67.

24. Cf.C£ UrielUriel Tal, "Foundations ofofa a Political Messianic Trend in Israel,"Israel." The Jerusalem Quarterly 35 (Spring 1985). .•.

25. Cf. Rav Zvi Yehuda Kook, "Honest We Shall Be: In the Land and in the Torah" (Hebrew), in Y. Shaviv, A Land of Settlement (Jerusalem: .1977),106-110.1977), 106-110.

26. Sprinzak, Gush Emunim, 30; Uriel Tal, Messianic Trend, 39-41.

27. Sprinzak, Gush Emunim, 32-33.

28. Cf. E. Sprinzak, "Gush Emunim: The Politics of Zionist Fundamentalism in Israe1."Israel." (Research Paper, The American Jewish Committee, New York, 1986), 11-13.11-13.·

29. Ibid.

30. Interview with YYoel 001 Ben Nun, 10 Match 1985. n.31. Shabtai Ben Dov, The Redemption of Israel in the Crisis of the State (Hebrew) (Safad: Hamatmid, 1960);1960); Prophesy and Tradition in Redemption (Tel Aviv: Yair Publications, 1979).

32. Y. Etzion,Etzion, "From the FlagFlag of Jerusalem to the Redemption Movement" (Hebrew), Nequda 94, 20 December 1985, 28.

33. Ibid., 22.

34. Y. Etzion, Temple Mount (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: E. Caspi [private publisher], 1985),1985),2. 2.

35. Ibid., 4.

36. Y. Etzion,Etzion, "To Fly, At Last, The Flag of Jerusalem" (Hebrew), Nequda 93 (22 November 1985): 23.

11.E. Y. Etzion, "From the Laws of Existence to the Laws of Destination" (Hebrew), Nequda 75 (6 July

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1984): 26.

38. David Rapoport defines "hypernomion behavior" as ", excessive self discipline and a stringent observation ofofmles rules which comprehend every aspect of the individual's life" in "Why Does Messianism Produce Terrorism?" (Unpublished paper read at the Eighty-First Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New Orleans, August 1985), 8. .

39. Cf. Raanan, Gush Emunim, ch. 3.

40. Rapoport, Messianism, (abstract)

!l.41. Ibid., 16-18.

42. Livni, Interrogation, 1818 May 1984.1984.

43. Chaim Ben David, Interrogation, 30 April 1984.

44. Interview with Yehuda Etzion, 1111 September 1985.1985.

45. Livni, Interrogation, 18 May 1984.

46. Y. Etzion, "I felt an Obligation to Expurgate Temple Mount" (Hebrew), NequddNequda 88 (24 June 1985): 24-25.

47. Cf. Richard Maxwell Brown, "The American Vigilante Tradition" in H. Graham & T. Gurr, eds., Violence in America (New York: Signet Books, 1969), 144-146; John H. Rosenbaum & C. Sederberg, "Vigilantism: An Analysis of Establishment Violence," Comparative Politics 6 (1974).

48. Richard Maxwell Brown, "Legal and Behavioral Perspectives on American Vigilantism,Vigilantism," " Perspectives in American History 5 (1971), 95-96.

49. Giora Goldberg and Ephraim Ben Zadok, "Regionalism and TerritorialTerritOrial Cleavage in Formation: Jewish Settlements in the Administered Territories" (Hebrew), Medina, Mimshal Vechasim Beinleumiim 21 (Spring 1983).

50.50~ Judith Carp, "Investigation of Suspicions Against Israelis in Judea and Samaria,". "A Report of the Follow Up Committee (Hebrew), 23 May 1982.1982 ..

~.51. David Weisburd with Vered Vinitzky, "Vigilantism as Rational Social Control: The Case of Gush Emunim Settlers" in M. Aronoff, ed., Religion and Politics, Political , vol. 3 (New Brunswick: Transaction Books).

52. Ibid., 82.

53. Cf. Meron Benvenisti, The West Bank Data Project (American Enterprise Institute, Washington, DC, 1984),1984),41-43; 41-43; Dedi Zuker, "A"A Study of in the Territories Administered by the IDF, 1979- 1983,"1983," Interim Report (International Institute for Peace in the , 1983).

54. Weisburd & Vinitzky, Religion and Politics, 80-82.

51.~. Livni, Interrogation, 18 May 1984. ,. file://DATextbookfile:IID:\Textbook CD\ICD\10-CasesTundamentalism, O-Cases\Fundamentalism, Terrorism,Terrorism, and and Democracy Democracy The The Case Case of·... of ... 11/9/20111119/2011

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56. Ibid.Ibid.

57. Shaul Nir, Interrogation, 9 May 1984.

58. For an early argument in this direction seesee E.E. Sprinzak,Sprinzak. "The." AgainstAgainst thethe OpenOpen Society and the . Phenomenon of Delegitimization:Delegitimization: The Case of the American New Left" iriin Dante Germino and Klaus Von Beime,Beirne, eds., The Open Society in Theory and Practice (: Martinus Nijhoff, 1974).

59. For a useful collection on the debate about the End ofofldeology. Ideology. see Chaim Waxman. ed., The End of Ideology Debate (New York: Funk and Wagnall. 1968).

60. Cf. Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man (New York: 1963)1963) Postscript.

61. The first essay that started the long list of "secularization writings in the academic domain of political science was Almond's "Comparative Political Systems," The Journal of Politics (August 1956).

62. While the systematic literature on terrorism leaves much to be desired, the study ofof social conflict, collective action and political violence has achieved, in the last twenty years, great sophistication and . theoretical rigor. The propositions advanced in this section are based on this theoreticaltheoretical corpuscorpus which is best represented by: S. M. Barnes, M. Kaase, et at.,al., Political Action: Mass Participation in FiveFive Western Democracies (Beverly Hills: Russel Sage, 1979);1979); H. Ekstein (ed.), Internal War (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe,Glencoe. 1964); W. A. Gamson, Power and Discontent (Homewood: Dorsey, 1968) and The Strategy of Social.Social ProtestProtest (Homewood: Dorsey, 1975); T. R. Garr, Why MenMen RebelRebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); T. R. Garr et al., Rogues, Rebels and Reformers: AA PoliticalPolitical HistoryHistory ·ofUrbanof Urban . Crime and Conflict (Beverly(Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1979); E. N. Muller, Agressive Political Participation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979);1979); A. Obershall.Obershall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood(EngleWood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1973);1973); C. Tilly, From Mobilization to RevolutionRevolution (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1978); S. Verba, N. Nie and J. Kim, Participation and Political Equality (: Cambridge University Press, 1978).

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