Jurina RUSNÁKOVÁ

Discussions about Inclusion of Marginalized Groups in Context of Social Services Proceedings of Scientific Studies and Scientific Works

Wien 2017

Diese wissenschaftliche Studie ist ein Arbeitsergebnis des Projektes mit der Geldsubvention „SCIENTIA – ARS – EDUCATIO“.

Jurina RUSNÁKOVÁ

Discussions about Inclusion of Marginalized Groups in Context of Social Services Proceedings of Scientific Studies and Scientific Works

Wien 2017

© Editor: Jurina RUSNÁKOVÁ

Editorial Board: prof. zw. dr hab. Sławomir M. MAZUR (Krakowska Akademia, Krakow, Poland) doc. Ing. Beáta GAVUROVÁ, PhD. MBA (Technical University of Košice, Slovak Republic) doc. PhDr. Martin KALEJA, PhD. (Silesian University in Opava, Czech Republic) Mgr. Milan SAMKO, PhD. (Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak Republic)

Reviewers: prof. PhDr. Michal OLÁH, PhD. Mgr. Alena ROCHOVSKÁ, PhD. Mgr. Daniel ŠKOBLA, PhD.

ISBN: 978-3-9504061-3-9

Veranstalter: Internationale Stiftung Schulung, Kunst, Ausbildung Dürrnbacherstraße 6/1/19 1110 Wien Österreich

The papers were peer-reviewed.

The proceedings were prepared in accordance with publication ethics and ethical rules in research. The scientific studies and scientific works are original, prepared for these proceedings.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...... 6

ANALYSIS OF HOUSING DEPRIVATION OF ROMA HOUSEHOLDS IN SELECTED TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF SLOVAK REPUBLIC7 Martin BRŇAK ...... 7 SOCIAL SUPPORT IN CONTEXT OF PERCEIVED CRISIS SITUATIONS IN ROMA IN SLOVAKIA Jurina RUSNÁKOVÁ – Miroslava ČEREŠNÍKOVÁ – Rastislav ROSINSKÝ – Beáta GAVUROVÁ – Július RUSNÁK – Róbert SZAKÁCS ...... 38 STUDY ON EFFECTIVENESS AND AVAILABILITY OF INCLUSIVE PROGRAMMES AND SOCIAL SERVICES FOR WOMEN SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC Ivan RÁC – Michal KOZUBÍK – René LUŽICA ...... 95 QUALITY OF LIFE IN THE ELDERLY AS DETERMINANT OF THEIR SOCIAL INCLUSION Martina HROZENSKÁ – Zuzana LÍŠKOVÁ ...... 144 SUBJECTIVE WELLBEING IN OLDER PEOPLE – NEW CHALLENGE TO INCREASE QUALITY OF INCLUSIVE INSTITUTIONAL CARE Mário GRIESBACH – Lýdia LEHOCZKÁ ...... 163 REFUGEE INTEGRATION AND SOCIAL SERVICES FOR THEM IN CONDITIONS OF SLOVAK REPUBLIC Katarína VANKOVÁ – Rastislav ROSINSKÝ ...... 224

INTRODUCTION

These proceedings are one of the publications of the Institute of Romani Studies; its purpose is to present, particularly to the scientific community, the results of the specific studies. Our aim is to contribute to professional discussions about marginalized groups of citizens and about the possibilities of inclusion of these groups in majority societies. In the scientific studies, their authors focus on specific groups of population – Roma, the elderly, and refugees; based on their own research activities, they discuss the problems the stated marginalized groups face and every developed society attempts to cope with. The first two studies focus on clarification of the complexness of social exclusion of marginalized Roma – Martin Brňák focuses on the issue of housing in his paper; the authors of the second paper (Jurina Rusnáková, Miroslava Čerešníková, Beáta Gavurová, Róbert Szakács) state the results of the study on social networks and social support of marginalized Roma. The possibilities of inclusive programmes in social services for Roma women subjected to violence are found in the paper by Ivan Rác and Michal Kozubík. Besides the study results, they state also specific recommendations for work with this group of clients. The other two studies (Martina Hrozenská, and Mário Griesbach, Lýdia Lehoczká) state the results of the studies on the needs of the elderly, again in the context of increasing the quality and inclusiveness of social services. The issues of refugees and migration are serious global problems; the analysis of the needs of people who had to leave their home countries and their expectations from social services is presented by Katarína Vanková. The proceedings consist of four scientific studies and two scientific works; all the papers were peer-reviewed and were recommended for publication.

6 ANALYSIS OF HOUSING DEPRIVATION OF ROMA HOUSEHOLDS IN SELECTED TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF SLOVAK REPUBLIC

Martin BRŇAK

St. Elizabeth University College of Health and Social Sciences, Don Bosco Institute of Social Work in Žilina, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: In the conditions of the SR, the issue of poverty is most visible in the slums in the rural or urban environments. In the previous two decades we have witnessed the efforts to meet the strategic and action plans at the national and local levels. The primary pillars of dealing with the issue of the socially excluded localities are based particularly on the data obtained through the Atlas of Roma Communities in Slovakia 2013. The stated database of the localities can be identified and described in its content also through other, already existing data. An example is the Population and Housing Census 2011, which captures a significant amount of indicators. Using the selected indicators, we analysed the selected 150 municipalities through the index ZIP. The paper shows a possible alternative in approach to creating a list of eligible towns and villages. The information about households for specific residential units can be compared in the Slovak Republic related to a territory and also it is possible to evaluate the effects of social policies and measures after time.

Keywords: Household; Roma nationality; Project TAKE AWAY; Index of zone of underdevelopment; Index of segregation.

1 INTRODUCTION

The issue of socially excluded localities has been presented as a priority area of interest by the representatives of the state and public administration of the Slovak Republic. The number of slums has been increasing constantly 1 and living conditions in these inhabited areas have been

1In 2004, in accordance with the methodology of the Atlas of Roma Communities 2004, there were 149 segregated settlements. The Atlas of Roma Communities 2013 identifies 233 such settlements in the SR, i.e. there was an increase by 84 settlements.

7 worsening in general. The issue of poverty is masked and repressed by intentional creation of an image about “groups of non-adaptable fellow citizens”, which quite often becomes a main topic of political debates. In the recent decade, we have witnessed constant implementations of new social measures of a restrictive character at the national level.2The measures that should have, according to their authors, eliminated poverty in our latitudes. Unfortunately, it has not happened and one measure is replaced by another. Accusations of the unemployed of laziness and unwillingness to work, connected with a loss of social securities, reductionof finance costs of the governments for social security, inadequate support of social housing, indirect support of segregation in the school educational system has become a reality of the “social system” in recent years. The most serious problems of persons living in socially excluded environment include particularly high unemployment rates, overcrowded households, unsatisfactory housing, low incomes, discrimination, etc.3One of the last “projects” implemented on the national level, which might have brought a new perspective and mainly findings of the area of poverty, was data collection by UNDP within the Atlas of Roma Communities 2013. 4 The aim of the Atlas of Roma

2The changes relate particularly to creating pressure to reduce the number of eligible applicants for benefits in material deprivation. From 2014, there is a legal obligation to work 32 hours a month in community service to get the benefits in material deprivation. Also, the amount of the benefit in material deprivation has changed. Since 2009, it was increased (in an individual by 1.10€) for the first time, however, for the price of cancelling the benefit for health care (2.00€), which results in the “increase” by o -0.90€ in an individual. In case of multiple families, real decrease of the amount of the benefit in material deprivation is even more significant, because the benefits for health care were paid per a number of household members. The measures were proposed and prepared with direct participation of the Office of the Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Slovak Republic for Roma Communities; the main role of the Office is to propose, coordinate and supervise the activities leading to solving the problems of the Roma minority and after agreement by the Government of the SR to implement the system solutions to achieve equal status of citizens belonging to the Roma minority in society. 3 More details e.g.: Effective Roma integration measures (European Commission, 2016) 4 The Atlas of Roma Communities 2013, based on the methodology from 2004, was conducted by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in cooperation with the Institute of Romani Studies of the Prešov University, the Office of the Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Slovak Republic for Roma Communities, and the Association of Towns and Villages of Slovakia (ZMOS). The Project is part

8 Communities 2013 is to provide background for public administration, non- profit and private sectors when designing measures and programmes focused on enhancement of living conditions and social inclusion of the Roma population (Atlas rómskych komunít, 2013). Using the obtained data, social policies were to be set (on the national and local levels) with the aim to help to solve the issue of poverty and social exclusion.5The result of the data collection was a database of 1,070 towns and villages and information about settlements with concentrated poverty in them. The list was to be useful for more effective, faster and more targeted reallocation of funds to localities significantly affected by poverty. Part of the Atlas of Roma Communities 2013 is specification of 150 municipalities through the index of segregation and underdevelopment which have become, based on their categorization in a narrower group of towns and villages, recipients of selected programmes (the national project Take away6)on social inclusion in the programme period 2014-2020. The index included thirteen variables resulting from the total data collection, which produced significant distortion particularly if we consider that the main method for the data collection was a qualified estimation of persons working in the localities, e.g. employees of municipalities, social workers, etc. For the purposes of OP Human Resources, an alternative index was developed, i.e. a simplified index of a zone of underdevelopment (ZIP). The aim of the selection of of the common programme of the UNDP and the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family of the SR, focused on monitoring the living conditions of the Roma population. 5 In general, such settlements are called “Roma communities”, or rather, “marginalized Roma communities” both in academic and political discourses. An image of a Roma community is the political fiction which is supported and developed by the state power. Quite often, town and municipal offices are behind the origin of such “communities”. A “community” has become a product of regional policies; the inhabitants of the settlements are labelled as Roma; however, usually they do not share a uniform local social organization on ethnic or other principles (Jakoubek, Hirt, 2004). 6 In the approved operational programme Human Resources for the programme period 2014-2020, the projects focused on integration of inhabitants of marginalized Roma communities are funded. The selected 150 municipalities have become eligible recipients of assistance which consists of a basic pack, so-called Take away. The pack includes support of school education, outreach social work, technical assistance for settling up the land under illegal dwellings, access to drinking/household water.

9 towns with the use of the index of a zone of underdevelopment (ZIP) was their comparison and thus to enable the most effective targeting of interventions. The index is based on the lowest possible number of data, which decreases a risk of an error rate, simplifies methodology of calculation and increases comprehensibility of the index in communication between multiple participants. Designing the index was based on a belief that the most problematic are localities with a higher number of socially and economically excluded households.7The reduction of input indicators in the index contracted to two, i.e. data about an average number of inhabitants per one dwelling in a settlement and data about a total number of inhabitants of the settlement (or rather, the square root of a total number of inhabitants of the settlement). The index ZIP was used to generate a list of 150 towns and villageswhere the living conditions should be the worst of all studied areas (1,070 towns and villages). The list is unstable in time, which is given particularly by belated initiation of programmes and calls within the individual priority axes focused on solution and promotion of social inclusion of excluded settlements. Some towns and villages ask to be removed from the ZIP list. The villages in the ZIP list have a limited possibility to ask for selected funds, e.g. the means within NP TSP through the Implementation Agency of the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family even though their programmes targeted the same target group. The paper objective is to analyse municipalities with the use of the SOBD 2011 data. We will analyse individual towns and villagesthrough selected social and economic indicators (SODB 2011) with an aim to describe a current situation in households. A hundred and fifty towns and villagesfrom the original ZIP list published on the website of the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family of the SR in the OP Human Resources were analysed. The selection of municipalities depended on including a municipality in the list of towns and villageswith the highest values of the simplified index of a zone of underdevelopment (ZIP).

7In the studied 150 towns and villages, a direct correlation between a number of people declaring themselves Roma and a number of households that showed the studied indicators was proved. The higher number of people declaring themselves Roma, the higher share of households without hot water, toilet, bathroom, etc. is. All correlations were statistically significant at 0.01.

10 2 METHODOLOGY

In selection of social and economic indicators, we used the census data collection the Population and Housing Census 2011 (SOBD) which includes the data about households and their inhabitants at the level of basic residential units. The data collection relating to the national minorities in the SR, particularly through SOBD which belongs to the world programme of population and housing censuses. A census is repeated regularly every 10 years (measurements are comparable in time), and it is the only census of all citizens and households in the SR except foreigners using diplomatic privileges and immunity. An advantage of a census is detection of multiple indicators related to families, individuals, but also flats and houses at the same time. For the purposes of our analysis, data related to a declared nationality of respondents as well as their residence, i.e. a basic residential unit (ZSJ) of a town/village are necessary. Individual ZSJ form urbanistic districts or residential buildings separated from each other by unbuilt areas. The data are used particularly for statistical monitoring of social and economic, and territorial and technical phenomena directly related to settlements. Towns and villagesthat are formed by one basic residential unit entered the analysis as a whole. If a town was formed by several residential units, selected were those that had the highest number of persons declaring themselves to be of the Roma nationality. For the purposes of SOBD, a nationality means a membership in a nation or ethnic group, by their own decision.8The nationality in children under 15 years of age is identified by the nationality of their parents; in case of different nationalities of parents, the nationality is determined by one of them (Juhaščíková – Škápik – Štukovská, 2012). The number of persons declaring themselves to be of the Roma nationality and the real number of Roma in SOBD is significantly underestimated. In 2011 in the studied towns and villages, 19% of persons declared themselves Roma (42,954 persons) of the total number of their citizens.

8 The Constitution of the Slovak Republic guarantees every citizen a right to freely decide about one’s nationality; also, it prohibits any influence on this decision and all forms of coercion leading to denationalization.

11 The municipalities whose order was determined by the ZIP were identified on the basis of the Atlas of Roma Communities in Slovakia (2013) that included those towns and villagesin which there was an assumption of the presence of Roma communities with an estimated number of inhabitants higher than 30 inhabitants. Roma communities, or rather, an increased concentration of Roma was identified on the basis of anthropologic signs, cultural affiliation, a way of life – lifestyle, a living space subjectively perceived by a majority as signs it attributes to Roma regardless of their positive or negative content. The problematic phenomenon is also attribution of the “Roma ethnicity” by a majority part of population to persons based on the external, or rather, visible signs, behavioural manifestations which in many cases can lead only to confirmation of the stereotypes towards Roma. When finding a number of members of the Roma nationality, data collection was largely based on a “qualified estimate” of self-government employees, which may have led to an artificial and purposeful overvaluation of the number of Roma in a town in order to gain the opportunity to apply for funds from the funds focusing on inclusive policy and by related measures. The values of the indicators are determined for all households including those that did not provide information about their households in SOBD 2011. The households that did not provide specific information about their households are stated as unidentified households; however, they are included in the total number of households in a village. The values for individual indicators present in a village/residential unit are minimum values of an indicator, i.e. they were not cleared by households that did not provide information. In total, within 150 municipalities, there were 63,769 households analysed, including 16% of the households categorized as unidentified (10,261 households). Out of 247,287 inhabitants of the studied towns and villages, only 5% of their inhabitants did not provide information in SOBD 2011. The selection of the indicators analysed in the paper is partially based on the published works and availability of data on the level of ZSJ for specific towns and villages.9 The data in SOBD do not capture deprivation as forced

9 Many applied indicators are used in other indexes of poverty, deprivation, e.g.: Underprivileged Area Score, Townsend index of deprivation, etc. Also, they occur

12 shortage, i.e. the respondents did not show not owning the objects because of their inability of their provision despite the fact they wanted to own the stated objects. In total, we determined seven indicators in three areas of interest. The first area was to analyse housing deprivation of persons declaring themselves to be of the Roma nationality in the selected towns. For the purposes of analysis of the selected households, we stated three indicators of housing deprivation, including a household without a bathroom/shower cabin, a household without hot water, and a household without a toilet (Forrest-Gordon, 1993). The second area focused on analysis of the households from the perspective of the number of its members. In the third area, we monitored an average number of household members related to completed education and economic activity. For the purposes of analysis of the municipalities, we used the following indicators: A household without a bathroom/shower cabin The indicator captures a distribution of households in a ZSJ/municipality that do not have a bathroom or a shower cabin. A bathroom means a separated room whose part is a shower cabin, possibly a toilet. A household has a bathroom also if a shower cabin is placed in another room (e.g.: a kitchen, a hall). A household without hot water The indicator captures a distribution of households in a ZSJ/municipalitywhich are not connected to the hot water supply (hot water is supplied to a flat from a central remote, local or floor heating) or do not have an opportunity to use any of the external resources to heat water, e.g.: solar heating, geothermal heating, biomass, other renewable resources. A household without a toilet The indicator captures a distribution of households in a ZSJ/municipalitythat do not have access to a flush toilet facility for waste disposal. in analyses focused on quality of housing, e.g.: Situačná analýza vybraných aspektov životnej úrovne domácností vylúčených rómskych osídlení realizovaný UNDP v roku 2013.

13 A number of household members The indicator captures an average number of household members aged 16 and older in a ZSJ/municipality. A number of the young in a household The indicator captures an average number of household members younger than 16 years in a ZSJ/municipality. A number of household members with primary education The indicator captures an average number of household members in a ZSJ/municipalitywith primary education as the highest completed education. It includes all persons aged 16 years and olderwho completed primary school and did not continue in a study. A number of unemployed household members The indicator captures an average number of household members in a municipalityaged 16 years and older who were jobless or were actively seeking a job regardless of being or not being registered as jobseekers. To compare the incidence of social and economic indicators in specific towns and villages, we used the possibilities of data standardization using a z-score which allows comparison of the stated values. A z-score is a mathematical operation used for standardization of data whose resulting values have a mean of 0 and a standard deviation is 1. Data standardization using a z-score allows us to compare multiple data sets and determine by how many standard deviations of observations it is bellow or above an average. The higher (+) a “score” value of an indicator, the higher representation of social and economic indicators is, and vice versa. The z- score values about 0 are the values close to an average. 푥 − 휇 푧 = 휎 where: 푥– % of a household of a studied indicator, 휇– the arithmetic mean of an indicator, 휎– the standard deviation.

A total z-score value (Zxy) of specific towns and villagesis a sum of the z- score values for specific indicators to a relevant town/village. The higher (+) value a village achieved, the higher incidence of specific indicators in a

14 village /ZSJ is, and vice versa, the lower (-) value is, the lower incidence of the studied indicators in a village is. 7 푧푥푦 = ∑ 푧푖 푖=1 where: zi a z-score value of a studied indicator z1, z2, z3 ... z7 zxy a total z-score value of a village/town The value indicators can be influenced by an internal division of territorial units in specific towns and villages. A division of territorial units in a town/village can significantly influence the values of the specific indicators on the low, or rather, zero value – an example A, or vice versa, it can show a high value – an example B (Fryer, 2010).

3 RESULTS

The highest distribution of the households without a bathroom or a shower cabin in the studied towns and villages was in Doľany where 97% of the households in the studied localities were without a bathroom or a shower cabin in 2011. It was followed by Rakúsy (86%), Veľká Lomnica (84%), Vtáčkovce (79%), Vechec (78%), Podhorany (72%), and Huncovce (68%). On the contrary, almost 100% of the households in which a bathroom or shower cabin is a part of a household were in Kráľovský Chlmec. The high distributions of the households with a bathroom which is a part of a household were found also in Veľké Kapušany, Bánovce nad Bebravou, Bystré, Nitra, Giraltovce, Bardejov, and Komárno.

15 Graph 1: Without a bathroom/shower cabin

Graph 2: Without hot water

The number of the municipalities with the above-average incidence of the households without a bathroom is lower than the number of the municipalities with the above-average distribution of the households whose part is a bathroom or a shower cabin. The number of the municipalities with the below-average distribution is more than twice as high (Graph 1). The above-average z-score values were found in almost 1/3 of 150 studied towns and villages. Sixty-three per cent of the municipalities with the

16 above-average value of the studied indicator are in the Prešov Region, 29% in the Košice Region, and 8% in the Banská Bystrica Region.

Tab. 1: Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: a household without a bathroom/shower cabin No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Doľany 3.9937 136 Jánovce -0.8027

2 Rakúsy 3.4441 137 Spišská Teplica -0.8027

3 Veľká Lomnica 3.3442 138 Kružlová -0.8027

4 Vtáčkovce 3.0944 139 Komárno -0.8027

5 Vechec 3.0444 140 Sučany -0.8027

6 Podhorany 2.7447 141 Gelnica -0.8027

7 Huncovce 2.5448 142 Košice -0.8027

8 Trebišov 2.2950 143 Sobrance -0.8027

9 Malý Slivník 2.2450 144 Bardejov -0.8527

Stráne pod 10 145 Giraltovce Tatrami 2.1951 -0.8527

11 Jarovnice 1.4956 146 Bystré -0.8527

12 Ľubica 1.4456 147 Nitra -0.8527

Chminianske Bánovce nad 13 148 Jakubovany 1.4456 Bebravou -0.8527

14 Mirkovce 1.2957 149 Veľké Kapušany -0.8527

Kráľovský 15 Sečovce 150 1.2957 Chlmec -0.8527

Based on the SOBD 2011 data, the highest distribution of the households without access to hot water in the studied municipalities was found in

17 Doľany. Almost 97% of its households in a residential unit with the highest number of persons declaring themselves Roma do not have access to hot water. The second in the list is Krásnohorské Podhradie (90%), followed by Veľká Lomnica (89%). Other municipalities with a significant distribution of the households without access to hot water include Košice (88%), Rakúsy (83%), Sečovce (83%), Podhorany (80%), and Huncovce (69%). The lowest reported numbers of the households without access to hot water were found in Bánovce nad Bebravou, Chminianske Jakubovany, Jánovce, Sobrance, Veľké Kapušany, Nitra, Komárno, and Bystré. The above- average values were found in 43 studied localities. In the rest of the cases, the rate of the distribution of the households without hot water was below the average level (Graph 2). Fifty-one per cent of the studied municipalities with the above-average values are in the Prešov Region, 40% in the Košice Region, 7% in the Banská Bystrica Region, and 2% in the Nitra Region.

18 Tab. 2:Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: a household without hot water No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Doľany 3.7149 136 Banská Bystrica -0.7160

Krásnohorské 2 Podhradie 3.3918 137 Bardejov -0.7160

3 Veľká Lomnica 3.3457 138 Červenica -0.7160

4 Košice 3.2995 139 Drienov -0.7160

5 Rakúsy 3.0687 140 Mirkovce -0.7160

6 Sečovce 3.0687 141 Ostrovany -0.7160

7 Podhorany 2.9303 142 Jakubany -0.7160

8 Huncovce 2.4226 143 Bystré -0.7160

9 Vtáčkovce 2.3302 144 Komárno -0.7160

10 Stráne pod Tatrami 2.0072 145 Nitra -0.7160

11 Trebišov 2.0072 146 Veľké Kapušany -0.7160

12 Humenné 1.8225 147 Sobrance -0.7160

13 Krížová Ves 1.5456 148 Jánovce -0.7622

Chminianske 14 Ľubica 1.4994 149 Jakubovany -0.7622

Bánovce nad 15 Michalovce 1.4533 150 Bebravou -0.7622

The highest distribution of the households without a toilet in the studied municipalities, according to the SOBD 2011 data, was found in Vtáčkovce. In total, more than 88% of the studied households did not have access to a toilet. Up to 82.5% of the households do not have a toilet in the studied residential unit in Veľká Lomnica. The high distributions of the households without access to a toilet in the studied settlements were found in Rakúsy (81.3%), Vechec (77.9%), Podhorany (70.3%), Trebišov (67.6%),

19 MalýSlivník (65%), Huncovce (62%), Stráne pod Tatrami (59%), and Sečovce (52%). The stated values were highly above an average. The lowest distributions of the households without a toilet were found in Kráľovský Chlmec, Veľké Kapušany, Bánovce nad Bebravou, Zlaté Klasy, Nitra, Komárno, Spišský Štiavnik, and Poprad.

Graph 3: Without a toilet

20 Graph 4: A distribution of persons living in a household/flat

Within the indicator “a household without access to a toilet”, 1/3 of the studied towns and villages had above-average results (Graph 3). Sixty-six per cent of the towns and villages with the above-average values are in the Prešov Region. In the Košice Region, there are 26% of the towns and villages with the above-average values, and in the BanskáBystrica Region, there are 8% of the studied settlements with the above-average values.

21 Table 3: Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: a household without a toilet No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Vtáčkovce 3.6941 136 Gelnica -0.8059

2 Veľká Lomnica 3.4355 137 Košice -0.8059

3 Rakúsy 3.3320 138 Sobrance -0.8059

4 Vechec 3.1768 139 Banská Bystrica -0.8576

5 Podhorany 2.7631 140 Brezno -0.8576

6 Trebišov 2.6596 141 Kežmarok -0.8576

7 Malý Slivník 2.5044 142 Levoča -0.8576

8 Huncovce 2.3493 143 Poprad -0.8576

9 Stráne pod Tatrami 2.1941 144 Spišský Štiavnik -0.8576

10 Červenica 1.8320 145 Komárno -0.8576

11 Sečovce 1.8320 146 Nitra -0.8576

Chminianske 12 Jakubovany 1.7286 147 Zlaté Klasy -0.8576

13 Jarovnice 1.5734 148 Bánovce nad Bebravou -0.8576

14 Tuhrina 1.4183 149 Veľké Kapušany -0.8576

15 Mirkovce 1.3148 150 Kráľovský Chlmec -0.8576

In average, the most persons per one household, in the studied towns and residential units, are in Vtáčkovce (18.1), Trebišov (16.2),Sečovce (15.1), Krásnohorské Podhradie (13.8), Podhorany (11.3), Doľany (11.3), Bystrany (10.3), Kecerovce (9.8), and Michalovce (9.1). In average, the least overcrowded households are in Nitra, Vechec, Bystré, Sobrance, Drahňov, Hlohovec, Jánovce, and Soľ. In average, each of the studied households has five members (4.6). The above-average values of the studied indicator are in

22 55 towns and villages (Graph 4); more than a half (56%) of them is in the Prešov Region and the other 44% are in the Košice Region.

Tab. 4: Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: average number of household members No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Vtáčkovce 5.0207 136 Pavlovce nad Uhom -0.9325

2 Trebišov 4.2718 137 Fričovce -0.9700

3 Sečovce 3.8974 138 Tuhrina -0.9700

Krásnohorské 4 Podhradie 3.1486 139 Hodruša-Hámre -1.0074

5 Podhorany 2.3998 140 Veľké Kapušany -1.0074

6 Doľany 2.3998 141 Zámutov -1.1198

7 Bystrany 2.0253 142 Čičava -1.1946

8 Kecerovce 1.9505 143 Soľ -1.1946

9 Michalovce 1.6884 144 Jánovce -1.2321

10 Huncovce 1.5386 145 Hlohovec -1.3070

11 Šarišská Poruba 1.5012 146 Drahňov -1.3444

12 Stráne pod Tatrami 1.3139 147 Sobrance -1.3444

13 Ľubica 1.2391 148 Bystré -1.4193

14 Žehra 1.2016 149 Vechec -1.4193

15 Stará Ľubovňa 1.0893 150 Nitra -1.4942

In the studied towns and villages, the highest number of children (16-) per household, according to SOBD 2011, was in Trebišov (8.1). The second municipality with the highest average number of children per household was Sečovce (7.1) and the third one was Vtáčkovce (6.8). The other municipalities with a high distribution of children per household included

23 Podhorany (5.9), KrásnohorskéPodhradie (5.8), Michalovce (4.6),Kecerovce (4.4), and Bystrany (4.3). The lowest average numbers of persons younger than 16 years were found in Sobrance, Hlohovec, Bystré, Nitra, Vechec, Jánovce, Drahňov, andČičava.The number of persons younger than 16 years in the studied localities was 2.7 persons per household in average.

Graph 5: Person 16-/household

Graph 6: Primary education as the highest completed education

24 The above-average values of the studied indicator were found in 48 studied towns and villages. Two thirds of the municipalities have the under-average distribution of persons younger than 16 years per household (Graph 5). Fifty-six per cent of the studied towns and villages which had the above- average values are in the Prešov Region. The other 44% of the towns and villages are in the Košice Region.

Tab. 5: Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: average number of persons in a household (16-) No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Trebišov 4.7609 136 Komárno -0.7720

2 Sečovce 4.0827 137 Bánovce nad Bebravou -0.7720

3 Vtáčkovce 3.8185 138 Poprad -0.7792

4 Podhorany 3.2188 139 Prašník -0.7863

5 Krásnohorské Podhradie 3.0975 140 Banská Bystrica -0.8006

6 Michalovce 2.2907 141 Soľ -0.8292

7 Kecerovce 2.0980 142 Hodruša-Hámre -0.8363

8 Bystrany 2.0551 143 Čičava -0.8506

9 Poráč 1.9623 144 Drahňov -0.8649

10 Huncovce 1.9123 145 Jánovce -0.9006

11 Stráne pod Tatrami 1.8624 146 Vechec -0.9148

12 Rudňany 1.8124 147 Nitra -0.9148

13 Žehra 1.4911 148 Bystré -0.9291

14 Jarovnice 1.4269 149 Hlohovec -0.9291

15 Stará Ľubovňa 1.2912 150 Sobrance -0.9505

25 Primary education as the highest completed education in the studied localities had the highest value in Veľké Kapušany. In the studied locality, primary education as the highest completed education was in more than 90% of the inhabitants. Other municipalities with high distributions of persons with primary education are Toporec (86%), Smižany (85%), Krásnohorské Podhradie (84%), Rakúsy (83%), Doľany (83%), Nitra (81%), Kecerovce (79%), Humenné (75%),and Jarovnice (75%).The lowest rates of the distribution of persons with completed primary education as the highest were in Sučany, Bánovce nad Bebravou, Bidovce, Košice, Beniakovce, Gelnica, Banská Bystrica, Hlohovec, Komjatice, and Chmeľov. The average distribution of persons with primary education in all studied localities was at the level of 41%. The above-average values were found in 67 towns and villages (Graph 6). Out of them, 58% of the municipalities with the above-average values are in the Prešov Region, 33% in the Košice Region, 7% in the Banská Bystrica Region, and 1% of the studied localities with the above-average values are in the Nitra Region.

26 Tab. 6: Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: primary education as the highest education No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Veľké Kapušany 2.7113 136 Hniezdne -1.1569

2 Toporec 2.4427 137 Komárno -1.1569

3 Smižany 2.3890 138 Kozárovce -1.1569

4 Krásnohorské Podhradie 2.3353 139 Hodruša-Hámre -1.2106

5 Rakúsy 2.2815 140 Kežmarok -1.2106

6 Doľany 2.2815 141 Chmeľov -1.2106

7 Nitra 2.1741 142 Komjatice -1.2106

8 Kecerovce 2.0666 143 Hlohovec -1.2106

9 Humenné 1.8517 144 Banská Bystrica -1.2643

10 Jarovnice 1.8517 145 Gelnica -1.2643

11 Ihľany 1.7443 146 Beniakovce -1.3718

12 Švedlár 1.7443 147 Košice -1.4792

13 Žehra 1.7443 148 Bidovce -1.4792

14 Žbince 1.6906 149 Bánovce nad Bebravou -1.5330

15 Stráne pod Tatrami 1.5831 150 Sučany -1.8016

The highest unemployment rates are in Smižany (86%), Nálepkovo (85%), Mirkovce (80%), Krásnohorské Podhradie (78%), Žbince (76%), Kecerovce (73%), Toporec (71%), Nitra (70%), and Sečovce (70%);both Švedlár and Rakúsy have an unemployment rate of 67%. The lowest unemployment rates were in Sučany, Bánovce nad Bebravou, Kežmarok, Jánovce, Kozárovce, Krížová Ves, Bidovce, and Komjatice. An average unemployment rate in the studied localities in 2011 was at the level of 36%.

27 Graph 7: Unemployment rate (16+)

The above-average values of an unemployment rate in persons older than 16 years were found in 65 municipalities (Graph 7). Out of them, 46% of the municipalities are in the Prešov Region and 42% in the Košice Region. Out of the studied settlements, there are 9% of the settlements with the above- average unemployment rate in the Banská Bystrica Region and 3% of the studied municipalities in the Nitra Region.

28 Tab. 7: Towns and villages with ↑↓ z-score: unemployment rate (16+) No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Smižany 2.8044 136 Medzilaborce -1.1447

2 Nálepkovo 2.7487 137 Spišská Teplica -1.1447

3 Mirkovce 2.4706 138 Chmeľov -1.1447

Krásnohorské 4 Podhradie 2.3594 139 Hlohovec -1.1447

5 Žbince 2.2482 140 Banská Bystrica -1.2003

6 Kecerovce 2.0813 141 Fričovce -1.2003

7 Toporec 1.9701 142 Žehňa -1.2559

8 Nitra 1.9144 143 Komjatice -1.2559

9 Sečovce 1.9144 144 Bidovce -1.2559

10 Rakúsy 1.7476 145 Krížová Ves -1.3115

11 Švedlár 1.7476 146 Kozárovce -1.3115

12 Licince 1.4695 147 Jánovce -1.3671

13 Humenné 1.4695 148 Kežmarok -1.4228

Bánovce nad 14 Ostrovany 1.4695 149 Bebravou -1.4228

15 Vtáčkovce 1.4695 150 Sučany -1.5340

The sums of all z-score values for the specific studied indicators show that the highest total values were in Vtáčkovce (20.7), Trebišov (17.4), Sečovce (17.2), Krásnohorské Podhradie (16.6), Rakúsy (15.2), Podhorany (15.0), Stráne pod Tatrami (12.5), and Doľany (12.5).The lowest values were in Bánovce nad Bebravou (-6.9), Sučany (-6.7), Hlohovec (-6.7), Komárno (- 6.1), Kozárovce (-5.8), Gelnica (-5.8), and Hodruša-Hámre (-5.8).

29 Graph 8: ∑ z-score

The above-average total z-score values were in more than 1/3 of the towns and villages (Graph 8). Fifty-eight per cent of the towns and villages with the above-average values are in the Prešov Region. In the Košice Region, there are 38% of the towns and villages with the above-average values and in the BanskáBystrica Region, there are 6% of the towns and villages.

30 Tab. 8: Towns and villages with ↑↓total z-score: No. Municipality z-score No. Municipality z-score

1 Vtáčkovce 20.7419 136 Polomka -5.1518

2 Trebišov 17.3627 137 Prašník -5.1971

3 Sečovce 17.2443 138 Spišská Teplica -5.2373

Krásnohorské 4 Podhradie 16.5863 139 Bidovce -5.3994

5 Rakúsy 15.1648 140 Sobrance -5.4345

6 Podhorany 15.0316 141 Komjatice -5.6224

7 Stráne pod Tatrami 12.5140 142 Bystré -5.6359

8 Doľany 12.4496 143 Hodruša-Hámre -5.7885

9 Huncovce 12.3393 144 Gelnica -5.8105

10 Veľká Lomnica 10.7127 145 Kozárovce -5.8472

11 Kecerovce 10.3839 146 Komárno -6.1215

12 Jarovnice 8.8891 147 Banská Bystrica -6.3495

13 Bystrany 8.7854 148 Hlohovec -6.7237

14 Michalovce 7.9454 149 Sučany -6.7410

Bánovce nad 15 Žbince 7.4898 150 Bebravou -6.9456

In comparison of the order of the towns and villages between the list of the towns and villages by a simplified index of a zone of underdevelopment and the list with the highest total z-score values, the largest change is in Žbince which moved higher (↑) by 117 positions. Other municipalities that moved up significantly because of the high values in the specific rated indicators include Boliarov (↑ 114 positions), Širkovce (↑ 102 positions), KrásnohorskéPodhradie (↑ 100 positions), Ostrovany (↑ 100 positions),

31 Licince (↑ 97 positions), and Humenné(↑ 91 positions). On the contrary, the largest “downfalls” in the order between the lists were in Hlohovec (↓ 131 positions), Lipany (↓ 129 positions), Sabinov (↓ 122 positions), Poprad (↓ 118 positions), Čičava (↓ 117 positions), and Hodruša-Hámre (↓ 112 positions). More than a half of the towns and villages (79) moved ↑ and 71 municipalities moved ↓ in the list of the towns and villages (Table 9).

Tab. 9: Overall order of the towns and villages (z-score)

No. Municipality ↑↓ z-score No. Municipality ↑↓ z-score

1 Vtáčkovce 69 20.74 76 Hlinné -11 -1.38

2 Trebišov 26 17.36 77 Telgárt -36 -1.39

3 Sečovce 30 17.24 78 Spišská Nová Ves -26 -1.45

Krásnohorské 4 Podhradie 100 16.59 79 Veľká Ida -13 -1.59

5 Rakúsy 9 15.16 80 Zlaté Klasy 29 -1.61

6 Podhorany 2 15.03 81 Čaklov -70 -1.68

Stráne pod 7 Tatrami 17 12.51 82 Levice -7 -1.72

8 Doľany 65 12.45 83 Drahňov 53 -1.76

9 Huncovce 71 12.34 84 Jakubany -55 -2.01

10 Veľká Lomnica 46 10.71 85 Spišský Štiavnik -35 -2.19

11 Kecerovce 27 10.38 86 Zborov -63 -2.33

12 Jarovnice -11 8.89 87 Sokoľany -6 -2.41

13 Bystrany 3 8.79 88 Kráľovce -11 -2.41

14 Michalovce 1 7.95 89 Hrabušice -4 -2.51

32 15 Žbince 117 7.49 90 Petrovany 43 -2.53

16 Humenné 91 7.03 91 Vikartovce -19 -2.56

17 Toporec 9 6.87 92 Chmiňany -21 -2.57

18 Smižany 24 6.70 93 Nacina Ves 38 -2.68

Jastrabie nad 19 Švedlár 49 6.46 94 Topľou -30 -2.73

20 Ľubica 81 6.22 95 Levoča -77 -2.81

Spišské 21 Stará Ľubovňa 61 6.07 96 Tomášovce -2 -2.91

22 Šarišská Poruba -3 5.98 97 Marhaň 49 -2.94

Zemplínska 23 Mirkovce 77 5.21 98 Teplica 5 -3.08

24 Boliarov 114 4.96 99 Raslavice 7 -3.13

25 Ostrovany 100 4.69 100 Ladomirová -88 -3.23

26 Červenica 65 4.68 101 Turňa nad Bodvou -66 -3.36

27 Žehra 28 4.41 102 Bijacovce -43 -3.43

28 Varhaňovce 20 4.36 103 Medzilaborce 18 -3.49

29 Vechec 1 4.25 104 Malčice -30 -3.59

30 Licince 97 4.09 105 Zámutov -69 -3.72

31 Malý Slivník 20 3.66 106 Veľké Blahovo -43 -3.76

32 Krompachy 26 3.52 107 Slovenská Volová 41 -3.91

33 Vydrník 79 3.13 108 Parchovany -22 -3.94

34 Ihľany -9 2.85 109 Ražňany 8 -3.95

Chminianske 35 Jakubovany -14 2.72 110 Malá Domaša 35 -4.09

33 36 Nálepkovo 4 2.64 111 Kuzmice -14 -4.15

Družstevná pri 37 Petrová 76 2.22 112 Hornáde 7 -4.17

38 Krajná Bystrá 52 2.09 113 Kežmarok 7 -4.17

39 Richnava 7 1.96 114 Cabaj-Čápor -92 -4.18

40 Rudňany -38 1.79 115 Medzev 32 -4.26

41 Rokycany 51 1.78 116 Drienov 12 -4.27

Pavlovce nad 42 Šarišská Trstená 15 1.67 117 Uhom 17 -4.28

43 Gemerská Ves -6 1.50 118 Čaňa -69 -4.34

44 Svinia 23 1.18 119 Divín 21 -4.34

45 Markušovce -18 1.16 120 Košické Oľšany -33 -4.36

46 Kamenná Poruba 69 1.01 121 Hencovce 1 -4.37

47 Vítkovce 32 0.95 122 Poprad -118 -4.39

48 Širkovce 102 0.92 123 Hniezdne -5 -4.39

Kráľovský 49 Krížová Ves -43 0.80 124 Chlmec -111 -4.52

50 Žehňa -11 0.61 125 Beniakovce -15 -4.58

51 Bardejov 37 0.49 126 Čičava -117 -4.59

52 Slavkovce 64 0.12 127 Klenovec 16 -4.70

53 Lenartov 91 0.05 128 Chmeľov 14 -4.70

54 Banské 7 -0.01 129 Sabinov -122 -4.74

55 Poráč 82 -0.08 130 Soľ -98 -4.84

56 Trhovište 40 -0.42 131 Jánovce -7 -4.93

34 Chrasť nad 57 Hornádom -4 -0.42 132 Giraltovce -24 -4.95

58 Brzotín 81 -0.43 133 Brezno -40 -4.97

59 Holumnica 1 -0.52 134 Lipany -129 -5.04

60 Vaľkovňa 51 -0.58 135 Fričovce -9 -5.12

Mníšek nad 61 Hnilcom 8 -0.70 136 Polomka -82 -5.15

62 Nitra -52 -0.75 137 Prašník -23 -5.20

63 Šíd 21 -0.75 138 Spišská Teplica -8 -5.24

Pečovská Nová 64 Ves -19 -0.98 139 Bidovce -40 -5.40

65 Hranovnica 58 -1.00 140 Sobrance -35 -5.43

66 Jasov 29 -1.01 141 Komjatice -43 -5.62

67 Hermanovce 35 -1.02 142 Bystré -99 -5.64

68 Tuhrina 8 -1.03 143 Hodruša-Hámre -112 -5.79

69 Veľké Kapušany 60 -1.04 144 Gelnica -3 -5.81

70 Kružlová 19 -1.14 145 Kozárovce -111 -5.85

Šarišské 71 Jastrabie 78 -1.22 146 Komárno -68 -6.12

72 Košice -69 -1.22 147 Banská Bystrica -64 -6.35

73 Drienovec -29 -1.29 148 Hlohovec -131 -6.72

74 Sačurov -54 -1.32 149 Sučany -102 -6.74

Liptovská Bánovce nad 75 Teplička -13 -1.35 150 Bebravou -15 -6.95

35 4 CONCLUSION

Dealing with poverty and deprivation in the conditions of the settlements with a significant rate of the distribution of persons declaring themselves Roma is one of the main tasks of the present. For complex understanding of such a complex multidimensional phenomenon as poverty, it is necessary to use all available information. One option is the census data collection the Population and Housing Census which provides data about households. Through analysis of the data of the Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic it was found that the households in the selected settlements with the significant distributions of persons declaring themselves Roma in the towns and villages show high distributions of the studied indicators. Through the social and economic indicators, the towns and villages with the highest distributions of households without access to hot water, a toilet, etc. were identified. Based on the results, it is apparent that in the studied municipalities, the rate of the incidence of the specific indicators is uneven. A lower number of municipalities have highly above-average values; on the contrary, average and under-average distributions of the studied indicators were identified in a higher number of the localities. The suggested alternative of the use of the census data can be applied in preparation of measures and dealing with poverty at the local as well as national levels. The strategies focused on dealing with poverty and its consequences must be based on the most detailed information possible related to the given area. The census data provide a new look at the studied localities with the possibility of monitoring the changes in decade-long cycles. The possibility to monitor the changes in time allows adapting the used measures focused on combating poverty. Despite a relatively long time period between individual census data collections, their analysis is justified, particularly with focus on almost two-decade-long officially presented measures and strategies focused on reduction of poverty in socially excluded localities. The results of the by-state-presented measures, strategies and action plans are unclear and their effects are insufficient.

