Chapter 1: After the 1991 Gulf War
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Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction
1/9/2017 Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction home | about | documents | news | publications | FOIA | research | internships | search | donate | mailing list Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 80 Updated February 11, 2004 Edited by Jeffrey Richelson Originally posted December 20, 2002 Previously updated February 26, 2003 Documents Press release Further reading Between Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, and the commencement of military ac绳on in January 1991, then President George H.W. Bush raised the specter of the Iraqi pursuit of nuclear weapons as one jus绳fica绳on for taking decisive ac绳on against Iraq. In the then‐classified Na绳onal Security Direc绳ve 54, signed on January 15, 1991, authorizing the use of force to expel Iraq from Kuwait, he iden绳fied Iraqi use of weapons of mass destruc绳on (WMD) against allied forces as an ac绳on that would lead the U.S. to seek the removal of Saddam Hussein from power. (Note 1) In the aermath of Iraq's defeat, the U.S.‐led U.N. coali绳on was able to compel Iraq to agree to an inspec绳on and monitoring regime, intended to insure that Iraq dismantled its WMD programs and did not take ac绳ons to recons绳tute them. The means of implemen绳ng the relevant U.N. resolu绳ons was the Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM). That inspec绳on regime con绳nued un绳l December 16, 1998 ‐ although it involved interrup绳ons, confronta绳ons, and Iraqi aꬫempts at denial and decep绳on ‐ when UNSCOM withdrew from Iraq in the face of Iraqi refusal to cooperate, and harassment. Subsequent to George W. Bush's assump绳on of the presidency in January 2001, the U.S. -
Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism Cosmopolitan Reflections
Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism Cosmopolitan Reflections David Hirsh Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW, UK The Working Papers Series is intended to initiate discussion, debate and discourse on a wide variety of issues as it pertains to the analysis of antisemitism, and to further the study of this subject matter. Please feel free to submit papers to the ISGAP working paper series. Contact the ISGAP Coordinator or the Editor of the Working Paper Series, Charles Asher Small. Working Paper Hirsh 2007 ISSN: 1940-610X © Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy ISGAP 165 East 56th Street, Second floor New York, NY 10022 United States Office Telephone: 212-230-1840 www.isgap.org ABSTRACT This paper aims to disentangle the difficult relationship between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. On one side, antisemitism appears as a pressing contemporary problem, intimately connected to an intensification of hostility to Israel. Opposing accounts downplay the fact of antisemitism and tend to treat the charge as an instrumental attempt to de-legitimize criticism of Israel. I address the central relationship both conceptually and through a number of empirical case studies which lie in the disputed territory between criticism and demonization. The paper focuses on current debates in the British public sphere and in particular on the campaign to boycott Israeli academia. Sociologically the paper seeks to develop a cosmopolitan framework to confront the methodological nationalism of both Zionism and anti-Zionism. It does not assume that exaggerated hostility to Israel is caused by underlying antisemitism but it explores the possibility that antisemitism may be an effect even of some antiracist forms of anti- Zionism. -
US Foreign Policy and the Multinational Force in Lebanon, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53973-7 256 BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCE ARCHIVES Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Simi Valley Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library. Abilene James Earl Carter Presidential Library, Atlanta United Nations Archives and Record Management, New York City The British National Archives, Kew Central Intelligence Agency Freedom of Information Archives, Online Department of State Freedom of Information ‘Released Documents’ Archive, Online PUBLISHED INTERVIEWS Interview with Fawaaz Traboulsi by Lynn Barbee, Published in MERIP Reports, No.61, October 1970, pp.3–5. Interview with Shaykh Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah by Mahmoud Soueid, Published in Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.25, No.1, 1995. Interview with Yusif al-Haytham, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Published in MERIP Reports, No. 44 February 1976. Speech given by Fawwaz Traboulsi and Assaf Kfoury ‘Lebanon on the Brink’ Lebanese American University, 18 January 2007. Interview with Prince Farid Chehab, Former Director of Public Security, Centre for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut, 2007. © The Author(s) 2017 255 C. Varady, US Foreign Policy and the Multinational Force in Lebanon, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53973-7 256 BIBLIOGRAPHY Interview with Adel Osseiran, President of the Council of Representatives, Lebanon, Centre for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut, 2007. Interview with Said Akl, Lebanese Writer and Political Poet, Centre for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut, 2007. Interview with Anbara Salam al Khalidi, Conducted by Laila Rostom, Centre for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut, 2007. Interview with Raymond Edde, Former Lebanese Presidential Candidate and Former State Ministers, Jan 25 1970, Centre for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut, 2007. -