36 REFERENCES

Radičová, I. et al. (2003). Atlas rómskych komunít 2004. Bratislava: S.P.A.C.E. Retrieved from http://www.minv.sk/?atlas_2004 Mušinka, A. et al. (2013). Atlas rómskych komunít na Slovensku 2013. Bratislava: UNDP. Retrieved from http://www.minv.sk/?atlas_2013 European Commission. (2016). Effective Roma integration measures. Retrieved from http://www.fonduri- ue.ro/images/files/transparenta/romi/04.07/Roma.report.2016.pdf Fryer, R. G. (2010). The Importance of Segregation, Discrimination, Peer Dynamics, and Identity in Explaining Trends in the Racial Achievement Gap. Working Paper No. 16257. Cambridge: NBER. Retrieved from http://www.nber.org/papers/w16257 Gordon, D. (1995). Census Based Deprivation Indices: Their Weighting and Validation. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. 1995, 39-44. Jakoubek, M., & Hirt, T. (2004). Romové: Kulturologické etudy. Plzeň: Aleš Čenĕk, s.r.o. Juhaščíková, I., Škápik, P. & Štukovská, Z. (2012). Základné údaje zo sčítania obyvateľov, domov a bytov. Bratislava: ŠÚ SR. Filadelfiová, J. (2013). Situačná analýza vybraných aspektov životnej úrovne domácností vylúčených rómskych osídlení. Bratislava: UNDP. Retrieved from https://www.employment.gov.sk/files/situacna-analyza- final-web.pdf Štatistický úrad SR. (2011). Sčítanie obyvateľov, domov a bytov 2011. Unpublished. Testi, A., Ivaldi, E. & Busi, A. (2004). An index of material deprivation for geographical areas. Retrieved from http://www.diec.unige.it/23.pdf

37 SOCIAL SUPPORT IN CONTEXT OF PERCEIVED CRISIS SITUATIONS IN ROMA IN SLOVAKIA

Jurina RUSNÁKOVÁa – Miroslava ČEREŠNÍKOVÁb – Rastislav ROSINSKÝc – Beáta GAVUROVÁd – Július RUSNÁKe – Róbert SZAKÁCSf

a Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] b Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] c Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] d Faculty of Economics,Technical University in Košice, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] e National project Support of Selected Social Services of Crisis Intervention at Community Level, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] f Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: Social support can be understood as a concept of help a person gets from other people in stressful situations but also in everyday situations. Perceptions and definitions of stressful situations can be very subjective and can relate to personal experience, cultural contexts, and life situations. The scientific study presents partial findings of the study focused on perceptions of crises and crisis situations by Roma, who belong to the marginalized groups of the Slovak population (in comparison with the viewpoints of the respondents of the Slovak ethnicity), coping strategies in the context of social support, and mapping of the preferred areas of social support. It provides the results obtained by the prototype approach and the partial results obtained by a questionnaire. The most important findings are: differences between the respondents of the Roma and Slovak ethnicities were found in perceptions of crises; the Roma respondents focused their needs in the area of instrumental and information support; and they use social support as a coping strategy in difficult situations. Keywords: Social support; Roma; Crisis

38 1 INTRODUCTION

Roma are one of the largest European ethnic minorities. They have lived in Europe since the Middle Age and their number has been estimated at ten to 12 million people, including six million living the Member States of the European Union. More exact estimations are problematic because the European Roma population is heterogeneous and is divided into many groups and subgroups that differ in appearance, ways of life, and names. Data on their numbers slightly differ depending on sources, but most of the sources agree that Slovakia is one of the European countries with the highest absolute number of Roma and also with the relative proportion in the population. After the Slovak and Hungarian populations, Roma are the most populous ethnic group in the country which, however, develops the most dynamically (Vaňo, Meszároš, 2004). They have lived in the territory of Slovakia for several centuries (the first information about their stay is from 1322) and even though with a different ethnic origin – they are part of the Slovak population (Rusnáková, Rochovská, 2016). The Roma population is highly heterogeneous. From the viewpoint of the subethnic differentiation, the most populous group in Slovakia is a group of native Rumungro Roma (Servike Roma, Slovenske Roma - Slovenskí Rómovia – Slovak Roma); they form more than 90% of the total Roma population, and they have lived settled down since the 18th century. Depending on a language environment they live in, we can differentiate between Slovak Roma and Hungarian Roma (living particularly in the territory of the south of Slovakia), which is particularly reflected in the influence of these languages on the Romani language itself (Mann, 1992). Vlachike Roma differ from them in their way of life, and by anthropological characteristics – they have lighter skin, hair, and eyes. They came to the territory of Slovakia as nomads in the second half of the 19th century. Interesting information about the ethnic and cultural identity of Roma can be found in the work by Lehoczká (e.g.: 2006). The ethnic subgroups are differentiated by language; also, the language of Rumungro Roma is internally divided into several dialects (Eastern Slovak, Central Slovak, Western Slovak, and Hungarian). Not many authors focus on research of the

39 Romani language; we can mention Samko (e.g.: Kyuchukov et al., 2015; Rácová, Samko, 2015). The Roma population does not form a homogenous group either from the viewpoint of socioeconomic indicators (employment or unemployment, living conditions, etc.). The truth is that the Roma population is one of the most endangered groups in Slovakia related to poverty and social exclusion. There are many papers that provide evidence on social disadvantage of the Roma population (e.g.: Radičová, 2001; Klein, Matulayová, 2007; Rosinský, 2009; Filadelfiová, Gerbery, 2012; Filadelfiová, 2013; Gavurová et al., 2014; Horňák, Rochovská, 2014; Rác, 2015). The qualitative study Poverty in Roma and Social Care for them in the Slovak Republic (Radičová et al., 2002) suggests that Roma living in poverty and social exclusion (often intensified by spatial segregation) for a long period of time perceive it in its absolute form – as a lack of food, housing and other basic needs. Also, the results in our research study – its qualitative part show that defining the crisis situations and assessments of their life situation by poor Roma can be affected by quality of life. In the interviews, a large part of the respondents from the poorest communities declared their overall satisfaction with their lives, even despite the fact they often experience the situations when they do not have even basic food. They consider such periods as unpleasant but not as “insurmountable problems”. Many of them expressed pessimism and resignation to a possibility of change which is not in their power (“I grew up here, so I have to reconcile with that…”; “…I have to be satisfied with what I have…”) (all direct quotations in the paper are translated by the paper’s authors). The above stated statements from the interviews show the significance of socioeconomic status also in the context of social support. Křivohlavý (2001, p. 94) defines social support as “assistance that is provided by other people to a person who is in a stressful situation. In general, it is an activity that eases the stressful situation in a person in need”. Šolcová and Kebza (1999) emphasize the importance of socioeconomic status in coping with stressful as well as everyday situations. The authors state several studies that work with this thesis, directly or indirectly, including Thoits (1995) who states that representatives of lower social classes have a lower sense of control of events, a lower sense of coping with them, lower confidence, and they tend to external localisation of control in comparison with persons

40 belonging to classes with higher socioeconomic status. It allows access to financial sources and education that belong to personal resources of an individual and help in coping with stressful and everyday tasks. How do people experiencing poverty define crisis situations and which types of support do they need most? Who do they turn to in stressful situations? Do they prefer strategies focused on social networks or do they use their own resources? These questions were asked by the investigators of the research project on social support and social networks of Roma. In this study, we decided to provide information about perceptions and definitions of crisis life situations by Roma from various environments (in comparison with representatives of the majority population), types of preferred social support, and coping strategies in such situations in the context of social support. The more detailed information about research objectives is in the part Methodology.

2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

2.1 Crises and stressful life situations People in their everyday lives deal with bigger or smaller conflicts, and experience various life events and traumas that can be sources of anxiety, frustration, or stress. They also have to orientate in a web of interpersonal relationships and communication in the family or react to social events and influences. In their life, thus, they permanently face the situations that by their requirements verify their adaptability, and put a strain on their mental resistance and physical efficiency. Activity of each of us is not only passive adaptation to external environment. It is a contradictory process in which we are often forced to actively solve and effectively cope with overlapping contrasts, inadequate tasks, problem, frustrating, conflict, depriving and stressful situations, and life crises – i.e. situations causing psychological stress (Bratská, 2001). According to Oravcová, a stressful situation is such a situation that is characterized by “…a disproportion between requirements, demands of a situation and person’s capacity possibilities, abilities, skills necessary for coping with it” (Oravcová, 2004, p. 304). Paulík (2010) perceives it as

41 action of bigger or smaller pressure of external influences on adaptation of an organism. In this case, he perceives adaptation as a process of coping with all demands put on an individual in an interaction with environment. Other experts complete a definition and state that stressful situations can be situations that are unstraightforward, ambiguous, uncontrollable, and unpredictable from the viewpoint of their development (Schraggeová, 1996; Kusá, 1995; Oravcová, 2004). Stressful situations are not only those that put excessive demands on an individual whose solutions do not correspond with capacity possibilities of an individual, but also those that are given by situational demands on an individual. It means that, for example, a monotony of situational demands can limit or preclude implementation of individual’s abilities (Kusá, 1995). Despite that, stress cannot be defined only on the basis of a character of a specific situation. A key factor is also interpretation of a situation by an individual, his subjective perception of a difficulty of a situation. “Only when he sees it as excessive, i.e. exceeding his power, as threatening, unmanageable by his possibilities, we can talk about a stressful situation” (Oravcová 2004, p. 304). For some individuals, the same situation is easily manageable, others have to use a lot of power to cope with it, and some individuals cannot cope with the situation at all. Facing difficult life situations can significantly affect quality of life and relationships, and both mental and physical health. To function in an environment, a person has to have certain characteristics. Through them, he is able to function adequately. “Capacity of the characteristics decides why one individual functions in an environment better and another one worse” (Hladký, 1993, p. 23). Furthermore, as we have stated above, also “external” factors, including economic and social situations, can influence coping with a specific situation. The causes of stress can be everyday difficulties as well as big life events. Stressors as factors of the onset of stressful situations can be physical (infection, injury, shock), social, or psychological (Nakonečný, 2013). The present civilization is a source of many stressors (time pressure, information overload, unsatisfactory interpersonal relationships, unemployment, life in overcrowded cities, marginalized life in segregated dwellings, unsuitable living conditions, poverty …). “Strong stressors are events whose origin is in external environmental circumstances such as natural disasters, traffic accidents, crimes, and the death of a life partner. Also internal causes of

42 stress such as a serious life-threatening disease or a serious injury have significantly strong influence” (Batunová, 2015, p. 127). Classification of difficult life situations varies, depending on research approaches. According to Mikšík (2009), the situations that can cause psychological stress in an individual include: efficiency demanding situations (in extremes, they result in exhaustion of psychological and physical strengths), problematic situations (they require new solutions, new ways of activities – they can lead to inability of an individual to solve a problem, to fit in a situation), frustrations (an obstacle occurs between an individual and a goal of his activity – syndromes of frustration and deprivation), conflict situations (they lead to disintegration of decision- making processes), and stressogenic situations (they lead to disintegration of psychological structures). Slaměník and Výrost (2003) divided stressful situations into four groups:  Universal – moral problems – situations that include existential and moral problems and are connected with the closest environment of an individual,  Health and meaning of life – life-threatening situations (disease, injury, death),  Marriage, parenthood, and friendship – problematic situations in partner, family, and friendship relationships, related to the closest interpersonal relationships of an individual in his social environment, and  Work-related and financial problems – work, education, financial problems as a manifestation of individual’s interaction with wider environment (Slaměník, Výrost et al., 2003). Another typology of stressful situations is stated by Vasiljuk (1988) who, besides stress, frustration and conflict, defined crises as the last and most significant type of a critical situation (Table 1).

43 Tab. 1: Typology of critical situations Developmental Types of Inner Normal Type of field activities necessity conditions critical situation Immediate Life activity Satisfaction ability of Vitality of an Stress “here and now” pleasures of organism life Individual life Implementation Frustratio Activity Difficulty relationships of a motive n Internal Inner world Consciousness Complexity Conflict consistency Difficulty Implementation Life as a whole Will and Crisis of a life plan complexity Source: Vasiljuk, 1988, p. 52

A crisis is not an unambiguous concept; we can look at it from various angles and approach it from viewpoints of many fields. For example, in medicine the concept “crisis” is used to describe the turning point of a disease for better or worse. In the psychosocial area, a crisis is defined as a result of facing an obstacle that we are not able to cope with by our own power, our own compensatory strategies in acceptable time and by learnt ways (Vymětal, 1995). Strieženec (1996, p. 105) perceives it as “a temporary status, a moment of obvious imbalance, a deficiency, a decline. It is a temporary stage between two differentiable phases.” The family therapists Simon and Stierlin (1995) describe it as a situation of a disturbed internal or external adaptation of an individual or a system, if until then well-established adaptation mechanisms are not sufficient to maintain (balance providing) mechanisms necessary to ensure survival. New coping strategies as well as corresponding changes of internal structure are required. In psychotraumatology, or in the field of crisis interventions, a crisis is a situation that is perceived by a subject as particularly burdensome. Triggers of such a defined crisis are mostly unexpected, unusual, specific situations or series of situations that create high levels of uncertainty subjectively perceived as a threat to one’s existence or a possibility of meeting one’s goals. “In clinical psychology, a crisis is perceived as a loss of mental balance which cannot be considered a disease yet. It is a state when acute stress exceeds or is about to exceed the limits of resistance of an

44 individual, and common coping strategies stop functioning” (Heretik, Heretik, 2007, p. 209). Three main characteristics of a crisis are seriousness in terms of balance disruption, duration, and a lack of coping by current regulatory mechanisms (Kastová, 2000). A crisis is manifested complexly and affects all basic levels of human existence. During the normal development, a person develops to some crisis periods in which he is susceptible to immediate and unexpected changes. Depending on the quality and intensity of a crisis and crisis-related circumstances, a person either progresses to a higher developmental phase or he regresses to such forms of behaviour that are maladaptive. During developmental crises, such forms of behaviour can develop (spontaneously or under the influence of e.g. education) that can be permanent or can result in lifelong consequences – positive or negative. A crisis can be understood as a “subjectively” threatening situation with a great dynamic charge, a potential of change. Without it, it would not be possible to achieve life progress, maturity (Vodáčková, 2007, p. 28). For some people, some life events can be dangerous, for other people they can be neutral, and for others they can become an inspiration and move them forward in their development. Also Thom (1992) emphasises a subjective element in perception of a crisis. Eis (1994, p. 31) warns that perceiving a crisis as something only negative is very simplistic and misleading, and further he explains: “Personally, I perceive a crisis in every person’s life positively. I perceive a crisis as something useful that can lead a person to positive activities and values, if adequately solved and resolved.” From a psychological viewpoint, a crisis is characterized as a situation of a failure of current regulatory mechanisms, and a malfunction in the areas: biological (sleep, food), psychological (loss of meaning of life), and social (life with others). Thom (1992, p. 25-26) differentiates between external and internal causes of a crisis and calls them preciptors or accelerators. The external causes include: a loss of an object (death, divorce, injury, disappointment, abortion …), a change (of health, family, financial status), and a choice between the same qualities or an ambivalent choice (e.g. a Sophie’s choice). In his perception, the external causes are ambiguous situations when a subject is taken an object, then we talk about a loss, or, on the contrary a subject is

45 offered several objects, then it is a choice. Sometimes we can talk also about the third cause which is any change in external conditions that can weaken effectiveness of regulatory mechanisms of a subject and result in a crisis. The internal causes of a crisis include a necessity of subject’s adaptation to his own development and related changes, i.e. a preciptor can be an inability to meet the requirements of development, demands, responsibility, and an alternative measure. For a smooth development in a person’s life even when circumstances are unfavourable, sometimes it is necessary to take alternative measures. They are steps and strategies that do not solve a problem but they enable to overcome a situation in the most difficult moments. The external and internal causes of crises are an important determinant of crisis categorization. The definitions by most authors (Vymětal, 1995; Lucká, 2003; Baštecká, 2005; Vodáčková, 2007) are based on the Baldwin’s crisis typology. Baldwin differentiates between six classes of crises by their increasing seriousness; furthermore, from the first class to the sixth, the stimuli causing stress are moved from the stimuli resulting from environment to the stimuli resulting from a personality or a history of a person in crisis (Baštecká, 2005, p. 165).  A situational crisis is caused particularly by external preciptors. They are problematic situations that, in an individual, cause intensive feelings of distress or emergency, and cause anxiety and a sense of urgency to solve. Its seriousness is given by subjective perceptions of a situation and availability of compensating factors.  A transient crisis, i.e. a crisis from expected changes, is based on situations that can be anticipated – predicted. Such predictable processes of growth and maturity relate to specific time periods. “We can define them within an individual’s life (e.g. puberty, adolescence, climacterium) or within a family’s life (partner selection, wedding, birth of the first child …)” (Vodáčková, 2007, p. 34).  A crisis caused by an abrupt traumatizing stress – a crisis caused by strong external factors that have a great influence on mental status of an affected individual; a person does not expect them and has almost no control over them (e.g. mass disasters and catastrophes). People do not

46 have pre-formed patterns of behaviour for such events and in shock they need support.  A maturity crisis and a developmental crisis – result from psychodynamics of each individual. They are based on ineffective attempts to solve basic developmental issues in the context of interpersonal relationships, such as dependence, power, value conflicts, trust, and love. A developmental crisis usually occurs where a transient crisis could not successfully develop. Its benefit is that an individual “equals” himself to the natural flow of life. Additionally, he solves what he skipped in his life or solved alternatively and thus also temporarily (Vodáčková, 2007, p. 36).  A crisis resulting from psychopathology – a crisis caused by increased vulnerability or internal psychopathology. It occurs on the basis of psychological particularities or disorders that form its dispositive terrain. They can be personality, neurotic, and psychotic disorders, but also dependence-related disorders, or only increased sensitivity and vulnerability particularly to increased psychological stresses.  Urgent crisis conditions – they are situations that carry a high potential of urgency. They include acute conditions that can but do not have to accompany a present mental illness. They include acute psychotic conditions, alcohol and drug intoxications, and problems related to impulse control. In her crisis typology, Špatenková (2004) names also so-called cumulated or chronic crises that occur when an individual did not solve or wrongly solved a developmental crisis, or a traumatic crisis did run in all its phases10. In the context of our study, crisis conditions stated by Eis (1994) are interesting. They can be common or natural (perceived as common life problems that a person even does not realize and they come from individual developmental stages to others); exceptional crises conditions (they do not occur very often in life; they include also deficiencies in basic needs); limit conditions (a person faces the limits of his being, e.g. death, disease); boundary conditions (they oscillate between a psychological norm and a

10Other types of crises according to Špatenková: developmental or overall crises; situational or episodic crises; cumulated or chronic crises.

47 disorder; e.g. there are tendencies to depressive conditions and emotional lability). The intensity of a trigger action and the impact of a difficult life situation on an individual depend on a current situation an individual is in, the individual’s health status, the level of tiredness or obligation overload, and particularly a social context of an event, i.e. to which extent a social environment is able to accept a person in crisis, to support him, and help him. In our study, we focused our attention to perceptions of critical, stressful situations in accordance with the categorization by Slaměník and Výrost (2003) and their coping strategies in the context of the social support theories. Therefore, we state also basic information about coping strategies in general; in the next chapter, we focus particularly on social support as part of a coping strategy.

2.2 Coping strategies In analysis of coping strategies, it is necessary to mention differences between adaptation and coping. Baumgartner (2001 In Výrost, Slaměník, 2001) talks about adaptation as preparation for a difficult life test – being prepared for what would come, and he translates coping as managing something, dealing with something, or handling something. It includes also coping with difficult life crises and tensions. Also Křivohlavý (1994) perceives differences; he defines adaptation as dealing with stress which is within normal limits, which a person handles without any problems; according to him, coping is a fight with excessive, over-the-limit stress. He perceives this over-the-limit in terms of intensity as well as duration. Then, coping represents a so-called higher level of adaptation which involves solving the crises, difficult turning points when we do not have enough experience or knowledge to solve the problems, and that’s why we have to seek, try, and verify. Coping is perceived as an attempt – both intrapsychological and activity-focused. Coping includes either a reaction to an immediately coming or acting stressor (a coping strategy) or a consistent way an individual uses to cope with stressors in various forms and various situations (a coping style) (Zmrzlá, 2009, p. 6-7). A coping style is a concept that is much broader and that is also determined by individual’s personality particularities and dispositions. The difference between coping and adaptation is that coping is not merely dealing with a problem but it is

48 also a fight to get through a problem (Křivohlavý, 1994). Thus, coping is connected with certain psychological efforts and tensions. We cannot talk about it when dealing with routing problems (Oravcová, 2004). In a coping strategy, Křivohlavý (1989) emphasizes so-called tactical procedures that – as partial procedures – allow meeting the strategic goals. He differentiates between:  Active procedures: more detailed exploration of a situation; increasing the awareness; enhancement of a personal “fighting potential”; planning the procedures; implementation; and stamina; and  Passive procedures: waiting; indifference; resignation; hopelessness. According to Atkinson (2003), an individual can completely deny existence of problems if an external reality is too unpleasant. Sometimes, however, denial of facts is better than a situation when a person faces them directly. In a difficult crisis, denial can provide a person with time to deal with reality. Then, denial has an adaptive function. On the other hand, negative aspects of denial are obvious when people delay seeking help, and minimize the seriousness of a situation. Folkman and Lazarus (1980) developed a two-dimensional classification of coping strategies.  Problem-oriented coping – attempts to influence environment and change it. It includes such behaviours as problem analysis, planning, and active independent negotiations.  Emotion-oriented coping – attempts to influence one’s own emotional reactions to experienced difficulties and change them in terms of more adequate acceptance of a situation. It includes strong expressions of emotions, reinterpretation of phenomena, acceptance of a situation, but also denial. Emotion-oriented coping is used when a problem is not influenceable. Also Tobin (1984) used the Folkman and Lazarus’ conception of coping strategies; he developed a hierarchic model of coping strategies (See Table 2).

49 Tab. 2: Hierarchic model of coping strategies

Problem-focused Problem solving

Cognitive restructuring

Emotion-focused Emotional expression

Engagement Social support Problem-focused Problem avoidance

Wishful thinking

ent Emotion-focused Social withdrawal

Disengagem Self-criticism Source: Adapted by Tobin et al., 1984 The strategies differ much from each other and can have multiple implications for successful coping with a stressful, crisis situation by a specific individual. Coping strategies are not contradictory and can be applied to a situation simultaneously or sequentially. Using one coping strategy, however, can decrease efficiency of another one (Baumgartner, Bačová, 1995 In Bratská, 2001, p. 63). Similarly, also Lovaš (1997, In Frankovský, 2001) developed a three- dimensional classification of behavioural strategies in difficult life situations:  Solution orientation;  Seeking social support;  Tendencies to escape – a strategy of physical or psychological avoidance. Coping strategies are a response or a reaction to a stressful situation. Their selection depends on many factors – for example, assessment of a situation, personality characteristics, assistance possibilities, etc. Related to that, so- called coping resources are important; they are characteristics that allow dealing with the stressor more effectively. Baumgartner (2001, In Výrost, Slaměník, 2001) divides coping resources into:

 Psychological (personality’s characteristics, dispositions, abilities and skills to deal with stress, experience, etc.);

50  Social (individual social network of relationships, social support by family members, friends, co-workers, and experts);  Physical (health, energy, vitality, strength, and stamina);  Instrumental and material (material support and equipment, finances, means, etc.). Significant resources include social support that is perceived as a category that an individual can use in stressful as well as everyday situations to cope with them.

3 SOCIAL SUPPORT

Social support is a multidimensional concept that includes support mechanisms of social environment and person’s interactions. Definitions of this construct are diverse and include multiple dimensions of the concept. Based on the diversity of the definitions, we can also see the trends in research in this area. In their study, Lakey and Cohen (2000) identified five relatively independent trends in research of social support that can be linked to three global approaches to social support – psychological-medical, social- constructivist, and interactional. The psychological-medical approach focuses on coping with stress and reducing its negative effects on person’s overall health. All these studies follow the psychological tradition of the 1960s that is connected with the names Lazarus (1966), Lazarus and Folkman (1980), etc. It perceives social support as a supporting factor that helps to cope with stress and reduces its negative effects on a person. In research, it focuses on a supportive function of social support in coping with a stressful situation and subjective perceptions of a stressful situation by a recipient of social support. It considers social support an absorption factor of negative effects of stress. Gottlieb (2000) characterizes social support as a process of interactions in an interpersonal relationship that enhances coping with stressful situations, fellowship, and competences through real or perceived exchange of physical or psychological means. Social support perceived this way is to support coping with a difficult situation, and thus act as a “buffer” between stress and person’s health. In the Figure 1, we have adapted a scheme of action of social support in a stressful situation.

51 Figure 1: Social support – perspective of stress and coping

Received support Coping

Stress Health

Source: B. Lakey, S. Cohen (2000), p. 31; adapted

The social-constructivist approach is ideologically based on pragmatic philosophy, personality psychology, and social psychology, and in the last decades, it has focused particularly on symbolic interactionism and social constructivism. It considers a person (self) and a social world around him (including social support) a complexly linked system that basically cannot be formally separated. Constructivism states that people in their perceptions of the world do not reflect an objective reality but construct their own theories and concepts about the world that reflect their own social contexts. A viewpoint of social support primarily focuses on its perception by a person. How a person perceives provided support and how he subjectively evaluates it, what significance it has for him, how it helped him. A basic assumption is that a person has a belief in supportive behaviours of other people, and then he perceives social support in intentions of his belief. Lakey and Cohen (2000) state several studies that prove that a person with a high level of perceived support (in comparison with a person with a low level of perceived support) interprets the same behaviour in others as more supporting, remembers support better, pays more attention to supportive behaviours in others, and is able to talk about perceived social support more quickly and easily. He perceives social support as a manifestation of supportive behaviour in person’s common life that does not act only when a person experiences a difficult situation or stress, but every day in social interactions. For example, a parent supports his child not only when a child

52 has a problem and it is obvious that he needs support, but a parent provides support to his child only because he has a social role of a parent. According to the approach, social support directly affects person’s self-esteem and health, and results in a direct effect.

Figure 2: Social support – social-cognitive perspective

Perceived support Self-esteem

Health

Source: B. Lakey, S. Cohen (2000), p. 37; adapted

Social relationships. The third approach is based on the concepts of social relationships and social networks, and it perceives social support as part of a person’s relationship network. In research, it studies a person’s social network and relationships, solves conflicts within a social network, dispositional personality characteristics when establishing relationships, but also person’s current needs in the process of accepting social support. It attempts to prove a hypothesis that the characteristics of a process of establishing a social network (e.g. belonging to a group, low confliction, attachment, and ability to establish deep, human relationships) are a basis of an effect of social support. Lakey and Cohen (2000, p. 45) state conclusions of several studies that prove a close relationship between fulfilled relationships and perceived support; and an attachment style in adulthood and perceived support; attachment in preschool age predicts an ability to perceive support in later childhood, and social support in intimate partnerships improves physical and mental health. Also this approach assumes a direct effect of social support on a person. In Figure 3, we bring one of the possible perspectives that state that social support and health are

53 a result of characteristics of a person’s relationship network such as intimacy and an attachment style, non-confliction, and belonging to a group.

Figure 3: Social support – relationship perspective

Social Non- support confliction

Belonging to a group

Intimacy,

attachment Health

Source: B. Lakey, S. Cohen (2000), p. 44; adapted

Following the social-constructivist approach and interaction approach, social support is a relationship support in environment where a person lives that increases resistance to stress and willingness to experience also life losses and crises; an important pillar of mental health (Hartl, Hartlová, 2000); or it is perceived as an ongoing transaction of resources between the members of a social network, with an explicit goal to enhance and promote a sense of well-being or good mood (Kebza, Šolcová, 1999). In their research, Kebza and Šolcová (2003) confirmed that people who live in a satisfactory marriage, have close friends and a wide support social network, and feel satisfied with their work, are happier and more satisfied, have better physical and mental health, and live longer than people who lack these aspects in their lives. Kožený and Tišanská (2003) highlight a fact that people who are well integrated in their communities live longer and are able to recover from a disease better and faster, and on the contrary, social isolation represents a significant health risk. Both in foreign and Slovak literature, we find definitions of social support and trends in research of social support that correspond with all three

54 approaches. Among multiple definitions of social support, it is possible to identify two basic models that we have mentioned in the above-stated global approaches to social support. One of them perceives social support as a phenomenon generally typical for social life and present in human dailiness, the other one perceives social support as a rescue or supportive mechanism in case of crisis situations. In this sense, two models of the concept of social support are differentiated – a main effect model and a “stress buffering” model – an interesting study about it is offered by Cohen, S. and Wills, T. A. (1985). Selected theories of social support Křivohlavý (2009) states the theories of social support; we select the theories belonging to the psychological-medical approach and the interaction approach because we decided to study these two global approaches in the context of respondents’ perceptions of stressful or crisis situations. Theory of coping with stress – “stress buffering model” Person’s experiences with stress are socially distributed. In dealing with difficult life situations, selected personality characteristics as well as social support are important both directly and indirectly, e.g. by influencing a way of coping with a difficulty. Indirect help can be when another person helps an individual to influence coping with a disease or a conflict, and so on. Social support relates to coping with a stressful situation. Thus, we can perceive it as a very significant resource of coping with stressful situations (Friis, 2001 In Macek, Lacinová, 2006. p. 48). Those who have a strong system of social support are better prepared for coping with serious life changes and everyday nuisances. Social support is considered as one of the most important factors modifying adverse effects of various negative life situations on person’s mental and physical health status, and thus also on his well-being and quality of life (Křivohlavý, 2009). Some authors perceive social support related to stressful situations as a buffer against stress which lowers adverse effects of stress on health (Koubeková, 1997; Gecková et al., 2001). Such a buffer effect can be manifested in various ways.

55  Affecting the cognitive sphere of a person in need – specification and clarification of a situation and one’s possibilities of dealing with a situation. Social support in the form of listening or providing information can be helpful.  Promoting self-esteem – social support can increase self-esteem, can be an encouragement, can influence subjective perceptions of one’s competence, belief that we can cope with a situation.  Choosing a more suitable strategy – e.g. the presence of social support increases the probability of choosing a strategy of active dealing with a situation.  Decreasing negative effects of stressors on a physiologic basis – e.g. by eliminating a stressor (Křivohlavý, 2009). Theory of supportive social relationships This theory is based on a model of mutual relationships between people in a family, and on a so-called family social atmosphere. The extent of social support relates to quality of supportive social relationships. Children from families that are characteristic by good supportive relationships have a higher extent of perceived social support. Pierce, Sarason, and Sarason (1994) state three main characteristics of supportive social relationships: the extent of help, the depth of mutual relationships, and the extent of interpersonal conflicts. For the purposes of this theory, supportive relationships include all close relationships a person has. Theory of supportive social networks An important concept in the context of social support is a social network that consists of persons’ bonds with other people in his closest or wider social environments. Křivohlavý (2009) directly talks about a supportive social network that can be perceived as a subgroup of these bonds which meet the person’s need of social support. Thus, a social network can be perceived as a resource of social support. Charles H. Tardy (In Kebza, Šolcová, 1999) describes a social network as a source of social support. Some authors (e.g.: Canoe et al., 1994) criticize egocentric perceptions of social networks structured in concentric circles whose centre is a recipient of social support. They see large limitations in the fact that such perceptions of social networks and social support provided in them to some extent

56 depend on physical distance between a provider and a recipient of support. The closest circle, thus, might include a partner or nuclear family members, the second circle might include an extended family, the next might include friends and classmates, the next one might include neighbours, etc. Thus, not only an existence of a potentially important provider of social support and social networks who stands out of these circles (for example a virtual friend or a non-profit organization, civic association, etc.) is ignored but it also assumes that the extent (or significance) of provided social support depends on an intensity of bonds of social networks which weakens further from the focus (a person who is a centre of a network). A sociocentric conception provides an alternative viewpoint of social networks and social support. It preserves a person, a recipient of social support, as a central point, while social networks he is a part of (and are a resource of social support for him) are not fixed and limited, but they develop on the basis of his social behaviours (needs). Thus, personal social support networks develop and allow exceeding the traditionally perceived networks and studying social support, its provision, reception, and other aspects more deeply and precisely. This approach does not mean an abandonment of the established categories such as family, marriage, parent, neighbour, etc., but rather their re-evaluation in the context of an individual setting of social networks of each person, and consideration of their roles in the system of social support a person gets (Canoe et al., 1994). The above-mentioned theories of social support are linked by effects of social support which influences multiple areas in a person’s life. Through it, a person saturates his needs, is motivated to actively solve his crisis situations, and is able to resist stress better and to maintain his health. In our research probe, we focused our attention to saturation of human needs in the social environment. As the basis, we used four identified types of social support – instrumental (partially it includes saturation of basic needs), information, emotional, and evaluating (it includes particularly saturation of psychological, and social needs). Instrumental support is practical or material (e.g. financial) assistance. It can be in the form of lending or donating the necessary things (money) or assistance in coping with practical aspects of life (housekeeping, childcare, administrative procedures, etc.). In the conception of social support as a

57 buffer in coping with difficult life situations, it gives a person in a crisis situation a possibility to focus on coping with other aspects of a crisis situation (Křivohlavý, 2001; Mareš, 2001). Information support particularly provides important information necessary for or alleviating coping with a specific (stressful or everyday) situation, advice (both personal and expert), and proposed solutions. This type of support helps a person to orientate in his situation, obtain information to its solutions or easier access to services that would help him with solutions (Křivohlavý, 2001; Mareš, 2001). Emotional support includes manifestations of love, trust, affection, hope, understanding, empathy, and “listening” to a person (Kebza, Šolcová, 1999). It alleviates stress, anxiety, and a sense of danger, and enhances self- confidence and a sense of self-worth. It helps in coping with stressful situations (Mareš, 2001). Evaluating support provides a person with support, esteem, and acceptance. It relates to social identity and inclusion in a social group, enhances positive self-evaluation, and has a motivating force in enhancement of self-operating mechanisms. According to Křivohlavý (2009), it also includes sharing the difficulties with a person in difficult situations and solidarity in problem solving. For our research in the area of social support, we chose Roma respondents because of our long-term research interest in this group of population and because it is a group belonging to so-called marginalized11 groups that are threatened by poverty and social exclusion the most. Despite the presence of this ethnic minority in the territory of Slovakia for several hundred years, the society has not managed to create such conditions that would help social integration of Roma. On the contrary, Roma belong to the most excluded groups; a part of them lives in spatial separation from the majority population, in so-called Roma settlements. The studies on living conditions12 of Slovak Roma show that a space or spatial exclusion from the

11 Living at the edge of society. 12 For example, sociological studies on living conditions in Roma households in Slovakia conducted by the Regional Centre of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for Europe and Commonwealth of Independent States in

58 majority environment is an important factor. In general, the further from a municipality a Roma community is, the lower standard of living there is. “…a placement of a settlement can indicate quality of living conditions, infrastructure, and accessibility of services. From this perspective, the worst situation is in segregated settlements, and it improves with the extent of spatial integration” (Mušinka et al., 2014). In terms of a spatial relationship to a village or town, in Slovakia there is a tendency to divide Roma settlements/communities into three types: village and town settlements (found within a village or town); settlements at the edge of a village or town; and settlements remote from a village or town (segregated). As we mentioned above, a location of a community generally relates to its socioeconomic level. The concept “Roma community” is widely applied and is used to label various settlements at various socioeconomic levels. According to the sociographic mapping of Roma communities from 2013 (Mušinka et al., 2014), approximately 53.5% of all Roma live in ethnically homogenous residential communities, and the rest lives in ethnically mixed neighbourhoods. The most complex and topical database of Roma settlements and their inhabitants is provided by the above-mentioned mapping of Roma communities from 2013, published in the Atlas of Roma Communities in Slovakia 2013 (Mušinka et al., 2014). According to its results, in Slovakia there are approximately 402,840 Roma in various types of ethnically homogenous communities and scattered among the majority population.13

4 METHODOLOGY

The paper is one of the outcomes of the research project on perceived social support and social networks of Roma (VEGA No. 1/0206/13) that was conducted from 2013 to 2015 with the main objective “to study qualitative

Bratislava and by the World Bank, published in several final reports – Filadelfiová, Gerbery (2012); Filadelfiová (2013); 13 The official data on the number of Roma from the censuses are significantly underestimated in comparison with the above-mentioned information. In 2011, 105,738 (2% of the whole population in Slovakia) persons registered themselves to the Roma nationality.

59 and quantitative characteristics of perceived social support in Roma with focus on its resources (social networks) and types”. Field research had two phases:  Qualitative (semi-structured interviews with representatives of Roma households) to obtain a subjective view of the respondents on their own life situation, everyday difficulties, but also crisis and stressful situations; and  Quantitative. In the paper, partial findings of the quantitative part of the project are stated.

4.1 Objectives and research questions

In spite of the fact that the paper includes only partial results of the project, for illustration (and complexity of the idea), we state all objectives that were pursued by quantitative study: 1 To map the perceived resources in specific types of social support (emotional, instrumental, evaluating, and information) in everyday life and in crises. 2 To find out if the respondents in crisis situations rely more on themselves or if they seek social support from others. 3 To study the respondents’ social networks. 4 To compare the resources of social support in the respondents related to the types of the Roma settlements. 5 To find out respondent’s overall satisfaction with their social networks related to the types of social support and the types of the Roma settlements. 6 To find out relationships between the types of social support and selected variables. 7 To find out the perceptions and definitions of the concept “crisis”. The key objectives for our paper are 2, 6, and 7; we worked with them and analysed the obtained data to answer the questions: How do the respondents perceive and define a crisis? Are there any differences in perceptions and definitions of a crisis on the basis of the ethnicity and gender? What needs (in the context of the theories of social support) do the respondents declare?

60 What coping strategies do they use in crisis situations in the context of the theory of social support (do they rely on themselves or do they seek support also from others)? In which types of social support do Roma use their social networks most (what do they need most from other people) based on the economic activity of the respondents and a type of Roma settlement they live in? Are there any differences in the types of social support (what do they need most from other people) related to declared/preferred coping strategies in serious/crisis situations?

4.2 Methods A questionnaire was used in the quantitative part of the study; it was designed on the basis of the similarly oriented research tools. In spite of the fact there are several available standardized diagnostic tools of social support in Slovakia, the investigators of the research project decided to adapt the selected tools for the purposes of the research objectives. Its design was based on:  The research tools standardized for studying social support. They included particularly a structured interview (Das Mannheimer Interview zur Socialen Unterstutzung - MISU) by Veiel (1990) that was adapted to a questionnaire form by Schraggeová (1993); a questionnaire ISEL (Interpersonal support evaluation list) published by Cohen, Hoberman (1983); CASSS-CZ: the Czech version of the Social support questionnaire for children and adolescents (Koukola, Ondřejová, Mareš, 2002), etc.  The analysis results of the semi-structured interviews conducted in the project. They were used to form questions (their formulation and content) – specific situations were modelled according to them; the respondents were asked to identify the perceived resources of support in them. The trained interviewers asked the respondents to fill-in the questionnaire; if necessary, they assisted them; the first question was used to verify the ethnicity in the respondents. The questionnaire to map social support consisted of 22 items, including:

61  four open-ended questions (mapping the types of social support and its resources, or a social network),  two statements (the respondents either agreed or disagreed with a statement),  16 questions focused on mapping the resources of social support in specific situations; the respondents were asked to state their resources of support (up to. six) and their satisfaction with them on the scale from 1 to 4. The questions were topic-based so that each area of social support (instrumental, information, emotional, evaluating) was included; they also described everyday situations (“Who do you talk to about ordinary things such as children, cooking, sport, movies?”), and crisis situations (“Imagine that one of your close persons is seriously ill or have died. Who would you go to?”). For this study, we analysed one open-ended question mapping the types of social support (“What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?”), and the statement in which the respondents were asked to state if they agree or disagree with the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only”. Before designing and distributing the questionnaire, the research team used the prototype method (an author is E. Rosch, 1975) to clarify the perceptions and definitions of the concept “crisis”. The prototype approach focuses particularly on people’s knowledge about the concept, on their cognitive representation of the concept (Berscheid, Regan, 2005 In Haubertová, Slaměník, 2013). It is based on respondents’ own experiences with the concept. The interviewers gave the respondents the concept “crisis” and asked them to name everything that they relate to the concept – based on the respondents’ requirement, either the interviewers or the respondents themselves noted down the concepts. The results of this part of the field research were analysed on the basis of the respondents’ ethnicity and gender.

4.3 Data analysis A database was created from the questionnaire; the respondents’ answers were categorized twice (narrower and broader categorisations).

62 The statistical software SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) 17.0 was used for data analysis. Related to the character of the variables we worked with in the analysis of the obtained data, we used the statistical methods: At the descriptive level:  Frequency tables with absolute and relative frequencies used particularly to check the data we worked with. They enabled us to eliminate faulty data, and clear data fields.  Simple descriptive indicators, characteristics of mean: the arithmetic mean, the standard deviation, the standard error of the mean. At the inference level, in comparison of the studied research groups, we used:  T-test for two independent samples,  Chi-squared test. For the data obtained by the prototype approach, we used frequency analysis whose outcome included four lists (divided by gender and ethnicity) of words and phrases characterising a word “crisis” according to the respondents. In the follow-up categorisation, the concepts were divided into nine categories (money, work, poverty, politics, housing, relationships, illness, emotions, and other).

4.4 Sample

The sample for questionnaire investigation was selected through quota sampling with defining two basic sampling criteria. Besides the declared ethnicity (the interviewers always asked the respondents about their ethnicity), it was a “type of Roma settlement”. Based on a habitual typology based on the spatial relationship to a town/village, the interviewers randomly addressed Roma living in the ethnically mixed neighbourhoods, Roma living in village or town settlements (in this group, we included the inhabitants of the settlements inside a village/town and at the edge of a village/town), and Roma living in the settlements out of a village/town (segregated). The final categorisation by the types of settlement is: scattered, concentrated, and segregated – the category labels are simplified particularly for their use in the tables. The Atlas of Roma Communities in

63 Slovakia 2013 (Mušinka et al., 2014) was used as a source of data on Roma communities. In sampling, also other variables were taken into account – the respondents’ age and gender, and also a type of settlement where they were addressed (a town/village).

Tab. 3: Sample characteristics

Age (years) Total To 20 21-35 36-50 over 50 N 9 35 20 16 80 Scattered % 4.70% 18.40% 10.50% 8.40% 42.10% N 8 35 20 8 71 Concentrated

% 4.20% 18.40% 10.50% 4.20% 37.40% Settlement Men N 5 15 12 7 39 Segregated % 2.60% 7.90% 6.30% 3.70% 20.50% N 22 85 52 31 190 Total % 11.60% 44.70% 27.40% 16.30% 100% N 10 43 22 16 91 Scattered % 4.50% 19.50% 10.00% 7.20% 41.20%

N 16 35 23 14 88 Concentrated % 7.20% 15.80% 10.40% 6.30% 39.80%

Settlement N 7 15 13 7 42 Gender Women Segregated % 3.20% 6.80% 5.90% 3.20% 19.00% N 33 93 58 37 221 Total % 14.90% 42.10% 26.20% 16.70% 100% N 19 78 42 32 171 Scattered % 4.60% 19.00% 10.20% 7.80% 41.60% N 24 70 43 22 159

Concentrated

% 5.80% 17.00% 10.50% 5.40% 38.70% Settlement

Total N 12 30 25 14 81 Segregated % 2.90% 7.30% 6.10% 3.40% 19.70% N 55 178 110 68 411 Total % 13.40% 43.30% 26.80% 16.50% 100%

There were 413 Roma from two self-governing regions (Košice, Banská Bystrica), including five districts and 17 municipalities.

64 There were 31% (N = 129) of people from a town. Related to the type of settlement, there was a preponderance of Roma living in the ethnically mixed neighbourhoods, i.e. living “scattered” among the majority population (N = 172; 41.6%), followed by people from the settlements in a village/town or at their edge, i.e. the concentrated (N = 159; 38.5%), and the inhabitants of the segregated settlements, i.e. the segregated (N = 82; 19.9%). In the sample, there was a slight preponderance of women (N = 221; 54%). The average age was 35.5 years. Approximately 27% (N = 113) was economically active, 6.5% (N = 27) studied, and 26% (N = 106) participated in activation works. A more detailed specification of the sample by gender, age, and the type of settlement is in Table 3. There were 440 respondents aged 14-83 years addressed to answer the question about defining a crisis (the prototype method), including 213 men and 227 women (the sample was not identical with the sample of the respondents addressed by the questionnaire). There were 111 men of the Roma ethnicity, 102 men of the Slovak ethnicity, 109 women of the Roma ethnicity, and 118 women of the Slovak ethnicity. The largest was the age group 30-40 years; there was a preponderance of persons with secondary education in the women and men of the Slovak ethnicity, and of basic education in women and men of the Roma ethnicity. All the respondents were addressed within one region in the east of the country.

5 RESULTS

The chapter Results is structured by the specific research questions (and related research tools and research samples). In the first part, we state the perceptions of a crisis by ethnic Roma and the ethnic Slovaks obtained by the prototype method. In the next part, we state the answers of the Roma respondents to the questions from the questionnaire mapping the areas of social support and social networks. The questions related to the preferred social support and coping strategies for stressful situations; the results are shown in the tables. We point out that the samples addressed by the prototype method and the questionnaire were not identical. Both studies were conducted in 2014 and 2015.

65 5.1 Perceptions and definitions of a crisis

The table below (we are sorry for its size) is a summary of the concepts that the addressed respondents related with the word crisis. They were categorized: money, work, poverty, politics, housing, relationships, illness, emotions, and other. The respondents’ answers are divided by their ethnicity and gender.

Tab. 4: Defining a crisis Ethnic Roma Ethnic Slovaks C Concepts Men Women Men Women Total at. A lack of money 37/20.0 44/27.9 23/15.8 47/24.9 151 Low social benefits, state 12/6.5 16/10.1 0/0 0/0 28 child benefits

Low pension 4/2.2 1/0.6 4/2.7 0/0 9 Rising prices of medicaments 3/1.6 3/1.9 5/3.4 0/0 11

Money Low salaries/incomes 0/0 0/0 4/2.7 4/2.1 8 Debts, loans 0/0 2/1.3 2/1.4 5/2.6 9

Total 56/30.3 66/41.8 38/26.0 56/29.6 216/31.9 There is no work; a lack of 36/19.5 20/12.7 18/12.3 19/10.1 93 job positions, unemployment They do not want us at work 5/2.7 3/1.9 0/0 0/0 8

Inability to find a job 4/2.2 0/0 0/0 0/0 4

Bankruptcy of firms 0/0 0/0 2/1.4 2/1.1 4 Work Going abroad for work 0/0 0/0 2/1.4 3/1.6 5 Job loss 0/0 0/0 0/0 6/3.2 6

Total 45/24.3 23/14.6 22/15.1 30/15.9 120/17.7 Poverty 13/7.0 16/0.6 12/8.2 15/7.9 56

Hunger/thirst 14/7.6 6/3.8 0/0 0/0 20 Misery 5/2.7 4/2.5 0/0 7/3.7 16

Poverty A lack of food 0/0 8/5.0 0/0 0/0 8

Total 32/17.3 34/21.5 12/8.2 22/11.6 100/14.7

66 Crisis in marriage, bad 3/1.6 5/3.2 9/6.2 7/3.7 24 partner and marriage relationships

Crisis in sex 0/0 1/0.6 0/0 0/0 1 Divorce 0/0 0/0 3/2.1 0/0 3 Crisis in family 4/2.2 0/0 0/0 0/0 4

Crisis in relationships 0/0 0/0 0/0 18/9.5 18 Relationships Quarrels 0/0 1/0.6 2/1.4 2/1.1 5 Total 7/3.8 7/4.4 14/9.6 27/14.3 55/8.1 Despair, hopelessness, 5/2.7 0/0 3/2.1 4/2.1 12 sadness/pessimism Bad luck 4/2.2 0/0 0/0 0/0 4 Fear/anxiety 0/0 3/1.9 12/8.2 7/3.7 22

Confusion/doubt 0/0 0/0 2/1.4 2/1.1 4 Depression 0/0 0/0 2/1.4 5/2.6 7

Pain 0/0 1/0.6 0/0 0/0 1 Emotions Discontent 0/0 0/0 0/0 2/1.1 2 Envy 0/0 0/0 0/0 1/0.5 1 Helplessness 0/0 0/0 1/0.7 0/0 1 Total 9/4.9 4/2.5 20/13.7 21/11.1 54/8.0 Bad policy/bad 15/8.1 5/3.2 15/10.3 13/6.9 48/7.1

government/Prime Minister

Politic s

Bad housing 9/4.9 8/5.0 0/0 0/0 17

We do not have water and 3/1.6 6/3.8 0/0 0/0 9 electricity

Housing Total 12/6.5 14/8.9 0/0 0/0 26/3.8

Illness 5/2.7 5/3.2 0/0 0/0 10/1.6 Illness

Racism and discrimination 2/1.0 0/0 0/0 0/0 2

Problems with Roma 0/0 0/0 0/0 4/2.1 4

Other Uncertain future 2/1.0 0/0 0/0 0/0 2

67 Embezzlement/corruption 0/0 0/0 9/6.2 5/2.6 14 Increasing crime 0/0 0/0 6/4.1 0/0 6 Unrest in Ukraine 0/0 0/0 5/3.4 11/5.8 16 Mid-life crisis 0/0 0/0 5/3.4 0/0 5 Total 4/2.1 0/0 25/17.1 20/10.6 49/7.2

Total 185 158 146 189 678

In Table 4, the categories are listed by the frequencies of all answers they had; thus, “money” had the highest frequency, and the category “illness” had the lowest frequency. Within the groups of the respondents, the order of the categories did not correspond with the overall order (Table 4). In the columns with the frequencies, there are absolute numbers of answers followed by a percentage from all answers in the group of the respondents, e.g. a lack of money was stated 37 times by Roma men, which is 20 per cent of the total number of answers by Roma men. The total number of answers in all groups of the respondents is given in the last line of the table; we point out again that in the study, we addressed 111 Roma men (the total of 170 answers), 109 Roma women (the total of 158 answers), 102 men of the Slovak ethnicity (the total of 146 answers), and 118 women of the Slovak ethnicity (the total of 189 answers). All the groups of the respondents related the concept “crisis” particularly to a lack of money, or low incomes (the total of 216 answers, i.e. 31.9% of all the words and phrases the respondents related to a crisis). The differences in the groups by the ethnicity included the types of incomes: Roma mentioned low social benefits and low state child benefits (particularly women), and the ethnic Slovaks stated low salaries even though frequencies of this answer are not high. In terms of gender, the differences are in the answer “low pension”; it was stated more by the men than the women, but again, it is a concept used only nine times in all the groups. The category with the second highest frequency is “work” (the total of 120 answers and 17.7%) with the concepts expressing a lack of work or job positions (Roma rather used a phrase “there is no work” and the ethnic Slovaks used “unemployment/a lack of job positions”). This category is slightly denser in content in the ethnic Slovaks in comparison with Roma;

68 the lowest diversity in the answers was in the Roma women. Besides a lack of work, the Roma men perceived “they do not want us at work” (in five cases) – this phrase was not used in any other group of the respondents, and four Roma men (again men only) stated “inability to find a job”. The ethnic Slovaks, unlike Roma, mentioned bankruptcy of firms (both the men and women), leaving for work (both the men and women), and job loss (the women). There were low frequencies of answers in all varying answers based on the ethnicity. There are more significant interethnic differences in the answers in the category “poverty” (the total of 100 answers and 14.7%). While the ethnic Slovaks defined a crisis through the concept “poverty” (the women in seven cases used the word “misery”), the answers by Roma varied more; they used: hunger, thirst, misery, a lack of food. The first three words were used by both the men and women, and the latter phrase was used only by the Roma women. There is a significant difference in the number of answers between the ethnic groups of the respondents; Roma link poverty to the concept “crisis” approximately twice as often as the ethnic Slovaks. The lowest frequency of answers in this category was in the ethnic Slovaks – the men; the frequency is more equal between the women. In comparison with the previous group, there were approximately half as many answers in the category “relationships” (the total of 55 answers in all the groups of the respondents and 8.1%). An exception, in not so often mentioned associations to a crisis from the area of relationships, is the women of the Slovak ethnicity who perceive a crisis through relationships in up to 18 cases. It is interesting that in other groups of the respondents, a crisis in relationships (in general) was not mentioned at all. Everybody stated a crisis in marriage or partner relationships (the total of 24 answers); other answers have very low frequencies. The Roma women and men defined a crisis through relationships significantly less than the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity. There are also differences between the groups by gender; the most answers are in the Slovak women, many times more than in the Roma women. Also the men of the Slovak ethnicity perceive a crisis through relationships more often than the Roma men. “Emotions” are the most diverse category (even though several answers have very low frequencies, in three cases only one). There is the total of 54

69 answers in this category, which is 8.0%. Again, there is a preponderance of the answers by the ethnic Slovak men and women, which are equal in frequency, but in comparison with the Roma men and women they are many times higher, which relates to significant differences within the groups of the women and men. The Roma women stated emotions the least (four times, including fear/anxiety three times, and pain once). Also thanks to the diversity of answers in the area of emotions, there are several concepts that were stated only by one group of the respondents, including: bad luck (the Roma men), pain (one answer in the group of the Roma women), discontent (the women of the Slovak ethnicity), envy (one answer in the group of the women of the Slovak ethnicity), and helplessness (one answer in the group of the men of the Slovak ethnicity). The most often stated association from this category was “fear/anxiety”. There was a rare agreement in the category “politics” both in the expressions used by the respondents (bad policy, bad government, and bad prime minister) and the frequency of the answers between the men in both ethnic groups (15 answers) even though the percentage within the groups clearly differs. The Roma women perceive a crisis through this category the least. Furthermore, politics is one of the least comprehensive categories or the least diverse in the used concepts (along with illness and housing). There were 48 answers, which is 7.0%, in the category “politics”. It is worth noting that the categories “housing” (26 answers and 3.8%) and “illness” (10 answers and 1.6%) were saturated only by Roma (both the men and women). These areas were not related to a crisis in the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity. The category “other” included those phrases that were different in different ethnic groups. In this part, there is not any answer by the Roma women; there is a preponderance of the statements by the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity, whose large part focuses on social conditions or problems abroad – i.e. the phenomena the respondents cannot influence much and are out of their control (e.g. unrest in Ukraine14).

14 The issue of migration was not intense in the period when the field data collection was conducted.

70 Only in the men of the Slovak ethnicity, there were also positive association related to a crisis: “Hope that something better would come, new possibilities, opportunities, a solution, a change, support, solidarity”.

Tab. 5: Defining a crisis – the category order by the groups of the respondents Men of Roma Women of Roma Men of Slovak Women of Slovak ethnicity ethnicity ethnicity ethnicity Cat. N/% Cat. N/% Cat. N/% Cat. N/% Money 56/30.3 Money 66/41.8 Money 38/26.0 Money 56/29.6 Work 45/24.3 Poverty 34/21.5 Work 22/15.1 Work 30/15.9 Poverty 32/17.3 Work 23/14.6 Poverty 12/8.2 Poverty 22/11.6 Politics 15/8.1 Housing 14/8.9 Emotion 20/13.7 Emotions 21/11.1 s Housing 12/6.5 Relationsh 7/4.4 Politics 15/10.3 Relationsh 27/14.3 ips ips Emotions 9/4.9 Illness 5/3.2 Relation 14/9.6 Politics 13/6.9 ships Relationsh 7/3.8 Politics 5/3.2 Housing 0/0 Housing 0/0 ips Illness 5/2.7 Emotions 4/2.5 Illness 0/0 Illness 0/0

Table 5 shows the order of the categories related to the individual groups of the respondents. There is a total agreement in all four groups in the category “money” – it is on the first place. Also other the most frequent areas – work and poverty are in agreement in three groups; an exception is the group of the Roma women who have these two categories exchanged when compared with other groups. In general, this group varies the most from the others. A greater similarity in the order of the categories is found between the groups of the same ethnicity – the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity have it almost the same (a change is in the categories politics and relationships); there are greater differences between the Roma men and women. Probably the most interesting finding is that the women and men of the Roma ethnicity focused the most of their answers to the categories related to

71 the social situation: money, poverty, work, housing (in the women it is up to 86.8% and in the men 78.4%), less frequent are the categories emotions and relationships (8.7% in the men and 6.9% in the women). In the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity, the categories money, work and poverty include approximately a half of all the answers in the men (49.3%) and 57.1% in the women. Higher frequencies were in the categories emotions and relationships (23.3% in the men and 25.4% in the women). The Roma women and men significantly exceed the other two groups almost in all the areas related to the social situation: the concepts included in the category money were in 72.1% of the answers of the Roma men and women, and in 55.6% of the answers of the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity; poverty was in 38.8% of the answers of the Roma women and men, and in 19.8% of the answers of the men and women of the Slovak ethnicity. As we have stated above, the categories housing and illness were perceived only by the Roma women and men. The similarity between the groups based on gender is minimal: between the women only in the category work, in the men in the areas money, and politics.

5.2 Results from research on social support The tables below show the findings in the area of the respondents’ preferred social support and declared coping strategies for crisis situations in the context of the social support theories. The data were obtained by the questionnaire on social support and social networks in Roma; we analysed two questions for this study. To maintain the identified diversity in the respondents’ answers, we decided for a rather broad categorization even with the risk that frequencies of the answers in the individual categories are low. That’s why we categorized the respondents’ answers twice – in the broader and narrower versions (in the independent tables). The tables in the broader categorization show in-detail characterized content of help; the tables of the narrower categorization bring information about the types of social support the respondents need the most often. The findings were analysed related to the type of settlement where the Roma women and men live, related to their economic activities, and Tables

72 12 and 13 show the answers of the respondents related to the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only”. We decided to use the type of settlement in analysis because the studies (particularly the studies on poverty) of Roma show the fact that the living conditions in Roma settlements that are separated and segregated from the majority communities are worse that the conditions of Roma living near the majority population. We would like to remind you the typology of Roma settlements (communities) that was used in the study. It was based on the “traditional” categorization of settlements inhabited by Roma on the basis of the spatial relationship to a village or town whose part they are. The group of the respondents in the category “scattered” lives in the ethnically mixed neighbourhoods (scattered among the majority population); the category “concentrated” describes the respondents who are inhabitants of Roma settlements within a village or town (Roma streets, neighbourhoods . . .) or at their edges; and the last category – “segregated” refers to the respondents living in settlements remote from a village or town (separated by space).

Tab. 6: Frequencies of answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” by type of settlement (broader categorization) Scattered Concentrated Segregated Total N % N % N % N % Unspecified help 14 8.5 11 8.0 11 15.1 36 9.6 Willingness, 0 0 0 0 1 1.4 1 0.3 helpfulness, interest Care for family 2 1.2 4 2.9 2 2.7 8 2.1 members Advice 47 28.7 32 23.4 25 34.2 104 27.8 Understanding, 16 9.8 4 2.9 3 4.1 23 6.1 empathy Support, help 2 1.2 4 2.9 0 0 6 1.6 Friendship, good 3 1.8 1 0.7 0 0 4 1.1 relationships Kind words, pleasure 2 1.2 2 1.5 4 5.5 8 2.1 Conversation 5 3.0 4 2.9 2 2.7 11 2.9 Confidence, trust 3 1.8 4 2.9 0 0 7 1.9 Encouragement, respect 2 1.2 1 0.7 1 1.4 4 1.1 Clothes, shoes 1 0.6 3 2.2 0 0 4 1.1 Money 37 22.6 26 19.8 11 15.1 74 19.8

73 Work/job 1 0.6 1 0.7 2 2.7 4 1.1 Work/help 6 3.7 11 8.0 5 6.8 22 5.9 Love 6 3.7 6 4.4 0 0 12 3.2 Food 1 0.6 2 1.5 2 2.7 5 1.3 Loan, repair 3 1.8 7 5.1 1 1.4 11 2.9 Wood 0 0 1 0.7 1 1.4 2 0.5 Transport, lending a car 2 1.2 3 2.2 0 0 5 1.3 Fun, spending free time 3 1.8 0 0 0 0 3 0.8 Medicaments, 2 1.2 0 0 0 0 2 0.5 treatment Computer 1 0.6 1 0.7 0 0 2 0.5 Information 1 0.6 1 0.7 0 0 2 0.5 Dealing with the 2 1.2 3 2.2 0 0 5 1.3 authorities Other 2 1.2 5 3.6 2 2.7 9 2.4 Total 164 100 137 100 73 100 374 100 The answers with the highest frequencies in the whole sample are bold in the table. Generally, the respondents from all the types of the communities need advice – 27.8% of all the answers (104 answers), money – 19.8% (74 answers), and unspecified help – 9.6% (36 answers). The categories money and advice include up to 47.6% of all the answers. In the group of the respondents living scattered, there was a higher score also in the category “understanding, empathy” – in the other two groups, however, this category is stated less frequently. Roma living scattered among the majority population stated (in comparison with other groups of the respondents) the answers included in the category help with work less frequently. When we analyse the findings through the type of settlement, the differences in the frequencies of the answers in the individual categories are not statistically significant, but despite that they are interesting. As we have stated above, advice and money had the highest frequencies in all the groups; interesting are the differences in the ratios of these two categories in the answers within individual groups of the respondents. The highest difference in the frequencies of the answers between advice and money was stated by segregated Roma; advice had a higher frequency. Advice is required by 34.2% of the respondents in this group; in Roma living in the ethnically mixed neighbourhoods (“scattered”) it was in 28.7% of the answers; advice had the lowest frequency in the answers by the respondents from the settlements within or at the edge of a village/town – 23.4%.

74 Roma living in the ethnically mixed neighbourhoods require money from others most often, they stated it 37 times (22.06% of the total number of the respondents in the sample); Roma living in the settlements within or at the edge of a village/town stated money 26 times (19.8%); and segregated Roma stated it 11 times (15.1%). Table 6 shows also the answers of all three groups of the respondents in individual categories. A preponderance of the answers is focused in the categories in bold; the fewest answers are in the categories: willingness/helpfulness/interest (one answer); wood (two answers); medicaments/treatment/computer (two answers); information (two answers); and fun (three answers). The most zeros (no answer in a category) are found in the group of the respondents who live in segregation, which may be interpreted as a fact that their priority needs are focused in a narrower area of mostly instrumental and information support.

Tab. 7: Frequencies of answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” by type of settlement (narrower categorization) Scattered Concentrated Segregated Total Social support N % N % N % N % Instrumental 71 43.3 74 54.0 36 49.3 181 48.4 Emotional 19 11.6 16 11.7 5 6.8 40 10.7 Information 69 42.1 41 29.9 30 41.1 140 37.4 Evaluating 3 1.8 1 0.7 0 0 4 1.1 Other 2 1.2 5 3.6 2 2.7 9 2.4 Total 164 100 167 100 73 100 374 100

Table 7 shows the respondents’ answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” in the categories of the specific types of social support. The highest frequencies of the answers of all the respondents (regardless of the type of settlement) were in instrumental support (48.4%) and information support (37.4%), followed by emotional support (10.7%); the fewest answers related to evaluating support (1.1%). The order of the specific types of support related to the types of settlements does not change either, but in Table 7 we can see differences in their frequencies – a relatively smaller emphasis on information support in Roma living in the settlements within or at the edge

75 of a village/town (in comparison with the ratio of the frequencies of information and instrumental support in other two groups of the respondents), and the lower frequency of the answers in the category emotional support in the segregated Roma. Neither of the differences, however, is statistically significant. Tab. 8: Frequencies of answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” by economic activities of the respondents (broader categorization) Economically Economically Total active inactive N % N % N % Unspecified help 11 10.8 25 9.4 36 9.8 Willingness, helpfulness, 1 1.0 0 0 1 0.3 interest Care for family members 1 1.0 6 2.3 7 1.9 Advice 31 30.4 7 26.3 101 27.4 Understanding, empathy 10 9.8 13 4.9 23 6.3 Support, help 2 2.0 4 1.5 6 1.6 Friendship, good 2 2.0 2 0.8 4 1.1 relationships Kind words, pleasure 5 4.9 3 1.1 8 2.2 Conversation 4 3.9 7 2.6 11 3.0 Confidence, trust 1 1.0 6 2.3 7 1.9 Encouragement, respect 3 2.9 1 0.4 4 1.1 Clothes, shoes 0 0 4 1.5 4 1.1 Money 13 12.7 60 22.6 73 19.8 Work/job 2 2.0 2 0.8 4 1.1 Work/help 5 4.9 16 6.0 21 5.7 Love 3 2.9 9 3.4 12 3.3 Food 0 0 5 1.9 5 1.4 Loan, repair 2 2.0 9 3.4 11 3.0 Wood 0 0 2 0.8 2 0.5 Transport, lending a car 1 1.0 4 1.5 5 1.4 Fun, spending free time 1 1 2 0.8 3 0.8 Medicaments, treatment 0 0 2 0.8 2 0.5 Computer 0 0 2 0.8 2 0.5 Information 2 2 0 0 2 0.5 Dealing with the 2 2.0 3 1.1 5 1.4 authorities Other 0 0 9 3.4 9 2.4 Total 102 100 266 100 368 100 p = 0.043

76 In analysis of the respondents’ answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” related to their economic activity, there are statistically significant differences (p = 0.043). In a more detailed study of Table 8, we find a significant difference in the frequencies of the answers in the category money – 12.7% (13 answers in this group) of the economically active respondents and 22.6% (60 answers) of the economically inactive respondents require money from others. A significantly higher ratio of answers is found in the economically active respondents in the category understanding/empathy – 9.8% (10 answers); 4.9% of the economically inactive respondents (13 answers) answered within this category.

Tab. 9: Frequencies of answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” by economic activity of the respondents (narrower categorization) Economically active Economically inactive Total Social support N % N % N % Instrumental 39 38.2 139 52.3 178 48.4 Emotional 14 13.7 26 9.8 40 10.9 Information 46 45.1 91 34.2 137 37.2 Evaluating 3 2.9 1 0.4 4 1.1 Other 0 0 9 3.4 9 2.4 Total 102 100 266 100 368 100

Statistically significant differences were found also in broader categorization of required help between the groups of economically active and economically inactive Roma in the area of instrumental support – the answers in this category were stated by 38.2% of the economically active (39 answers) and 52.3% of economically inactive respondents (139 answers). In everyday life it is possible to see how people deal with various situations in various ways. Some individuals can cope with certain stressful situations better, faster, and more effectively while for others they are a source of problems. In the classifications of coping strategies we find several strategies that state seeking social support as part of coping with stressful life situations (Lovaš, 1997 In Frankovský, 2001; Stone, Neale, 1984 In Schwarzer, Schwarzer, 1996; Tobin, 1984). In the context of the study on

77 social support in Roma, we decided to include the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” in the questionnaire that was used to map the coping strategy “social support” in dealing with stressful life situations. They were asked to express their agreement or disagreement with the statement, depending on how typical the situation is for them. In the sample of 400 respondents, 153 people agreed and 247 respondents did not agree with the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only”.

Tab. 10: Answers to the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” by the type of settlement Total Scattered Concentrated Segregated In serious N 52 68 33 153 situations, I Yes % 31.3% 44.7% 40.2% 38.3% can count N 114 84 49 247 on myself No only % 68.7% 55.3% 59.8% 61.8% N 166 152 82 400 Total % 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% χ² = 6.216, df = 2, p = 0.045

In Table 10, we state the sample distribution related to the type of settlement. Up to 68.7% Roma living scattered state that in case of a serious life situation they seek support in other people; on the contrary, 31.3% of Roma living scattered believe they can count on themselves only and there is nobody who could provide adequate support. There was the largest difference in the answers in this type of settlement. Also, we confirm significant differences between the studied groups.

78 Tab. 11: Answers to the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” by economic activity Economic activity Total Yes No N 44 105 149 In serious Yes % 40.4% 36.8% 37.8% situations, I N 65 180 245 can count on No myself only % 59.6% 63.2% 62.2% N 109 285 394 Total % 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

χ² = 0.417, df = 1, p = 0.519

In Table 11, we state the sample distribution related to economic activity. We wanted to know if there are differences between the groups of employed and unemployed Roma and their belief about existence or inexistence of social support in crisis life situations. We did not find a difference from the perspective of economic activity. The belief that people can count on themselves only was in approximately 40% of employed but also unemployed Roma. Higher percentage in both groups (approximately 60%) declares that in crisis situations, they count also on help from other people.

Tab. 12: Frequencies of answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” (narrower categorization) related to answers to the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” In serious situations, I can count on myself only Yes No Total N % N % N % Unspecified help 15 11.2 21 8.9 36 9.7 Willingness, helpfulness, 1 0.7 0 0 1 0.3 interest Care for family members 5 3.7 3 1.3 8 2.2 Advice 36 26.9 68 28.8 104 28.1 Understanding, empathy 10 7.5 13 5.5 23 6.2 Support, help 2 1.5 3 1.3 5 1.4 Friendship, good 1 0.7 0 0 1 0.3 relationships Kind words, pleasure 3 2.2 5 2.1 8 2.2

79 Conversation 2 1.5 9 3.8 11 3.0 Confidence, trust 4 3.0 3 1.3 7 1.9 Encouragement, respect 1 0.7 3 1.3 4 1.1 Clothes, shoes 0 0 4 1.7 4 1.1 Money 26 19.4 48 20.3 74 20.0 Work/job 1 0.7 3 1.3 4 1.1 Work/help 9 6.7 13 5.5 22 5.9 Love 5 3.7 7 3.0 12 3.2 Food 1 0.7 4 1.7 5 1.4 Loan, repair 4 3.0 7 3.0 11 3.0 Wood 0 0 2 0.8 2 0.5 Transport, lending a car 2 1.5 3 1.3 5 1.4 Fun, spending free time 0 0 3 1.3 3 0.8 Medicaments, treatment 1 0.7 1 0.4 2 0.5 Computer 1 0.7 1 0.4 2 0.5 Information 0 0 2 0.8 2 0.5 Dealing with the 1 0.7 4 1.7 5 1.4 authorities Other 3 2.2 6 2.5 9 2.4 Total 134 100 236 100 370 100 Analyses of the frequencies of the respondents’ answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” related to declared agreement or disagreement with the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” showed no statistically significant differences.

Tab. 13: Frequencies of answers to the question “What do you need from the others most often? What comes to your mind as the first?” (broader categorization) related to answers to the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” In serious situations, I can count on myself only Yes No Σ N % N % N % Instrumental 64 47.8 117 49.6 48

Emotional 18 13.4 18 7.6 36 9.7 Information 49 36.6 91 38.6 140 37.8 Evaluating 0 0 4 1.7 4 1.1 Other 3 2.2 6 2.5 9 2.4 Total 134 100 236 100 370 100

80 There are no statistically significant differences in declared required support analysed in accordance with the answers to the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” either in a more detailed or broader categorisations. Differences can be seen e.g. in the area of seeking emotional support with 13.4% of those who agreed with the statement and 7.6% of those who disagreed with it. In data analysis, we tried to find more dimensions of perceptions of serious life situations (crises) and perceptions of social support that a person needs. For the purposes of the research objectives, we focused our attention to person’s personal social networks, i.e. a number of social support resources. It means that we wanted to find out an average number of people that was stated by a person as those who he can turn to when he needs help. As for using social support as a coping strategy, we wanted to know if there is a difference in the number of social support resources in those who use social support as a coping strategy.

Tab. 14: Average numbers of social support resources related to answers to the statement: “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” In serious situations, I N Mean Standard Standar t Statisti can count on myself deviation d error cal only of the signific mean ance Average Yes 153 1.626 0.796 0.064 -3.494 .001 number of No 247 1.916 .812 .0516 -3.511 .001 instrumental support 7 resources Average Yes 153 1.520 .583 .0471 -3.070 .002 number of 5 information No 247 1.715 .638 .0405 -3.135 .002 support 7 resources Average Yes 153 1.958 .892 .0721 -4.256 .000 number of 1 emotional No 247 2.388 1.034 .0657 -4.406 .000 support 9 resources Average Yes 153 1.773 .92129 .0744 -1.390 .165 number of 8 evaluating No 247 1.908 .95689 .0608 -1.403 .162 support resources 9

81 We wanted to know (Table 14) if the respondents’ belief that they can count on themselves only in a crisis relates to the number of social support resources, i.e. in the scope of their social networks they can use when they need social support. In people who agreed with the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only”, we identified 1.626 support resources in instrumental support in average. In people who disagreed with the statement, the average number of support resources was higher – 1.916. The respondents who count on themselves in dealing with difficult life situations stated 1.520 resources in the area of information support and 1.773 resources in the area of evaluating support. In this group, the highest number of resources was identified in the area of emotional support – 1.958. The respondents who use social support as a coping strategy in difficult life situations stated 1.715 resources in the area of information support and 1.908 resources in the area of evaluating support. In this group, the highest number of resources was found in the area of emotional support – 2.388. We identified statistically significant differences between the groups in the number of resources in all types of social support, except evaluating support. A highly significant difference was found in the numbers of resources of emotional and instrumental support.

6 DISCUSSION

Crisis is a broad topic that relates to individuals, families, and whole systems we live in. In everyday life, a person experiences various types of crisis situations from the conflict of choice, to ruining their goals, to losses, and to stressful effects of such changes. He takes an attitude to the events of outer reality, which to some extent determines how he deals with situations. Subjective interpretation of the events by an individual and his subjective perceptions of their difficulty are a significant factor which co-determines a definition of a crisis or stress. The content of the concept or category can be influenced by cultural peculiarities as well as one’s experience with the concept (Berscheid, Regan, 2005 In Haubertová, Slaměník, 2013). In one part of the study, we focused our attention to perceptions of the concept a “crisis” by the respondents of Roma and Slovak ethnicities to find out how the respondents perceive and define it and also if there are any interethnic differences in perceptions of a crisis. The addressed were asked

82 to assign the words whose meaning they relate to a crisis. In all groups of the respondents, there were the categories money, job (its absence), and poverty in the first places in the order based on the frequency of answers. Other categories that were created based on the answers are: relationships, emotions, politics, housing, and illness. Analysis of the findings showed differences in perceptions of the concept between the ethnic groups. We think the most interesting finding is the difference between the respondents of the Roma and Slovak origins in the ratios of the categories related to a social situation. Roma perceived a crisis particularly in the context of bad social situations (a lack of money, no job, poverty, and bad housing); the frequencies of their associations from the area of emotions and relationships were significantly lower. The distribution of the answers in the respondents of the Slovak ethnicity in the above mentioned categories was more balanced. The differences in the frequencies of answers between the respondents of the Roma and Slovak origins can be interpreted also through the concept of the hierarchy of human needs. Maslow (1987) divides the human needs into the basic needs that include hunger, thirst, sex, and safety, and the psychological needs that include belongingness, love, esteem, and acknowledgement. The last group of the needs in his hierarchy are the meta- needs including the needs of good, justice, beauty, education, and knowledge, and he describes them as the growth needs. In meeting the goals a person has, there is a rule that if the basic needs are not met, the meta- needs cannot be fully realized, which results in illnesses if the basic needs are not met and to personal feelings of unhappiness, apathy, and indifference if the meta-needs are not met. Based on the above-mentioned analysis, we state that there were answers related to the area of the basic needs (answers – hunger, thirst, a lack of food) in ethnic Roma, and there were more general answers and in lower percentage in the ethnic Slovaks. On the contrary, more diverse answers were found in them in the categories emotions, and relationships. It might mean that the ethnic Slovaks deal with crises in the area of the psychological needs (love, esteem – saturated by the answer “a crisis in relationships”) and the meta-needs (the answers – depression, helplessness, and doubt) more often. In comparison of the respondents’ answers, we find several differences – e.g. the categories housing, and illness were stated only by Roma. The sample was divided into four groups – based on ethnicity and gender.

83 Similarity between the groups on the basis of gender is minimal, between the women only in the category work, in the men in the areas money, and politics. There were differences between genders in some categories in the answers by Roma – e.g. in the category work that was more frequent in the men (the gender difference is stated by several authors, e.g. Kendler et al., 2001). In the group of the respondents of the Slovak origin, we did not find any differences in the categories between the men and women – there is a slightly higher frequency in the category relationships in the women. The group of the Roma women with the lowest number of answers in the categories emotions, and relationships (all other groups perceived a crisis through relationships, and emotions more often) is out of the theories about the gender-typical differences in perception of crises (in men it is more about property, and work-related stress; women are more sensitive to relationships, and emotions15). Interesting is the uniqueness in the men of the Slovak ethnicity in perceptions of crises related to a positive change, hope, and new opportunities. The contribution of crises is studied by so-called positive psychology that, among other things, focuses on individual’s ability to gain a positive experience from a crisis (Turbová, Cagaš, 2004). Caplan (1974) developed two basic principles of dealing with a crisis including homeostasis, and social learning. In the first case, based on the internal stimuli of an organism, a reaction occurs and it levels organism’s stability through its feedback. In the second case, an individual deals with the changes in the balance automatically or knowingly by trial and error. Other universal types of help are formal help (a crisis intervention), and informal help including self-help (particularly defence mechanisms) and mutual help, i.e. getting help, advice, and information (Špatenková, 2004). Social support is a significant element in informal help in a crisis. “Generally, it is an activity that to some extent eases a stressful situation in a person in need” (Křivohlavý, 2001, p. 94). The concept of social support/help can be found also in works with the affinity to poor groups of the Slovak population – we find it in analysis of the official government documents but also in the studies focused on

15 For example: Kendler et al., 2001;

84 socially disadvantaged target groups. The helping professions such as social work and social services work with the concept. The studies on social support in the Slovak and Czech environments focus particularly on identification of the support resources and on perceived social support in people who experience difficult life situations related to acute or chronic illnesses (e.g. Rybářová, Pečenková, 2002), or focus their attention to difficult life situations in adolescents: social support in adolescents with behaviour problems (Králová, 2002), institutional support for children and adolescents at risk of social exclusion (Králová, 2003), and effects of social support on adolescents’ health related to socioeconomic family status (Gecková, Pudelský, van Dijk, 2001). In our study focused on mapping the areas of social support in Roma16, we were interested in, among other things, what requirements the respondents turn to other people with. The answers to the questions finding a specific content of the respondents’ required help show two facts:  There are some differences in the respondents’ needs/requirements analysed according to the selected variables,  Regardless of the variables, the needs in Roma are concentrated particularly in the areas of instrumental and information support. In the answers to the question: “What do you need from the others most often?”, advice17, and money18 had the highest ratios. Roma living segregated ask for advice from other people the most; on the contrary, a relatively lower ratio of the answers in this group of the respondents was found in the category money, which may appear as surprising in consideration of the generally accepted thesis that this group of Roma belongs to the poorest ones. This finding, however, does not have to mean also the lowest need of money. The access to cash loans for the inhabitants of the poor and spatially excluded localities can be limited, that’s why in their demands to meet their needs they focus on the commodities that are more accessible in their social networks. Several authors (e.g. Smith, 2002;

16 The main research tool was a questionnaire. 17 Advice belongs to the area of information support. 18 The area of instrumental support.

85 Acheson, 2007; Rochovská et al., 2014) draw attention to the significance of reciprocity of non-monetary products in poor environments. The highest frequencies in the answers of all respondents (regardless of the type of settlement) were in instrumental support, followed by information, emotional, and the fewest answers related to evaluating support. The order of the types of support is the same also when related to the types of settlement. Urban and Kajanová (2014) bring similar findings. They state that obtained support in Roma from socially excluded environment is particularly instrumental support (of financial and material character). The answers in the area of evaluating support had the highest frequency in all groups of the respondents. It is an interesting finding in consideration of the fact that evaluating support is used in development of social competences of a person (e.g.: through constructive feedback, acknowledgement, assistance in orientation in decision making, etc.) that belong to the competences that are important e.g. in setting and meeting goals related to changes in social status. It is important to draw attention to the fact that most respondents live in the municipalities with existing field social services or a community centre. Both these services are based on the counselling approach – thus provision of evaluating support should be in the “offer” of helping professionals. In terms of economic activities, there are differences in the groups; the economically inactive respondents stated the area of instrumental support more often than economically active Roma (e.g.: money was mentioned twice as much by the economically inactive respondents). Social support belongs to the coping strategies in dealing with stressful situations (Tobin, 1984; Špatenková, 2004; Křivohlavý, 2001); that’s why we wanted to find relationships between social support, the type of settlement, economic activity, and the width of social networks (through the number of social support resources). Most Roma in the sample regardless of the type of settlement stated their disagreement with the statement “In serious situations, I can count on myself only”; which means they count on other people, seek help in them, have close bonds with them, and help each other. Špatenková (2004) states that people in dealing with crisis life situations use obtaining help from close persons in the form of emotional support, practical help, advice, and information.

86 We identified, however, also differences related to the type of settlement. Social support as a coping strategy is used by approximately 70% of the respondents living scattered, and by approximately 60% of the respondents living in the segregated settlements. In the concentrated settlements, the percentage is significantly lower – 55%. The results of our study suggest that the Roma respondents living in the settlements within the villages/towns or at their edges use social support as a coping strategy less likely than the other two groups of the respondents. On one hand, they do not have wide social networks as the respondents living scattered, on the other hand, they probably do not live in wider family and community relationships people living in the spatial segregation count on. We analysed social support as a coping strategy in dealing with difficult life situations also related to economic activities of the respondents. We state there is no difference between the groups of the economically active, i.e. the employed, and the economically inactive, i.e. the unemployed; social support in difficult life situations is sought by both groups of Roma. Thus, employment does not affect which coping strategy is preferred by a person in crisis situations. Regardless of economic activities, the respondents in those situations sought support in other people in approximately 60%. One of the main findings related to the use of social support as a coping strategy is the finding that the respondents who use this strategy have a wider network of social support resources; i.e. in average, they stated more people they can turn to to ask for support. The respondents had most social support resources in the area of emotional support, instrumental support, evaluating support, and lastly informative support. These findings correspond with the findings of the studies on social support and social networks in the excluded communities that have been stated above – e.g. Urban and Kajanová (2014). Information about obtaining emotional support that helps a person to overcome difficult life situations was brought by the Swedish research probe by Crondahl and Eklund (2012) about perceived quality of life and well-being in Roma adolescents. The respondents who agreed with the statement: “In serious situations, I can count on myself only” stated the average lower number of support resources in all types of social support.

87 7 CONCLUSION

The most significant findings in this scientific study in the presented part of research can be summed up as follows (we remind you that the conclusions relate only to our samples):

 There are differences in perceptions of a crisis between the respondents of the Roma ethnicity and the respondents of the Slovak ethnicity. Roma focused the majority of their associations into the categories related to a social situation (money, work, poverty, and housing); the ethnic Slovaks used also the associations in the areas of emotions, and relationships in a higher degree.  There are some differences in the needs/demands of Roma living scattered, and living concentrated (including the segregated); regardless of the extent of spatial separation from the majority population, the needs in Roma are concentrated particularly to the areas of instrumental, and information support.  The Roma respondents use social support as a coping strategy to deal with difficult life situations. Roma living in the concentrated settlements in a village/town, however, use it significantly less than Roma living segregated, or scattered.  An average number of resources of social support is significantly higher in people who prefer the social support strategy in dealing with crisis situations in all studied types of social support except evaluating support.

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94 STUDY ON EFFECTIVENESS AND AVAILABILITY OF INCLUSIVE PROGRAMMES AND SOCIAL SERVICES FOR WOMEN SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC

Ivan RÁCa – Michal KOZUBÍKb – René LUŽICAc

a Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] 8 Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] c Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The main objective and intent of the scientific study is to refer to the extent, scope and effectiveness of work procedures in provision of specialized social services for marginalized groups of women subjected to violence by selected experts from practice. The paper maps the study results on effectiveness and availability of inclusive programmes for women subjected to violence. The study objective was to identify, analyse and interpret the extent of awareness, directness and availability of services for Roma women living mostly in excluded localities as a specific group of women at risk of violence. The authors refer to significant areas in violence prevention, and limits and barriers the experts – study participants face in their practice.

Keywords: Marginalization; Violence against women; Excluded communities; Roma women; Inclusive approach.

1 INTRODUCTION

The issue of violence against women is a universal phenomenon which is a part of solving the tools of gender policy19. Formation and development of

19 The most significant background documents on violence against women include: “Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against

95 gender policy in Slovakia can be perceived through development of the objectives and tools of policy in the form of adopted government materials particularly in the period of the previous 15 years20. As these documents are based mainly on the international commitments, their objective in the initial phase was particularly to ensure gender equality on the labour market, to increase participation of women in public life, to reconcile work and family life, and later to eliminate violence against women. The Slovak Republic is a country which does not have a specific act on gender equality, or an act on violence against women and children. The Constitution of the Slovak Republic guarantees only general rights for all citizens. The Slovak Republic partially compensated for this legislative shortcoming by signing the international documents and thus taking on the obligations as part of the membership in the EU. Even today, however, the European Union reproaches the SR for the shortcomings in the scope of adopted tools of gender policy in the form of adopted government materials on the elimination of unequal status of Roma women in society and violence against Roma women. We state that the status of Roma women in society and the elimination of violence against Roma women are not specifically addressed in the government materials. An exception is the Medium-Term Conception of Development of Roma National Minority in the Slovak Republic, Solidarity – Integrity – Inclusion, 2008-2013. The document, as the only one, has an independent part focused on gender equality related to Roma women; it includes specific recommendations also in the scope of the elimination of violence against Roma women. Besides the above mentioned government material, the tools for the elimination of violence against women were general and nationwide without specific and factually oriented needs of

women and domestic violence, 2011” and “United Nations: Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, 1993”. 20 The so-called “Summary report on the situation in gender equality in Slovakia” is issued every year since 2008; the Government of the Slovak Republic adopts strategic documents focused on gender equality in Slovakia, such as: “National Strategy of Gender Equality”, “National Action Plan for Gender Equality”. Related to violence against women, there are: “National Strategy for the Prevention and Elimination of Violence against Women and in Families”, “National Action Plan for the Prevention and Elimination of Violence against Women”.

96 Roma women requiring specific approach based on multiple deprivation. Failure to respect these specifics can still lead to deepening of the unequal status of Roma women in the family, community and society, and to acceptance of violence against Roma women, which means far-reaching consequences in the whole society.

2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

According to the definition of the UN Declaration on the elimination of violence against women (UN, 1993), violence against women is “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life”. Violence against women is present all around the world21. It affects all women regardless of their age, education, social status, religious, national or ethnic affiliation, etc.22 It is a serious problem which is a danger for whole society. Shared myths and contradictory attitudes to this phenomenon suggest that in case of violence against women, society is not adequately aware of and is not sure how to fight it. Such a status can damage morale in society and hinder prevention, but in its consequences it is harmful also for victims and their acquaintances (Rác, 2011). Violence against women is a result of imbalance between men and women in society 23 . Furthermore, violence against women maintains and

21 According to the information from the studies in 2010, in Hungary, 72 women became victims of violence by their partners every year. When we compare the number of murdered women and the total population (10 million), there is one murdered women per every 138.888th citizen. If they treated intimate partner violence in Hungary as strictly as, for example, in Sweden, the number of murdered women would drop to 17 per year, according to the annual data from population. When we compare the German data with the Hungarian ones, the number of murdered women would be only 19 women per year instead of 72. In comparison with Hungary, the worse situation is only in Romany and Azerbaijan (Angel, Becker, Vitrai, 2014). 22 See research findings: Bodnárová et al. (2008); Výskum FRA (2014). 23 Králíčková, Z. et al. (2011) state that the basic characteristics of domestic violence include: living together, close relationships – generally intimate, common bonds or dependence, asymmetry in relationship, i.e. obvious division of roles, so-called two faces of an abuser, repetition and changes of various phases, long-term danger

97 strengthens this imbalance. Inequality of women in society is perceived as real – fundamental cause of violence against women. Inequality of women related to their lower status, multiple economic and social deprivations is gender-based, i.e. women’s deprivations are social constructs, are a result of social development and thus they are removable, changeable – correctable. It emphasises a fact that violence against women needs to be solved within the issue of gender equality in all its width and related to gender inequalities at various levels, including the system – universal, community, family, partner, and individual levels24. As Daligand (2014) states, it is necessary to differentiate random conflicts that can occur occasionally in any couple from violence in reaction to partner’s behaviour, even though abuse starts by acceptance of such occasional failures in most cases25. As the author states, violence against women happens because “they are women in certain age, look somehow, have some social status, behave or communicate in a certain way. No matter how an aggressor excuses his action against a woman – her seduction, aggression, attitudes, opinions, her relationship to him, or extreme feministic position. Violence against women is very specific. We cannot reduce it to a consequence of natural setting of one or the other gender, to a relationship of dominance and submission, or to attribute an active role to a man and a passive role to a woman” (all citations are translated by the study authors). In the present, there is also a gender-neutral approach or a gender-inclusive approach to domestic violence; according to it, both men and women can be victims and perpetrators. The causes of violence between partners vary, and solely patriarchal explanation is not sufficient (por. Hamel, Nicholls, 2007). Therefore, in the present, more and more experts leave one-factor theories which explain violence in families by solely one cause. The British author Conway (1998) writes about a special model which combines several theories (a causation model – combining the theories). Similarly, also the

and its increase, escalation and secrecy obstructing revelation, labelling, solving and punishment. 24 More information: Conceptual-factor model of violence against women according to Heise (2012). 25 Furthermore, the author characterises gradual development when one partner in a relationship starts to control the other partner by physical, psychological, or sexual aggression. They differ from simple conflicts between spouses or partners by unequal nature of violence by a man who wants to control, enslave or humiliate his wife, or partner. The period of a crisis is followed by a period of forgiveness in which a woman gains hope that violence would disappear from their life. However, frequency and intensity of brutal scenes gradually increase, and the situation can result in woman’s suicide, or a murder.