Swivel-Eyed Loons Had Found Their Cheerleader at Last: Like Nobody Else, Boris Could Put a Jolly Gloss on Their Ugly Tale of Brexit As Cultural Class- War
DOWNLOAD CSS Notes, Books, MCQs, Magazines www.thecsspoint.com Download CSS Notes Download CSS Books Download CSS Magazines Download CSS MCQs Download CSS Past Papers The CSS Point, Pakistan’s The Best Online FREE Web source for All CSS Aspirants. Email: [email protected] BUY CSS / PMS / NTS & GENERAL KNOWLEDGE BOOKS ONLINE CASH ON DELIVERY ALL OVER PAKISTAN Visit Now: WWW.CSSBOOKS.NET For Oder & Inquiry Call/SMS/WhatsApp 0333 6042057 – 0726 540141 FPSC Model Papers 50th Edition (Latest & Updated) By Imtiaz Shahid Advanced Publishers For Order Call/WhatsApp 03336042057 - 0726540141 CSS Solved Compulsory MCQs From 2000 to 2020 Latest & Updated Order Now Call/SMS 03336042057 - 0726540141 Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power & Peace By Hans Morgenthau FURTHER PRAISE FOR JAMES HAWES ‘Engaging… I suspect I shall remember it for a lifetime’ The Oldie on The Shortest History of Germany ‘Here is Germany as you’ve never known it: a bold thesis; an authoritative sweep and an exhilarating read. Agree or disagree, this is a must for anyone interested in how Germany has come to be the way it is today.’ Professor Karen Leeder, University of Oxford ‘The Shortest History of Germany, a new, must-read book by the writer James Hawes, [recounts] how the so-called limes separating Roman Germany from non-Roman Germany has remained a formative distinction throughout the post-ancient history of the German people.’ Economist.com ‘A daring attempt to remedy the ignorance of the centuries in little over 200 pages... not just an entertaining canter -
HOW the OTHER HALF VOTES HOW the OTHER Big Brother Viewers and the 2005 General Election HALF VOTES
HOW THE OTHER HALF VOTES HOW THE OTHER Big Brother Viewers and the 2005 General Election HALF VOTES Stephen Coleman Big Brother Viewers and the 2005 General Election Why is it that the experience of taking part in Big Brother is so much more compelling for some people than the routines and rituals of electoral politics? How the Other Half Votes raises radical questions about the condition of contemporary democracy, the Stephen Coleman borders between the political and the popular and the case for thinking creatively about what it means to be politically engaged. May 2006 Price £10 Hansard Society ISBN 0 900432 18 7 www.hansardsociety.org.uk The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and the Hansard Society, as an independent non-party organisation, is neither for nor against. The Society is, however, happy to publish these views and to invite analysis and discussion of them. HOW THE OTHER HALF VOTES Big Brother Viewers and the 2005 General Election Stephen Coleman Stephen Coleman is Professor of Political © Hansard Society 2006 Communication at Leeds University All rights reserved. No part of this publication and also senior research associate may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or with the Hansard Society transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the Hansard Society. Published by The Hansard Society is an independent, Hansard Society non-partisan educational charity, which exists 40-43 Chancery Lane to promote effective parliamentary democracy. London WC2A 1JA For further information -
Wikileaks and the Institutional Framework for National Security Disclosures
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL PATRICIA L. BELLIA WikiLeaks and the Institutional Framework for National Security Disclosures ABSTRACT. WikiLeaks' successive disclosures of classified U.S. documents throughout 2010 and 2011 invite comparison to publishers' decisions forty years ago to release portions of the Pentagon Papers, the classified analytic history of U.S. policy in Vietnam. The analogy is a powerful weapon for WikiLeaks' defenders. The Supreme Court's decision in the Pentagon Papers case signaled that the task of weighing whether to publicly disclose leaked national security information would fall to publishers, not the executive or the courts, at least in the absence of an exceedingly grave threat of harm. The lessons of the PentagonPapers case for WikiLeaks, however, are more complicated than they may first appear. The Court's per curiam opinion masks areas of substantial disagreement as well as a number of shared assumptions among the Court's members. Specifically, the Pentagon Papers case reflects an institutional framework for downstream disclosure of leaked national security information, under which publishers within the reach of U.S. law would weigh the potential harms and benefits of disclosure against the backdrop of potential criminal penalties and recognized journalistic norms. The WikiLeaks disclosures show the instability of this framework by revealing new challenges for controlling the downstream disclosure of leaked information and the corresponding likelihood of "unintermediated" disclosure by an insider; the risks of non-media intermediaries attempting to curtail such disclosures, in response to government pressure or otherwise; and the pressing need to prevent and respond to leaks at the source. AUTHOR. -
Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War Jennie Matuschak [email protected]
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Spring 2019 Nationalism and Multi-Dimensional Identities: Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War Jennie Matuschak [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Matuschak, Jennie, "Nationalism and Multi-Dimensional Identities: Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War" (2019). Honors Theses. 486. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/486 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. iii Acknowledgments My first thanks is to my advisor, Mehmet Döşemeci. Without taking your class my freshman year, I probably would not have become a history major, which has changed my outlook on the world. Time will tell whether this is good or bad, but for now I am appreciative of your guidance. Also, thank you to my second advisor, Beeta Baghoolizadeh, who dealt with draft after draft and provided my thesis with the critiques it needed to stand strongly on its own. Thank you to my friends for your support and loyalty over the past four years, which have pushed me to become the best version of myself. Most importantly, I value the distractions when I needed a break from hanging out with Saddam. Special shout-out to Andrew Raisner for painstakingly reading and editing everything I’ve written, starting from my proposal all the way to the final piece. -
Turkish Language in Iran (From the Ghaznavid Empire to the End of the Safavid Dynasty)
42 Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Turkish Language in Iran (from the Ghaznavid Empire to the end of the Safavid Dynasty) Zivar Huseynova Khazar University The history of Turks in Iran goes back to very ancient times, and there are differences of opinion among historians about the Turks‟ ruling of Iranian lands. However, all historians accept the rulers of the Turkish territories since the Ghaznavid Empire. In that era, Turks took over the rule of Iran and took the first steps toward broadening the empire. The Ghaznavi Turks, continuing to rule according to the local government system in Iran, expanded their territories as far as India. The warmongering Turks, making up the majority of the army, spread their own language among the army and even in the regions they occupied. Even if they did not make a strong influence in many cultural spheres, they did propagate their languages in comparison to Persian. Thus, we come across many Turkish words in Persian written texts of that period. This can be seen using the example of the word “amirakhurbashi” or “mirakhurbashı” which is composed of Arabic elements.1 The first word inside this compound word is the Arabic “amir” (command), but the second and third words composing it are Turkish. Amirakhurbashi was the name of a high government officer rank. Aside from this example, the Turkish words “çomaq”(“chomak”) and “qalachur”(“kalachur”) or “qarachur” (“karachur”) are used as names for military ammunition. 2 It is likely that the word karachur, which means a long and curved weapon, was taken from the word qılınc (“kilinj,” sword) and is even noted as a Turkish word in many dictionaries. -
Towards a Policy Framework for Iraq's Petroleum Industry and An
Towards a Policy Framework for Iraq’s Petroleum Industry and an Integrated Federal Energy Strategy Submitted by Luay Jawad al-Khatteeb To the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics In January 2017 The thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgment. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature ......................................................... i Abstract: The “Policy Framework for Iraq’s Petroleum Industry” is a logical structure that establishes the rules to guide decisions and manage processes to achieve economically efficient outcomes within the energy sector. It divides policy applications between regulatory and regulated practices, and defines the governance of the public sector across the petroleum industry and relevant energy portfolios. In many “Rentier States” where countries depend on a single source of income such as oil revenues, overlapping powers of authority within the public sector between policy makers and operators has led to significant conflicts of interest that have resulted in the mismanagement of resources and revenues, corruption, failed strategies and the ultimate failure of the system. Some countries have succeeded in identifying areas for progressive reform, whilst others failed due to various reasons discussed in this thesis. Iraq fits into the category of a country that has failed to implement reform and has become a classic case of a rentier state. -
The Authorised History of MI5 by Christopher Andrew (Book Review)