98 World Health Organisation published a very inspiring and well-defined table of various factors associated with increased risk of violence against women (Krug et al., 2002; Mátel, 2015).

Tab.1: Factors associated with increased risk of violence against women Individual Relationship- Community- Social factors related related factors factors factors Young age Marital Weak Traditional Excessive conflict sanctions gender use of Unstable for norms alcohol marriage domestic Social Depressions Male violence norms that Personality dominance Poverty support disorders in family Low social violence Low level Economic capital of education stress Low Family income living in Witness or poverty victim of violence in childhood Source: Krug et al., 2002

Violence against women26 is mostly present in families and intimate partner relationships; its cause is asymmetrical distribution of power between women and men and abuse of such inequality (Berry, 1995 In Schavel et al., 2008, p. 78). The phenomenon of violence against women, as the most serious form of domestic violence, was a taboo in our society for a long period of time. Besides others, its risks are that it occurs in privacy between partners or in family (Schavel, Čišecký, Oláh, 2008).

26 Violence cannot be excused in any way: physical or psychological abuse which expresses power over another person cannot be a private matter to which society closes its eyes. Regular witnesses of such violence are children who are traumatized by it and suffer from the consequences for all their lives. Furthermore, the children can develop similar behavioural patterns and reproduce social pathological behaviour later (Burki-Fillenz, 1997, p. 12).

99 Related to the prevailing ambivalent approaches to the phenomenon of violence, Marrewa (2002) states the myths about violence against women:  Myth: “Those who batter their women are poor and uneducated people or both”. Despite the generally accepted belief, domestic violence does not depend on socioeconomic factors. A perpetrator can be a rich and successful expert.  Myth: “The only reason why the woman stays with her partner who batters her is that she does not have enough money to leave him”. Financial dependence is one of many reasons why the abused woman stays in the relationship with her partner. The reason is she fears to leave him because she is afraid of his revenge. Maybe she is affected by the feelings of guilt and shame.  Myth: “Violence is absolutely unpredictable”. In fact, violence is repeated in visible cycles. It starts by generating tension which can last for days, weeks, or months. At last, this tension results in violence. After the outbreak of violence, there is a period of peace when an abuser regrets everything and apologizes. Then the cycle starts again.  Myth: “Violence means bruises and marks”. Most abusers “only” slap their partners. Violence against women can result in hospitalization and even death (Marrewa, 2002). Under no circumstances we should underestimate myths, prejudices and cliché related to violence against women. We cannot think they are unimportant, innocent and harmless. Myths and prejudices distort our perceptions. We see only what we want to see and we are not able to perceive objective reality. Maybe it is a reason why prejudices about violence, its victims and perpetrators are so resistant (Buskotte, 2008). The definition of violence must always include the main concept of coercion and force; there must be differentiation between oppressed, violent behaviour of a perpetrator and behaviour of his victim 27 . Mostly, the

27 Goldstein (2007) defines violence against women as a behaviour motivated by the man’s need to control a woman who is a member of the common household. The manifestations of violence can be identified through threats and annoying phone calls to unwanted sexual intercourse and death, in the worst case. Many perpetrators are not violent in other relationships, for example at work or among friends. Abusers usually do not take this condition seriously, they even deny it. When confronted

100 definitions of violence focus on the physical form of violence in which a victim is often helpless to act against a perpetrator (Ondrejkovič, 2001). More widely, violence against women refers to psychological, economic, and social violence, which includes humiliation, harassment, repeated verbal attacks, limiting contacts with family and friends, deprivation of liberty, and limiting an access to finances (Filadelfiová, 2002). Čírtková, Vitoušová (2007, p. 16) state the basic forms of domestic violence, including:  Physical violence (results in visible traces in the form of physical injuries);  Psychological – emotional violence (labelled also as “invisible violence”);  Sexual violence (deprivation of liberty, rape by a partner);  Social violence (control and limitation of social contacts, social isolation); and  Economic violence (withholding finances, making a victim give money to a perpetrator). The forms of violence belong to the basic knowledge about violence against women. The common aim of all forms of violence is to gain power and control over another person. Violent persons use several tactics to gain control over another person. They resort to humiliation, isolation, intimidation, accusations, battering, and physical violence. The forms of domestic violence have not been united in literature yet. Ševčík, Špatenková et al. (2011, p. 47-52) state definitions of the forms of violence:  Physical violence is, from the perspective of consequences, the roughest form of domestic violence when force or threats to intimidate, harm or threaten another person are used. Its aim is to harm, threaten, and cause pain, injury or physical suffering (by slapping; punching; beating by a hand or an object; throwing someone to the ground or the wall; kicking; biting; tying; pushing; choking; shaking; ripping hair and hairs; burning; threatening by a weapon; direct health- and life- with their action which is illegal, they have tendencies to blame their partner and justify it by saying that she provoked them. They absolutely refuse to take responsibility for their behaviour.

101 threatening attacks). Physical violence includes also restraining a person to seek medical treatment when it is necessary, and withholding of sleep and food.  Psychological violence can be labelled also as emotional violence. Its aim is to cause psychological suffering, anxiety, misery, and pain. This form of violence is difficult to recognize. Some forms of this violence are so sophisticated that they are socially acceptable. It is very difficult to prove it because it does not result in any visible traces on a victim; but despite that, it can have much worse effects on victim’s self- respect, confidence, self-perception, and self-esteem. It can have two forms: non-verbal (deliberate destruction of favourite things) and verbal (verbal attacks, insults, humiliation, forbidding, threatening, unreasonable suspicion, accusations, and intimidation). Often, victim’s mental health is questioned.  Economic violence includes control over finances, limited access to finances, not contributing to household maintenance and child care, control over income and expenses, and concealing a financial situation.  Social violence is manifested by isolation of a woman, impossibility to meet other people – isolation. Isolation is sometimes assigned to emotional and psychological violence. Abusers gain absolute power over victims through control, know about all their moves where they go and who with, and give orders to do and not to do something. Victims themselves usually stop seeking any social contacts.  Sexual violence includes any involuntary sexual contacts when an individual is forced to participate in various humiliating sexual activities. It is an effective tool of humiliation, and deferring to an abuser. This form of violence is most often present between intimate partners. Intimate partner violence often remains even after termination of their relationship in the form of persecution, harassment, ex-partner stalking, and threatening. Violence against women is typical for its cyclical pattern which is not realized by victims for a long period of time. Violence is repeated and attacks are very similar or the same, and thus result in a vicious circle of violence that has four main phases:

102  A phase of tension building – tension increases in the household, victims feel something is going to happen.  A phase of outburst or acute incident of violence – a moment when accumulated tension is released.  A phase of denial – a victim tries to excuse an aggressor (e.g.: “he is not that bad” etc.), blames herself (e.g.: “I have to change something too” etc.), and seeks the causes of the aggressor’s outburst in other external circumstances.  A phase of honeymoon – an aggressor is penitent, apologizes for what he has done, promises he will not do it again, and blames other factors for his behaviour (Braxatorisová, Štefaničiaková, 2010). Mátel (2009) states the manifestations of violence against women: 1 Close family and intimate relationships – violence occurs between close persons who live in close relationships and are not indifferent to each other. 2 Mutual relationships – a perpetrator and a victim were or are in a very close family, emotional, economic, and social relationship. They have mutual property, children and friends. When a victim decides to leave a partner, she risks she will lose her children and also material and financial means. 3 Living together – an abuser and a victim live together in one flat or house they rent or own. 4 Long-term duration – violence escalates for several years; victims seek help after six or more years. Studies state that victims seek help only when they have experienced several attacks. Women stay in a violent relationship because of children in an effort to keep a family and because they fear of a loss of financial security. They try to cope with such a situation on their own, but mostly without success. 5 Hiding – violence happens mostly in a closed setting, behind closed doors, without any witnesses. In society, family privacy is considered inviolable, which provides suitable conditions for uninterrupted violence. 6 Victim’s complex, ambivalent attitude towards a perpetrator – a victim wishes to stop violence and believes in a continuing relationship. After

103 violence she can seek help, but she is uncertain and confused; then, however, she changes her statement and attitude. 7 Asymmetry in a relationship, using power and control – a perpetrator enforces a victim to be obedient and requires her to do what he wants her to do while he uses violence for coercion. Thus, a symmetric relationship between partners in a family falls apart, and their roles in the relationship change to a violent person and an abused person. 8 A woman is under strong psychological pressure – she is very weak and lacks self-confidence. She blames herself, is not able to defy a man, is embarrassed and fears that she might lose children. 9 Violence occurring even after a break – research and experience confirm that domestic violence can continue also after a divorce, when a woman leaves a man, particularly in such cases when they have common children and keep living in the same household. In that period, violence often escalates (Mátel, 2009).

2.1 Personality of perpetrators of violence against women

Basic knowledge that we have so far comes mostly from criminological research, information obtained from victims, psychological research, and recently also from workers working in counselling centres focused on perpetrators of domestic violence (Čírtková, 2008). A perpetrator considers violence a suitable and correct way of dealing with conflicts in a partnership. He disparages, apologises, and denies violence, and often finds multiple justifications for it (he says that it is caused by alcohol, partner’s provocation, stress, unhappy childhood, etc.). Characteristics typical for a perpetrator include: inability to express one’s feelings, having superficial relationships, low self-esteem, and clear ideas about division of roles between men and women, and attempts to control, lecture and limit his partner continuously (Kmecová, 2012). Perpetrators are characterized by typical temperament traits, such as nerve lability, or being prone to hot- tempered and aggressive responses, and such behaviours are often intensified by effects of alcohol. However, a prevailing opinion is that the primary role of violent behaviour is played by temperament traits, and alcohol is a mere secondary agent (Vágnerová, 2008). According to George et al. (2006), there is some discrepancy in the aetiology of domestic

104 violence; thus, they confirmed possibilities of other factors causing the emergence of violence against women. They conducted clinical studies in the sample of 71 perpetrators; they show a characteristic set of behaviours and psychiatric diagnoses in the perpetrators. Most perpetrators had poor insight into their behaviours, did not admit they had a problem, and often blamed others for violence. The perpetrators showed affective instability, typical by rapid mood changes. Tertiary prevention in the form of affecting a change in perpetrator’s behaviour in the area of intimate partner violence is the least developed. Despite that, we can identify four main attitudes, as stated by Foltysová (2010):  A feminist approach that is oriented on education of violent persons – EMERGE;  Cognitive-behavioural therapies for violent persons – the Duluth Model;  Psychotherapeutic approaches focused on help to individuals with their biologically, socially and psychosomatically conditioned deficits;  Family therapy. Ševčík et al. divided men who commit violence most often into eight categories:  Men who grew up in violent homes – these were probably victims, witnesses of violence;  Men who are highly possessive and jealous – who can react aggressively if another man pays more attention to their partner;  Men practising “traditional” values and division of gender roles – they are men who think that they have a right to be dominant over women. Violence is part of a male role for them;  Men who have violent tendencies – they accept violence as an acceptable way of problem solving. They are men who often hurt animals, are interested in weapons, shooting, or combat sports;  Men with problematic sexual behaviours – they perceive sex as an act of power during which they build and strengthen their dominance. They can prefer perverted sexual practices;

105  Man who are “double-faced” – on one hand they are devoted and caring; on the other hand they are aggressive and vulgar.  Men behaving like little children – they are passive, dependent, and long for constant care. Often, they transform their anger against themselves to a physical attack against their close relatives;  Men who are not able to take responsibility – they blame others for their action. These men believe that law does not apply to them and think they cannot be punished (Ševčík et al., 2011). Perpetrators’ personality and character Perpetrators’ personality and character can partially clarify their behaviour. Research shows that many of them have mostly these characteristics: low self-esteem, feelings of incompetence and a lack of appreciation, a belief in traditional division of roles man-woman, tendencies to blame others for one’s actions, jealousy, inability to cope with stressful situations, and unpreparedness to bear consequences for one’s actions (Janková, 2008). Netík in 2004-2006 conducted studies from which he described the characteristic of perpetrators as follows: “personality can be described as anomalous or psychopathic, with features of impulsivity, self-regulation disorders, rigidity, self-uncertainty, with an inadequate sense of reality, but with a rather good social competence, with features of labile or impulsive affectivity which is not sufficiently managed by sense, and decreased resistance to stress. The flat affectivity, decreased ability of sympathy and insight were stated in a half of the sample” (Netík, 2008, p. 92). Causes of intimate partner violence are only partially clear and these days are a frequent topic of expert discussions28. According to Jewkes (2002 In

28 Pikálková, Podaná, Buriánek (2015) state the most often defined causes of violent behaviour include: the social learning theory according to which violence is “learnt” through experience of physical punishments and also through observation of violent behaviours in other people. Violence and aggression, according to the authors, can be explained also by the so-called situational theory that on one hand determines structural stress and lack of “compensatory” mechanisms in families, and on the other hand there are cultural norms of a given society related to the use of power and violence. Then, it is for example the so-called feminist theory which states that economic and social processes directly or indirectly support a patriarchal society, which is manifested in all social institutions, including a family.

106 Rothman, 2003), there are two theories in etiologic research that influence perpetrators of violence. There is the social learning theory and the second one is an idea that violence can be transferred from one generation to another. According to the feminist theory, dominance is a cause which influences interpersonal relationships. Some authors subscribe to the theory that it is stress which is a consequence of intimate partner violence (Rothman, 2003). Brehátová (2011) states that manipulators’ behaviour can be detected in the relationship very early. However, she warns that some of these signs can be found also in persons who are not manipulators. However, it is dangerous when several signs occur together: 1 A manipulator talks about his former partners. Brehátová warns that it is necessary to be careful with persons who talk about their former partners disrespectfully, humiliatingly, patronizingly, or who put themselves in a position of a victim of psychological violence. She also warns if a partner says how his current partner is not like his previous one, that she is the first person who treats him politely and that others cannot understand him. 2 He is impolite to his partner. “A lack of respect is a basis of psychological violence” (Brehátová, 2011, p. 156). A manipulator can have tendencies to humiliate, ridicule his partner’s opinions, shames his partner in the presence of others. A manipulator can be harsh and sarcastic. 3 He provides services his partner is not interested in, or he manifests generosity that she does not feel good about. In this strategy, he attempts to act so that his partner feels indebted. If she starts to complain that he treats her unacceptably, he uses this “commitment”. 4 A partner wants to control everything. At first, a woman may perceive it as pleasant and comfortable if her partner takes care of everything. It starts with minor comments on clothing, negative comments about her family, he requires more time spent together, can start to demand that she should change her job, and he does not like if she does not have the same opinions like him. 5 Jealousy is one of the most convincing signs that precede and accompany psychological violence. A manipulator considers his

107 possessive nature a sign of love. He often controls his partner, and phones her several times a day to know what she is doing. 6 He is never to be blamed for anything. Mostly, he finds a way how to move responsibility to someone else. He makes his partner responsible for his problems, has tendencies to give promises he does not keep, and finds multiple excuses why he lied. 7 He is egocentric. In the first months, in some cases even years, a partner might not notice that he is very focused on himself. 8 He consumes alcohol and takes drugs. It is very dangerous if a manipulator starts to encourage his partner to take such substance too. 9 Another sign is if he is pressing in their sexual relationship. A fact that he does not respect his partner’s wishes in this area is an undeniable sign of inadequate regard, which results in violence. 10 A manipulator wants to commit too soon. It might be a signal he wants to make a woman “his thing”. 11 He tries to intimidate his partner, particularly in cases when she is angry. Intimidation, even though it seems unintentional, announces psychological and verbal violence. Brehátová assumes that the next step is physical violence. 12 He uses double standards. It is necessary to be careful about a person who does not follow what he expects from others. Double standards are a very important aspect in manipulator’s life. 13 Another manipulator’s sign is also his negative attitude towards women. It is possible that at the beginning of a relationship he can repeat that his partner differs from other women. The man’s stereotype about women and their roles in society can result in violence. 14 Another typical sign of a manipulator is that he changes behaviour towards his partner in the presence of other people. A manipulator considers it a matter of honour to treat his partner with a great respect in the presence of other people; he manifests his violent behaviour when they are face to face on their own. 15 A very dangerous and last sign of a manipulator is if he is attracted by vulnerability of his partner. It can happen that they choose younger partners who look at them with admiration and let them take control of

108 everything. Others are attracted by persons with difficult experiences, because a manipulator has a role of a supporter for them. Therefore, men who like unequal division of power in a couple are dangerous (Brehátová, 2011). In their study, Banský and Heretik (2011, p. 9-10) state two significant types of perpetrators of violence against women. The first case presents a personality with lower frustration tolerance, characteristic impulsiveness in thinking and behaviour, with tendencies to overexposed reactions to stressors. The second case presents a personality that is negativistic and hyper-controlling in emotional manifestations.

2.2 Support social services and inclusion programmes for women facing violence

Some characteristics and principles of feminist social work are applied in provision of social support and protection through specialized services. The selected principles of feminist social work are (Holubová, Ďurčíková, 2016):  Gender optics – reveals gender stereotypes related to violence against women that become visible this way, and thus it helps their elimination. For example, reputed natural submissiveness of women, which is to contribute to victimisation of women, is doubted, and women’s active strategies of “survival” in a violent relationship are shown.  Personal is political – it is a principle which enables transfer of responsibility for violence caused and maintained by a patriarchal gender social system from an individual or group to society.  Emphasis on democratic structures and processes – in feminist social work, a woman-client is perceived as a subject, not object, of an intervention.  Principle of inclusiveness and diversity – shows diversity of women’s identities and refuses universalistic concepts of femininity, masculinity, childhood, etc. It takes structural barriers that are characteristic for a patriarchal system into account, and therefore thinks about women, men, and children multifactorially, i.e. it considers age, ethnicity, class, religion, origin, etc.

109  Feministic social work is transformative – thus, every intervention should be directed towards deeper structural changes towards a gender just society as a vision; thus in interventions, we consider long-term social, economic, and political changes that might contribute to the transformation.  Highlighting women’s strengths and abilities – we use a gender- sensitive language, symbolically we make women as well men visible. Despite the fact that in the past 40 years there was significant progress in development of support services for women in many countries of the world, and there were several international conventions, recommendations and internationally binding documents adopted, it is necessary to achieve that services for women are adequate both in quality and quantity. A big challenge for individual countries is cooperation between institutions which is still in the stage of development and is relatively new. A coordinated intervention of individual experts who are included in support and help for women is necessary for effective prevention of violence (Bohony et al., 2015). Multiple feminist and human rights organisations, providing specialized services for women facing violence, have clearly formulated values, backgrounds for their work, and principles of their functioning. The principles include, for example, uprightness, non-hierarchic organisational structure (as prevention of implementation of power and pressure), defence of women’s rights (as prevention of victimization of women and transfer of responsibility and dealing with violence to women), participation, democratic decision making, etc.29. In Slovakia in the present, there are very few organizations that are able to provide women facing violence with complex expert information, and specialized help and support despite the fact that the recognition of the need for specialized support services has increased significantly. In 2015, a team of authors designed Standards for complex support and protection of women facing violence30; it is a source

29 Karlovská, D., Krokavcová, N., Králová, S. 2009. Bezpečný ženský dom ako nástroj uplatňovania ľudských práv žien a detí. Fenestra, Košice, 2009. 30 The standards represent a framework on which support services will be provided, which basic principles will be followed, who will provide the services, under what conditions, and in what extent. The authors developed the standards on the basis of two important framework documents: Council of Europe: Combating Violence against Women: Minimum Standards for Support Services (Kelly, L., Dubois, L.,

110 and ideological document for establishment of effective support and protection for women facing violence and their children (Bohony et al., 2015). The basic ideological principles, defined and determined in the Standards, are crucial for their setting and application with very clear practical use. They are not an unattainable ideal, but a pragmatic manual on how to approach, understand, and apply the suggested Standards in practice. Quantitative and qualitative parameters of help, protection and support for women subjected to violence are based on the basic principles. Because of their extensive definition, we mention only the so-called principle of diversity and equal opportunity. The principle of diversity and equal opportunity is based on knowledge that violence can be experienced by every woman regardless of age, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation, and religion, and that every woman in terms of non-discrimination should have access to specialized services of support and protection. Diversity 31 relates to: Diversity of women and diversity of their needs = it is important to realize that in the target group of women subjected to violence, there are subgroups of women that are typical for specific characteristics and deserve specific attention. Such subgroups include: Roma women, disabled women, older women, rural women, migrant women and their children, single mothers, women with more than three children, etc. Then the specific characteristics result in the specific needs of women that reflect often multiple disadvantages and with a cumulative effect. Applying the principle of diversity of women who can be subjected to or at risk of violence results also in specific search procedures, a way how the information about an offer of services is provided and spread (e.g. for women not speaking Slovak), professional knowledge about specific needs of women at risk of violence, for example availability of services for women from the rural environment). Diversity of types of violence women can face = in Slovakia, most attention is paid to intimate partner violence against women; less attention is paid to

2008), and Council of Europe: Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Council of Europe, 2011). 31 Kelly, L., Dubois, L. 2008. Council of Europe: Combating Violence against Women: Minimum Standards for Support Services, 2008.

111 sexual violence by (non)partners. There are, however, also new – specific types of violence, such as violence through new technologies (cyber violence, e.g. hacking into email, monitoring via mobile phones, sharing woman’s intimate photographs on the Internet followed by blackmailing), stalking, etc. The consistently applied principle of diversity and equal opportunity results in key characteristics of providing specialized protection and support: A) No charge for services – the principle of cost-free services is based on the background of violence against women as a human rights problem, forms of discrimination against women, violation of their rights to life without violence, and perceptions of violence as a cause and effect of women’s unequal status in society. Women are not responsible for violence that is used against them, that’s why there is no reason they should pay for protection and help. Cost-free services appear as crucial for providing access to help for every woman also on the basis of the following experience of the specialized women organizations32:  Often, costs for basic needs increase in women who leave a violent relationship (finding a new job, school for children, or costs for injuries treatment, court fees, costs for legal proceedings, etc.);  A violent partner or husband often does not contribute to children and household, and a woman often does not have enough money, or access to property in community property or finances;  The free national helpline has proved to be relevant for those women who, as a result of excess control by their violent partners, do not have sufficient credit for telephone, or their spending is controlled, or cannot afford longer phone calls because of their low incomes;  Often, violent men attempt to control or limit women’s income and their status of employees (Kelly, Sharp, 2015). B) Access to services related to  Geographical distribution – specialized organizations providing diverse support and protection are evenly geographically distributed in

32 Experience resulting from conducting a study with experts working with women subjected to violence.

112 the territory of the Slovak Republic, so that there are no “white spots” – regions where there is no specialized organization; access to services related to regional distribution thus relates closely to transport infrastructure;  Capacity of services – the number of specialized organizations is adequate related to the number of women subjected to violence, and a type of specific protection and help reflecting women’s needs; the number of specialized organizations and their capacities depend on: - Women’s relevant population (related also to various demographic groups of women such as Roma women, Hungarian women, a number of migrants, etc.), prevalence data (a number – ratio of population of women subjected to or at risk of violence), monitoring – estimates of shortages of services (a number of women who needed help, but were refused for capacity reasons); - Reflections that women often need help and protection for their children too; therefore, capacity is based on estimations of a number of children of women who are at risk of or are subjected to violence; in this regard, “family places” are considered – 1-2 children are estimated per one woman, i.e. total of 2.5 persons (for estimation of a necessary capacity, it is possible to consider also a diversity of a number of children for specific groups of women, for example women from marginalized settings who can have more children as a result of lacking access to information, and adequate and safe means of reproductive health); - An inner capacity of individual organizations is also relevant related to a number of experts, their time capacity, and capacity of other expert and other personnel (in coordination with following the principle of safety of an organization and individual women helping other women, and burnout prevention); C) Unlimited time – specialized protection and support for women subjected to violence is not time-limited:  In the first contact – seeking help; selected types of protection and support should be available non-stop, i.e. all day (24 hours), 7 days a week, all year (365 days); in particular, it is a nationwide specialized

113 national telephone line, and possibly distant counselling via the Internet;  In case of an acute crisis situation it is necessary specialized counselling centres and safe women’s refuges should be available too (placing – hiding women with their children related to estimation of danger any day and time, etc.). Consistent application of the principle of equal opportunity and diversity of women and their needs means available services for every woman and at the same time also adequate and stable funding of protection and support for women subjected to violence and their children (Kelly, Dubois, 2008).

3 PRESENT STATE OF SUBJECT IN SLOVAKIA

The last representative study conducted on the issue of violence against women is from 2014. Its results were presented by the FRA which prepared the survey at the request of the Spanish EU Presidency in 2010 as well as the European Parliament to collect comparable data about violence against women. The survey by the FRA (2014) which is based on personal interviews with 42,000 women is so far the most extensive survey in the world about women’s experiences with violence in the European Union. Since the official mechanisms of data collection do not reflect the real extent and character of violence against women, various international and national authorities and organizations repeatedly called for collection of data on this specific human rights violation. Thanks to the publication of the survey results by the FRA, the Europe-wide comparable data are available for the EU and its member states for the first time; based on the data, they can design policies and adopt specific measures to resolve violence against women. There were minimally 1,500 women – from 1,500 respondents in Estonia to 1,620 in the Czech Republic – except Luxembourg where 908 women were interviewed within the survey. The survey focused on total population of women from 18 to 74 years of age who live in the EU and speak at least one of the official languages of their country of residence. All respondents were selected randomly, and the survey results are representative on the EU and national levels. The standardized interviews within the survey consisted of the questions related to physical, sexual, and psychological violence, victimization in childhood, sexual harassment

114 including abuse via new media, such as the Internet. Within the survey, they wanted to find out if women reported the incidences to the police or not, and if they used other services focused on help for victims.  Approximately 13 million women in the EU experienced physical violence within 12 months before the interviews were conducted within the survey. The number corresponds to 7% of women from 18 to 74 years of age in the EU. Approximately 3.7 million women in the EU experienced sexual violence within 12 months before the interviews were conducted within the survey. The number corresponds to 2% of women from 18 to 74 years of age. One in 20 women (5%) was raped from 15 years of age.  In the EU, 18% of women experienced harassment from 15 years of age, and 5% of women experienced harassment within 12 months before the survey, which would correspond to 90 million women in the EU who experienced harassment within the period of 12 months. Approximately, 12% of women state they experienced some forms of sexual abuse or incidents caused by adults before the age of 15 years, which would correspond to 21 million women in the EU. The results show that 30% of women who were subjected to sexual victimization by their former or current partners had experienced sexual violence also in their childhood, while 10% of women who were not subjected to sexual victimization in their current or former relationships state they had experienced sexual violence in their childhood. The survey shows that a half of all women avoid some situations or places because of their fear of physical or sexual attacks at least from time to time. As previous studies in total population about criminal activity and victimization prove men fear criminal activity and its effects on their lives less than women in general. It is necessary to acknowledge women’s fear of criminal activity – particularly their fear of gender-motivated violence – and respond to it at the level of the EU and its member states as well as at the local level because it negatively affects everyday freedom of movement. Several women who suggest an increased extent of fear of attacks usually experienced a high extent of physical or sexual violence. Regarding that an increased extent of fear can reflect experiences with abuse, healthcare experts and other relevant experts can be recommended to possibly ask

115 questions and collect information about fear of victimization in an attempt to identify possible abuse. Women perceive violence they are subjected to as a common or rare issue in their country depending on their personal experience with violence by partners or other persons, their awareness of other women who are victims of violence and their awareness of campaigns focused on violence against women. In designing policies on increasing awareness of violence against women in various settings and among various groups of women, it is necessary to consider mutual relationships between these factors. Targeted campaigns at the level of the EU member states are essential for improving knowledge of women (and men) about gender- motivated violence, voting support, children protection, and prevention activities. Women, who became victims of violence, only seldom report this fact to specialized services. If campaigns on increasing awareness of violence against women and encouraging reporting of such violence are to be successful, it is necessary specialized services are available and sufficiently funded to be able to meet victims’ needs. If data at the level of the EU member states are lacking, the results of the survey by FRA about violence against women may be used to increase awareness and relevant measures of the EU member states related to such violence. We state that representative research about violence against Roma women in Slovakia has not been conducted yet. All representative research studies focus on women – victims of violence coming particularly from the majority society. The most widespread ethnic group in Slovakia in which an increased extent of prevalence of violence against women in partner relationships has been estimated are Roma living in excluded, socially disadvantaged settings. In Europe, the studies focused on prevalence and specificities of domestic violence in Roma communities were conducted for example in Hungary (Hungary, 2012), and Romania (Roth, Toma, 2014). In Slovakia, such empirical data are still lacking. There are studies mapping status of Roma women in the Slovak society, however, without a primary focus on the issue of domestic violence. In 2009 the cultural association of Roma in Slovakia conducted research whose main objective was to capture a part of a situation in exercising and respecting human rights of women in segregated and separated Roma communities. The area of education and labour market was monitored; attention was focused on availability of various goods and services, obstacles Roma women face on their way to

116 their ideas about life as well as gender relationships in the domestic sphere. The study 33 attempted to capture similarities and differences in real experience of Roma women and men as well as attitudes towards and opinions about basic roles of women and men in society. The study included Roma men and women from segregated and separated settlements or parts of villages and towns of three regions of Slovakia – Košice, Prešov, and Banská Bystrica. Experiences and opinions of 310 adult Roma women and 308 men were compared. The final sample included Roma women and men from 98 localities of various sizes and types. The sample was diverse in terms of defined sorting signs; every group included various models of partner cohabitation and parenthood. One of the study objectives was to find out how in unintegrated communities they imagine their lives before entering into adulthood, to what extent they manage to fulfil their ideas, and where they see barriers to their dream life path. It turned out they dream about common things – happy family and working life, job opportunities, own housing, education, and financial and material support. Overall, the women were more specific, they were more bound to family, and more often they had tendencies to break traditional models – about education and job opportunities for women as well as family cycles and models. Overall, unintegrated settings are hostile to life plans, but they seem even more hostile in case of Roma women. Most often they saw barriers of fulfilment in a lack of their education and job opportunities bringing financial rewards, but also in a family – original, parental, or their own. They were followed by their convictions about barriers resulting from an ethnicity; they mentioned barriers from parents, and also health problems. Unfulfilled dreams because of care for children and family were perceived by four times as many women as men. Furthermore, the women more often stated barriers and obstacles from parents, such as disagreement of parents with girl’s further education, or a lack of money for education. The Roma women talked also about inadequate support for their further education from their parents as well as bad family background which made girls to prefer domestic care to studies and education. The results of the conducted qualitative study of the civic association Quo Vadis (2012) appear as very valuable findings which deepened knowledge

33 Data about human rights of Roma women, (2009).

117 of the situation in exercising and respecting human rights of Roma women. The main focus was on barriers Roma women face in (non-)implementation of their ideas about life, including a gender contract or expectations within the domestic sphere related to Roma women. Several women evaluated their settings as communities based on principles encouraging men’s authority towards them, with a family model of a man as the only breadwinner and with limited division of housework and duties34. In wide groups of Roma women, patriarchal structures intensively enter into their lives and it happens in various stages of their life cycles – from childhood, to adulthood, to old age. At the same time, there are Roma women who try to disrupt such a gender designation and they are also successful in it – sometimes with support of economic or social integration. The findings also show a very diverse situation of Roma women, their situation and status in terms of a relationship between two basic life spheres, domestic and public, as well as from the point of view of quality of integration into specific areas of the public sphere is very heterogeneous and different. The study devoted a large space to observing gender backgrounds in Roma communities, particularly related to possible influence on gender contracts within families.

4 METHODOLOGY

In 2015 we conducted semi-structured interviews with 14 experts as pre- research to a project VEGA No. 1/0111/1535 who work in nongovernmental organizations and provide specialized help, support, and protection for women who are subjected to violence in families. They were relevant organizations which to some extent substitute a state in the area of help for this target group. The primary objective of the qualitative study in the form of interviews was to show not only significance and activities of the organizations themselves but also to find out if the services they provide are available also for Roma women living in excluded communities as vulnerable groups of women. They were mostly managers – i.e. directors who provide services for women subjected to violence. They were experts

34 Compare Šusterová, I. K problematike postavenia žien v spoločenstve Olašských Rómov v súčasnosti. Nitra: UKF, Diplomová práca, 2014. 35 Project VEGA No. 1/0111/15 Intimate Partner Violence against Roma Women.

118 from residential facilities as well as counselling centres. All the experts have more than 5-year experience with helping women at risk of violence.

4.1 Methods

A semi-structured interview36 is one of the most advantageous, most often used and also most difficult methods to obtain qualitative data. It is based on researcher’s prepared questions which can be clarified. Toušek (2012) states that when a semi-structured interview is used, a researcher has the course of an interview partially under control. He focuses on specific topics he is interested in in his research. An important criterion is that a studied person (participant) correctly understands researcher’s questions. Miovský (2006) states the following advantages of semi-structured interviews:  It provides a greater space for expression of participants’ subjective opinions,  It allows clarification of possible misunderstandings during an interview with participants,  A researcher makes notes during an interview,  A semi-structured interview allows going deeper into the issue. In semi-structured interviews, the selection of words and formulation can be changed, or some things can be explained. An advantage of a semi- structured interview is particularly the fact that it can eliminate disadvantages of structured and unstructured interviews (Gavora, 2007). Before conducting the interviews, we prepared specific questions related to individual topics – established on the basis of partial study objectives and descriptive research problems.

36 In the interviews we focused on initial contacting and building trust. During the whole interviews we fully accepted participants’ specificities and current conditions, and asked them prepared questions whose order was not given and definite. With respect to the type of the sample we selected, we used simple and accurate questions so that the participants understood them. A disadvantage of this technique was in a small number of communication partners, which makes generalization more difficult related to whole population (Hendl, 2005).

119 4.2 Study results

The sample consisted of 14 experts providing support specialized services and help for women subjected to violence. We focused on the areas of cooperation between state and non-state facilities in dealing with the issue of violence against women, definitions and descriptions of activities they perform, the necessity of sensitizing a society in the issue of violence against women and secondary victimization of women, as well as the specifics of life in Roma women in marginalized communities. The first step by which we started with analysis of the obtained empirical data was labelling the phenomena and development of characteristics and dimensions through topical analysis of associations. In case of analysis of the transcripts of the interviews with 14 experts in the area of help for women subjected to violence, they identified 87 codes. After subsequent generalization, some of them became categories, or topics were created by grouping of several categories. Due to the extensive interpretation of the study results, we will focus only on the topics related to the registration of clients in specialized facilities and the extent of awareness, directness and availability of services for Roma women as a specific group of women at risk of violence. Registration of clients: Related to the database of clients we wanted to know if the experts focus on their registration also in terms of ethnicity. Record keeping on clients in general is the responsibility and necessary part of each facility or counselling centre that provides social services. We state one of the transcripts (all transcripts are translated by the study authors):

Box 1 “Basically yes because each client has her own file which is stored after her leave, so we know about the clients who have been here before, we can find out how they functioned in the facility, what their problems were, all documents related to that from courts to executions, resolutions, everything is stored, or also medical reports related to a woman, and thus all women after their leave have their files here, and we can search them later. We do not keep them separated; we just keep them with other clients, like basically if it is a Roma woman or Non-Roma is like . . . we do not make any differences.” (CH9, 2015)

120 Related to the database or informal registration of women in terms of ethnicity, we found that in the present none of the facilities records clients’ credited or self-declared ethnicity.

Box 2 “We have not kept any statistics related to Roma women; it is really only my memory.” (AB1, 2015) “We do not register if she is a Roma woman or not. She is a woman, client.” (EF5, 2015)

An interesting element in registration of clients is a specific record about a suspicion of racial discrimination in the previous contact of a woman with the personnel of support services. Despite the fact that in the time when the interviews were conducted it was a newly used element, its establishment along with the participant’s statement suggest that they have numerous negative experiences related to possible discrimination. In this case, the participant describes negative experience, specifically with police:

Box 3 “We have such a column in that database Women’s experience with police which is specifically named, it is called ´Possible racial discrimination´; so far we do not have any records in this column, but many others those negative experiences with police of women can indicate that, such as ridicule, ridicule from police, by police at that woman or requiring some undeniable evidence that physical violence was used against her or literally humiliation.” (KL12, 2015)

Based on the interviews with the experts, we can state that they do not keep a database of their clients based on so-called credited ethnicity or nationality. However, there is not either a formal database of clients when the specific groups of women at risk of violence, for example Roma women, would be approached based on their self-declared ethnicity, which on one hand meets the minimal standards of the Council of Europe in providing specialized support services in terms of strengthening and respect of women subjected to violence and on the other hand can contribute to knowing specific needs of Roma women in providing complex protection and support.

121 The extent of clients’ awareness of provided services: Regarding the issue of availability of the information about violence against women for Roma women, the study participants often reflect problems that are specific for awareness of women from marginalized communities. They link such specifics to a bad social situation of those women, to their segregation, and poverty. In such a setting, the importance of personal contacts, particularly outreach social work, increases. As one expert stated:

Box 4 “These clients are rather segregated out of town, and if nobody comes there to them and tells them that you need such help because you are battered, they will not come. When we had a woman who sought help and was so active, but if they do not have enough information, then it is a problem.” (EF5, 2015)

Furthermore, bad social situation significantly limits effectiveness of awareness via such media as the Internet. As another expert stated it:

Box 5 “Well those women, a simple one simply does not have the Internet at home or I do not know, she does not follow websites of organizations that help women, it is very difficult for her to get to the information.” (GH7, 2015)

Another expert emphasizes differences between Roma communities that are relevant from the viewpoint of attempts about their awareness of the issue:

Box 6 “. . . those Roma women, where they live; some of them are really very like . . . hm, how would I say that, assimilated in communities, they live normally among people, have the Internet, have access, so I would absolutely not lump them together, but if we talked about that group of women who live in some Roma communities, it is marginalized, so if it is really like that, if they live in great poverty and have a problem that they do not have electricity at all . . .” (AB1, 2015)

It is a case of segregated women who stay as if “out” of education; primary prevention does not reach them, as stated by one expert:

122 Box 7 “. . . there is no education; they do not know that they have that possibility at all, well, I perceive this as a problem.” (FG6, 2015)

Another expert emphasized the fact that sometimes it is problematic to obtain knowledge related to awareness or absence of awareness among women, she has to rely only on estimates, which can result from unrealized prevention in the form of education by direct outreach social work in Roma communities:

Box 8 “. . . thus, the question is to what extent Roma women have the information (. . .). We cannot say this. I estimate that, related to a ratio, it is a small number of Roma women.” (BC2, 2015)

Related to awareness of the issue of violence against women in general and related also to awareness among Roma women, there was an opinion emphasizing the roles of local authorities or labour offices. At the same time, one expert also emphasized that personnel of the authorities must be informed, expertly trained, and also willing to cooperate with facilities providing help to women subjected to violence.

Box 9 “Well, that information is available in the offices, but personally I do not know to what extent simply there is that education of those clerks or that simply what their possibilities are. (. . .) Because at those offices, maybe those women do not know where to seek contacts, who to contact. . . And really simply the only possibility is through a labour office, and that is also a question to what extent they are willing to cooperate.” (GH7, 2015)

Related to the need to inform Roma women about the possibilities of help, the experts also emphasized the roles of outreach work and outreach social workers who are in contact with women at risk most:

123 Box 10 “. . . or maybe really they do not have enough of that information, because when literally a social worker does not go to the field, so basically somehow like with them nobody deals with it I think. (…) when they know there is this possibility and they heard that somewhere that like I left because I simply had a place to go to, so basically they try to use it.” (CH9, 2015) “. . . . availability of information is rather low. But it has increased thanks to those outreach social workers. Therefore, also in this national project, this education, we have chosen lecturing of these outreach social workers, because I think firstly they should have information that something like that functions. Because they are the first ones from the majority who get in contact with them (. . . ) If they (social workers, Author’s note) know us and our services, they will know what we provide and at the same time they will know the needs of their clients from the field, so it can get together well there. That’s what I think is a rather good way of spreading information about various services for this group.” (MN14, 2015) “Those women often simply do not have money at all, do not have access to resources, do not have access to information, that an internet or something. If any outreach social worker does not come there, she ´does not have in the heel´ that there is something somewhere that might be solved and she might have a chance to solve it at all.” (AB1, 2015)

Given the different sources of information about the existence of assistance services for women subjected to violence, these women come to experts based on stimuli from various sources.

124 Box 11 “. . . Roma women get here a bit differently than non-Roma clients; it depends on where they have information from and who sends them. Mostly they are clients sent by outreach social workers from villages where they have a Roma community. There were cases when mayors of villages contacted us. . . “(MN14, 2015) “When I think about it, rather those non-Roma women come from the authorities.” (GH7, 2015) “Basically, what we had Roma women with children, always they were dealt with by a social authority.” (HH8, 2015) “So, when we ask a woman where she got information about our services from, she seldom says that it is from an authority (. . .) rather we are sought by women who share the information with each other that it is fine there and they give you advice and help.” (CD3, 2015)

Where women subjected to violence come to facilities from to a large extent seems to depend on a size of a municipality and availability of other support services. In municipalities where outreach social work is provided, women are distributes to facilities mostly directly from outreach social workers. As for smaller municipalities, the participants state mayors, authorities and family members, or other people from neighbourhood as the primary sources of information about services of help. In larger municipalities, they state particularly authorities or family members. Directness and availability of information about provided services Increasing awareness among at-risk groups or women directly subjected to violence closely relates to how successful various promotional activities and campaigns are, to what extent they affect target groups, who they are available for. The expert emphasized significance of awareness and availability of information about services they provide.

Box 12 “. . . the most important one is that availability of information that we function for too short period of time for that, still indeed that medialization was not sufficient, also promotion, and advertising of that National Line sufficient enough to get into every corner. Also to such a corner somewhere, into a settlement.” (KL12, 2015)

125 To inform about providing help for at-risk groups of women, three experts stated that they provide information through rather traditional promotional materials, such as leaflets, information brochures, stickers that they try to distribute to such institutions in which there is an assumption they will be contacted by women subjected to violence. They include local authorities, labour offices, and healthcare facilities. They emphasize the importance of direct addressing of mayors and justify it by saying that in smaller municipalities, mayors know what is happening in the municipality.

Box 13 “At the beginning when we were starting, we tried to have such leaflets everywhere; we did it ourselves, we printed leaflets on our own and distributed them to doctors, to authorities and now what happens a lot is that authorities themselves call us.” (JK11, 2015) “And of course, we have such promotional materials and stickers; where it is possible we hang, where there is our telephone number.” (CD3, 2015) “. . . we are an organization that have existed for a long period of time, thus labour offices and municipal offices know about us, also in cooperation with NSK we sent such addressing letters where we offer help if they know about a woman who is subjected to violence, so that they give her our contact, so it functions also this way. So, either they get it as our contact at the labour office, something is solved there and they have a problem, so they give them our contact or through mayors. And also from the internet we met that she got to us through a friend. But mostly it is that someone from that village contacts us. (. . .) We had such an experience with mayors that if it was a small village and they could find what was happening in those families. But what about those villages that are bigger and it was much more difficult for hose mayors to find what was happening there. Therefore, we said fine, it is maybe good to have a leaflet here and if, by chance, a woman comes to the municipality office, it would be good to give it to her, or any other way, because it is difficult to talk about it and it is difficult to bring it out.” (DE4, 2015)

Some experts stated certain concerns and problems related to promotional materials in the form of leaflets. The following statements point out a possible risk for women subjected to violence. Finding such a leaflet in the household in a partner can create a feeling/impression that a woman wants to leave him or is seeking help. It can lead to the escalation of violence by a

126 partner and it is perceived and considered rather as a manifestation of the secondary victimization than direct professional help.

Box 14 “. . . those outreach social workers, they can bring some leaflets or whatever, but I do not have any knowledge or how it works. I can imagine the ways how it might get to them, but there can be a problem that if she gets it in a written form, it can be a problem as with migrants, she must hide such a thing so that he does not see it, because the fact that she brings home such a leaflet and he finds it can put her at risk. Because there really, it does not matter if Roma or non-Roma when he sees that she is seeking some help or thinks about something like that, it can indeed be a source of more violence.” (AB1, 2015)

Related to the issue of promotion and providing information about help for women subjected to violence they provide, the experts, study participants reflected also some other problems; for example, they pointed out possible low effectiveness of written or printed promotional materials. One expert formulated her doubts about effectiveness of leaflets as follows:

Box 15 “I do not think that information media such as leaflets or posters could function really great in Roma settlements, probably hardly, they are not very into reading texts. They are rather into live advertising.” (MN14, 2015)

Instead of spreading information via promotional materials, one expert emphasizes the significance of personal communication with people who are influenced by a problem, while such personal communication can be in the form of lectures or discussions.

127 Box 16

“And such education, as focused on dealing with these things in the form of leaflets or such a form, it is not that effective; we witnessed that in dealing with several problems. Rather, that direct communication is effective. On one hand, it is illiteracy, on the other hand, it is disinterest to read such things, you know. Then, that direct intervention in that field in people who are directly affected has a greater effect (. . .) we organize various lectures, discussions, education, directly in the locality also in the community centre that was open until recently. There are various professional lectures within prevention of socio-pathological phenomena, but also each area and care for children in the area of education, health care for children and for example financial literacy, and so on.” (IJ10, 2015) Furthermore, the experts emphasize that information should be given sensitively, in a suitable form and with respect to women’s safety. In words of one of the experts: Box 17 “. . . it is necessary to be careful it does not hurt their feelings, their dignity, that how to insert it sensitively into it. That you are different, you need here specially . . . like, it should be done really sensitively, in my opinion. If I were a Roma woman, I would not like either if somebody pointed at me with a finger that . . . simply, their dignity always in the first place. And of course, always to do it with respect to their safety, because a Roma woman can be like threatened also by that community that they can attack her because she even dared to report that violence.” (AB1, 2015) Also, one of the experts points out the importance of creating a confidential relationship, specifically in marginalized communities. Trust and direct communication positively influence receiving the information: Box 18 “. . . we went to those that we know, because I think that the level of trust is important there. And me as a stranger, I do not know if they had talked to me in every Roma settlement. But since they know me in some of them because several times I did something there, me or my colleagues, then that communication is bigger and thus they receive that information better.” (MN14, 2015)

128 The next barrier related to promotion of support specialized services stated by the experts is concern about impossibility to meet an increased interest in their services that might occur as a result of effective promotion. They fear that if they generate more intensive promotional activities, a number of clients might disproportionately increase and thus they would have a problem to satisfy them all.

Box 19 “We have not promoted it that much also because of a limited capacity, because we were a bit concerned that what we would do then, when we go to all the settlements and we would have nowhere to place those women. So, we went there just slightly, but I think that that availability of information is rather low.” (MN14, 2015) Specifically, it is emphasized by one expert after her experience with conducting her own campaign. The problem is, of course, finances, as she pointed out:

Box 20 “. . . traditionally because of the reason that we do not have finances, we cannot afford to do a big campaign and thus provide adequate help to those clients. So, I can imagine that we would provide counselling only for Roma women, outreach social work and so on, but then we have a problem with real help. Because we had such a campaign and within a week suddenly we had five new clients.” (EF5, 2015) Box 21 “. . . when that topic was like more pushed forward, that more was talked about it, so at that moment it really happened that within three days there was a lot of phone calls. It had such an effect.” (AB1, 2015) Besides financial barriers, she commented also on a time barrier when with the increase in awareness about violence in society also a number of clients increased in direct proportion, which resulted in higher workload.

Box 22 “There would be space, but there is a lot of work with it. I have to admit that on one hand it is about finances and on the other hand it is about time. Since we have more services and now since we have increased the capacity of the emergency housing facility and thus we have also more such clients, so we simply spend time with them.” (JK11, 2015)

129 The experts emphasize certain problems related to if a nationwide information campaign is not accompanied by creating conditions of real help for women subjected to violence. As one of the experts, study participants pointed it out, a campaign gives hope to women that they can get help; however, their hope is often destroyed as a result of absence of mechanisms of help in practice. This expert also pointed out that thus such a campaign does not lead to an expected outcome, or it can be counterproductive to the effect that if conditions for providing support specialized services for women subjected to violence are not adequately created, according to the participants, it is not correct and responsible to promote, or even declare it. One expert even called promotion without real help a lie.

Box 23 “. . . both a campaign and some central activities must go hand in hand with what goes down, what is in the field, because if in the field conditions are not created, I cannot send those women to go to those perhaps auxiliary centres when they are not able to provide any help. So, it must go hand in hand, a network must be built and as expanding of those services continues, we can promote them too. But unless we have anything, we rather do not promote.” (CD3, 2015) “. . . those campaigns used to cause that those women as if got a new hope they will get help somewhere. But since that complex of help is very inadequate that they really cannot get complex protection, we cannot guarantee they are protected, so as if disappointed they withdraw, obviously they also interpret their disappointment to others that society cannot help them and it is probably the same for Roma women.” (CD3, 2015) “. . . every campaign, even if it is only informational, is targeted at women and so that they seek help. And if they do not have it, it is just a lie.” (BC2, 2015) “. . . it was an informational campaign to name the problem. Then we did not make any campaigns for ten years. But it was not because we did not do anything else; we just voluntarily decided not to make a campaign.” (BC2, 2015)

130 5 DISCUSSION

All services for women subjected to violence primarily focus on basic and specialized counselling which is important to be provided expertly and with respect to the specific nature of the issue of violence against women. It is the first mutual contact of a woman who decided to seek help and experts who provide it for her. For a specific situation in which a woman subjected to violence is, it is important that expert counselling is provided to a woman so that she feels as comfortable as possible, safe and so that she feels that a relationship between her and an expert is really confidential. The experts of our study describe creating a sense of safety, and not only physical safe space where a woman can come without any worries of further victimization and confide what often remains hidden even for the closest family, as an inevitable part of provision of social counselling. One of the basic pillars of providing quality support services at an expert level when helping and supporting women subjected to violence is to be very particular about a strengthening culture whose basic principles are respect to the inviolability of women, providing information and support which allow women make informed decisions, and access to support services that offer a potential of remedy for harm caused by violence37. It is necessary to use a language that is not victimising, and does not question or blame women for violence they were subjected to38. An important aspect of strengthening is also shaping the environment where support services are provided to prevent social exclusion of women. Strengthening must be apparent also in the process of participation and consulting39. Practical, sensitive and expert help for women and the need to flexibly solve diverse problems related to help for women subjected to violence are much more complex than it is defined in the legislation through specific activities. In practice, the activity “providing basic and specialized social counselling” means much more than may seem at the first glance. It is also encouragement of women’s self-confidence and decisions in situations

37 See Bohony (2015). 38 See Pikálková, Podaná, Buriánek (2015). 39 Karlovská, D., Krokavcová, N., Králová S. (2009).

131 when they need it, such as accompanying during proceedings, when doing shopping, managing finances. Besides confidentiality and anonymity, a sense of safety also lies in provision of accommodation where women do not have to worry about themselves, or their children (Kelly, Dubois, 2008). In addition to creating a safe physical environment during counselling, almost all facilities except one, which provide accommodation, use the possibility to withhold an address of a place where women stay. The participants of our study describe keeping the anonymity of women’s accommodation location as difficult particularly in small villages where information about building, founding and reconstructing any buildings is practically unconcealable. In such cases, for the facilities it is necessary to use alternative strategies that enable women remain safe during they stay in the facility. One of such measures can be, for example, a home order, or instructing women to immediately contact the facility staff or police in case an unwanted person tries to get into the facility. Therefore, it is necessary that experts have a prepared strategy also in case that, for example, a family member or another significant other, but also a perpetrator want to visit a woman in a facility whose locality is publicly known. It is necessary to be able to react flexibly also in cases when an unknown person attempts to get information about a woman through a phone contact. The facilities use various approaches for such situations. In phone requests, the most effective way of maintaining women’s safety appears to be providing no information. In case of personal visits, the participants use various procedures, such as verification of identity of a person who visits a woman, or an independent, separated, neutral space intended for receiving visits. All facilities that provide also accommodation provide it in accordance with the law for a certain time which, however, is not more precisely defined; thus, a length of accommodation is individual and varies depending on the internal rules of facilities. Usually, it is a period of six months, which can be prolonged several times. Also, a maximal number of prolongations is in the competence of facilities along with self-governing regions and depends on expert assessment of a condition of a woman subjected to violence at a given time by experts. The issue of a length of stay, however, is a disputed

132 issue also in expert discourses. According to WAVE40, one of the principles of safe women’s refuges is the possibility for women and children to stay in a safe women’s refuge until they feel safe and sufficiently strengthened to live an independent life without violence. Therefore, safe women’s refuges in Slovakia move towards providing services for an indefinite period of time. The possibility of long-term accommodation along with difficulties related to leaving for independent housing out of a facility, however, provides space for a fall into so-called learned helplessness 41 , i.e. a condition when a person, based on his own experience from the past that persuaded him about helplessness and inability to influence an outcome of a situation, believes that any effort will be pre-judged for failure. Over time women might have a tendency to perceive a safe women’s refuge as a final solution for a situation in which they are. It is important for optimization of the length of accommodation in safe women’s refuges to be discussed among experts and for this important area of provided services to resonate also in other discourses and studies. An insufficient and demographically ineffective coverage of the territory of Slovakia by support services for women subjected to violence is manifested in the moment when it is necessary to distribute a woman to a facility out of a region of woman’s permanent residence. In such cases, it is more effective if a woman applies for declaration of permanent residence in a facility she is staying in at the moment. However, such a change of address is accompanied by administrative complications and the necessity to travel to the place of the original permanent residence and back several times. For low-income groups of women, however, even the amount for transport and fees related to administration is a great financial burden that they not always are able to pay. Thus, a thorough review of the need of the extent of increasing the capacities of support services for women subjected to violence in individual regions appears as very important. When conducting research, we found out that there is an acute lack of this type of services in the Banská Bystrica Region in the present. There are no counselling centres specialized in women subjected to violence or at risk of violence at all. There are six emergency housing and combined services

40 Appelt B., Kaselitz V., Logar R. (2008). 41 A term in the meaning as stated by Seligman (1975)

133 facilities with a total capacity of 81 persons; besides women at risk of violence, also children belong there. Such a status in no way can meet the needs of the Region, and we consider it very important to further examine the demography of demands for services that provide help to women subjected to violence. Problems with accommodation accompany women not only when they look for a facility that has free capacities and is able to provide help, but also in case that they are prepared to lead an independent life without assistance of experts of a facility. Job search complications and a financial situation often do not allow women to leave a facility and arrange standard rental housing. Furthermore, the study participants identically ascribe limited possibilities of women to leave a facility to the absence of a long-term solution in the form of affordable housing for low- income groups of citizens. The participants outline a problem which is a common denominator in the area of housing for all women who, for various forms of violence, find themselves on the brink of poverty, and despite the efforts of facilities often it is not possible for them to ensure income for themselves that would enable them to fund standard rental housing. Three participants agree in the attitude that the absence of the possibility of living in flats of a lower standard to some extent causes subsequent migration of women only between facilities where they cannot lead full and independent lives. Such forced migration of clients between facilities in various regions is accompanied by a variety of complications, particularly in case of mothers with children as well as women from low-income groups. Within specialized social counselling, competences of experts include provision of assistance and support in a variety of administrative tasks, such as registration of permanent/temporary residence, registration of children in kindergartens and primary schools, assistance in making a complaint against a perpetrator, claiming alimony, or arranging benefits in material need or contributions to benefits. Up to ten participants expressed negative experience related to cooperation with authorities where they experienced unwillingness, but also discrimination and unequal treatment. The need of being accompanied when arranging confirmations and communicating particularly in Roma female clients with authority personnel, according to them, to some extent mitigates the efforts of experts to motivate women who experienced economic and psychological violence by their partners and

134 thus do not have experience with administrative acts, to manage such situations independently. Roma female clients are not seemingly in a specific position related to the most frequent needs of women subjected to violence. Since almost all clients come largely from low-income settings, their primary demands on facilities are very similar regardless of the fact if they are Roma women or women from the majority. A difference comes to the fore in the area of availability and awareness about the existence of services, and therefore it is necessary to perceive women who already come to facilities as that group of women which had a possibility to get information about support and assistance. In case of women who come to facilities, the most significant is the need of housing and assistance in ensuring funding through various forms of state support, or through claiming alimony for children in case of divorced mothers. Minor differences can be attributed also to various localities where facilities are found, and also the participants themselves emphasize that the apparent differences can result also from the individuality of situations in which women from various settings occur. Thus, particularly the need of housing, and economic assistance come to the fore. Neither of these areas, however, is taken as a matter of course and their provision is accompanied by various complications. Complications in acquiring financial stability occur for multiple reasons, particularly unwillingness to employ mostly Roma women and lengthy court decisions. Similarly, women living in violent relationships and confronted with significant economic abuse for long time get into financial difficulties directly during their stay in facilities when they, in hope of improving their financial situation, take loans from non-bank companies and are not able to repay them. In the area of finances, the problem of provision for women in the first weeks after their arrival to facilities comes to the fore. Since it is not rare that women come without any possibility of payment of fees, or even of meeting the basic needs for themselves or their children, facility personnel deal with such situations individually. Momentary improvisation strategies that result from the current setting up of social and judicial mechanisms in the first weeks after women’s arrival to facilities can be, however,

135 considered alarming. The participant’s statement that in the first month clients in such a situation are improvisationally subsidized from voluntary collected money of personnel raises the question if there is a way of a more effective provision of means to meet the basic needs of clients in the first month after their arrival to facilities. There is a need to review the financial security system and subsidies for facilities as well as the possibility of postponing the payment for services provided for clients who in the first weeks are not able to pay for objective reasons. As for the problem of availability of information about violence against women for Roma women, the experts, the study participants reflect problems that are specific for awareness of women from marginalized communities. The specifics relate to the poor social situation of those women, their segregation and poverty. In such settings, the significance of personal contacts, particularly outreach social work, increases. As one expert stated: “These clients are quite segregated out of town, and if nobody comes there to them and tells them that you need such help because you are battered, they will not come. When we had a woman who sought help and was so active, but if they do not have enough information, then it is a problem” (EF5, 2015, In Rác et al., 2015). Similarly as related to awareness of the issue of violence against women in general, also related to awareness among Roma women, there was an opinion reminding the roles of local authorities and labour offices. At the same time, however, one expert stated that also personnel of the authorities must be informed, expertly trained, and also willing to cooperate with facilities providing help to women subjected to violence. In connection with the need to inform Roma women about the possibility of help, the experts also emphasized the role of outreach work and outreach social workers who get into contacts with women at risk most.

6 CONCLUSION

In the area of the topic of providing support services for women subjected to violence, the participants emphasize most the need to provide continual and specialized education in the area of gender-based violence, its characteristics and specifics which accompany violence against women.

136 Specialized education would increase qualification and expertize in people working in professions of the first contact – employees of police forces, outreach social workers and their assistants, employees of labour offices and municipal offices, and last but not least also experts working in the network of support services for women subjected to violence. We found that residential facilities such as emergency housing facilities and crisis centres do not have to meet qualification requirements of specialized education and competences for working with a target group of women subjected to violence. Education in this area would enable to improve approach to women subjected to violence that would not be victimising; the extent of minimization of situations in which women are would decrease; and services for women subjected to violence would be provided solely by specialists, which would significantly help make provision of support services as such more effective. Thus, systematic quality education in this area at the moment is a very effective step forward in provision of really expert specialized services for women subjected to violence without negative impacts. Also, it is possible to perceive experts’ assistance in common daily activities such as doing shopping, administrative arrangements, assistance with financial management, but also assistance in court hearings from various perspectives. It is extremely important that experts do not put women in position of passive incompetent recipients of services but they give them the possibility to manifest their own integrity and ability to deal with situations inevitable for managing an independent life. This also appears as an area that could be solved by education of experts in the area of standards of providing services for women subjected to violence. In the context of accommodation, the experts agree that at the moment in the Slovak Republic there is an acute lack of affordable available rental housing for women who are prepared and would like to become independent. Such a lack directly influences women’s impossibility to get out of the environment of assisted life of a facility; and a chance is multiple extension of accommodation, forced migration between facilities, or in the worst cases even return to perpetrators themselves. It is to be considered if the state system this way not only does not support and encourage women, but even indirectly influences their decisions in a certain moment to give up and rather return back to their partners to violent settings.

137 Affordable housing would help in resolving the issue of optimization of length of accommodation in safe women’s refuges. The current status of the system really motivates women gradually accept a fact that facilities become the only available long-term solution for them and women thus fall into learned helplessness. If they had a possibility to lead an independent life that is available for them, it can their vision of gradual progress and improvement of a situation, which is an enormous motivation factor to leave a facility.

Also, we dealt with the issues related to the extent of awareness, significance of its continuous increase, as well as the issue of availability of information about support specialized services for Roma women. Based on the conducted interviews, it can be stated that the experts perceive positive changes in the area of awareness, but at the same time they point out inadequate connection between providing the information and real practice. They suggest integrating information promotion into practice because without practical efforts it will not be effective and will not lead to an expected outcome. Furthermore, the experts pointed out the importance of implementation of such information and promotional activities that are based on expertise, and provide quality well-grounded information about the issue of violence against women. Separately, we focused on the issue of information availability for Roma women. Information availability is not entirely sufficient for Roma women, particularly for women from marginalized Roma communities. In these areas, direct education is necessary, and it is inevitable to pay special attention to it since the information gets harder to women from these communities than to women from the majority. In the end, we focused on the issue of facilities’ promotional activities. While national campaigns are focused rather on increasing the public’s awareness, local promotion of facilities is extremely important for women to get information about a specific facility providing help in their area. To provide the information, some facilities use traditional promotional printed materials, which, however, results in emergence of various questions and concerns. The experts expressed their concern related to effectiveness of leaflets and possible threats for women. The effectiveness of distributing leaflets directly to households can have an advantage; but it can also create a precondition for escalation of violence by

138 a partner, which results in secondary victimization and such a type of awareness becomes ineffective. Furthermore, they emphasized that information should be given sensitively and women’s safety is an important aspect in any information activities. The experts pointed out also an “adverse side” of promotion, expressed their concern and worries related to potential impossibility to meet increased interest in their services. Interesting and beneficial were the experts’ opinions on an information campaigns that can be in some cases counterproductive and also misleading, according to them. They can be misleading because campaigns “promise” help, while in reality, if conditions are not provided, women subjected to violence can become disappointed when seeking help. In their statements about campaigns and promotion, the experts outlined also some of their own recommendations and ideas. We think that very beneficial is particularly an opinion emphasizing the importance of including men in these campaigns, also emphasizing that campaigns should be specially focused on Roma women subjected to violence. In these special campaigns, an emphasis should be put on personal communication, building confidential relationships, and informally and sensitively provided information.

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143 QUALITY OF LIFE IN THE ELDERLY AS DETERMINANT OF THEIR SOCIAL INCLUSION

Martina HROZENSKÁa – Zuzana LÍŠKOVÁb

Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] bSlovak Republic e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The paper offers information about quality of life influenced by physical health in the elderly living in their home environment, specifically in six villages of the Lučenec district in the Central Slovakia Region. A quantitative research design provided a platform to identify the differences in evaluation of physical health in the citizens of the selected villages (differentiated by the size of their populations) in the Lučenec district. In summary we can state that we did not find any statistically significant differences between the quality of life evaluated in the domain physical health in the citizens from the villages in the Lučenec district with the population under 500 and above 500. The research findings show particularly the value of health, as one’s health status determines overall experiencing of life in an individual. In an individual, dependence on others and the need of medical treatment induce the feelings of reduced self-evaluation and low subjective well- being. There is a positive correlation between person’s health and his life satisfaction.

Keywords: Physical health; Quality of life; Elderly; Residential unit.

1 INTRODUCTION

A phenomenon of population aging has its main characteristics, including particularly an increase in life expectancy resulting in an increase in the number of older people in society. A change in the ratio between a number of the elderly and people in working age has occurred. This process is typical for all the countries in the world, including the Slovak Republic. Based on these demographic changes that happen in society and cannot be overlooked, an interest in studying the issues of aging, old age, status of older people in society, and a continuously increasing need of assistance to older people by a state and society has come to the fore. Aging is a

144 consistent, irreversible process in which a gradual degradation of all the organs and systems occurs; it is a natural period in human life. Every person experiences old age and the aging process individually; everything depends on the person’s personality and his ability to adapt to a new life, or a new phase in life that old age brings. Since the aging process and experiencing of old age is individual, also quality of life in individuals is experienced individually. Each of us subjectively perceives the things that happen around us, and they also provide information about a quality of life of a specific person. Examination of quality of life in the elderly has increased in recent years. More and more, quality of life becomes an object of attention of all social movements and also of the UN (Ondrejkovič, 2006). Most of the studies that focus on quality of life in the elderly report about quality of life in various facilities where the elderly are placed; however, less attention has been paid to quality of life in the elderly who live in their natural home environments.

2 QUALITY OF LIFE IN THE ELDERLY (WITH FOCUS ON PHYSICAL HEALTH) RELATED TO THE SIZE OF RESIDENTIAL AREAS

The population in Slovakia has been getting older and the number of people in the post-working age in comparison with the economically active population has been increasing (Balogová, 2005). From the point of view of the demographic prognoses of the future development in the Slovak Republic, there will be a decrease in the number of inhabitants. The period of a more permanent decrease in the number of inhabitants will start within 15-20 years and will stop at the end of the 21st century. According to the most likely variant, it can be stated that the number of inhabitants in Slovakia is estimated to fall under the level of 5 million persons by 2050. As a matter of fact, however, we can expect it might get under the level of 4 million inhabitants by 2100. According to the aging index, the population aging process in the Slovak Republic will unambiguously increase very rapidly in future years. It means that the aging index can be estimated to increase 3.7 times in average by 2050. Simply said, while there are two inhabitants up to the age of 17 years per one inhabitant in the age above 65 years now, in 2050 it will be vice versa, i.e. there will be almost two

145 inhabitants in the age above 65 years per one person up to the age of 17 years (Prognóza vývoja obyvateľov SR do roku 2050, 2002). Related to the issues of the elderly, their examination, mapping, and projecting the services for this target group, it is necessary to differentiate between the third and fourth age of the elderly (to 80 years and above 80 years of age). Such differentiation is important also because, for instance, age is the most significant risk factor for the Alzheimer’s disease. In the age group above 80 years, the number of the elderly suffering from dementia increases by 15%; in the 90-year olds, it increases by almost 50%; the incidence and prevalence of the Alzheimer’s disease have remained almost constant in this age group for several decades (Baltes In. Gruss (ed.), 2009, p. 20). There are 46.8 million Europeans suffering from this disease. Every 20th person older than 65 years of age and every 5th person older than 80 years of age are affected. In Europe by 2040, an estimated increase in the number of persons affected by the Alzheimer’s disease is up to 11 million, including 180 thousand persons in Slovakia. The number of people suffering from dementia in 2050 has been estimated at 131.5 million (Štatistické údaje, 2016).

2.1 A brief overview (mapping) of the quality of life in the elderly

There were several ways how to measure quality of life. The western nations used summary estimates for many centuries to find out the levels of well-being in their citizens and the ways how to meet their needs. The statistics focused particularly on economic life, production and sale of goods and services, and commercial activities. The statistics that record social indicators have been used since the 1960s. These statistics focused on the previously unexamined areas of life. In various nations, social indicators differ in their content, and the ways of their collection. Some nations, for example Germany, do not collect such data. On the contrary, e.g. Great Britain has a long tradition in economic and social studies. In Britain, there have been scientific attempts to study social indicators such as influence of various distributions of incomes on poverty, health and education from the point of view of absolute and relative poverty, etc. The effects of such studies have been perceived through social and economic policy. The categories used for grouping the social indicators are called life domains.

146 The parameters of the domains are identified either deductively or inductively and are consensually confirmed on the basis of a theory and then tested, or they are empirically discovered and connected to a theory. As for the first approach, it is necessary to consider external, material realities that can be seen or perceived in the context of a system of features, or that can be understood on the basis of a theory. A system of features is specific for each culture; it is influenced by the time, space, nation, religion, policy, cultural traditions, and others. The authors and experts of the individual publications and studies on the issue of quality of life differ mostly in the issue of indicators (Marcinková, Hrozenská, Vaňo, 2005). There are multiple identified indicators of quality of life and divisions of indicators of quality of life in accordance with various authors. According to the World Health Organisation (1997 In Kováč, 2003), there are six areas with various numbers of indicators influencing quality of life: 1 Physical health – influences energy, tiredness of a person, pain, discomfort; 2 Psychological health – expresses image, positive and negative feelings, self-evaluation, a way of thinking, learning; 3 Independence level – physical activity, daily activities, working capacity, dependence on medicaments; 4 Social relationships – personal relationships, social support, sexual activities; 5 Environment – access to financial sources, security, freedom, healthy environment, social care, home, access to information, travelling; 6 Spirituality – personal faith and belief, value orientation. Quality of life is determined by living conditions and their subjective experiencing (Hrozenská a kol., 2008) because when we talk about quality of life in the elderly, it is always evaluation of the individual quality of life (Kováč, 2003). The main components of most definitions of quality of life and indicators of individual quality of life are well-being, satisfaction, expectations, and life happiness (Balogová, 2005). The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity. And it’s the WHO that perceives health as one of the

147 preconditions of quality of life in people who are in interaction with their environment (Vaďurová, Mühlpachr, 2005). There are no doubts that environment, health, and quality of life are mutually connected and inseparable categories (Payne a kol., 2005). Health is a high individual and social value which represents one of the important factors of quality of life. Furthermore, it is significantly determined by overall quality of life and environment (Kvalita života ve stáří, 2008). Health provides a person with self-realization and brings him the feelings of independence and happiness. However, health problems occur in a higher extent as a person gets older. Therefore, for many people aging means deterioration of physical, mental and social well-being as well as overall life satisfaction (Semešiová, 2003). In each age, health is a positively valued characteristic. The studies conducted by Bassand et al. (In. Čornaničová, 1998), however, show differences in perceptions of the positives of health related to age. For example, for the young, health is a positive concept but it lacks content; working middle-aged people have tendencies to perceive health as a condition for reproduction of their working ability; but for older people (above 65 years of age), health is a value itself. Health status of older and old people is to be assessed by the length of life and prevalence of diseases, and particularly by functional abilities and health-related quality of life. Health includes physical, mental, and social health. Mental health and quality of social relationships increase stability of overall health and adaptability of a person. Mental health enhancement and promotion are the basis for increasing the quality of life in the period of old age (Kvalita života ve stáří, 2008). Health status itself determines life experiencing significantly. Based on the results of the study conducted by Žumárová and Balogová (2009), it can be stated that subjective perceptions of health status are crucial for quality of life. Further, the authors found out that the presence of a disease is not crucial for quality of everyday life in the elderly, but it is the extent of limitations caused by the disease which are subjectively perceived by the elderly. According to Stuart-Hamilton (1999), satisfactory aging assumes an ability to overcome physical difficulties. In the autumn of life, a person should find pleasure in such activities during which his physical performance is rather insignificant so that quality of his relationships to outer environment is not worsened. However, an opposite situation occurs in case when health status in some of the elderly causes

148 some limitations. For instance, they are forced to stop working, or they are not able to take care of their household, lose interest in hobbies or gradually limit their contacts with people. These limitations cause that the elderly become helpless and dependent on other people (Semešiová, 2003). Adámek and Němec (2005) state that studies on measuring quality of life are conducted so that we can better understand the situations in which we are and to be able to compare the degree of satisfaction in various levels and parts of society. Multiple geographic studies focused on quality of life aim to seek this stratification in a spatial distribution of individual dimensions. The spatial distribution of the indicators in Slovakia is uneven, which is affected particularly by physical and geographic conditions and historical factors; on the other hand, however, it is also a result of the present socioeconomic and political dynamics, absent regional policy, and almost insensitive approach of a decision-making sphere to specific regional needs in the present (Ira, Michálek, Podolák, 2005). Significance of functions for inhabitants on one side and efficiency of their provision on the other side are difficult characteristics of environment (territory) related to local quality of life (Rogerson, 1999). Acceptable availability of job opportunities and basic amenities significantly influences quality of life in inhabitants in both towns and villages (Williams, Bird, 2003). Important are not only the effects on subjective satisfaction in inhabitants in the place of their residence but also the objectively measurable effects on e.g. physical and mental health of inhabitants (Ellaway, Macintyre, 1996). Andráško (2005) conducted a study to find out which factors affect quality of personal and residential life of towns and villages in Slovakia the most; one of the tasks was analysis of differences in preferences of individual factors related to the size of a municipality. He found out that residential quality of life is of a less subjective character and relates more to a given territorial or administrative unit and is more oriented on universal problems. In case of residential quality of life, environment was identified as a dominant factor – stated by almost 60% of the respondents; after a significant interval, it was followed up by interpersonal relationships, transport, facilities, culture, security, and services. The study results proved an assumption of different perceptions of quality of life in an individual

149 (personal quality of life) and quality of life in a municipality (residential quality of life).

2.2 Methods The study objective was to compare quality of life in the elderly in three villages of the Lučenec district with population above 500 and in three villages of the Lučenec district with population under 500. The Lučenec district is a part of the Banská Bystrica Region. It is a centre of the historic region of Novohrad. In 2013, there were 74,548 inhabitants in the Lučenec district (with the population density 90 inhabitants/km2). The life expectancy was 70.55 years of age in men and 77.76 years of age in women. In 2013 in Lučenec, there were more women than men by 3,000 persons. The district is characterized by overall population decline; each year since 2006, population growth has been in negative numbers, i.e. more people move away than move in or are born. The reasons for a region selection were that Lučenec is a part of the Banská Bystrica Self-Governing Region which is the largest Slovak region ((9454.4 km2) In. Zoznam krajov na Slovensku, 2015), is in the centre of the Slovak Republic, and population growth is in negative numbers. The study was conducted with the use of the questionnaire WHOQOL – BREF that includes perception of the aspects of everyday life and compares four areas, so-called domains – physical health; psychological; social relationships; and environment. The questionnaire consisted of 25 closed questions related to physical health, experiencing, social relationships, and environment. In the paper, we focus only on the domain physical health. The sample included 150 purposefully selected elderly from six villages of the Lučenec district who were divided into two groups. The basic criterion for sampling was age 65 years and being a resident in one of the villages included in the study. The first sample included n1 = 75 elderly. The main inclusion criteria for the first sample were the age of the respondents minimally 65 years and their residence in the village of Lovinobaňa, Tomášovce, or Divín that are in the category of villages with the population above 500. The second sample included n2 = 75 elderly. The main inclusion criteria for the second sample were the age of the respondents minimally 65 years and being a resident in the village of Píla, Točnica, or Kotmanová that

150 are in the category of villages with the population under 500. The idea was to find out the situation in small and very small villages of the Lučenec region. The collected data were analysed quantitatively with the use of statistical methods. In the first step, we analysed the responses to the question in both samples. The scores for the responses were obtained by scoring the responses from 1 to 5. For both samples, we identified descriptive statistical characteristics, scores for individual questions: an arithmetic mean, a standard deviation, a standard error of the mean, a median, and a minimum and maximum value. Relationships between the responses to the questions were analysed by the Pearson correlation coefficient. Differences in responses to the questions between the samples were analysed by the Mann- Whitney test. For both samples, we identified descriptive statistical characteristics of the achieved scores for the individual hypotheses: an arithmetic mean, a standard deviation, a standard error of the mean, a median, and a minimum and maximum value. Relationships between hypotheses were analysed in each sample with the use of the Pearson correlation coefficient. Differences between the samples were analysed from the perspective of the middle value – a median, and dividing the frequency of achieved scores in both samples. The difference in the middle value of the achieved scores was analysed by the Mann-Whitney test. The difference in dividing the frequency was analysed by the Kruskal-Wallis test.

2.3 Results Health can be perceived as a value, a general goal that every person probably seeks. Senior age is characteristic by polymorbidity, the presence of several diseases at the same time. And thus, health becomes a value for a sick person. This indicator of quality of life – physical health can change significantly throughout life (Bergeman, 1997). The person’s energy, tiredness, pain, discomfort, and sleep depend on physical health. At the same time, it is necessary to realize that individual pace of aging depends on physical aging independent of age. Harris et al. (1992, In. Bergeman, 1997) consider this type of aging as hereditary programmed in 46%, and as modified by environmental impacts in 56%.

151 Physical health and quality of life in the inhabitants of villages with population above 500 A more detailed view of the situation about physical health is offered by correlation coefficients measuring the closeness of the relationship between the items of the standardized questionnaire saturating the category physical health. We did not find any statistically significant differences between the quality of life in the elderly measured in the domain physical health in the inhabitants of the villages of the Lučenec district with populations to 500 and above 500. The person’s need of medical treatment and his dependence on others cause the feelings of decreased self-evaluation and low subjective well-being of an individual. There is a positive correlation between person’s health and life satisfaction. The value of health resonates in the topic of quality of life significantly but not related to the size of a place of residence. The individual’s health status determines his overall experiencing of life. A size of a village and its population makes an assumption of availability of healthcare services. The inhabitants of small villages are probably used to the decreased availability or the necessity to travel to larger towns to see a doctor. In the part on physical health, we wanted to know the respondents’ perceptions on their ability to perform everyday activities, energy for common, everyday activities, satisfaction with the ability to get around, and pain that affects their ability to get around. In analysis of the question “To what extent does pain prevents you from doing what you need to do?” related to the question “How much do you need medical treatment to function in your daily life?”, the correlation coefficient was r = 0.597. It is a significant correlation between the need of health care and subsequent extent of pain in performance of daily activities. We can state that the need of medical treatment increases with the increasing extent of pain in performing daily activities. This relationship is valid for both variables, i.e. the extent of pain that prevents individuals from doing activities increases with the need of medical treatment. Significant was also evaluation of the question about the extent of pain related to the question about energy for everyday functioning of an elderly where the correlation coefficient had a negative value (r = -0.533). It means

152 that person’s energy for daily functioning decreases with the increasing extent of pain that prevents a person from doing everyday activities. Also, we found a significant relationship between the question about energy for everyday life and the question about satisfaction with the ability to perform daily living activities, where the correlation coefficient was r = 0.629, which means there is a large closeness of the relationship between these two analysed statistical signs. We can state that also in this case, it is a relationship based on reciprocity, i.e. the extent of energy for performance of everyday activities increases with the increase of satisfaction with the ability to perform everyday activities. Interesting were findings about the reciprocity of the relationship between the elderly’s ability to get around and their satisfaction with the ability to perform daily living activities. In this case, the correlation coefficient was r = 0.633. This relationship means a significant closeness between the analysed statistical signs. Again also in this case, we can see the reciprocity of the relationship which is valid for both variables, which means that the ability of the elderly to move better increases with the increase of satisfaction with the ability to perform daily living activities, and vice versa. The high closeness of the relationship (r = 0.634) was found also in the relationship between satisfaction with health and energy for life. Naturally, a person satisfied with his health has enough energy for life, is motivated to meet goals, to meet roles that are natural for him, and to life in general. A high negative correlation (r = -0.637) was found in the relationship between satisfaction with health and the ability to get around. In spite of the fact that diseases of the musculoskeletal system belong to lifestyle diseases of the Slovaks, they were not a significant problem of the respondents in the study. Evaluation of satisfaction with health had a decreasing tendency in them, i.e. their dissatisfaction with health increased despite relatively small problems with the ability to get around. Similar findings (r = -0.506) were found in the relationship between pain that affects a person in performance of everyday activities and overall ability to perform everyday activities. Even though the feelings of limitations caused by pain in the respondents (the sample of the villages with the population above 500) increase, their feelings of dissatisfaction with performing everyday activities decrease. Thus, even if a person feels strong pain that affects his everyday activities,

153 he keeps performing them. Probably, a person suppresses pain to maintain his own independence. Exactly the same situation (r = -0.520) is in the relationship between the extent of pain that limits a person in everyday activities and person’s satisfaction with his capacity for work. Significant is also the closeness of the relationship between the ability to get around and energy for everyday life (r = 0.564). It is a moderately strong relationship, which suggests that energy in a person affects his overall ability to get around, and vice versa, the ability to get around is a subject of the individual’s energy. In the same way, the ability to get around is in a close correlation (r = 0.633) with zest for life. The individual’s mobility means his independence from others (with the exception of mobile older persons suffering from psychiatric diagnoses). Also, sufficient energy perceived by an individual himself is reflected in his ability to perform everyday activities (r = 0.629). It means that sufficient energy keeps a person mobile and also able to perform everyday activities. Everyday activities require physical activity of a person; for the elderly, it is particularly important to be able to take care of themselves, be independent or minimally dependent on others and their assistance. In spite of the fact that the respondents in the study reported the need of medical treatment to be able to function in everyday activities, it is not possible to see relationships only to the ability to get around. Again, they get used to declines and deprivations caused by diseases of the musculoskeletal system or they use assistive devices for better movement. Lin, McLain, Probst et al. (2016) found out that people older than 65 years of age living in the country had higher levels of impaired physical health but lower levels of impaired mental health. Physical health and quality of life in the inhabitants of villages with population under 500 In analysis of the question about the extent of pain preventing a person from doing activities related to the question about the extent of the need of medical treatment, the correlation coefficient was r = 0.673. Unlike the previous category of villages (the population above 500), here we can see a very close relationship between energy for everyday life and the level of satisfaction with capacity for work. The correlation coefficient between these two variables was r = 0.720, which means a very strong closeness between the analysed statistical signs. Thus, we can state that satisfaction

154 with capacity for work increases with the increase of energy for performance of everyday activities. Also in this case, we can see that if the elderly have enough energy for performing various common activities then they are satisfied with their capacity for work. A significant relationship is also between the question about the ability to get around and the question about the ability to perform everyday activities. The correlation coefficient was r = 0.746. In this group of the elderly living in the villages with the population under 500, we can see a correlation between the questions about satisfaction with the ability to perform everyday activities and satisfaction with capacity for work. The correlation coefficient between these two variables was r = 0.718. The negative correlation (r = -0.657) was found between the extent of pain and satisfaction with capacity for work, i.e. one’s satisfaction with capacity for work decreases with the increase of pain preventing a person from activities. Also, the person’s satisfaction with the ability to perform everyday activities decreases with increasing pain preventing a person from activities (r = -0.643). Pain limits a person. Furthermore, pain causes the decrease in satisfaction with one’s health (r = -0.630). Hypothesis testing in evaluation of the domain physical health related to the size of a residential unit in which the respondents live confirms that there are no statistically significant differences between the evaluations of the inhabitants from smaller and larger (the population above 500) villages of the Lučenec district (p = 0.331). Tab. 1: The evaluation of the hypothesis H1 HYPOTHESIS H1 Mann-Whitney U 1616 Wilcoxon W 3446 Z -0.972 Asymp. Sig. (p) 0.331

155 It was similar in sub-hypothesis testing; our prediction was proved that there were no statistically significant differences in evaluation of the need of medical treatment in the elderly living in the villages with the population above 500 and the elderly living in the villages with the population under 500.

Tab. 2: The evaluation of the sub-hypothesis H 1.1 SUB-HYPOTHESIS H1.1 Mann-Whitney U 1557 Wilcoxon W 3887 Z -1.36 Asymp. Sig. (p) 0.174

2.4 Discussion We wanted to find out if there are differences in evaluation of physical health in the elderly related to the size of the villages they live in. Furthermore, we wanted to know how the elderly are satisfied with their health, if they feel pain, to what extent they need medical treatment to be able to function in everyday life, how they are able to get around during a day, how satisfied they are with their sleep, information about their ability to perform everyday activities, and to what extent they are satisfied with their capacity for work. Statistical hypothesis testing proved our prediction that there are no significant differences between the analysed samples. The correlation coefficients in analyses of the questions in the domain physical health had more significant values in the villages with the population under 500. For both samples, i.e. the respondents in the study living in the villages with the population under 500 and above 500, we can identically state that pain limits people in everyday activities and in their satisfaction with their capacity for work. “If I can perform everyday activities, I am satisfied with my health” stands for the elderly in our study. Or “If I am able to get around, I am healthy”.

156 Normally, walking and balance maintenance require unimpaired sensory functions, vestibular apparatus, central and peripheral nervous system, and motor functions. Physiological changes occur practically at all levels with an increasing age. The functional reserve of the organs affecting balance maintenance decreases. Particularly in old age, typical senile gait disturbances occur; they are characteristic by a slow, shuffling wide-based gait, a trunk bent forward, a slight bend in hips and knees, and limitations of parallel movements (Topinková, Neuwirth, 1995, p. 65). Therefore, it is important to pay adequate attention to selection of suitable shoes for the elderly with adequate anti-slip soles because of their mobility. Furthermore, overall lighting, indirect lighting at night, and other prevention measures preventing falls in home environment are also important. All our findings have a common denominator which is independence of an individual. A sense of physical independence plays a special role in old age. The elderly derive a sense of competence, usefulness, confidence, and social acknowledgement from the experienced independence from other person’s assistance. The elderly seek in themselves the will and energy to mobilize their own powers inducing independence and autonomy. On the contrary, the person’s dependence on the others can induce anxiety resulting from the sense of one’s own failure. Negative feelings resulting from the situation of the loss of independence are often accompanied by shyness of individuals, which prevents them from asking for assistance, even from their closest relatives. The closer relationships between the variables and higher correlation coefficients were in the respondents from the villages with the population under 500. A size of a village related to its population plays an important role in availability of healthcare services and services for its inhabitants in general. People from small villages usually have to travel several kilometres to get to the services, and such a solution requires both social and financial capitals. In case of a lack of such sources, people can jeopardize their own health. Similar findings were also in our study from 2006 (Hrozenská, 2006) where we state that health and health status particularly in the elderly have a special place in their value system. Polymorbidity is typical for this age group. Old age is a period that is connected with the onset of many serious and also less serious diseases; however, it is a natural fact and reality

157 because the human organism in old age changes, physical and mental conditions deteriorate, and various chronic diseases occur. Thus, health is in the first place in the value system of all the elderly, and therefore also our study confirmed that no statistically significant differences were found in evaluation of physical health and in evaluation of the need of medical treatment since health status in all the elderly in this age period equally becomes deteriorated and health care becomes increasingly needed regardless of the size of a village where the elderly live. We agree with the statement by Wedgeworth, La Rocca, Chaplin and Scogin (2016) that mental health promotion is of an interdisciplinary character. In dealing with quality of life in inhabitants of towns and villages, Andráško (2005) differentiates between two dimensions or two views of quality of life: personal (individual) quality of life related to an individual that is mostly descriptive, and residential (community) quality of life that is less subjective and focuses more on universal issues. The basic characteristic of the two views of quality of life is a significant accent on combination and application of the subjective and objective types of data. Andráško (2005 In. Mitríková et al., 2013) identified the most significant factors influencing personal quality of life: interpersonal relationships, finances, and occupation (the rate of the respondents about 50%). The second group with the rate from 20% to 30% included the factors: environment, health, and housing. Culture, education, sport, facilities, and transport with the rate from 10% to 20% were in the third group. In case of residential quality of life, the identified dominant factor was environment, reported by almost 60% of the respondents. Interpersonal relationships in the second place are with a significant interval (41.5%) followed by a group of the factors with the rate about 30%, including transport, facilities, finances, culture, and occupation. By this study, he proved a divergence of perception of quality of life in an individual and quality of life in a municipality (residential quality of life).

3 CONCLUSION

Quality of life is a complex and very broad concept, even difficult to grip for its multidimensionality and complexity. It includes the ability of understanding a human existence or a meaning of life. It seeks key factors of being and of understanding self. It studies environmental, economic,

158 social, cultural, psychological, spiritual, and other conditions for a healthy and happy life (Ira, Murgaš, 2008). In spite of the fact that in our study sample we did not find any statistically significant differences between the quality of life evaluated in the domain physical health in the inhabitants from the villages of the Lučenec district with the population under 500 and above 500, the closeness of the relationship between the studied variables suggests the higher extent of the closeness of statistical dependence in a village with the population under 500. The indicators of health and diseases as indicators of the biosocial phenomena are part of the indicators of quality of life in people. Ondrejkovič (2006, p. 72) states that all other aspects of quality of life can be subordinated to health and diseases in daily experiences. Physical and psychological problems as well as bad health status can negatively affect quality and sometimes also shorten a length of life in people. The level of health in a population of a country also inhibits its economic and social development. The dynamic balance of an organism, related to endogenous and exogenous conditions, which ensures optimal functioning of a person, influences energy or tiredness in a person, pain and discomfort, sleep, and development. The levels of these indicators in an individual induce a necessity of saturation of individual specific needs in the physical, psychological, and social areas. The need of medical treatment and dependence on others related to the inability to take care of oneself induce the sense of decreased self-evaluation and low subjective well-being in an individual. Such a statement declares correctness of our verdict: the higher satisfaction of a respondent with his health, the higher overall satisfaction with life.