Lobster 58 The Defence of the Realm The Authorised History of MI5 Christopher Andrew Page 134 Winter 2009/10 Lobster 58 London: Allen Lane, 2009, £30 Covering the same area as the Hennessy/Thomas book but with access to more recent MI5 documents, Andrew does at least refer to the dissenters named in the preceding paragraph. This is a thousand pages long and will be of major interest to academic students of British intelligence and political history for years to come. Discounted from sellers like Amazon, this is a seriously good buy. But I’m not an academic and my interests are political. I looked initially at two areas: what it said about MI5’s relationship with the British left since WW2, and particularly the role of the CPGB in British politics; and the so-called Wilson plots. Let’s take the left first. Elsewhere in this issue is my contribution to the Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom’s book on the 1984 miners’ strike. In that I repeat for the umpteenth time Peter Wright’s story in Spycatcher that MI5 knew about the covert Soviet funding of the CPGB in the 1950s and neither exposed it nor tried to stop it. Wright is rubbished repeatedly by Andrew and he does not refer to this claim of Wright’s. However on p. 403 he writes this: ‘The Security Service had “good coverage” of the secret Soviet funding of the CPGB, monitoring by surveillance and telecheck the regular collection of Moscow’s cash subsidies by two members of the Party’s International Department, Eileen Palmer and Bob Stewart, from the north London address of two ex-trainees of the Moscow Radio School.’ This isn’t dated but from the context it is the early 1950s. -
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States
PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES i VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:33 Nov 01, 2000 Jkt 010199 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 1234 Sfmt 1234 C:\94PAP2\PAP_PRE txed01 PsN: txed01 ii VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:33 Nov 01, 2000 Jkt 010199 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 1234 Sfmt 1234 C:\94PAP2\PAP_PRE txed01 PsN: txed01 iii VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:33 Nov 01, 2000 Jkt 010199 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 1234 Sfmt 1234 C:\94PAP2\PAP_PRE txed01 PsN: txed01 Published by the Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration For sale by the Superintendent of Documents U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, DC 20402 iv VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:33 Nov 01, 2000 Jkt 010199 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 1234 Sfmt 1234 C:\94PAP2\PAP_PRE txed01 PsN: txed01 Foreword During the second half of 1994, America continued to move forward to help strengthen the American Dream of prosperity here at home and help spread peace and democracy around the world. The American people saw the rewards that grew out of our efforts in the first 18 months of my Administration. Economic growth increased in strength, and the number of new jobs created during my Administration rose to 4.7 million. After 6 years of delay, the American people had a Crime Bill, which will put 100,000 police officers on our streets and take 19 deadly assault weapons off the street. We saw our National Service initiative become a reality as I swore in the first 20,000 AmeriCorps members, giving them the opportunity to serve their country and to earn money for their education. -
Iraq: Options for U.S
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE POLICY FOCUS IRAQ: OPTIONS FOR U.S. POLICY LAURIE MYLROIE RESEARCH MEMORANDUM NUMBER TWENTY-ONE MAY 1993 Cover and title page illustrations from windows of the tom Bi-AmnW Mosque. 990-1013 THE AUTHOR Laurie Mylroie is Arab Affairs Fellow at The Washington Institute. She has previously taught in the Department of Government at Harvard University and at the U.S. Naval War College. Among Dr. Mylroie's many published works on Iraq are Saddam Hussein and the Crisis in the Gulf (with Judith Miller), and The Future of Iraq (Washington Institute Policy Paper Number 24). The views expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and should not necessarily be construed as representing those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Clinton administration inherited a flawed Iraq policy from the Bush administration, but, in formulating a new policy, it has failed to accurately define those flaws. Its emphasis on "depersonalizing" the conflict with Iraq by shifting the focus from Saddam Hussein to Baghdad's compliance with relevant UN resolutions may mean that the Clinton administration will eventually, if reluctantly, come to terms with Saddam's dogged hold on power and accept a diluted form of Iraqi compliance with the resolutions. Although that may be far from the administration's intent, the present formulation of U.S. policy may weaken the coalition and lead to that result nonetheless. The Clinton administration has stated that it will enforce all UN resolutions, including Resolution 687, which, inter alia, provides for stripping Iraq of weapons of mass destruction, and Resolution 688, which demands that Baghdad cease to repress its population.