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162 SUBJECTIVE WELLBEING IN OLDER PEOPLE – NEW CHALLENGE TO INCREASE QUALITY OF INCLUSIVE INSTITUTIONAL CARE

Mário GRIESBACHa – Lýdia LEHOCZKÁb

a Slovak Republic, e-mail: [email protected] b Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The study introduces concepts of quality of life in older people in their synthesizing reflexion that relates to life satisfaction. Physical, mental, and social health in the form of quality of social support, social relationships, and adaptation to new environment are included. Older persons’ psychological wellbeing and satisfaction are important for the area of institutional care. Conducted research of this focus is of an integrated character, in the study we focus on its quantitative form. The subject of this part of research is comparison of subjectively stated quality of life and subjective wellbeing in older people in social services facilities (hereinafter SSF) and in independent older people. A methodological instrument is a quality of life assessment questionnaire.

Keywords: Concepts of quality of life; Dimensions of subjective perceptions of quality of life; Subjective wellbeing; Ethnomethodology

1 INTRODUCTION

In the present, the increase of population of older people is one of the phenomena which, from the perspective of demographic indicators, belong to the most alarming not only in Slovakia but in whole Europe. The percentage of the economically productive has been decreasing when compared to nonworking population (the unemployed, children, and older people) (Repková, 2010). The phenomenon closely relates to legislative changes, for example, increasing retirement age and compulsory number of working years for calculation of pension. In the social area, attention has been paid to the increased need of health and social forms of care, and other

163 social services of an inclusive character, which will require more finances as well as expert practitioners in the future (Matoušek, 2007). The most probable causes of the rapid increase of older population is the decreased natality and increased life expectancy because of better lifestyle in people, or because of the progress in science and research (Hrozenská, 2008). In 1975, the number of children born to one mother necessary to maintain the population was less than 2.1 in 22 countries. In 2005, it was in 70 countries of the world and prognoses for 2050 talk about 150 countries with the value lower than 2, which means that one third of population will consist of people older than 65 years of age. In 1900, the life expectancy was shorter by seven years than it is today. Also the European Commission’s Directorate-General for Employment and Social Affairs estimates the increase in the number of older people in the future decades (Benkovičová, 2011). The so-called aging index is used to capture the population trends; it shows the ratio of people over the age of 65 to the number of children younger than 14 years of age. In practice, the population aging means that the young generations provide the older population with their pensions. In the terminology, this phenomenon is called the age dependency ratio and it expresses the ratio of people over the age of 65 to the working population (20-64 years of age) (Balogová, 2005). Despite the fact that the population in our country gets older, Slovakia is one of ten European countries with the youngest population. The life expectancy in the world is 79 years of age in women and 75 years of age in men. In Slovakia, however, men live up to 71 years of age and women live up to 82 years of age. The cause of this phenomenon is lower natality that started to decrease from the 1970s and more rapidly in the 1980s (Hrozenská, 2008). In 2002, the ageing index exceeded the value 100, which means there were more people in the working age than children younger than 14 years of age. In 2006, there were about 650 million people over the age of 60 in the world (Balogová, 2005). The prognoses for 2025 show there will be probably twice as many of them. The current demographic studies estimate that there will be approximately two billion older people on the Earth in 2050 (Repková, 2010). In 2012, there were almost twice as many people over the age of 65 than in 2010 and 2011 (Portál Euractiv, 2012). The more rapid increase in the number is evident in people over the age of 80 within the whole European continent (McDonald, 2010).

164 Thus, the stated changes in the population structure result in the significantly increasing demand of long-term social care both in formal and informal or non-professional forms (Repková, 2011). With an increasing age, there are proportionally more diagnoses of various character; most people over the age of 60 suffer from chronic diseases of the cardiovascular, oncologic, metabolic or respiratory character. More limited access to health care relates particularly to older people suffering from multiple diseases or immobile citizens and people with restricted movement. The circumstances that worsen quality of life are of a psychological character too. In older age, they can include particularly the feelings of anxiety because of isolation, various forms of depression, behavioural disorders, etc. According to Cintulová (2010), quality of life in older people is affected by quality of offered social services that reflect and meet their basic existential and social needs. More and more attention has been paid to the issues of old age by experts both in Slovakia and Europe. Multiple world organisations have been engaged in the issues of older people since the 1970s. They include the World Health Organization, which organizes programmes to improve the living conditions of older people; the United Nations, which promotes legislative changes for right protection and preventive programmes against abuse of older people; and the European Union, which, in its fifth and sixth framework programmes, offers projects promoting enhancement of quality of life. Other important international documents that focused on quality of life in the past were the International Plan of Action on Ageing (1982), and the United Nations Principles for Older Persons (1991) (Hrozenská, 2008). The main goal in enhancement of social protection should be, in general, promotion of healthy lifestyle and enhancement of quality of life in the process of ageing. It is necessary to create conditions to reduce the number of the dependent elderly, and emphasize promotion of active ageing (Balogová, 2005). Furthermore, it is inevitable to create preconditions for their social inclusion and personal development, for example, through activation. The most often cited goals related to ensure the standards of quality of life are enhancement of public awareness on health protection; informing about the possibilities of prevention from diseases and injuries; support of active planning for retirement age in the last decade of working age; counselling and edification activities about preparation for active ageing and good retirement life with focus on healthy food; physical

165 activities; and activities related to life-long process of education. The National Programme on Protection of Older People in Slovakia from 1999 is based on these basic UN principles that include: the principle of independence, the principle of self-realization, the principle of care, and the principle of dignity and participation. In 2001, the summary Report about Implementation of the National Programme for Older People was developed. The International Plan of Action on Ageing 2002 had its main goals focused on development, progress in the area of health and social wellbeing, and creation and maintenance of favourable environment. The strategy Europe 2020 has based its goals on intelligent growth and creating the knowledge-based economy. Another important goal is sustainable growth (promotion of enhancement of competitiveness of economy) and inclusive growth (to provide social cohesion). The objective of the paper is to introduce current theoretical conceptions related to the issue of population ageing as a social problem in the context of development of inclusive social services and promotion of subjective wellbeing and satisfaction in older people in their post-working age.

2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND – DEFINING AND SPECIFYING THE CONCEPTS OF QUALITY OF LIFE IN GENERAL

Quality of life in a subjective form is a subject of research in many scientific disciplines; however, the most often in sociology, psychology, and social work (Bačová, 2002). Schalock, Verdugo (2002) states that there have been 20 thousand scientific works and papers published since 1985 with a term “quality of life” in their titles. According to Čornaničová (1998), this phenomenon has become one of the most dominant symbols of the modern social concepts and its promotion is, in general, an intention of most educational and social activities of people. Quality of life is a socially accepted concept understood by lay people, which means it is possible to directly ask about the nature of quality of life in research implementation (Kentoš, 2004). Defining what “quality life” is and is not depends on the social discourse, ideology, and preferring social values (Rievajová- Wolfová, 2005). In the present social context, quality of life in people, in general, depend particularly on the level of economy, environment, and

166 interpersonal relationships (Džuka et al., 2004). The quality of life conception is an intersection of health, social, economic, ecologic, and other conditions leading to development of life of population (Sirgy, 2001). Bačová (2002) states there is a direct connection between quality of life, material conditions, culture, and social discourse. From a different viewpoint, it can be a relevant connection between quality of life, social capital, and value systems of society. The issue has been addressed by more and more authors, including: Rapley (2003), Barofsky (2011), Cummins (2003), Diener (2010), Džuka (2004), Hrozenská, (2008), Balogová (2005), Křivohlavý (2001), and many others. The concepts and focus of the studies on quality of life are heterogeneous. In the scientific public, there is not a uniform consensus in defining the methodological approaches, specific domains, and indicators of quality of life (Kentoš, 2004). According to the OECD compendium on indicators of economic and social progress from 2011, it is necessary to differentiate between material prosperity and abstractly specified quality of life. In the document, it is defined as a summary of nonfinancial attributes which specifies people’s life opportunities and has different forms and values in each cultural entity (Benkovičová, 2011). The concepts of quality of life are a domain of psychological, medical, and economic research spheres; however, in the last decades, they have become the subject of interest also in social work, sociology, and social pedagogy. Schwarz, Wehmeyer (1998) describe quality of life as a construct that has objective and subjective aspects. Since the 1960s, demographic surveys on quality of life were conducted and used as outcomes for economic and political purposes of monitoring the standard of living in population. In the 1980s, there was a “change in paradigm” that related also to a new trend in scientific methodology (Rapley, 2003). The then objective perception of population’s quality of life measured by a quantitative form subsided to subjectively evaluated person’s quality of life that found its use in healthcare, psychology, and social work (Phillips, 2006). Adaptation to new environment, coping with a stressful situation after a surgery or an injury with consequences, etc. became the subject of research (Bratská, 2004). Attention was paid also to deteriorated functions of an organism in old age, providing social care, satisfaction with social services, and assessment of patient’s condition after therapy, and others (Pinquart- Sorensen, 2001). Cummins (2003) and Diener, Chan et al.

167 (2010) studied similar phenomena through the optics of subjective quality of life and developed a methodologic apparatus related to life happiness, satisfaction with life. In their studies, Džuka (2004), Schalock,Verdugo (2002), Rapley (2003), Balogová (2005), Zimermanová (2012) and others label this concept as subjective wellbeing. In our study, we differentiate between subjective quality of life with its dimensions and subjective wellbeing in accordance with the theoretical background of Diener, Lucas, Oishi (2002, 2010), and Džuka (2004). Regularly every year, the UN monitors the indicators in the objective form of quality of life on the macrolevel (the domains of physical and mental health). The categories of gross domestic product, life expectancy, and population literacy rate are a part of this statistical study (Čornaničová, 1998). In 1996, the team of authors of the World Health Organization (WHO) defined quality of life in their conception WHOQOL as a way of expression how people perceive their status in life, in the context of their culture and value systems, also in relationships to their goals, expectations, standards, and interests (Balogová, 2005). Quality of life is a subjective social construct that gives life a purpose, provides preconditions for full life, and as stated by Zimermanová (2012), it makes life “worth living”. According to Čornaničová (1998), a person is to some extent responsible for quality of living or is a defining factor of his quality of life. Contacts with social and living environments allow a person intensively experience achievements and losses, grasp real values, seek meaning of life, and thus realize quality of his life (Bratská, 2004).

2.1 Social indicators of quality of life The most essential parts of each conception of quality of life are domains and indicators through which a conception gets a specific definition, structure, and thus has a specific meaning and narrower focus. Defining indicators requires multidisciplinary cooperation (Nevarez, 2010). Social indictors were defined by R. A. Bauer in the 1960s. In development of social indicators, two bipolar ways – the Scandinavian and American models – were generated. The Scandinavian model is oriented on objective quality of life of population; the American combined approach pays more attention to subjective aspects (Rapley, 2003). In the UN in 1974, social indicators of objective quality of life were developed in eight groups.

168 Cummins (2003), for example, talks about a relationship between objective and subjective indicators of quality of life. According to him, a relationship e.g. between an objective indicator of health has a very weak connection with subjectively perceived health status (a subjective indicator of quality of life). Thus, several authors implement, develop, and measure indicators separated (Barofsky, 2011). Quality of life indicators have their normal and critical values. In case of critical values of health indicators, the phenomenon has an impact on overall quality of life. In such a case, the compensation of the indicator with higher values will not improve quality of life (Čornaničová, 1998). Rapley (2003) states, according to Noll (2002), the most commonly used social indicators of objective quality of life in population related to the Scandinavian model as follows: unemployment rates, crime rates, suicide rates, poverty rates, prenatal mortality rates, gross domestic product, monitoring of compulsory school attendance. The social indicators of subjective quality of life: the importance of community; safety; material property; life happiness; overall satisfaction with life; family relationships; job satisfaction; sexual life; perception of justice; class identification; hobbies; memberships; and many other indicators in the subjective form. Land (2000 In: Rapley 2003) determines the Noll’s dichotomy of social indicators as follows: 1 Criterial (measurable) social indicators: for socioeconomic and political purposes (education, income); 2 Descriptive social indicators: for political purposes; they work with less statistical data (for example, finding quality of life in smokers); 3 Indicators related to life satisfaction: subjective quality of life, satisfaction with life is interconnected also with subjective wellbeing in several versions. For example, deep exploration of attitudes, value orientations, life philosophies, beliefs, etc. is included (Rapley, 2003). This concept refuses the Scandinavian model of social indicators of quality of life. This model is used mostly by Australian and American scientists (Nevarez, 2011). If we sum up the above mentioned information, we find out that the conceptions of quality of life in expert studies have a mostly

169 multidimensional character, and most often the authors state these characteristics: social, economic, psychological, cultural, spiritual, neurophysical, biological, ethical character (Barofsky, 2011). In an individual’s life, each of the dimensions of quality of life has a different value, and thus we agree with several authors and declare that in the context of social work and psychology, it is more useful to pay attention to subjective form of quality of life (Rapley, Cummins, 2003). Subjectively perceived quality of life has a primarily axiological character (Schwarz In: Schusterová, 2004): however, this form of quality of life is positivistically criticised (Rapley, 2003). Balogová (2005), Hrozenská (2008), and Zimermanová (2012) support the opinion that it is necessary to seek the middle way between objective and subjective variants of evaluation of quality of life. Džuka (2002) differentiates three different conceptions of quality of life: 1 Objective quality of life – presents objective conditions of human life; 2 Subjective quality of life – deals with evaluation of conditions of human life based on individual judgements; 3 Subjective wellbeing – conditions of one’s life evaluated by the emotional system. Neither Diener (2010) nor Džuka (2004) consider subjective wellbeing of a person as an indicator of evaluation of subjective quality of life.

2.2 Methods and approaches of the studies in the area of subjective quality of life The main streams in the issue of methodological and epistemological backgrounds of subjective quality of life are heterogeneous. In the present, there are four main scientific trends in defining the meaning of subjective quality of life. The first trend separates the studies on subjective quality of life from the studies on subjective wellbeing, e.g.: Schumacher, Klaibergová and Brähler, 2003 (In: Džuka, 2004). The second stream understands the phenomenon of quality of life on the basis of the multidimensional optics of research conduction whose part is a subcategory – subjective wellbeing – e.g. the WHOQOL-Group, 1994. The third approach to research on quality of life identifies subjective quality of life with subjective wellbeing – e.g.: Cummins, Eckersley, Pallant, VanVugt,

170 and Misajon, 2003 (In: Džuka, 2004). The fourth trend defines subjective wellbeing as an indicator of quality of life, e.g.: Diener (1997). In the foreign literature, there are also other significant trends of subjective quality of life and subjective wellbeing that depend on specific scientific disciplines and characters of their approaches, and methodology and methods used for their study (Rapley, 2003). The cause of non-uniform defining of the meaning of quality of life and existence of several streams is inadequate theoretical definition of quality of life models and theories. Ondrejkovič (2004) recommends solving research on quality of life by complementarity of qualitative and quantitative methodological approaches. We were inspired by his approach; we specify our methods in the methodological part. Kentoš (2004) states that only when defining quality of life in the subjective form, there are various methods, measurement techniques, and research approaches. Most of them are available in the database QOLID which accumulates about 500 various types of methodological approaches and measurements in the present. The methodologies for evaluation of quality of life have three basic divisions: - Generic tools that are not closely specified; they include self-assessment scales, objectively rated scales implemented through interviews, etc. - Tools for studying specific problems or life situations, - Tools for specific target groups – older people, the unemployed, an ethnic group, etc. In his study, Cummins (2003) stated up to 173 various areas of indicators or factors of quality of life. On their basis, he defined six basic areas of indicators of subjective quality of life related to physical and mental health, social, ecologic and material spheres, and a sense of safety. In studying quality of life, the WHO works with the methodological approaches categorized as WHOQOL-BREF and WHOQOL-100. Obtaining data and evaluation of subjective quality of life is a very difficult problem. Research validity and reliability are achievable and methodologically relevant only in adequate definition of research objectives, and definition and follow-up study of a specific part of quality of life. The social dimension of subjective quality of life (adaptation, social support, and social life) has become the subject of our study.

171 In our opinion, it is important to study how participants themselves talk or think about quality of their lives, and to study which words they use to describe satisfied life, in the form of common speech they use in this situation (Rapley, 2003). We think it is an acceptable transformation of a concept of quality of life into a commonly used language. In evaluation of quality of life, it is important to prefer statements by respondents themselves to comparisons with the use of statistics. Also, the attempts to code the contents of analysed texts should be guided by this (Babinčák, 2004).

2.3 Dimensions of subjective perceptions of quality of life The biological dimension of quality of life in older people The aspect of person’s health status plays a primary role in the issue of evaluation of quality of life. Disease susceptibility is three times higher in people over the age of 60. Older people are usually hospitalized twice as often as average adults in working age. Older people take twice as many medicaments as healthy adult people (Balogová, 2005). According to the WHO statistics, only 20 per cent of people in the European Union have no diagnosed disease after the age of 60 (Phillips, 2006). There are multiple physiologic phenomena which worsen quality of life in older people and bring regressive functional and somatic problems. Bratská (2004) considers coping with stressful situations an important indicator of quality of life. According to Čornaničová (1998), the above- mentioned concept WHOQOL includes these specific attributes: mobility; self-care; independence from long-term medical assistance and social care; household maintenance; not feeling chronic pain; and sleep quality related to the good condition, energy and relaxation. Furthermore, there are: the ability of activity; and the ability to carry out hobbies, routine activities of daily living, and other activities related to physical health. The psychological dimension of quality of life in older people Somatics and psyche relate closely and influence each other. The cognitive and emotional components of personality and human motivation are important for satisfied and happy life. Mental health further influences the perception, feelings, experiencing, self-confidence, memory, concentration, dealing with everyday problems, and strengthening cognitive skills.

172 The psychological dimension of subjective wellbeing includes also negative phenomena such as trauma, depression, mood swings, states of apathy, etc. Kováč (2001) relates the psychological dimension of quality of life and subjective wellbeing. Research studies in this area focus on capturing satisfaction with life in older people. For example, the research results by Potašová and Árochová (2003 In Balogová, 2005) suggest that in spite of slightly worsened mental health, a big majority of older people lives relatively satisfied lives. According to Džuka (2004), the concept of subjective quality of life connects cognitive and affective components of all areas of life that can contribute to subjective wellbeing. Thus, people’s subjective needs are the subject of interest. “Quality of life” is an extensive complex concept affected by multiple factors. In its nature, however, quality of life presents particularly specific quality that is primarily based on how to get over adverse everyday life situations, how to be resistant to them, and how to protect and maintain one’s health (Popovič, 2011). Information is one of important values that help older people to better quality of life in all aspects. Active reading, and watching knowledge quizzes or educational documents significantly influence the enhancement of intellect and memory in old age. Insomnia, which causes moodlessness and anxiety in older people, influences the decrease in mental health. Seeking positive aspects of life is relevant for older people; negative thinking naturally leads to fear and onset of anxiety (Zimermanová, 2012). Unpleasant symptoms of old age are manifested in those who are convinced that their life has finished already (Křivohlavý, 2001). The social dimension of quality of life in older people Social risks of ageing may include: a menace of social dependence on another person, loneliness, passivity, and a loss of meaning of life. Quality of life in the social dimension is influenced also by individuals’ social securities, the social security system functioning, but particularly by social support from the perspective of a community, etc. (Kerr, 2005). The area of the social dimension of subjective quality of life is saturated by the network of social relationships, and quality of relationships in the family. For example, a need of love and acknowledgement, and a sense of usefulness in old age relate particularly to suppression of isolation and solitude and to

173 regular social contacts with people (Vágnerová, 2000). These aspects have a tendency to improve quality of life if they are met (Phillips, 2006). The social dimension of quality of life has also spiritual and cultural aspects; particularly spirituality has a high value for people in retirement age are able to work for a longer period of time (Hrozenská, 2008).

2.4 Possibilities and strategies in provision of social services Broadly, social services can be characterized as a complex of various activities that help the persons improve their contacts with social environment, help their activation, provide them with social protection, and allow their participation in various educational activities and social programmes. This context is found, for example, in the works and studies by: Bodnárová (2005), Hajduk (2010), Kraus, Hroncová (2007), Levická (2002), Matoušek et al. (2007), Malíková et al. (2007), Musil (2009), Munday (2007), Novotná-Žilová (2009), Radičová (2003), Repková et al. (2010), Strieženec (2005), Tokárová et al. (2007), Žilová et al. (2010), and Rosinský, Matulayová, Rusnáková (2015). According to Huber et al. (2009), in the broadest concept, social services may include social insurance, social protection programmes [...] those interventions that are labelled as “social security”. In the strict sense of the word, we perceive social services as professional, service activities, or rather, a complex of activities that are aimed at their users as a form of social care, social counselling, or social prevention, and react to their unfavourable social situations. The users (recipients) of social services can vary as their social deficits vary too. The users can be families with children, persons with a social need of provision of essential conditions to meet their basic life needs, persons with a social need of solving their unfavourable situations because of their disabilities, poor health or being in retirement age, persons with addictions, ethnic minorities, and migrants. The basic division of social services in Slovakia differentiates between state and municipal social services and non-state social services. In recent years, in Slovakia there were publications focused on specific target groups, or rather, users of social services: Balogová (2009) – family care for older people; Balogová, Mráčková, Repková (2011) – volunteering in care for older people; Bargerová, Divinský (2008) – migrant integration;

174 Beňová (2008) – the homeless; Novosad (1997) – integration of the disadvantaged; Hrozenská, Gabrielová (2011) – care for persons with dementia; Heretik (2004) – post-penitentiary care; Gállová (2010) – care for children with autism; Kozoň (2006) – the convicted serving their sentence; Ondrák et al. (2007) – inclusion of the homeless; Pavelová (2011) – drug users; Repková, Brichtová (2009) – older persons and persons with disabilities; Repková et al. (2010) – long-term care for older people; Rechel et al. (2009) – care for older people; Šavrnochová, Rusnáková (2011) – families in preventive care; Tomanová (2012) – support for families with children, the unemployed. There have been significant changes in the social area in Slovakia, including a new legislation framework, a new way of funding, standardization, and other innovations. The reform (enhancement) of the social system is conducted through its transformation which represents a wide range of changes in the form of political strategies and conceptions, transfer of competences from the state to lower territorial units, municipalities, and decentralization. Innovation of social services through the optics of the transformation strategy The transformation strategy is characterised, among other things, also by the possibility of increasing the number of social services providers, both public and non-public. In 1996, the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family published a document “The Conception of the Transformation of the Social Sphere” that includes pluralization, democratization, and privatization of the social sphere among the fundamental principles. The document considers demonopolization, democratization, and decentralization the basic goals of the transformation of the social sphere (Krupa, 2007, p. 30-31). Part of the process of restructuring of the social system is also the transformation of social services. In various locations, networks of social services should be established with their due availability, accessibility, sustainability, and quality. One of the transformation tasks is also elimination of inadequate sizes of social services facilities, the total numbers of their clients (users). The European standard determines approximately 40 persons per one social services facility. Deinstitutionalization of social services aims at support of

175 outreach social services. “The strategy of the new offer is based on four pillars: 1 Seeking the most suitable way of assistance or support for those citizens of the area who require services but do not get them (or they do not require them but they need them), 2 Preparedness of each provider to open up, and change the type and extent of services according to the needs of local citizens, 3 Conscious cooperation of all providers in the area, and 4 Support by self-governing regions for new solutions in the area” (Woleková, 2007, p. 193) (all direct quotations are translated by the study authors). If we project these goals to the most populous target group of social services in Slovakia, i.e. older people, and also a type of service they are most interested in, then humanization and deinstitutionalization should represent particularly the improvement of social services. In local communities, it is necessary to create suitable conditions so that older people can remain in their natural (home) social setting for the longest possible time. “We consider the transformation of the social services system in specific localities an optimal strategy of promotion of services in natural settings. It is based on the use of existing human, material, and economic potentials of services in the community to meet current needs of the citizens of the area. Let’s call it a strategy of a broader offer” (Woleková, 2007, p. 191). Particularly in small villages and smaller towns, social services are not available (See the analysis of the empiric study “Social Services for Older Citizens – Quality and Access”, Forum for Assistance to Older People, 2010). There is not an adequately developed network of respite services not only for older people but also other target groups – they should focus on synchronization of family and working lives in care for a dependent family member (day care centres, centres and clubs for older people, integration centres). There is also a lack of outreach social work in natural settings, or connection between institutional and outreach social services (Woleková, 2007). For better understanding of the transformation process, it is suitable to have a look at the causes that triggered the transformation of the social services facilities in the Slovak Republic. They included particularly:

176 - Social services facilities with the capacity for more than 50 residents, - Physical restrictions of movement, - A higher number of people in rooms that are also connected, which results in a lack of privacy, - General-purpose buildings (monasteries, manor houses), - The tradition of providing services separately for men and women, - Preferring health care to social services, - Low qualifications in personnel and absence of life-long education for direct-contact staff and administrative staff in the facilities, - Low and inadequate number of personnel related to the needs of the residents, - Often circumvented fact – assumption that the residents will stay in the social services facilities until the end of their lives, - Depriving the residents of their legal capacity as a result of acceptance to the facility, and - Low professionalism and expertise of provided services for severely and profoundly mentally handicapped residents and residents with intercurrent physical disabilities (Monitorovacia správa o stave ľudských práv v domovoch sociálnych služieb, 2003). Therefore, when evaluating the transformation of social services facilities, we should pay attention to assessment of the above-mentioned deficits (to what extent they have been eliminated). The changes should relate to the goals of achieving independent life in community, meaningful career prospects, social integration, reduction of the facility capacities, an individual approach to the users of social services, etc. What are the ideas about such changes in those who implement the transformation process in practice? What is their vision? “Satisfied and happy is the client whose all needs are met. A client living somewhere in a community, e.g. in a flatlet in a block of flats, with a suitable job that he likes and that fulfils him, with a good social network, and with a need of minimal support that he determines. A client whose all needs are met, and who has a activating environment around him, a good social network and a

177 width of support that he determines”. (Kelemenová, In Krupa et al., 2007, p. 142) . The transformation processes in other European countries are also similarly oriented; for illustration, we present an example from Germany (experiences of the German organisation LEBENSHILFE BÖRDELAND). The content of the transformation concept included particularly: - Specification of the groups of clients for whom sheltered housing is a suitable type of housing, - An emphasis on qualification and continuous education in staff, - Defining the time schedule for implementation of the transformation, - Rediagnosis of clients according to their abilities and skills, with an emphasis on educational and training processes, - A long-term process – a progression in establishment of new facilities leading to day sheltered housing for clients with the possibility of becoming fully independent, - Feedback – as the driving force in the process, - The nature of an organization – not to return to the primary and original large-capacity houses; the principled intention is establishment of little community facilities that are situated “close to people” (Vetor, 2007, p. 162). Vetor (2007) specifies the obtained experience from his internship in the relationship to the target group of persons with mental disabilities: “The standard is that each client has his own room with a bathroom. The clients live in 6-8-member communities. The clients take care of their rooms on their own; in case they are not able to do it, personnel is available. An assistant – a pedagogue is available for each community. Besides him, there are other 3-4 therapists in the afternoons there”. Vetor (2007, p. 163) also submits a reflection of sheltered workshops: “The sheltered workshop we visited had several divisions: a training workplace, a craft workshop with production of slatted bed bases, an engineering workshop, a carpentry workshop, assembly lines for packing leaflets and components, a laundry room, and a kitchen. An independent part was the zoo that employed nine original employees and 16 persons with mental disabilities. The zoo included a café, also a sheltered workplace, and a

178 florist shop that sold also products from the training workshop, particularly decorative candles”. Deinstitutionalization of the social services system is a long-term change of the institutionalized system with the aim to enable the citizens with special needs to live, if possible, in their natural social environment and in their natural social network of relationships as much as possible. One of the ways of its realization includes particularly community work and community social services. Pluralization of social services We can perceive it as one of the important backgrounds of changes of the transformation process. In its beginning, the status (role) of the state changes, and its monopoly to provide social services is abolished. There is privatization, and thus a space is created for multiple providers of social services (legal persons and natural persons). The plurality, however, is reflected also in an offer of specific types of social services; there are the new ones as a result of a general transformation of social life and new social risks (homelessness, addictions …). In Slovakia, the more extent changes in social services started particularly in 2002 when the reform of public administration started. Later, social services facilities were transferred to competences of municipalities and self-governing regions. The pluralist, new structure of social services consists of public and non- public providers. “In Slovakia, there are multiple non-profit organizations providing social services that originated from the bottom, from the initiatives of individuals, Christian groups, religious societies, individual orders, or smaller churches. They are registered as other civic initiatives in the form of civic associations, foundations, and non-profit organizations providing generally beneficial activities. Some of them build their own regional or national networks, other keep providing specific services locally only” (Woleková, Petijová, 2007, p. 12). Modern services include supported employment provided by the agencies by the same name. Public providers of social services include particularly municipalities and self-governing regions.

179 Progressiveness of social services Various services are defined in the new Act No 448/2008 on social services. They can include preventive, therapeutic, intervention, crisis, diagnostic, psychological, counselling, rehabilitation, social, nursing, evaluating, information, coordination, organizational, strategic, conceptual, planning, management, educational, research, and negotiating services, or services related to a certain action (board, transport, cleaning . . .), and other services in various settings and places of their administration (field, institutional, ambulatory). Particularly services of social intervention are widespread; they present assistance in providing for the basic conditions to survive, in dealing with problems, and in crisis situations with a requirement of their early implementation. Another more widely represented group of social services has a form of social residential care (in various facilities such as social services homes, institutions, day care centres, clubs, centres. . .). An assistance form of social care has particularly a support function in natural social environment of a client, a user of social services. Flexible social services A requirement to meet this principle in social services is found also in the European context, for example in the Treaty of Lisbon (in the Protocol No 26 on services of general interest) and other international documents (the Charter of Fundamental Rights, etc.). Implementation of this principle in social services is represented by various methods with the aim to provide the user with: an individually selected regimen, flexibility in selection of time schedules for services, a possibility to balance family and working life, etc. Also, the third sector helps to increase the flexibility of the whole system of social services, particularly where the state itself is not able to meet citizens’ social needs adequately. We can say, it is a flexible and in- practice useful approach in planning and implementation of social services that takes citizens’ needs and their specifics into consideration, whether the differences are based on economic, social, cultural, or geographic conditions. Therefore, it is not possible to use a universal approach in social services. According to the Article 14 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), the Union and the Member States, each within their respective powers and within the scope of application of the Treaties,

180 shall take care that such services operate on the basis of principles and conditions, particularly economic and financial conditions, which enable them to fulfil their missions (TFEU). Flexibility of social services, however, still lags behind. An example can be a target group of older people. The modern ways of housing known as homes, boarding houses for the elderly (developed particularly on the 1980s) were changed to the facilities for the elderly by the Act No 448/2008. Another more progressive form – homes with social services were mostly privatized. Did the state and municipal authorities really flexibly replace the services (e.g. by the form of tenanted social flats built by municipalities) with the possibility for the elderly not to have to overcome an increased financial difficulty for their new (privatized, changed) form? Unfortunately, the answer, however, is they did not. Apartment buildings should be a part of a centre of municipal life; older people should not be spatially socially excluded. Older people should have a possibility to use social services in their natural environment and for acceptable financial compensation (realistically to their incomes): social, food, transport, and other services so that the state and municipal subjects adequately participated in their social protection. “The necessary services: health, social, business, cultural, spiritual, and of course, with access for the disabled should be in the accessible distance” (Woleková, 2012). The general goal of social services is provision and protection of social wellbeing. Generally, social services focus on: 1 Elimination, prevention, or reduction of unfavourable social situations in a person, family, or community, 2 Maintenance, restoration, or development of the person’s ability to live independently and to provide support with the aim of inclusion in society, 3 Provision of necessary conditions to meet the basic life needs of a natural person, 4 Resolving crisis social situations in natural persons and families, 5 Prevention of social exclusion of natural persons and families.

181 Types, extent, and forms of providing social services Social services for specific target groups can be defined as professional, service activities provided for a user in an unfavourable social situation in a certain form of social care, social counselling (Lehoczká, 2012). An unfavourable life situation can be a social crisis, worsened health status, social exclusion, etc. The types, extent, and forms of social services in the Slovak Republic are defined by the Act No 448/2008 and its amendments. a) Outreach social work of crisis interventions: - Providing social services in low-threshold day care centres, - Providing social services in integration centres, - Providing social services in community centres, - Providing social services in night shelters, - Providing social services in shelters, - Providing social services in half-way homes, - Low-threshold social services for children and families, - Providing social services in emergency shelters. b) Social services supporting families with children: 1 Assistance in personal care for a child and promotion of balancing family and working life; 2 Providing social services in temporary care facilities for children; 3 Early intervention services. c) Social services for resolving socially unfavourable situations caused by severe disabilities, poor health, or being in retirement age: 1 Providing social services in facilities for natural persons who are dependent on assistance by other natural persons and for natural persons in retirement age. 2 Home social services. 3 Transport services. 4 Companionship services and reading services.

182 5 Interpreting services. 6 Mediating interpreting services. 7 Mediating personal assistance. 8 Lending aids. d) Social services with the use of telecommunication technologies: 1 Monitoring and signalization of the need of assistance. 2 Crisis assistance provided by telecommunication technologies. e) Support services: 1 Respite services. 2 Assistance in providing for social rights and duties. 3 Providing social services in day care centres. 4 Supporting independent housing. 5 Providing social services in canteens. 6 Providing social services in laundry rooms. 7 Providing social services in centres of personal hygiene (Zákon 448/2008 and novela č. 485/2013). Social services can be provided in various forms and in various extents. A type of social services, a form of social services, and an extent of providing social services in specific cases are determined by a type of their user and a character of his unfavourable situation. In other cases, by a level of dependence on other person’s assistance (for example, facilities for older people, and social services). The forms of care provided for older people are: social, food, nursing, and transport (Hrozenská, 2008). For example, the facilities for older people – social services homes with day care centres have two basic functions; the first function is to relieve a family of duties if an older person needs long-term complex care, and the seconds function provides an older person with a complex package of services in the form of health, social care, accommodation, food, counselling, rehabilitations, and social and cultural use of time (Bayerová, 2004). Strategies of community planning of social services An outcome of the strategy of planning of social services in community is a community plan of social services that should be based on identified social

183 needs of a local community (Lehoczká - Haburajová, 2006). Effective planning of social services consists of personnel, financial, material, and technical factors (Pavelová, 2010). A development plan of social services must inevitably contain description and analysis of existing resources and needs, economic calculation, a strategy of provision and development of social services, methods of control and evaluation of the implementation of the plan, a way how to implement changes in providing social services, and duties of the participating subjects. Strategy of control paradigms in social services The quality standards of social services are a complex of relevant conditions that are to be met to achieve quality. The quality standards have procedural, personnel, and operating dimension. Meeting the standards in a social facility is a possibility to: improve social services; use financial resources better; develop effective cooperation and participation with multiple organs, institutions, associations, and sponsors; make management and staff’s work performance more effective; and develop procedural activities related to clients. The goal is to ensure high levels of clients’ quality of life, and their overall personal satisfaction and subjective wellbeing (Hrozenská, 2008). Evaluation of service quality can be conducted based on comparison with nationwide quality standards which consist of a set of criteria applicable to a specific social service (Lehoczká, 2012). Also, broader, more complex evaluation criteria are used in quality evaluation of social services; they include 15 quality indicators, such as availability, credibility, communication with the public, competence, meeting the standards, politeness, adequacy, permanency of results, empathy, humanity, performance, reliability, suitability, safety, and coherence. The acts No 448/2008 and No 485/2013 on social services define the quality standards of social services in the areas: 1 Respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms: - Social services are provided in accordance with the fundamental human rights and freedoms. - Social services providers respect and promote development of abilities, skills, and knowledge in recipients of social services.

184 - Social services providers encourage recipients in participation and integration in society. 2 Procedural conditions - Defining the purposes and content of provision of social services (vision, mission, goals). - Defining the methods and conditions for provision of social services (place, time, extent, forms). - Defining the practice of contracting on provision of social services. - Specialization in provision of social services. - Designing, implementation, and evaluation of individual plans. - Prevention of crisis situations. - Providing information to people interested in social services. 3 Personnel conditions: - Defining the practices, rules, and conditions related to staff employing and training. - Conditions for development of further education and increasing specialization in staff. - The system of supervision of a social services provider. - Development of the structure and number of job positions, adequate qualifications, with definition of the structure, duties, and competences of individual employees. 4 Operating conditions: - Ensuring operating conditions (availability, equipment, light and thermal comfort . . .). - Procedures and methods to process and provide information about provided social services. - Annual reports. - Defining the rules on receiving gifts. Social services differ significantly from commercial types of services. The substantial difference is a more significant extent of dependence on political conceptions if funding is provided from public resources (Repková, 2011).

185 The most suitable current approach is a so-called integration vision of social services that should emerge from the complex of biological, psychological, social, cultural, and spiritual needs of dependent persons (Loučková, 2010). Minimally, the national priorities should be met, including: availability, access, service continuity, protection of the social services user, financial sustainability of social services, effectiveness within the system, etc. Related to social services for older people, it is necessary to pay attention to the following challenges: to implement and promote social programmes that focus particularly on maintaining independent life of older people; and promote and improve programmes with focus on active ageing and healthy lifestyle (Čornaničová, 2004). Quality of life is affected also by living and social environment. Therefore, it is important to implement projects with environmental issues focused on protection and improvement of environment, infrastructure, wheelchair access to buildings, and other specific safety requirements of older people and the disabled (Hrozenská, 2008). Besides family, social environment includes relationships with friends, acquaintances, and also general everyday interactions with people at the last level. Reduced quality of life causes dependence on another person; however, rapid deterioration of quality of life occurs when an older person has to leave their natural environment, or household (Balogová, 2005). Main objectives of services for older people: - Promote maintenance of natural social environment of older people; development of social status of older people. - Create opportunities for social participation in working life also in retirement age. - Opportunities to use outreach health and social services at home. - Innovations in health policy and amendments of legislative frameworks – promotion of projects of non-institutional facilities. - Prevent social exclusion of older people from social life by rehabilitation programmes. - Promote organization of activities that will intensify social bonds and prevent isolation in older people. Actively maintain mental and physical health of older people.

186 - Promote family care, or rather, promote activities and programmes leading to improvement of relations between generations and care for older people by family members. Provide the family members performing care with social counselling, and fully promote organizations focusing on these activities (Hrozenská, 2008). - Promote establishment and activities of institutions which provide services in day care centres, and pensioner clubs, and organize cultural and social events where older people can participate both actively and passively (Balogová, 2005). - Promote research on quality of life and the issue of providing services. Studying the needs and their management for older people, etc. Psychological consequences of ageing also relate to quality of life in older people. Comfort quality of life is particularly in good intergenerational relationships. The rule is that decreased or bad health status negatively affects also quality of life in older people from the perspective of the biological and psychological dimensions (Čornaničová, 2004).

3 RESEARCH

In the issue of subjective quality of life, the theoretical and methodological backgrounds for its research are heterogeneous. There is a lack of theoretical models, and definitions of its meanings vary. In our study, therefore, we focused on this problem with an aspiration to pursue how participants themselves talk, or rather, think about quality of their lives, and record their discourses in the form of common speech they use in such a situation (which words they use to describe satisfied life). The theoretical concept of subjective quality of life in older people is important and necessary also for development of quality social services. All forms of provision of social care services relate to older people: in the field, ambulatory, and institutional forms. When meeting the priorities of the transformation of social services, it is necessary to know how older people understand and express subjective quality of life in specific settings. Our study focuses on subjectively evaluated quality of life in older people in two various settings – in social services facilities (hereinafter SSF) and in

187 independent settings. Furthermore, it reflects their satisfaction with general (going beyond social services) services in the place of residence.

3.1 Philosophically-epistemological backgrounds The complex study consists of two phases; the first phase is general (broader research on subjective quality of life), the second – qualitative part is more narrowly defined (a social dimension of subjective quality of life). A bearing epistemological concept of the qualitative part is dailiness. Ethnomethodology and its related specializations discourse analysis and conversation analysis are methodological approaches influenced by the concept of dailiness in various extents. They are used to describe and reflect subjective meanings and rationally justified approaches to grasp the facts of life by man’s actions. According to Nekvapil (2010), the subject of ethnomethodology is a methodical realization of recognisable orderliness of aspects of dailiness. The qualitative part of the study We paid special attention to selection of suitable methodology for our research and we elucidate the methodologic part in three its basic parts: 1 Philosophical and epistemological influences – interactionism and sociology of dailiness (the methodological approach – ethnomethodology), 2 The structure of questions for semi-structured interviews, 3 Data analysis and interpretation – constant comparison as a methodological approach of grounded theory. When formulating a range of questions, we used the research questions and objectives for the qualitative part of the study. Also according to Gavora (2006), a semi-structured interview should contain particularly open-ended questions and not very specific ones so that the respondents’ answers are as comprehensive as possible. In such an approach, according to ten Have (2003), it is possible to extract as many as possible subjective (indexical) meanings and aspects of the studied phenomenon from statements. It is important to emphasize here that, for the ethnomethodological community and analysts, a traditional structured interview is an inadequate methodological tool that significantly distorts topics, meanings, and

188 participant’s interpretations as well as the phenomenon itself (ten Have, 2003). Since we are inspired by the above stated methodological approaches, we designed short, open-ended, and abstract questions, but not vague and ambiguous ones. As stated by Aliejevová (1986) and Lindbloomová (In Bonková, 2004), researchers should ask the “how” questions more often. The questions containing “what” and “why” are typical for standard approaches of the qualitative methods. Ethnomethodologists often do not focus on description of the characteristics of the phenomenon itself, but on the process of the development of the phenomenon, or its change, and description of procedures that result in the change. Mostly, an interview starts with an open-ended question, such as “Tell me about your life here in the social services facility” . . . and then we let the respondents speak. The areas of our questions focused on: reflexion of social life in the facility; finding the basic health history of the respondents; and subjectively interpreted phenomena related to changed conditions in life (e.g.: adaptation to deteriorated health or other existential life situations and limitations). An emphasis was put also on an attribute of provision of social services in SSF and we tried to get an authentic feedback on their influence on quality of life in older people. From another perspective, the ethnomethodological approach could be used to analyse and assess the structure of questions in the subjective quality of life questionnaire, the extent of researcher’s subjectivity when asking questions, vagueness of the meanings and contexts in the wording of questions, the extent of socially required answers in the question, etc. (Rapley, 2003). Also Cicourel in his monograph Method and Measurement in Sociology (1964 In Alijeová, 1986) emphasizes that questions in the questionnaires and interviews should be carefully prepared by researchers, and an author should avoid or eliminate misunderstanding of questions and other vagueness in their structure and content. Brief methodological-application characteristics of the study The study focuses on comparison of subjectively stated quality of life in independent older people in their natural social environment and older people in social services facilities. The narrower definition of quality of life domains is essential because the psychological and biological dimensions are not the main interests of the study. Their specific characteristics are,

189 however, implicitly present in the domains of a social dimension that besides classic areas of satisfaction with one’s life, and comfort (housing, a sense of security, quality of provided social services), includes also the level of social contacts of older people, quality of relationships in family, the nature of social support, the extent of social adaptation in the facility, the level of self-care, the ability to cope with existential problems, the frequency of emotions, and the level of intimacy and isolation. Naturally, these categories are conditioned by health status, and financial and material securities that were discussed in the quantitative part of our study in more details. The structure of the quantitative part consists of the questionnaires to determine subjective quality of life and subjective wellbeing: the Slovak Index of Quality of Life (by Džuka; hereinafter SIQL), and the Questionnaire of Habitual Subjective Wellbeing (by Džuka and Dalberg). The qualitative part of the research project on subjective wellbeing and social dimension of subjective quality of life consists of semi-structured interviews and non-structured observations with analysis of the “stated, identifiable”. Analysis by the approaches of grounded theory We did not enter the study with existing concepts or theories in research on quality of life, and in no way our intention was to verify them, because such an approach in qualitative research is not appropriate. The authors of grounded theory state that for data analysis, configuration and evaluation, it is important to let emerge what is important in the specific area (Strauss, Corbinová, 1990). We let the nature its course during realization of transcripts and to the primary analysis of the first subject, so that known and unknown (IN VIVO) categories and their characteristics are extracted from his statements. A well designed theory should meet criteria of consistency, intelligibility, generalisability, and verifiability. We emphasize that a newly formed theory represents a locally defined social reality in a certain time- limited period. Also our research setting follows the ideas by Strauss and Corbin (1990). Particularly, interpretative sociologists put emphasis on a specific group of people which creates a form of a “lived world” and phenomena through social interactions and common actions. It is important to emphasize changes in the process of creation and development of a specific phenomenon and its variability. Also, various studies on dailiness

190 state that there are mutual relationships between conditions, actions, and their subjective meanings, that can be explained (ten Have, 2003). In our study, we are inspired by the Strauss’ version of analysis which has three phases of coding (open, axial, and selective). We followed four basic stages of analysis. We started with detailed coding of the transcripts, defined key concepts of a phenomenon, and then we identified twenty-five concepts from them. Then, there were groups of concepts that we divided into eight semantic categories. Subsequently, we put the categories into mutual relationships and developed a paradigmatic model which is a result product of axial coding. To support the data obtained from the semi-structured interviews, we conducted participated non-structured observations in various situations that the participants experienced and of course the situations that preceded or followed the interviews. For data triangulation, we used the notes from the interviews with the personnel about the clients who participated in the interviews. The last complementary technique in data analysis was comparison of the results from the questionnaire and scale of the specific respondents with the answers obtained in the interviews. This last methodologic procedure could be used in 90 % of the participants of the qualitative part of the study.

3.2 Study objectives In the paper, we focused on presentation of the obtained empirical data through quantitative research. Therefore, further we focus on this methodological form of our conducted research. The objective of the quantitative part of the study was to collect relevant data about the domains of subjectively stated quality of life in older people in SSF and in their natural settings, and compare them in four groups of participants (older people in social services facilities – the locality with the code NR, the locality with the code LV, older people in natural settings – the locality NR, the locality LV). Relevant numeric data express absolute and relative frequencies for the satisfaction values 0-10, and four timed frequencies of experiencing positive and negative emotions. Partial objectives:

191 1 Comparison of the social dimension of subjective quality of life and subjective wellbeing in older people living in natural social settings and in SSF. 2 To find out dependence of subjective quality of life, quality of social life, and the level of social support in older people in their everyday lives. 3 To determine the consequences of social isolation and loneliness in older people, and their impacts on subjectively perceived quality of life. 4 To describe the ways older people use to cope with the situations related to serious existential limitations, social dependence, immobility, and diagnoses, and to determine the relationships with quality of life and subjective wellbeing. 5 To seek a relationship between the level of subjective wellbeing and sociability in older person’s social life. 3.3 Methods The quantitative part of the study is based on the data obtained by the questionnaire which is labelled as face-to-face questioning. We used a standardized methodological instrument that has been used in psychology as well as in social work (Balogová, 2005). It was not necessary to modify the specific structure of the questionnaire SIQL (Slovak Index of Quality of Life; by Džuka) a lot. As a complementary methodological instrument, we used the so-called “Subjective Wellbeing Assessment Scale” by the same author. This scale finds frequency of positive and negative emotions that represent particularly subjective wellbeing and mental health that are one of the primary principles of person’s quality of life. The questionnaire the Slovak Index of Quality of Life (SIQL) is a standardized methodological instrument (by Džuka) which consists of two thematic areas. The items 0-9 relate to the domains of subjective quality of life in older people. The items 10-14 contain domains related to older people’s satisfaction with life in Slovakia. They form only a complementary part of the main domains of quality of life stated in the items 0-9. Etymologically, it is not completely possible to identify the meaning of “overall satisfaction with life” with “subjective statement of quality of life”. In the context of our research, however, the term “overall satisfaction with

192 life” means subjective satisfaction and it can be considered a subjectively stated form of quality of life. As for the structure of the questions, as the questionnaire’s author, we also perceive “satisfaction with life” as an equivalent of the term “subjective quality of life”. It is more comprehensible to ask participants about satisfaction with a specific area in their lives than to ask them about their quality of life. 3.4 Sample The questionnaires were realized with the total number of older people 60. The situation was, however, more complicated when searching for older people with their own households than in the social services facilities; thus, we used a “snowball” technique. We tried to follow an ethical aspect of research, and all the respondents were given the information that the provided personal data would be used solely for research purposes and their full anonymity would be maintained. We were present during questionnaire administration and supervised its completeness and correctness. The condition for completing the questionnaire was, from our perspective, a sufficient vital level in an older person, particularly related to their mental status. Secondly, the person had to be older than 60 years of age. The sample in our study consists of older people in age ranged from 62 to 95 years. In the social services facilities, the personnel selected suitable participants based on their interest and willingness to participate, and their vitality. Before they completed the questionnaire, in the interviews all older persons provided their consent for data processing solely for research purposes, and the investigators outlined the issue included in the questionnaire.

193 Graph 1: Sample’s basic demographic data Demographic data 20

15

10

5

0

Women SSF Women indep. Men SSF Men indep.

Independent Levice 13 Average age Independent Nitra 16 74.96552 SSF Levice 15 Average age SSF Nitra 16 77.12903

Other additional data: SSF – 31, Independent – 29 LV – 28, NR – 32 Widowed – 28, Married women – 19, Divorced – 12, Never married – 1 Have children – 53, Do not have children – 7 Town – 48, Village – 12

194 Graph 2: Sample’s age structure

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 Age

61-68 years 69-79 years 80-89 years

Graph 3: Sample’s age structure

16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Women

61-68 years 69-79 years 80-89 years

195 4 RESULTS

The objective of this phase of our research project was to find and describe the main domains of quality of life, and then to realize their comparison in older people with their own households with older people in social services facilities. The results obtained from the quantitative methodological instruments show that the older people in the social services facilities are more satisfied in most domains of quality of life. The independent older people face significantly fewer existential problems, and have more common problems related to their households; their dissatisfaction, however, related particularly to lacking accessibility of healthcare and social services. The findings are shown in the tables below. Their interpretation follows in the text below. Tab. 1: Overall satisfaction

Assess N % N % N % N % N % ment Total Indep. Indep. SSF SSF scale NR LV NR LV

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

2 1 1.67 1 6.25 0 0 0 0 0 0

3 1 1.67 0 0 1 7.69 0 0 0 0

4 4 6.67 1 6.25 2 15.38 1 6.25 0 0

5 4 6.67 1 6.25 1 7.69 2 12.5 0 0

6 7 11.6 2 12.5 2 15.38 1 6.25 2 13.33 7 7 11 18.3 2 12.5 1 7.69 4 25 4 26.66 3 8 12 20 4 25 0 0 3 18.75 5 33.33

9 15 25 5 31.25 5 38.46 2 12.5 3 20

10 5 8.33 0 0 1 7.69 3 18.75 1 6.66 N – absolute frequency

196 Other overall statistical data: Average value – 7.35; Median value - 8 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 3 (Value 10), LV – Number 1 (Value 10), Independent older people: LV Number 1, NR – 0 (Value 10) The least satisfied clients in the SSF: NR – Number 1 (Value 4), LV Number 1 (Value 6) Independent older people NR: Number 1 (Value 2), LV Number 1 (Value 3)

Graph 3: Comparison of overall satisfaction with one’s life

6

5

4

3

2

1

0 SSF NR SSF LV Indep. NR Indep. LV

Value 10 Value 9 Value 3 Value 4 Value 2

Better overall satisfaction with one’s life, according to our study, is in older people in the SSF. The independent older people living in their own households are less satisfied, which is seen in the Graph in the values 10 and 2. The better quality of life is declared by the independent older people in the locality with the code LV. The older people from the SSF in the locality with the code LV are, on the contrary, in accordance with the value 10, in general more satisfied with their quality of life than those in the locality with the code NR

197 Tab. 2: Satisfaction with economic situation

Assessment N % scale Total

0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1 1.67 3 4 6.67 4 4 6.67 5 3 5 6 11 18.33 7 7 11.67 8 16 26.67 9 12 20 10 2 3.33 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 6.93; Median – 7.5 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 2 (Value 10) Number 3 (Value 9); LV – Number 2 (Value 9) Independent older people: LV Number 3, (Value 9), NR Number 3 (Value 9), Value 10=0 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 3), LV (Number 1, Value 5) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 3), LV (Number 1, Value 2) The level of satisfaction with economic situation, according to the study results, is approximately the same in the older people in the SSF and the independent ones. The better quality of life is declared by the independent older people in the locality with the code NR. The older people from the SSF in the locality with the code NR are more satisfied with their quality of life than in the locality with the code LV.

198 Tab. 3: Satisfaction with health Assessment N % N % N % N % N % scale Total Indep. Indep. SSF SSF NR LV NR LV

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 1 1.67 0 0 1 7.69 0 0 0 0

2 2 3.33 1 6.25 0 0 1 6.25 0 0

3 4 6.67 1 6.25 2 15.38 0 0 1 6.66

4 9 15 3 18.75 2 15.38 2 12.5 2 13.33

5 12 20 3 18.75 2 15.38 4 25 3 20

6 7 11.67 1 6.25 1 7.692 0 0 5 33.33

7 10 16.67 2 12.5 2 15.38 4 25 2 13.33

8 8 13.33 2 12.5 2 15.38 4 25 0 0

9 6 10 3 18.75 1 7.69 1 6.25 1 6.66

10 1 1.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6.66 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 5.88; Median – 6 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 1 (Value 9), Value 10=0, LV – Number 1 (Value 10), Number 1 (Value 9) The independent older people: LV Number 1, (Value 9), Value 10=0, NR Number 3 (Value 9), Value 10=0 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 2), LV (Number 1, Value 3) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 2), LV (Number 1, Value 1) The better quality of life in the area of health is declared by the independent older people in the locality with the code NR. The older people from the SSF in the locality with the code LV are approximately as satisfied with their health as those in the locality with the code NR. In comparison of the older people in the facility and home settings, higher-level satisfaction in

199 the area of health is in the participants living in the SSF.

Tab. 4: Satisfaction with ideas and achieved goals Assessment N % scale Total

0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 3 5 4 4 6.67 5 13 21.67 6 9 15 7 6 10 8 11 18.33 9 9 15 10 5 8.33 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 6.75; Median – 7 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 4 (Value 9), Value 10=1, LV – (Value 10=0) Number 1 (Value 9) The independent older people: LV Number 1, Value 10, NR (Number 3, Value 10) The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 3), LV (Number 1, Value 4) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 4), LV (Number 1, Value 3) Similarly as in other areas, also in the area of achieving goals, the older people living in the social services facilities were more satisfied. If we compare the groups of the independent participants – the older people from the locality NR are more satisfied. In the group of the older people living in

200 the SSF, the participants in the locality NR show higher satisfaction in the area of achieving goals.

Tab. 5: Satisfaction with social contacts

Assessment N % N % N % N % N % scale Total Indep. Indep. SSF SSF NR LV NR LV

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

3 2 3.33 1 7.69 0 0 0 0 1 6.66

4 3 5 2 15.38 0 0 1 6.25 0 0

5 3 5 1 7.69 0 0 1 6.25 1 6.66

6 4 6.67 1 7.69 2 12.5 1 6.25 0 0

7 4 6.67 2 15.38 2 12.5 0 0 0 0

8 17 28.33 1 7.69 5 31.25 6 37.5 5 33.33

9 13 21.67 3 23.07 4 25 3 18.75 3 20

10 14 23.33 2 15.38 3 18.75 4 25 5 33.33 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 7.97; Median – 8 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 4 – Value 10, LV – Number 5 – Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 3 Value 10, NR – Number 2 Value 10 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 4), LV (Number 1, Value 3) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 3), LV (Number 2, Value 6) In terms of satisfaction with personal contacts and social bonds, again the older people in the social services facilities are more satisfied. In the

201 specific groups, the independent older people in LV are more satisfied, and there are not large differences between the participants in the SSF from the localities NR and LV. The differences in satisfaction with their social life appeared as statistically significant related to age (60-75; 75-89). The older people aged 75-89 years are more satisfied with the quality of their social life.

Tab. 6: Satisfaction with personal safety Assessment scale N % Total 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 4 6.67 4 0 0 5 2 3.33 6 7 11.67 7 5 8.33 8 15 25 9 14 23.33 10 13 21.67 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 7.92; Median – 8 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 7 – Value 10, LV – Number 3 – Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 3 Value 10, NR – Number 0 Value 10 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 6), LV (Number 2, Value 6) The independent: NR (Number 4, Value 3), LV (Number 1, Value 5)

202 The clients of the SSF are more satisfied also in the area of personal safety. The independent in the locality NR feel safer than the independent in LV. In the group of the participants living in the SSF, the older people in the locality NR feel safer.

Tab. 7: Satisfaction with housing

Assessment N % scale Total 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 0 4 0 0 5 3 5 6 3 5 7 9 15 8 7 11.67 9 19 31.67 10 19 31.67 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 8.55; Median – 9 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 9 – Value 10, LV – Number 4 - Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 3 Value 10, Number 3, Value 9, NR – Number 3 Value 10, Number 6 Value 9 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 5), LV (Number 1, Value 5) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 6), LV (Number 1, Value 5) Regarding satisfaction with housing, the clients of the SSF are more

203 satisfied – the most satisfied are the clients of the social services facility in the locality NR. Tab. 8: Satisfaction with social life Assessment N % scale Total

0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 3 5 4 3 5 5 5 8.33 6 10 16.67 7 6 10 8 8 13.33 9 13 21.67 10 12 20 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 7.48; Median – 8 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 6 – Value 10, LV – Number 3 – Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 3 Value 10, NR – Number 0 Value 10 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 4), LV (Number 1, Value 5) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 3), LV (Number 2, Value 3) The older people in the SSF are more satisfied with their social life; the highest scores were in the clients of the SSF in the locality LV.

204 Tab. 9: Satisfaction with certainty for the future Assessment N % scale Total

0 1 1.67 1 3 5 2 2 3.33 3 3 5 4 2 3.33 5 4 6.67 6 5 8.33 7 14 23.33 8 7 11.67 9 11 18.33 10 9 15 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 6.93; Median – 7 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 4 – Value 1, LV – Number 2 – Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 1 Value 10, NR – Number 2 Value 10 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1, Value 4), LV (Number 1, Value 5) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 3), LV (Number 1, Value 0) Neither the area of certainty in the future brings changes into comparison of the clients of the SSF and the older people in home environment. The higher quality of life in this area is in the older people in the locality NR.

205 Tab. 10: Satisfaction with spiritual, religious life Assessment N % scale Total 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 0 4 0 0 5 4 6.67 6 2 3.33 7 6 10 8 15 25 9 17 28.33 10 16 26.67 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 8.45; Median – 9 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 5 – Value 10, LV – Number 2 – Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 3 Value 10, NR – Number 6 Value 10 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1 Value 5), LV (Number 1, Value 5) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 5), LV (Number 1, Value 5) Satisfaction with religious and spiritual life is higher in the older people living in the natural settings; the highest scores were in the older people from the locality NR. Also, comparison in the group of the older people from the SSF shows that the older people from NR are more satisfied.

206 Tab. 11: Satisfaction with the economic situation in Slovakia Assessment N % scale Total 0 3 5 1 3 5 2 11 18.33 3 3 5 4 8 13.33 5 15 25 6 2 3.33 7 6 10 8 7 11.67 9 1 1.67 10 1 1.67 N – absolute frequency

Other statistical data: Average value – 4.5; Median – 5 The most satisfied clients of the SSF: NR – Number 1 – Value 10, LV – Number 0 – Value 10 The independent older people: LV – Number 1 Value 9, NR – Number 2 Value 7 The least satisfied: SSF: NR (Number 1 Value 0), LV (Number 5, Value 2) The independent: NR (Number 1, Value 2), LV (Number 2, Value 0) The independent NR>The independent LV SSF NR > SSF LV SSF> the independent

207 Tab. 12: Satisfaction with environment in the area of residence Assessment N % scale Total

0 0 0 1 1 1.67 2 1 1.67 3 1 1.67 4 2 3.33 5 7 11.67 6 6 10 7 6 10 8 15 25 9 10 16.67 10 11 18.33 N – absolute frequency

Tab. 13: Satisfaction with social conditions in Slovakia Assessment N % scale Total

0 4 6.67 1 2 3.33 2 5 8.33 3 7 11.67 4 11 18.33 5 11 18.33 6 7 11.67 7 3 5

208 8 7 11.67 9 3 5 10 0 0 N – absolute frequency

Tab. 14: Satisfaction with politics in Slovakia Assessment N % scale Total 0 10 16.67 1 3 5 2 6 10 3 9 15 4 8 13.33 5 15 25 6 0 0 7 3 5 8 2 3.33 9 3 5 10 1 1.67 N – absolute frequency

Tab. 15: Satisfaction with national security in Slovakia Assessment N % scale Total 0 2 3.33 1 2 3.33 2 1 1.67 3 8 13.33 4 3 5 5 15 25

209 6 6 10 7 6 10 8 8 13.33 9 7 11.67 10 2 3.33 N – absolute frequency

Scale of habitual subjective wellbeing (SHSW) We used the quantitatively oriented methodological instruments to ask about the frequency of experienced negative and positive emotions. Dalberg and Džuka are the authors of the standardized methodological instrument SHSW. We modified our version of the scale only in timed frequencies of experiencing emotions. All negative and positive emotions were taken over from the original methodologic instrument. The scale of habitual subjective wellbeing consists of ten emotions that are experienced or felt by an older person. The attempt is to find subjective wellbeing based on the positive or negative frequency of experienced emotions. The options the older people had in assessment of frequency of specific emotions were divided as follows: I feel/experience – daily (1), several times a week (2), several times a month (3), and rarely, barely (4). Scales of habitual subjective wellbeing: How often do older people experience specific emotions?

Tab. 16: How often the older people experience specific emotions Anger Guilt Pleasure Shame Physical freshness Daily 2 0 8 0 14

Several 13 4 16 0 18 times a week Several 14 12 18 5 14 times a month Rarely 31 44 18 55 14

210 Fear Pain Joy Sadness Happiness

Daily 0 16 18 0 0

Several 4 18 17 2 12 times a week Several 19 19 17 23 16 times a month Rarely 37 7 8 28 19

Positive emotions and subjective wellbeing: More than a half of the respondents feel physical freshness, or they feel comfortable and vital minimally once a week. A joyful experience in any form can significantly influence person’s subjective wellbeing. More than ¼ of the respondents (18 older people) experiences such situations daily. Negative emotions and subjective wellbeing: Older person’s wellbeing can be eliminated by anger; exactly ¼ of the respondents experience the negative emotion minimally once a week. Psychological wellbeing is significantly reduced by pain that is experienced by more than ¼ of the respondents (16 older people) daily.

5 DISCUSSION

In most items, the older people living in the social services facility have higher overall satisfaction. Therefore, it is important to perfect the projects with focus on active ageing and healthy lifestyle, as we stated in the theoretical part of this study, and also improve social care services in residential facilities. Based on our findings, it cannot be stated unambiguously that older people are not interested in the residential form of social services. Their satisfaction in the studied areas and in comparison by place of residence is stated above. We want to point out that also intergender differences and age-related differences can exist in satisfaction with one’s life. For example, according to our study, women are more satisfied with their social life and social bonds than men. In general, older people over the age of 80 are more satisfied. Increasing satisfaction in older age relates also to adaptation in all respects (health status, social setting, and housing).

211 Subjective wellbeing, of course, relates also to frequency of experienced positive and negative emotions. A higher percentage of independent older people experiences negative emotions related to doubt, hopelessness, apathy, but also anger, and sadness. Several independent older people in old age with stronger fixation to home environment artificially delay their stay in an institutionalized facility. Most of them are not self-sufficient any more, cannot maintain their households on their own, and use assistance by their families and neighbours. They have prejudice and particularly fear of new environment in a social services facility. If they overcome such attitudes and become recipients of residential social services in a facility where social care is provided in accordance with meeting the quality standards, their satisfaction with this form of social assistance increases. Independent older people are more satisfied economically; however, older people in social services facilities are more satisfied in the health area. It is a result of quality and more flexible provision of healthcare services in the facilities. Often, independent older persons are on their own, and do not consult their problems with professionals. The issue is found also in the outcomes by Gergel (2016), including the issue of dealing with various ethical problems in providing counselling activities for individuals, groups, and communities. Older people use social counselling services minimally. Most independent older people rely on their families and give a minimal chance to an option their lives would finish in a social services facility. The empirical data presented by us prove the need of family care and support of activities and programmes leading to improvement of intergenerational relationships and care for older people by family members. Family care is a valuable form of social support for older people in their post-productive age. In social support, the authors Rusnáková and Rochovská (2016, p. 50) include also social resources that refer to bonds to family members and necessary civil resources that along with social relationships relate more to exchange and redistribution, and are provided by a state (e.g.: support for older people). Older people obtain mental energy particularly by a religious way of life. Also, Loučková (2010) reminds consideration of spiritual needs of dependent persons. Most of the addressed older people are satisfied with

212 their life in this area, which is shown by the high median and average of answers in the item focused on spiritual life. Satisfaction with life in social services facilities is included in the item of satisfaction with housing. Again, the older people in the social services facilities have higher percentage values of relative frequency. These very last two stated items influence, to a great extent, also subjective wellbeing that is higher in the older people in the social services facilities in both municipal localities (NR, LV). Our research is not representative for a region or the whole country. It is representative, however, for the municipalities where it was conducted. In the national as well as European context, the issue is very topical and is referred to as the conception of long-term care (hereinafter LTC) for older people. “The LTC services usually include symptomatic and maintenance therapy, rehabilitation, and personal assistance for persons of all age groups, although practically they are mainly older people. Long-term care expenditure is going to increase significantly in the coming decades both absolutely and as a percentage of GDP in many countries, not only the most developed ones. In the OECD countries, they have been estimated at 2 % - 4 %. According to the WHO, population ageing (global ageing) means increased social and economic demands on all countries” (Sedláková, 2010, p. 16). It is necessary to responsibly reflect this in various strategic, conceptual, prognostic, and planning materials of both national and local characters, and every (also partial) expert and scientific examination is helpful. This immediately significantly relates also to planning of development of social services. When seeking their effective models, it is considered if to focus on versatile social support for older people or if to focus care on those who are not able to provide themselves with the LTC services. Expert analysis prefers justice and flexibility of the LTC system, and its sustainability. In Slovakia, there are more than 900 thousand (17 % of the population) people ≥60 years of age. The group of older people has become strongly female-dominated – 61 % of older people are women. Increasing age, health problems, and social isolation are the main causes of their gradual resignation and loss of self-sufficiency. Other sociodemographic characteristics state it is a heterogeneous group in terms of original

213 professions and their education. “In 2006, there were 650 million people over 60 years of age, in 2025it will be twice as many, and in 2050there will be two billions of them. This year, there will be twice as many people over the age of 65 in Europe as it is now, and the most rapidly increasing segment will include very old people, i.e. those over the age of 80” (Sedláková, 2010, p. 15). A current trend in the area of social services is home care conducted by home care agencies or day care centres. The link between the increase of non-public providers of social services and an increasing number of older people in population is very positive. Social services, however, are not accessible for all those who need them, particularly for financial reasons. Our experiences in the field show that an older person with an average pension (approx. 350 Euro) chooses public providers of social and healthcare services because of their affordability, or because of unaffordability of private social services. In private social services facilities with higher quality standards, the price for a stay and services is sometimes as high as a half value of the older person’s pension. Into the future, we recommend to locally study the SSF settings but also everyday life of households and communities to create an authentic picture about older person’s life in Slovakia. Qualitative research can have a significant share on effective community planning of municipalities in the area of social services, or at least it gives information and description of environment with a specific spectrum of problems and deficiencies.

6 CONCLUSION

In the paper, we focused on the issue of quality of life in older people in its social dimension. The numerical and percentage data about satisfaction with life in the older people in several domains (subjective quality of life) and the frequency of positive and negative emotions (subjective wellbeing) are representative only for the localities where the study was conducted because of a smaller sample. The central category in the study is the older person’s subjective attitude towards life which is a kind of connection of self-reflexion and subjective interpretation of social reality. The subjective attitude to life closely relates to the value orientation and lifestyle, and has a significant impact on the

214 level of satisfaction with life in its various areas. A significant indicator for subjective quality of life is the social dimension that includes adequate number of social services and adequate cultural and social life. Based on the analysis, we came to the conclusion that satisfactory social health directly relates to quality of mental and physical health. Also the results in our study show that even though the services provided for older people in social services facilities or similar facilities meet the standards, older people do not always have to be satisfied with their lives. Based on the analysis of the collected data, we state that a bearing determinant and principle of older person’s quality of life is a subjective attitude to life, particularly subjective wellbeing and adequate social health that includes satisfaction with social life. Satisfaction is significantly influenced by an ability of adaptation, a level of independence, emotional satisfaction, and life philosophy. Satisfaction with life in social services facilities is achieved in the areas of sociocultural life and housing. In our study, we focused on older person’s subjective quality of life, i.e. the issue that is highly topical for several reasons. Population gets older not only in Slovakia but also in Europe. The life expectancy has been increasing, retirement age will probably increase, and there will be retirement reforms and new legislation on retirement security. The problem is that social facilities for older people are full, and the social services system is not able to adequately react to all needs of older people. The Act on social services from 2008 defines so-called respite social services provided in the field form. Better conditions for balancing working and family life of older person’s family members would be achieved by spreading their network. Outreach services can be provided to older people during working hours of their family members. Social services provide this possibility. It is necessary to provide older people with dignified autumn of life and create such conditions for them that would meet the quality standards for satisfied life. In both basic forms of social care for older people: outreach (in their natural social settings) or residential, institutional (in social services facilities) it is important it is provided in high quality and professionally, and it reacts to real social needs of its addressees.

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223 REFUGEE INTEGRATION AND SOCIAL SERVICES FOR THEM IN CONDITIONS OF SLOVAK REPUBLIC

Katarína VANKOVÁa – Rastislav ROSINSKÝb

aInstitute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected] b Institute of Romani Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Healthcare, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovak republic e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The issues of refugees and migration are one of the serious global problems of humanity which is accompanied by suffering of those who run away but also by a “burden” of the countries which refugees enter. Migration is a universal phenomenon; people from less developed countries move to or cross the borders of industrialized countries. Within the migration flow, many people cross the borders of other countries to get away from oppression, social decay, war, persecutions, or infringement of fundamental human rights. Thus, the European countries have to face complex situations when coping with arrival of immigrants, asylum seekers, and refugees. They do not represent any danger for our society; after acclimatization in our territory, they are an asset, particularly in the cultural and economic areas. As a result of concerns about uncontrolled illegal transfers to their territories, the developed countries developed various refugee protection programmes and systems to limit access. In the early 1990s, the transforming Central European democratic countries ratified the Geneva Conception 1951, and started to develop their own national refugee protection systems focusing particularly on legal aspects of international protection and protection of refugee rights. It is necessary to train professionals working with refugees to be able to better respond to and understand the challenges of work with persons who were forced to leave their countries and depend on high-quality support. International protection and protection of refugee rights are the basis of work with refugees. The research objective was to find out the level and extent of provided social services to refugees and provision of the system of protection of asylum seekers rights.

Keywords: Refugee; Asylum system; Social services; Migration; Integration.

224 1 INTRODUCTION

We can confirm there are groups of people that can be labelled as vulnerable, unheard, misunderstood, undervalued, not respected, humiliated, and rejected. Such groups are considered marginalized. Marginalized groups of people are characterized by total social exclusion as a result of influence of various factors (e.g.: long-term unemployment, inadequate social adaptability, belonging to a certain ethnic group, etc.). These groups of people need assistance to live their everyday life worthily. Several Slovak experts work on the issue of marginalized groups, including: Rosinský (2011) studies multicultural education and disadvantages in Roma in education; Rusnáková, Čerešníková (2015) studies poverty and social exclusion of Roma. Slovakia is one of the countries where people live relatively peaceful lives. Although in the present there are many documents and acts guaranteeing human rights and freedoms, and world peace, there are countries where their inhabitants fight for their lives and lives of their families every day. Such people include also refugees. These people leave their homes and often also their significant others as a result of bad political situations, persecutions, or wars. Their goal is to find a country where they would feel safe and could live peaceful and full lives. Refugees and asylum seekers are included among so-called marginalized groups (usually minorities, more or less easily distinguishable at first sight, expelled to the edge of society). There are people among us who are afraid of this social group. They fear that their arrival can disrupt or jeopardize their integrity. In our opinion, confrontation with a different culture can be beneficial and enriching. Refugees, as other people, have a right to be treated in accordance with the fundamental human rights. Migration is a universal phenomenon; people from less developed countries move to or cross the borders of industrialized countries. In most cases, the term “refugee” is used in a wider meaning and includes, besides persons meeting the conditions to be granted refugee status in accordance with the Geneva Convention, also other people dependent on international help. They are particularly asylum seekers and persons who need various forms of protection. International protection and protection of the rights of

225 refugees are the basis of work with them. In our opinion, the conception of the rights of refugees is often limited only to administrative and legal procedures, which is not right, even though granting refugee status and related documentation are necessary. We think that protection of the rights of refugees includes much more than mere adherence to the producers and handling the documents. It includes a whole scale of proactive measures whose goal is to provide these people with access to quality legal and social services of support programmes. In social workers’ work with them, it is essential to emphasize the need of implementation of the holistic approach to the issue of protection of refugees as well as legal and social, economic, cultural and political backgrounds of the issue. For social workers, therefore, it is inevitable to have complex knowledge about the issue.

2 MIGRATION

Migration of people is a natural part of human adaptation to the needs and living conditions. Changed conditions can have a physical character, eventuality of natural climate or a cultural character, which relate to social, political and economic characteristics of a country (Brothers, 2011). Free movement of persons is the fundamental right of the citizens of the European Union (EU) implemented in the scope of freedom, safety and justice without inner borders. The conception of free movement of persons was, according to Divinský (2009), open by signing the Schengen Agreement in 1985 and the Schengen Convention in 1990 by which border controls between the participating European countries were abolished. Schengen cooperation as part of the institutional and legal areas of the EU has gradually expanded and today it includes most of the EU member countries. Abolishment of the inner borders results in a necessity to strengthen and control outer borders of the EU and to regulate entry and stay of the citizens of the countries out of the EU. Within the interventions, it was necessary to develop uniform asylum and immigration policy that would guarantee safety of the EU countries and maintain and protect the rights of immigrants, migrants and asylum seekers. Pukančík (2006, p. 24) defines a migrant as a “foreigner coming to a country in order to stay there for a longer period of time” (all citations in the text are translated by the study author). According to him, immigration is a

226 process in which foreigners settle down in the territory of a country, and it also means a change of residency in the territory of a country different from a home country. In the world, the phenomenon of migration dates back to the 16th century when approximately 15-20 million people of black origin were forcibly brought from the African continent to the USA. Historically significant was also the Great Atlantic Migration at the turn of twentieth century when fathers of families left for work for the developing United States of America (USA) (Čajka, 2012). At the beginning of the twentieth century we can talk about an international migration when the countries started to implement the systems of travelling identification documents in order to regulate migration currents. After the First World War, the extensive migration tendencies stopped as a result of strict restrictive regulations. Immigration to the USA was hindered in the 1930s also because of the extensive economic crisis. After the Second World War (1945), inhabitants’ migration attempts intensified again. In the after-war period, Europe started to appear a sought-after location for migrants (Kuric, 1998, p. 56). Juhászová and Kollár (2013) state that the second more massive restriction of immigration and migration resulted in division of the world by the “iron curtain”. In that period, the migration wave included mostly the opponents of political regimes. In the 1970s and 1980s, the migration waves increased particularly because of genocide, spread of civil conflicts, and economic differences. According to Bargerová and Divinský (2008), after the fall of the Communist regime (1989), there was a mass migration in the eastern part of Europe when the countries of the Western Europe were flooded by ethnic and economic immigrants. A significant increase in the number of immigrants was influenced largely by hostile conflicts in developing countries (the unrests in Somalia, the genocide in Rwanda, the crisis in Sudan, the military conflict in Balkan, the civil wars in the former Soviet Union, the war in Iraq, etc.). In the present, both migration and immigration are controversial topics, even though the migration population movements have a long tradition. The causes of migration are of an individual character. In case of foreigners, it can be either voluntary or forced migration. The dimension of population movements depends on multiple factors. According to Brothers (2011), the

227 most fundamental indicators include heterogeneity of the territory in some area and a diversity of living conditions for smooth settlement of immigrants. The second key factor is a diversity of the country of origin. If immigrants come from the ethnically diverse environment, we can assume they would sooner incline to migration intentions. Based on these facts, we assume that if there is discrimination of some communities in a given community, the individuals’ tendencies to leave a country will increase. Migration waves are affected by various obstacles. Most often, there are limitations in the area of work of administrative or another character. If some of the conditions stop being obstacles, the number of the migrating will gradually increase too. This assumption is confirmed also by the situation from 2004 when after the entrance of some countries to the European Union, the target countries for the citizens of the Member Countries were those countries which did not impose any temporarily limiting steps in the area of free movement in the labour market. The consequences of foreign movement, which negatively or positively influence the person, country of origin or target country, occur in many dimensions of society. According to Pukančík (2006), the immigration consequences are reflected in many areas, the most significantly in the economic one. Also, migration and immigration have effects on cultural processes in the country, related to integration of migrants into society and it specifically relates to the issues of social exclusion, safety, and discrimination. Furthermore, the issue of migration has its impact on the political sphere. Filadelfiová et al. (2011) state that in comparison with other countries of the EU, the number of migrants in Slovakia is relatively low. From the perspective of the countries of origin of migrants coming to the Slovak Republic (SR), the largest group includes the citizens of the neighbouring countries that are related to Slovakia by social relations. The citizens of the Czech Republic come most often. Despite the relatively low number of applications for asylum in the SR, it was necessary to adopt relevant legislative frameworks based on the European Directives and the Geneva Convention. The result was the case law from 20 June 2002, the Act No. 480/2002 Coll. about asylum and change and amendments of some acts. The purpose of the Act was to modify the action of the state organs in proceedings about a status of refugees and to define the rights and

228 obligations of refugees and persons applying for this status (Vašečka, 2009). Later, the Act was amended because the directives of the European Parliament and the Council of the EU were adopted (Bolečeková, 2010).

3 MIGRATION POLICY AND INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN THE SR

The chosen approach to the issue of attitude orientation in the residents of the EU and Slovakia to migrants is based on the theoretical conceptualization of current knowledge in the area of sociologic approaches to social inclusion, integration and cohesion in the area of asylum policy. New social problems that occur after the entrance of foreigners to our territory require both theoretical knowledge and a professional approach in the trained experts in the area of social work with refugees. It is not different either in social inclusion and the phenomenon of migration that are eminently the object of interest of sociology, but they have an undeniable overlap to socioeconomic structures of the country. The look at the socio- scientific production in the previous twenty years after the entrance to the European space unveils that the concepts of social inclusion and social exclusion endeavoured on the need to clarify the needs of society in the area of the asylum and migration policy which Slovakia started to perceive only after opening the borders (Gerbery, Džambazovič, 2011). Legal status of refugees in dealing with the refugee issues in Slovakia is regulated by the international-legal documents in the context with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with emphasis on cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the 1951 Refugee Convention, and the 1967 Protocol. The UNHCR in the Slovak Republic was founded in October 1993 and started to provide assistance to refugees and asylum seekers on 1 January 1994. According to the statements of its representatives (2014), the basic pillars of the international asylum law include the Geneva Convention from 1951 that was ratified at the conference in Geneva by the authorized representatives of the United Nations (UN) (28 May 1951). The UNHCR in Slovakia strives to ensure that every person has the right to seek asylum, find a safe refuge in another country, or voluntarily return home. In all its activities, the UNHCR pays

229 attention to vulnerable groups and advocates for participation of refugees in resolutions that significantly influence their lives (UNHCR, 2009). Niessen and Schibel (2005) state that in implementation of asylum policy of the SR with international organizations, there is a bilateral information flow used not only in decision making in specific cases, but also in taking measures related to prevention of migration waves. In the context with legislation on protection of human rights of refugees in the Slovak Republic, the country’s obligation is to observe the fundamental human rights and freedoms that are embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights from 10 December 1948, the international conventions on human rights, and the European Convention on Human Rights (Tkáč, 2007). The fundamental human rights and freedoms in the SR are guaranteed by the Constitution of the SR in the Title Two: Fundamental Rights and Freedoms in the Article 12, Section 2 that states that “fundamental rights shall be guaranteed in the Slovak Republic to everyone regardless of sex, race, colour, language, belief and religion, political affiliation or other conviction, national or social origin, nationality or ethnic origin, property, descent or any other status. No one shall be aggrieved discriminated against or favoured on any of these grounds” (Pirošíková, Siman, 2012). The right to enter the territory of the SR, the right for residency, and the extent of rights and obligations of foreigners are regulated by the national law. Development of the significant legal tools, conventions and regulations on refugee protection started in the early 20th century. The issue of asylum seekers and refugees was not resolved even after the Second World War; therefore, it was necessary to proceed to development of an international document dealing with the issue of refugees. The negotiations resulted in the above-mentioned key convention that dealt with the primary aspects of refugee life called the Refugee Convention also referred to as the Geneva Convention. The UN Commission ratified the Refugee Convention on 28 July 1951 (Šturma, 2010). The UNHCR (2014) states that it is an important legal tool of the contemporary international protection of refugees that defines the concept “refugee”, a form of legal protection, other help, and social rights of refugees.

230 According to the announcement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic, No. 319/1996 Coll., the instruments of accession of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic to the Refugee Convention from 28 July 1951 and to the Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees from 31 January 1967, were stored at the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Convention depository on 26 November 1991. The Refugee Convention for the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic was put into force on 24 February 1992 (Kuric, 1997). Kuric (1997, p. 4) states that the basis of the Convention is The Universal Declaration of Human Rights that in the Article 14 proclaims that “everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution”. The Convention represents protection of the fundamental human rights that are the same as in the members of other countries legally living in the country. In the Chapter III, the rights of the refugees include the right to engage in wage-earning employment and self-employment. The Chapter IV focuses on the social issues relating to the right to housing, public education and public relief. A very important part of the Convention is the regulation in the Article 33 that states prohibition of expulsion or return of refugees. According to Gerbery and Džambazovič (2011), the Refugee Convention meant the recognition of the international dimension and the necessity to use it in solving and developing the asylum issues. In the Slovak Republic, the migration and asylum policy is regulated by the law in accordance with the development of the country’s internal policy situation, international agreements and conventions which can be adapted to the national needs, legal norms, and the EU legal order. Slovakia, as the Member State of the EU, provides a safe refuge for the persecuted while protection of the fundamental rights belongs to the fundamentals of the Pan-European identity (Pukančík, Škoviera, Fülöpová, 2006). The EU, which is very active in dealing with the issue of protection of refugees, established the European Refugee Fund in order to provide financial support for the Member States and thus enable effective functioning of the asylum systems in the individual countries. Another positive step was activation of the EuroDac – the information technologic system functioning in the whole European Community; it compares the fingerprints and finds out whether asylum seekers have already applied for asylum in another EU member state (Canoy, 2010, Bijak, 2006, Ager,

231 Strang 2008). According to Castles (2010), the law and procedures of the EU in the scope of approach to refugee protection have a significant influence on the genesis of the refugee protection mechanisms also in many other countries. The issues of refugees and migration are one of the serious global problems of humanity which is accompanied by suffering of those who run away but also by a “burden” of the countries which refugees enter. The phenomenon has a direct effect within social policy on whole society. According to Guličová and Bargerová (2008), asylum policy includes:  Regulation of the conditions of person’s work and life through creating social conditions and environment for a person (refugee, migrant, immigrant) in need,  Organization of cooperation between the subjects in complex social processes,  Protection of people from adverse consequences of events refugees are not able to deal with on their own, where help is offered by social subjects ready to help, relieve or eliminate socially adverse events. In general, it can be stated that the object of asylum policy is regulation, protection and service for persons who came from culturally, economically, religiously and socially different environment and are dependent on assistance provided by social subjects of the host country. According to Šturma (2010), development of asylum-related and foreigner-related law in Slovakia started by ratifying the Constitution of the Slovak Republic which guarantees the rights and freedoms regardless of sex, language, colour, race, belief and religion, political affiliation or other conviction, national or social origin, nationality or ethnic origin, property, descent or any other status. The information above suggests that tendencies in asylum policy are influenced by current events in the world and in the political scenes of the countries. The European Union recognizes the necessity of immigration to supplement the labour market but also because of cultural, demographic and economic development while it attempts to create a common immigration, migration and asylum policy. Mareš and Sirovátka (2008) state that in refugee protection, it is necessary to identify dramatically different needs, opportunities and means people

232 from different countries have. A significant emphasis is put on the nature of special needs, sex differences, and needs of systematic analysis of consequences relating to the possibilities to fully exercise one’s human rights. It has been found there is a relationship between the refugees’ levels of participation and their dispositions to find solutions to their own problems. In recent years, the “protective role” of social work, which is performed by specialists, has come to the fore. In social work, specialists actively contribute to national asylum systems and help the country meet obligations related to refugee protection. According to the Act 480/2002 Coll. on asylum and on change and amendments of some acts, asylum provides foreigners with protection from persecution for reasons stated in the Geneva Convention, or in the Article 53 of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic. Divinský (2005) states that in decision making about granting refugee status, the question is whose fear of persecution is justified and whether granting refugee status is legitimate. If a foreigner is in the process of waiting for decision on an application, a person is called an asylum seeker. A person who has been granted asylum in the territory of the SR is called a refugee. Not everyone who applies for asylum gets it; in that case, a person remains a foreigner whose stay in the territory of a country is necessary to be legally terminated or legitimized. According to Guličová and Bargerová (2008), the asylum procedure starts in the place of a border crossing; applicants are required to report to a competent police department, in a transit area of an international airport, or wherever they are, and they have to hand over their travel documents and their fingerprints are taken. According to the Section 8 of the Asylum Act, the Ministry of Interior of the Slovak Republic grants asylum to an applicant who has well-founded fear of being persecuted in his country of origin for reasons of race, ethnic origin or religion, holding of a particular political opinion and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to such country. The Ministry of Interior of the Slovak republic can grant asylum also on humanitarian grounds even when no reasons are found in the procedure, or it can grant asylum for the purpose of family reunification. The Asylum Act, the Section 29 knows a category of foreigners who are provided with temporary shelter and it counts on sheltered persons returning back to their country after the crisis. It is a temporary shelter provided for the purposes of foreigner protection from impacts of a humanitarian

233 disaster, endemic violence, war conflicts, or mass violation of human rights in the country of their origin. In accordance with the Section 2 (e) of the Asylum Act, a foreigner who is granted a temporary shelter by the Ministry of Interior based on the resolution of the Slovak Republic is called “de facto refugee”. The Migration Office of the Ministry of Interior of the SR evaluates asylum applications and decides about granting subsidiary protection and granting asylum or temporary shelter. Asylum applications are evaluated by the specialists of the Migration Office. If an applicant has applied for asylum (in accordance with the Annex No. 2 of the Act No. 480/2002 Coll.) and filled in a foreigner’s statement, he is placed in an asylum facility of the Migration Office of the Ministry of Interior of the SR – a reception camp where medical examination and temporary accommodation, usually for up to 30 days, are provided. An applicant cannot leave a reception camp during the quarantine. In a reception camp, an asylum seeker is registered, photographed and is given an asylum seeker identification document for his identification during their stay in the territory of our country. During their stay in the camp, asylum seekers are provided with free food, accommodation, health care, social and psychological counselling, pocket money, and toiletries. Also, social activities are provided in the asylum facilities. An applicant can leave a camp only based on permit and when the results of medical examination are known. Asylum seekers are placed to an accommodation camp after approximately 30 days. Emigration has a big impact on one’s life. Emigrating means to leave a home country, change lifestyle, leave one’s job, lose a job position, terminate interpersonal relationships, cultural values, give up one’s property, and many other big changes that are an everyday routine for us, the citizens of the SR. By leaving their country, refugees lose their original social status while person’s social roles are limited to minimum in an asylum procedure. In a new asylum environment, they get to the lowest level on the social ladder regardless of their status in the country of origin (Bosswick, Heckmann, 2006). Besides the above mentioned facts affecting refugees’ lives, according to Brothers (2011), there is a need of integration into a new environment, which may lead to the feelings of apathy, depression, or a loss of purpose in life. Many asylum seekers come from a

234 different sociocultural environment and their ideas, behavioural principles, and value hierarchy usually differ significantly from ours. A big problem can be also a language barrier and asylum seekers’ adaptation to a new social, economic and cultural environment, which can cause development of uncertainty in them. Canoy (2006) states that most often refugees face harms that relate to several dimensions of their lives. The most important include:  Health status deterioration – an increased number of psychosomatic diseases, mostly after entering a host country, which most often relate to migration.  Psychological problems – occur particularly in persons who experienced strong traumas (war conflicts, rape, abuse, illegal migration). Often we witness occurrence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Psychological difficulties, however, do not occur only in a group of people who experienced serious traumas. Refugees face a large amount of stressful factors, as they become dependent on other people and cannot independently meet their basic needs and are forced to adapt to a new environment. The stated factors significantly affect refugees’ psyche, which can be manifested through incidence of mental disorders.  Unfavourable economic situation – when coming to a host country, asylum seekers are usually in a financial crisis because they often spend their life savings for transport itself. The phenomenon causes that they become completely dependent on the system of a host country. According to Pořízková and Rákoczyová (2009), the change of the environment and culture, leaving a family, work, etc. cause a significant imbalance between an individual and his social environment. To be able to regain balance in their social functioning, these persons need to integrate into new society. In such a process, big demands and expectations are put on them. Bargerová and Divinský (2008) define social functioning as a reciprocal relationship between the individual’s expectations and the possibilities of the social environment. Navrátil (2003, p. 66) states that “the concept of social functioning in the refugee-country relationship is supplemented by a dimension of expectations and demands of refugees from the social

235 environment and dispositions of the environment to meet their expectations”. Thus, a source of disharmony can be both inadequate meeting of the environments’ expectations by an individual and environment’s indisposition to adequately respond to applicants’ demands. According to the author, the cause of problems on both parties can be a deficit of resources (material, human, knowledge, etc.) and non- complementarity in expectations in both parties.

3.1 Social work in the context of social services in care for refugees From 1992 to March 2004, there were 35,907 asylum applications in the SR, which initiated development of a new area in social work. The issue provides a new space for social work in the area of providing social services and the system of social care for refugees in Slovakia. From the holistic viewpoint, if we focused on individual’s needs, the migrant’s situation is influenced by multiple factors – education, age, sex, ethnicity, religion, philosophy, culture, environment, climate, etc. Despite the stated characteristics and facts of an individual, the aim of every person is to live in society, be a part of it, integrate into it, and have the same rights and opportunities as other citizens of the Slovak Republic. Kuric (1997, p. 78) defines social work with refugees as “a proportionally wide complex of targeted activities focused to seek permanent solutions of situations in individuals, families and a refugee community as a whole, particularly their adaptation and integration into society”. According to Oláh et al. (2009), social work with refugees is conducted by social workers who resolve social problems, mediate assistance in dealing with problems, and try to prevent them or their escalation. The authors state that social work with applicants and refugees has some significant particularities. Social workers must have good knowledge of the issue as it is a multicultural issue with the necessity of knowledge of the specifics of various cultures and they also have to have language skills. On the other hand, as professionals they have to realize that it is work with people who are traumatised by a situation in their country, are in an unknown environment where they are not able to orientate because they do not know its system and do not have knowledge related to their rights and obligations.

236 According to Stanek et al. (2008), social work with refugees and asylum seekers includes:  Finding needs and providing help,  Participation in educational process with their clients,  Preparation for return to one’s country,  Planning and organization of professional trainings,  Participation in the economic process of the host country,  Assisting in family reunification,  Organising trainings for volunteers who help overcome language barriers. Social workers should approach refugees and asylum seekers very sensitively. They have to work empathically to try to understand their psychological, social and financial problems. Bargerová and Divinský (2008) state that some barriers occur in implementation of activities in the area of integration of refugees into society. The most common is the language barrier as applicants have difficulties with learning the language of the majority population or they refuse it completely. Knowledge of nonverbal signs is also important because they can have different meanings in our culture than in the applicants’ culture of origin. Another of the barriers is a change in social status and social roles. According to Navrátil (2003, p. 89), “social status of refugee is on the level of the lowest social denominator and a social role is reduced to one – a role of an emigrant or asylum seeker”. Asylum seekers perceive our society mostly through a person of a social worker who spends much time with them as he is a contact person, which significantly influences social workers’ approach to asylum seekers. Maslen and Brnula (2004) divide social workers into three groups, depending on the methods they use:  Routinists – have practical skills but they do not have adequate education because they approach theoretical knowledge with scepticism;

237  Technical experts – have sufficient education but they do not take practical experience into consideration, they work in accordance with theoretical models;  Reflecting experts – are able to cope with unusual situations. They are a mixture of the previous two types. Social work with applicants and refugees is demanding because their problems may seem controversial, long-term and largely insolvable. Therefore, it is very important to understand a basic problem which can result in other problems. In the process of assistance, social workers must try to overcome person’s passivity, e.g. by emphasizing his positive characteristics. Elimination of apathy, passivity and awkwardness results in cooperation of clients in agilities initiated by social workers which lead to understanding of and assistance to people in need. The education, age, sex, and ethnicity influence refugees’ situation strongly. Despite the differences, their goal is – to live in a community, be its part, unite, and have the same rights and opportunities as all the citizens in the Slovak Republic. Separation from their families and friends, a cultural diversity and life in an unknown environment are often very psychologically demanding. Some groups of migrants do not have access to events that would connect them with the majority. Any forms of discrimination because of a lack of wider social networks and availability of adequate protection are more complicated to cope with. They seek assistance in therapists or doctors only in urgent cases because of the language barrier (Popper et al., 2006). Valtonek (2008, p. 22) defines refugee integration as a “successive integration into society of the host country”. It is a long-term and systematic process in which refugees cannot do without assistance and support by the country they try to integrate in. Bargerová and Divinský (2008, p. 14) define social integration as a “long-term, dynamic, multidimensional and reciprocal process based on mutual respect of obligations and rights of immigrants and the majority population”. Threvithick (2006) states that an integration process in a new society is preceded by an adaptation process. The host society becomes responsible for ensuring migrants’ formal rights so that they have opportunities to cooperate in social, economic, cultural and civic life. On the other hand, also immigrants must respect the norms

238 and values of our society and actively participate in the integration process that can last even for several years. In some cases, the integration process continues even after naturalization in the second or third generations (Niessen, Schibel, 2005). The information above suggests that immigrant integration is not a simple homogenous process. It is influenced by multiple mechanisms in various dimensions of life. Bosswick and Heckmann (2008) state the following typology of the integration components in four basic dimensions:  The structural dimension – includes obtaining the rights and access to the key institutions of the host society (residence status, access to the labour market, access to the system of healthcare insurance, health care, possibility to obtain social benefits, accommodation, access to education),  The cultural dimension – includes obtaining the knowledge and competences of the receiving country (leisure time activities, language acquisition, awareness),  The interactive dimension – interprets integration and acceptance into basic relationships and social networks of the host country (contacts with the receiving country, personal relationships, contacts with the authorities and institutions),  The identification dimension – expresses a subjective dimension of integration characterised by the sense of cohesion with the host society. Niessen and Schibel (2005) state that the individual dimensions of integration are reciprocally linked while positive or negative outcomes in one area significantly influence other dimensions. According to Kováts et al. (2006), an integration process has several equally important phases, forms and areas; therefore, they should have the same emphasis. The primary objective of integration is to achieve total independence and self- sufficiency of refugees. We can state that a person successfully integrates into society if he himself feels being its part, is perceived as an equal partner by its members, and his biopsychosocial needs are met.

239 In the process of integration, Žáková (2006) states the basic needs of refugees:  Has a place he leaves and he can return to,  Gains new stimuli, has a space for a rest, new experiences and impressions,  Belongs to a society where he has a status,  Belongs to a group where he means something,  Is a member of society and not only a part of an economic and social machinery,  Has a relationship to an object, person or animal and feels affection to them. Both material and non-material interventions by the receiving country are inevitable during the integration procedures, which can temporarily provide for refugees’ basic needs. Besides the financial subvention for asylum seekers and refugees, the host country is responsible also for their integration into society, their further development, and overall facilitation of their life situation (Žáková, 2006). Attitudes of the majority society and the care system resulting from social policy of society are an essential part for refugees and asylum seekers. According to Threvithick (2006), the main role of the host country is to provide for the basic needs and the possibility of dignified existence during the process by adequate social interventions carried out by trained social workers. The activities inevitable for integration into society are rather expensive, and related to general dependence of refugees it is necessary for the state and other public or non-public subjects to participate in providing assistance. In the area of providing services, in cooperation between the Ministry of Interior of the SR and the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family of the SR, the Ministry of Finance of the SR, the Ministry of Education of the SR, the UNHCR, and non-governmental organizations, refugees are offered solutions of social areas:  Job search,  Assistance in job search,

240  Search and provision of adequate social accommodation,  Provision of the Slovak language courses,  Provision of education and retraining,  Social security, provision of health care,  Creation of conditions for acceptance of refugees in the community and selected localities by municipality authorities and citizens. According to the Conception of Refugee Integration in the SR (2009), an integration process is divided into several primary areas providing social assistance and services:  Access to the labour market and employment Having a job is extremely important for a refugee, because material security is essential for existence of a refugee and it helps speed up overcoming of social and cultural obstacles. Support includes particularly counselling services in the area of job search and organization of retraining courses that are used particularly for development of job skills (Valtonek, 2008).  Access to housing and accommodation In the first contact, asylum seekers come to a reception camp where they are placed during the asylum procedure. Then, they are placed in an accommodation facility where they stay until a final decision is issued. After a positive decision on asylum, refugees are placed in an integration centre whose purpose is their integration into society, development of social and cultural knowledge about the country, and preparation for life in a new country.  Education, retraining, and language courses Firstly, there are Slovak courses where foreigners learn the language, basic elements of culture, and studies. Courses for children include also other, common fundamental education. Education, which closely relates to getting a job, includes retraining courses (Popper et al. 2006).  Health care Asylum seekers and refugees have a right for free health care or its refund in accordance with Act No. 480/2002 Coll. on asylum even if they come from countries that the SR does not have an agreement on free provision of health care with.

241  Social security, social insurance, and social services According to Valtonek (2008), it is necessary to understand social services for asylum seekers as a component of activities in the form of legal protection, health care, or education. Social workers find out and solve an applicants’ current situation in the process of adaptation and help them in prevention of conflict situations. In such a context, social services focus on the individual, family, or community of refugees, including activities assisting the persons dependent on assistance by others. This category can include also support for persons in material deprivation which can be realized through benefits – for health care or by activation benefits for persons participating in enhancement of a social situation. Popper et al. (2006) state that the basic rules for providing social services for refugees, which support enhancement of a social situation, include:  To ensure dignity of treatment and respect to a person,  The right to help if the person is not able to help himself,  To ensure a change regardless of how difficult the person’s situation is,  To enable a person to be part of a bigger community,  The right for enhancement of existential conditions. The aim of social services related to an individual or community is to restore a sense of security, create a sense of cohesion, and ensure dignified living conditions. Brnula (2008) states specific methods and procedures of social work oriented on help for asylum seekers and refugees:  Know clients and social environment they come from,  Find out the causes of a social situation (war, hunger, torture, rape, maltreatment, humiliation of human dignity),  Find out seriousness and relevance of a social situation,  Develop a plan of a social therapy and social assistance,  Implement the social therapy and assistance. The nature of refugee integration into majority society is not accurately and clearly defined and does not have defined methods or rules. Therefore, it depends on each community which methods or procedures it uses to enable foreigners to participate in its cultural and social life. There are, however,

242 mostly agilities and events of self-governments where foreigners can participate, and thus enhance their relationships with local communities. Informal meetings lead to getting acquainted with and accepting the society’s norms and values in natural and spontaneous ways (Rošková, 2011).

4 RESEARCH

The main research objective is to find out the level and extent of provided social services for refugees and provision of the system of protection of asylum seekers’ rights in the Slovak Republic. Besides the questions related to the form, extent and levels of social services for this target group, we asked questions related to reasons of leaving their home countries in refugees in the Slovak accommodation camps. By specification of the main objective, we developed the partial objectives: O1: Find out reasons why refugees escape their countries. O2: Find out refugees’ expectations from the state. O3: Find out interest in integration programmes in asylum seekers/refugees during their stay in an accommodation camp. O4: Find out interest in social counselling in asylum seekers/refugees. O5: Find out leisure time activities in asylum seekers/refugees. O6: Find out which countries are target countries for asylum seekers in case the Slovak Republic is a transit country for them. Questions: Q1: What were the refugees’ reasons to escape their countries? Q2: What interventions do asylum seekers expect from our state when they are granted asylum? Q3: Do asylum seekers use the possibility to take the Slovak course? Q4: Do asylum seekers use the possibility to participate in education and retraining courses? Q5: Do asylum seekers use the possibility to participate in the programmes focused on sociocultural orientation? Q6: Do asylum seekers use the internet access?

243 Q7: Do asylum seekers use counselling services in the accommodation camp? Q8: What activities do asylum seekers do in the accommodation camp? Q9: What is the target country of asylum seekers in case the Slovak Republic is their transit country?

4.1 Sample The sample included the respondents in the Accommodation Camp in Rohovce. The criterion for sampling was knowledge of the Slovak language and their willingness to answer the questions. For comparison of the obtained data, we conducted semi-structured interviews with the social worker in the accommodation camp. The respondents are labelled as P1-P3 and the social worker as SW. Besides the mentioned methods, we also used the method of content analysis – we analysed 28 client files of the social worker in the Accommodation Camp.

4.2 Methods In the study, we use qualitative content analysis of the files of the social worker and the method of a semi-structured interview. The questions were prepared in advance, their formulation was not strict and the interviewers adapted them to specific situations during interviews and, of course, to the levels of knowledge of Slovak in the respondents. The social worker was asked the same questions; they are used for comparison and deeper interpretation of the studied issue. In interview transcripts, the obtained data were sorted into categories defined in advance. We defined the categories: C1 – Reasons to escape (this category includes all found reasons that made refugees to escape their countries) C2 – Refugees’ expectations (this category includes all found interventions asylum seekers expect from our country when they are granted asylum) C3 – Integration programmes (this category includes all found intervention programmes refugees are interested in; the label integration programmes includes programmes and courses that are provided for the clients in the

244 Accommodation Camp, such as Slovak courses, education and retraining courses, courses focused on sociocultural orientation) C4 – Social counselling (this category includes all found facts related to provision of social counselling, its forms, and interest in them among asylum seekers) C5 – Leisure time (this category includes all found leisure time activities asylum seekers do in their free time and are available in the Accommodation Camp) C6 – Target country (this category includes found target countries of refugees in case the Slovak Republic is their transit country) Research plan In the preparatory phase, we focused on finding the possibility of conducting research in the Accommodation Camp Rohovce. At first, we contacted the employees of the non-governmental organization the Slovak Humanitarian Council that works with the camp inhabitants, and we obtained a “one-year pass” which meant a possibility of the field research through interviews. Then, we contacted the social worker of the Accommodation Camp in Rohovce. The objective of the first phase of the field research was to get to know the Camp environment and find real possibilities of obtaining relevant data. Based on the interview with the social worker, we found that he kept records on his clients and would make them available for us after their anonymization. The social worker helped us also in sampling and selection of respondents (he recommended the camp inhabitants with adequate knowledge of Slovak). In the second phase of our research, we analysed the files of the social worker (him being present) and conducted interviews with the respondents (without the social worker’s presence). Before the interviews, we assured the respondents about anonymity. Each interview was recorded (sound only); each recording was transcribed and analysed later.

5 RESULTS

In this part of the paper, we focus on analysis of the obtained data. In data analysis, we used the method of open coding. It includes generation of

245 labels referring to text units. The generated labels are categorized, i.e. the labels referring to the same phenomenon are grouped. In the first part, we pay attention to the data found by content analysis of the files of the social worker. The findings are shown in the table along with the questions, characteristics of answers found in the text, and relevant categories. The table contains the data relating to the answers to the questions and are found in the files. In case there were no answers to any of the questions, there is 0 used in the table.

Tab. 1: Analysis of the files of the social workers related to the respondents Questions related to Evaluation of text Categorization objectives characteristics of files of social worker 1 What were the Firstly, studies; after C1 refugees’ reasons to leaving the Slovak Republic leave their countries? transfer back because of a threat to life 2 What interventions do Safe environment, material C2 refugees expect from our assistance, to stay in the state when they are Slovak Republic, a space granted asylum? for studies 3 Do asylum seekers use Counselling: individual, C4 the possibility to expert (psychologist), group participate in social counselling, legal, work, counselling? specialized; art therapy, music therapy 4 Do asylum seekers use Active teaching of Slovak, C3 the possibility to take the attends the Slovak course: Slovak course? regularly, rarely, basics, actively, irregular attendance at Slovak lessons, participated, does not like using Slovak 5 Do asylum seekers use Inclusion in the C3 the possibility to retraining course – participate in education forklifts

and retraining courses? 6 Do asylum seekers use 0 C3 the possibility to participate in the programmes focused on sociocultural orientation?

246 7 What leisure time Football, assistance C5 activities do asylum work, library, books, seekers use in the PC, music, activities accommodation camp? – is interested, regularly, sporadically, rarely, depends on mood, no interest, is interested in only if the community is

8 Do asylum seekers use 0 C3 the internet access? 9 What is the target 0 C6 country of asylum seekers in case the Slovak Republic is only their transit country?

Source: The files of the social worker in the Accommodation Camp in Rohovce (the facility of the Ministry of Interior of the Slovak Republic) In the Table 1, there are findings obtained by analysis of the files of the social worker in the Accommodation Camp in Rohovce. We analysed 28 client files of the social worker. The second part of the results consists of the data obtained through semi- structured interviews. We recorded the findings in the tables in accordance with the relevant objectives. The tables include the respondents’ statements relevant for the studied objectives, and the specific key information is in italics. To protect the respondents, we do not use their names but they are labelled as P1-P3.

O1. Find out reasons why refugees escape their countries Our first objective was to find out what were the refugees’ reasons to escape their countries. The respondents’ answers are shown in the table below. All respondents’ and social worker’ statements were translated by the study author.

247 Tab. 2: Refugees’ reasons to escape their country Interview items Respondents Transcript

What were the

refugees’ reasons to

escape their countries?

Hmm, it is much. P1 P1: 10, 12, 13

Because I had a problem

with my uncle there, he C1 wanted to kill me.

I was running from A, I P2 P2: 9,10,11 had a problem with T there. I wanted to be in a country P3 P3: 15-17 that will not have a problem. People will not swear. There will not be such racists or for example communists there. But most of these refugees SW SW:1-5 are economic migrants who have come to Europe to earn some money. Certainly, there are also those who run away from various conflicts, problems, because of neighbourhood conflicts. Or they are sick and want to be treated.

In evaluation of the answers to the question “What were the refugees’ reasons to escape their countries?” we can notice that each of the respondents states a different reason. What they have in common, however, is that they feel in danger to some extent. In the first case and the second case we can state that the reason for escape from their countries was fear of a threat to life. The third respondent states that he feels in danger and unaccepted because of being of a different race and nationality. His aim was to find a country that would provide him with safety and where he would be fully accepted.

248 If we compared the data from the interviews with the respondents with the statements from the interview with the social worker, we would find a contradiction, which may be explained by subjective perceptions of respondents’ life situations. Besides a threat to life, which makes refugees to leave their countries, there are also economic reasons to obtain finances which they cannot get in the country of origin because of a bad financial situation. O2. Find out refugees’ expectations from our state. Another objective that was the subject of our research was to find out which interventions the respondents expect from our state. The questions for the respondents focused on finding what they expect from the Slovak Republic in case they are granted asylum. The found results directly from the respondents along with the statements by the social worker are in the Table 3. Tab. 3: Refugees’ expectations from our state Interview items Respondents Transcript

What interventions do refugees expect from our state?

The most that I wait for is P1 P1: 83 -84 whether they give me my ID. C2 Then when I have it, then I will see what would come.

When I have some documents, P2 P2: 19-20 I will go to some work. Or I will find a girlfriend and I will get married. P2: 55 -57 I want a job or to study or anything. A life like this one is not good. It is necessary to study because of work. I pray that I probably do not P3 P3: 62-65 know, if God wants I would be granted asylum, maybe I will be here, I will stay here, I will P3: 66-67 live here. You know when I came here I expected I would probably study.

249 They have great expectations. SW SW:12,14 Related to work, related to medical assistance, related to material assistance. Every single area. They expect maximum. Often, it is too SW: 21,22 exaggerated. And then, the result is that they are not able to become independent.

The respondents are interested in studies and the possibility to get a job. P2 states that his goal is to settle down in Slovakia and expresses his interest in studies, but on the other hand there is also an idea expressing dissatisfaction with the system of the Slovak Republic in the financial area. There was a similar statement in P3. From the statements by P1, we can guess that his greatest expectation is to get back his ID which would enable him to move freely also out of the Slovak Republic. According to the social worker’s statements, refugees have requirements in all areas of life from health care to material assistance. Considering that in the statements by the respondents P1, P2 and P3, it is “readable” that they feel a bad financial situation of the country, we find a similarity with the social worker’s statements. The stated findings in comparison with the findings in analysis of the files coincide in expectations of material support, a space for studies. Furthermore, we found the need of a safe environment in the files. O3. Find out interest in integration programmes and courses in asylum seekers. The subject of our research was also to find out asylum seekers’ interest in integration programmes in the accommodation camp. As the primary integration of refugees occurs in the accommodation camp, to obtain the necessary data, we prepared the questions: Do asylum seekers use the possibility to take the Slovak course? Do asylum seekers use the possibility to participate in education and retraining courses? Do asylum seekers use the possibility to participate in the programmes focused on sociocultural orientation?

250 Do asylum seekers use the internet access? The answers to the questions are shown in the well-defined table.

Tab. 4: Interest in integration programmes and courses Interview items Do asylum Do asylum Do asylum Do asylum seekers use seekers use seekers use seekers use the possibility the possibility the the internet

to take the to participate possibility access?

Slovak in education to

course? and retraining participate courses? in the programmes Respondent focused on sociocultura l orientation?

Transc P1: 2, 5-6 P1: 42-46 P1:61, 64, P1: 75 - 81 ript 66 P1 Yes. I I did not want I was. No. Not good practiced to, but I tried It is not one, internet here. outside what I it, then I did it is many. Is not good, learnt, I not have time Almost all because listened. because I Slovakia. internet weak. found a job. I have up, I And I wanted have my to take a laptop. I have course, but it the internet. was not I, Facebook, possible Chat, then for anymore. example on google, I search something all the time, I play some games. Transc P2:2, P2: 22, 25-26 P2: 76 P2: 80-84

ript 4-5

P2 Yes, I take the M. told me Yes. I go to In the camp, Slovak course. there would B. they have Every week, be a course. I four, five I go there do not know computers. twice. We talk what course. The internet

251 to people I do not have does not a lot. I talk to here, now I work. people. cannot go to Sometimes it school or works. The university. internet is very slow. I watch, for example, the news. I watch what new in A. or I write with my family. Transc P3: P3: 31, 43-44 P3: 55-56 P3: 73-76

ript 2-4

P3 Yes, I study Slovak no, no. Yes, to B., They are here. Slovak, the Slovak is very I was not Yes. They Slovak difficult. You there; I did give the language. I do not have not have internet. I know it a bit, much money. time, mostly do not maybe seventy And I want maybe. go to the per cent. It is schools. I, They internet. I use enough, while I lived organized, I the phone. I totally in M., I had a phoned with have enough. profession Mrs E. I everything Because I that was very was not there, you know what I expensive. there then. know. What I want to buy, want, I have for example WhatsApp, and I know everything. I how to pay, do not need. recharge So the phone credit and is enough for everything, me. you know. So maybe it is enough. Transc SW: 62 SW: 107-112 SW: 115- SW: ript -65, 68- 123 125-130

69, 71- 73

SW Their interest In the end of Yes, yes. The internet is is rather the year, two Through our very weak. If weak. of them took organisatio it is possible, Therefore, in the retraining n, refugees they use it. the project courses for go out of the Mostly, they

252 they had an forklifts. In camp. do not use it, idea, which is the present, because that rather good, one works as Of course, it internet does that if they a cook, the depends on not work. want to get other as stock- finances, some keeper. It is too. Various social assistance, also so networks, When there Facebook, material aid or debatable. We are some tea, sugar, etc. were looking Chat and such offers, we things. They from the for a person go to project, they who would try to find football in friends, should use it in the S. participate in future. boyfriends, 75% of Particularly in One girlfriends in lessons per this area, there volunteer Slovakia. And month. are many cooperates some of them positives. with us and are pretty So now, our They could she successful. clients use it sometimes participate in somehow and brings some the lessons it would be a documentar more. rather decent y films But there are work. And about also clients, those Slovakia the certificates are and shows exceptions, valid them. She who want to throughout draws with learn Slovak, Europe. them, regardless of organizes getting exhibitions something for with this it. issue.

All three respondents expressed their interest and they go to the Slovak classes. In his statements, P2 mentioned that the classes are twice a week. Therefore, we assume that he is a regular participant in the course. P3 stated the fact that he participated in seventy per cent of the Slovak course and he considers his language skills as adequate. All the respondents coincide in the statements that they improve their language skills by communication in verbal contacts with the majority population and also in dealing with common situations. If we consider the reality stated by the social worker, so since the measurement about charity conditioned by 75% participation in the Slovak classes per month was applied, the interest in taking the Slovak

253 course increased. If meeting the limit, the asylum seekers can use the advantages in the form of financial, material or other assistance. By analysis of the files, we came to the findings that there are asylum seekers who take the Slovak course with various frequency of attendance and there are also clients who have no interest in this course. We assume that mostly they are clients who do not consider the Slovak Republic their target country. There is interest in retraining courses in the respondents; the question is which courses asylum seekers and refugees are interested in. We assume it depends on their educational level. An example is the statement by the respondent P2 who expresses his interest in education but in the field that is not offered by our school system. Based on the social worker’s statements, we assume that selection of adepts for taking a course is thoroughly considered related to financial possibilities of an organisation. A criterion in selection of a suitable candidate is an assumption whether he finishes the course and further job opportunities. Analysis of the files suggests limited provision of retraining courses in the fields with good job opportunities in the Slovak labour market. The interest in exploring Slovakia and its culture is big among the respondents. All respondents stated that if the camp organises trips, they participate. The social worker states that exploration is conducted also through documentary films with this issue. There is a weak internet connection in the camp, which limits the applicants’ possibilities. P1 and P3 use the internet to communicate through the social networks which they agreed on. P2 uses the internet to seek information related to the situation in his home country and to keep in touch with his family. O4 Find out asylum seekers’ interest in social counselling Another subject of our interest is to find out asylum seekers’ interest in social counselling.

254 Tab. 5: Asylum seekers’ interest in social counselling Interview items C4 Do asylum seekers use Respondents Transcript counselling services by social workers? We have a lot here. We talk P1 P1: 30-34 all the time. Like, for example, we talk with girls (a smile). We joke together. P1: 37-38 There are problems here when people drink alcohol, otherwise not. Yes. P2 P2: 37

Yes. P3 P3: 22 Yes, they use it. There are SW SW:37-39 those who use social counselling pretty regularly, they demand it, and there are others who do not seek it, they maximally say hello, they do not seek it, do not contact us.

In evaluation of the question Do asylum seekers use counselling services by social workers?, we found that asylum seekers seek social workers but they did not state the reasons. Their answers show that a part of asylum seekers uses the possibility of social counselling – the asylum seekers and the social worker coincided on this fact. He reminds that not everybody is interested. Consultations in the social worker are a used offer – it is obvious also from the analysed files. Individual, group, basic and specialized counselling is provided. O5 Find out asylum seekers’ interest in leisure time activities in the accommodation camp We wanted to find out asylum seekers’ interest in leisure time activities in the accommodation camp. The question focused on finding leisure time activities in asylum seekers and the possibilities to spend free time in the camp available for them.

255 Tab. 6: Leisure time activities in the accommodation camp and asylum seekers’ interest in them Interview items C5 What activities do asylum Respondents Transcript seekers do in the accommodation camp in their free time? Sport. Football, cricket. The P1 P1:54-59 most I play cricket and football. Ping pong. Then basketball. There is nothing else here. But when I was in B., I had a lot of activities.

We do not have anything here, we P2 P2: 62-67 need a job, we need to study, but a job cannot be because you need to study. So, we do not have anything, no study, no job, nothing. I have books, we read books or we can play billiard, ping pong. Or there is a computer, TV set? But I do not like it, you see? You need to study or work. I did not come here to watch a film or play ping pong. I play football. P3 P3: 20 Table tennis, table football, they SW SW:132- play cricket, volleyball, football 137 outside. We have looms; they weave carpets, those who want to. A pottery wheel. Working with fabrics, working with clay. Working with papers. Everything depends on the current situation and current state in the camp. When there are seven people who like playing football, we play football. We tailor the activities to the current situation.

In evaluation of the question What activities do asylum seekers do in the accommodation camp in their free time?, we found what activities asylum seekers do during their stay in the camp. All the respondents agreed that

256 they do sports, particularly football. Other activities include cricket and ping pong. The statement of the social worker gives other possibilities, such as weaving carpets, a pottery wheel, and working with fabrics. Leisure time activities are influenced by the asylum seekers’ mood and the current situation, as stated by the SW. We found similar types of leisure time activities in the analysed files. O6. Find out an asylum seeker’s target country in case the Slovak Republic is just a transit country. The last objective of our study was to find out what is an asylum seeker’s target country in case the Slovak Republic is his transit country.

Tab. 7: Asylum seeker’s target country in case the Slovak Republic is his transit country Interview items C6 What is an asylum seeker’s target Respondents Transcript country in case the Slovak Republic is his transit country? 0 P1 0

I have a family in Germany. Do you P2 P2: 71-74 understand? I want to go there, I have nobody here. When I have my documents, I can go to Germany legally, but when there are no documents, I cannot. 0 P3 0 Target countries are all countries, SW SW:76-80 which I encountered in my practice, all countries west of Slovakia, except the Czech Republic. Austria, Germany, northern countries, England, the Switzerland. Simply all these more developed, the Netherlands. All these more developed countries are target countries for these refugees.

In evaluation of the question What is an asylum seeker’s target country in case the Slovak Republic is his transit country?, we found that part of the

257 respondents plans to settle down in Germany. Firstly, because part of their family lives in Germany and secondly, because of wider (in comparison with Slovakia) job opportunities that Germany offers. Other respondents did not state any country, that’s why we assume they plan to settle down in Slovakia. The social worker states that, in his experience, asylum seekers’ target countries are those that can be considered economically more developed. Based on that, it can be assumed that refugees seek countries that offer a wide range of possibilities.

6 DISCUSSION

The issues of refugees and migration are one of the serious global problems of humanity which is accompanied by suffering of those who run away but also by a “burden” of the countries which refugees enter. Migration is a universal phenomenon; people from less developed countries move to or cross the borders to industrialized countries. Within the migration flow, many people cross the borders of other countries to get away from oppression, social decay, war, persecutions, or infringement of fundamental human rights. Thus, European countries have to face complex situations when coping with arrival of immigrants, asylum seekers, and refugees. Refugees are one of the marginalized groups of population. They do not represent any danger for our society; after acclimatization in our territory, they are an asset, particularly in the cultural and economic areas. We think that a cultural diversity is enriching. All refugees, however, need the same extent of protection and have right to be treated in accordance with the humanitarian principles and standards in the area of human rights and freedoms. The objective of our study was to find out the level and extent of provided social services for refugees and provision of the system of protection of asylum seekers’ rights. We also wanted to find out refugees’ reasons to leave their home countries and what assistance they expect from our country (also after they have been granted asylum). Our findings are very interesting, such as refugees’ reasons to escape their country, what interventions refugees expect from our country, how they spend their free time, how they use social counselling, offered courses of e.g. the Slovak language, etc.

258 One of the objectives of the last UNHCR study in 2010 was to find out the level of providing protection to refugees in the Central European countries. The Slovak Republic was also included in the study. The sample included 165 asylum seekers in the Reception Camp in Humenné, the accommodation camps in Rohovce and Opatovská Nová Ves, and the detention centres in Sečovce and Medveďov, and 21 refugees and 47 subsidiary protected persons. In evaluation, the researchers came to the findings that showed weaknesses in the integration programmes focused on obtaining language skills, in getting a job, and in access to medical treatment. In our paper, we focused on the issue of providing social services to refugees. In our opinion, not much attention has been paid to the issue of social services provided for refugees in Slovakia, as evidenced by only few studies in this area. Conducting the study, we had an opportunity to be direct observers of working with this target group. We gained some insight into asylum seekers’ needs and expectations through communication with the clients in the Accommodation Camp Rohovce. The interview with the social worker in the accommodation camp gave us a real picture about the process of working with this target group. Our first partial objective was to find out refugees’ reasons to escape their countries. Refugees’ reasons to escape their countries can vary. If we looked at the reasons to escape through the definition of refugees in accordance with the Geneva Convention, it would be a reason of persecution for racial, religious, national, political reasons and reasons of belonging to a social group. The results of our findings show that refugees’ reasons to escape were particularly fear for their life “I had problems with my uncle, he wanted to kill me” P1. Other reasons can include xenophobia and racism, or discrimination of some nationalities. As an example, we can mention the statement by the respondent P3 who says: “I wanted to be like a country that would have no problem. People will not swear, a problem with people. Such racist, for example a communist.” According to the social worker, the most common reasons why refugees leave their countries are economic reasons. Refugees often come from countries that can be considered as little developed and therefore they leave them with the vision of a better life.

259 “But the most of these refugees are economic migrants who came to Europe to earn some money” (SW, 3-7). Another partial objective was to find out what interventions refugees expect from our country when they are granted asylum. In this objective, a question arises how many asylum seekers are granted this form of international protection in the territory of the Slovak Republic. The results of the Statistical Office show that in 2013, asylum was granted in 15 cases out of 441 applications. Compared to 2012, the number of granted asylums was 32 out of 732 applications. An intervention can be understood as an action, intercession. In the asylum facilities, it includes social and material assistance. Primary care focuses on provision of accommodation, food, basic health care, opportunities for education, and assistance in seeking a job. The basic expectation of each refugee is provision of safety that can be provided by the country in the form of granting international protection. As many asylum seekers go through the asylum procedure repeatedly “Since I am there in Slovakia. Until now. I have been here for five years.” (P1, 4), their expectation is being granted asylum, as evidenced by repeated applications. Repeated experiencing of situations related to asylum procedures does not affect asylum seekers positively. They are frustrated, unsure in planning their future and even apathetic (because they lose belief in good resolution of their situations). These facts were recorded in the files of the social worker in the Accommodation Camp in Rohovce labelled as “nervous for the asylum procedure”. If the Slovak Republic is only a transit country for refugees and their goal is to get to another target country, their greatest expectation is to get the relevant documents. “The most what I expect is if they give me my documents. Then when I have my document, then I will see what would follow” (P1, 83-84). According to our findings, there are refugees who express their interest and willingness to participate in life of the Slovak society and live as its full members. They have a need to study and have a job and be in a partnership. “I pray that maybe I do not know, if God wants it that I would have asylum, maybe I will be here, I will stay here, I will live here” (P3, 62-65). On the other hand, there is a question to what extent it is possible to meet expectations of this social group. In providing care, we should take into account applicant’s situation and financial possibilities of a country and use his participation possibilities.

260 “They have great expectations. Related to work, related to medical assistance, related to material assistance” (SW, 12). Our next objective was to find out asylum seekers’ interest in integration programmes. The Refugee Convention 1951 includes many legal and socioeconomic rights that are necessary for successful integration of refugees. They include freedom of movement, access to education and labour market, access to social support, and from the longer-time perspective it is a possibility to obtain citizenship. Integration of refugees into society is a complicated complex of relationships between individuals, social environment of the host country, economic and legislative conditions, and factors influencing the dynamics of this process (Žáková, 2006, p. 40). There are several participants in implementation of the integration measures: ministries, the non-governmental sector, municipalities, employers, etc. The integration process occurs already during applicants’ stay in the camp we focused on in our research part. Our intention was to find out asylum seekers’ interest in the courses of the Slovak language whose knowledge is essential in the integration process. Asylum seekers are offered education and retraining courses to increase their chances in integration. Such courses focus particularly on obtaining professional skills and are affected by supply and demand at the labour market. For a limited budget, these courses are provided to those applicants in whom there is an assumption they will successfully finish the course and find a job. “In the end of the year, two of them took the retraining courses for forklifts. In the present, one works as a cook, the other as stock-keeper. It is also so debatable. We were looking for a person who would use it in the future. Particularly in this area, there are many positives. They could use it somehow and it would be a rather decent work. And those certificates are valid throughout Europe” (SW, 107-112). As our findings show, applicants are interested in retraining courses; however, the problem is that their selection of a suitable course is influenced by an indefinite situation related in which they are. “I did not want to, but I tried it, then I did not have time because I found a job. And I wanted to take a course, but it was not possible anymore” (P1, 42-46). The Ministry of Education does not participate in integration of subsidiary protected persons. In the area of education, the main participants are non-

261 governmental organizations specializing in the area of refugee integration. The problem, however, is in sustainability of such an approach as it is financially limited and dependent on project funding. In Slovakia, the actions are funded mostly from the European Refugee Fund and are provided by non-governmental organizations (Bürkin, Huddleston, 2013). Also our findings confirm the above mentioned information – the courses the respondents participate in are provided by the non-governmental organizations. “Through our organisation, refugees go also out of the camp. Of course, it depends on finances, too” (SP, 115-123). The non- governmental organization our respondent (the social worker) works for offers asylum seekers the possibility of part-time jobs, including chores, cleaning the camp premises, etc. “Every day they clean the kitchenette, hall and computer room, classrooms, etc. They get money for that from us. They are interested in these assistance works but we are financially limited, so we cannot satisfy all those who want to work” (SP, 142-144). According to our findings, interest in the Slovak course is not adequate in the Accommodation Camp Rohovce, in spite of the fact that our respondents in the interviews confirmed their participation in the Slovak lessons. “Yes, I go to Slovak” (P2, 2). “I know a bit, maybe seventy per cent. It is enough, totally enough” (P3, 2-3). The social worker states that interest in language courses is low. To motivate the asylum seekers, the organization workers decided to take a measurement in the form of stating a condition of minimally 75% participation in the Slovak classes per month. If meeting the condition, the asylum seekers are provided with extra material assistance. “Their interest is rather weak. Therefore, in the project they had an idea, which is rather good, that if they want to get some assistance, material aid or tea, sugar, etc. from the project, they were expected to participate in 75% of lessons per month” (SP, 62-71). We assume that this measurement increased interest in the Slovak course. It can be beneficial for asylum seekers even if they are not active in the classes. Knowledge of the basics of the Slovak language can be helpful for them in their easier socialization and integration into society. Refugees’ arrival in a country, often unknown to them, induces fear and uncertainty in them. They occur in an unknown environment with a different culture and language. A precondition of successful integration of refugees in a majority society is knowledge of the language but also

262 knowing and understanding of life in it. For refugees it is important to have at least basic information about a country to which they come. Therefore, we asked the respondents if they had the possibility to participate in the programmes focused on exploration of our country’s culture and society. We were interested in their participation in such programmes. According to our findings, all respondents agreed that they explored our country through the trips organized by the non-governmental organizations. Besides this form, they obtain information about Slovakia by watching documentary films with this topic. In cooperation with a volunteer, the asylum seekers make pictures. “Through our organisation, refugees go also out of the camp . . .” “One volunteer cooperates with us and she sometimes brings some documentary films about Slovakia and shows them. She draws with them, organizes exhibitions with this issue” (SP, 115-123). Also, we asked the asylum seekers about using the internet, what conditions there are for it in the camp, and what they use the internet for. Based on the findings, we came to the conclusion that the asylum seekers are interested in using the internet, however, all the respondents stated there was a limited internet access. “Not good because weak internet” (P1, 75). In the interviews, we wanted to know the most common purposes for using the internet by the asylum seekers. Two respondents stated they used social networks, such as Facebook, which was confirmed by the social worker. We perceive the benefits of the internet in maintaining and also establishing friendly relationships between the majority members. “Mostly, they do not use it, because that internet does not work. Various social networks, Facebook, Chat and such things. They try to find friends, boyfriends, girlfriends in Slovakia” (SP, 126-129). “The internet access in an accommodation camp can help refugees overcome their sense of isolation” (Byť utečencom, Hodnotiaca správa z roku 2010). Asylum seekers often need to be informed about their home country, particularly if their family or other relatives stayed there. As a means, the internet can be very helpful in mediating this information. “I watch, for example, the news. I watch what new in A. or I write my family” (P2, 83-84). The next objective was to find asylum seekers’ interest in social counselling. The social workers’ role in the accommodation camps is to

263 provide their clients with expert counselling in the scope of education, employment, health assistance, and social assistance. In their work with their clients, they use various forms and methods of counselling. The most used form is individual counselling. The less frequently used forms include group and specialized counselling. In the counselling process, social workers cooperate with expert teams consisted of psychologists and lawyers. By analysis of the social worker’s files we found that the most common form of counselling used in the Accommodation Camp Rohovce is individual counselling. The asylum seekers who have problems related to coping with stressful situations (e.g.: conflict behaviour) are provided with specialized expert counselling focused on this purpose. Our findings suggest that the asylum seekers use consultations with the social worker, as was stated by all respondents. Answering a supplementary question on what problems they discuss with the social worker, one respondent stated: “We have a lot here. We talk all the time. We have something. Like, for example, we talk with girls. We joke together” (P1, 30- 34). Based on the observations when conducting research, we found that the most common reasons why the asylum seekers contact the social worker are the areas of material assistance and assistance in job seeking in the asylum seekers granted a permission to work. The frequency and intensity of using expert counselling are very individual – depend on the interest of each asylum seeker. According to the social worker, there are asylum seekers who contact the social worker regularly, but there are others who are not interested in these consultations. “Yes, they use it. There are those who use social counselling pretty regularly, they demand it, and there are others who do not seek it, they maximally say hello, they do not seek it, do not contact us” (SP, 37-39). The next objective was to find what activities asylum seekers do in their free time in accommodation camps. “During their stay in asylum facilities, asylum seekers can participate in various leisure time activities. These activities are provided particularly by social workers of non-governmental organizations” (Organizácia azylových zariadení pre žiadateľov o azyl, 2013). The social worker confirmed in the interview that the Accommodation Camp provides leisure time activities for the asylum seekers. A range of

264 activities is adapted to a current situation and interest of individual asylum seekers. “Table tennis, table football, they play cricket, volleyball, football outside. We have looms; they weave carpets, those who want to. A pottery wheel. Working with fabrics, working with clay. Working with papers. Everything depends on the current situation and current state in the camp. When there are seven people who like playing football, we play football. We tailor the activities to the current situation” (SP, 132-137). According to the findings in our research, the clients are interested particularly in sports activities, such as football, cricket, basketball, and ping-pong. Besides sports activities, the asylum seekers use the library with foreign literature. “I have a book here, we read a book” (P2, 63). In the Accommodation Camp Rohovce, the social worker works with the asylum seekers also by the form of art therapy and ergotherapy. Art therapy and ergotherapy are treatment methods that can be used by social workers when working with their clients. The last objective was to find target countries of the asylum seekers in case the Slovak Republic was their transit country. One of the respondents stated that his goal was to get to Germany because all his family is there. “I have a family to Germany. Do you understand? I want to go there, I have nobody here. When I have my documents, I can go to Germany legally, but when there are no documents, I cannot” (P2, 71-74). Based on his experience, the social worker stated that the target countries of the asylum seekers are mostly the countries with developed economy. “Target countries are all countries, which I encountered in my practice, all countries west of Slovakia, except the Czech Republic. Austria, Germany, northern countries, England, the Switzerland. Simply all these more developed, the Netherlands. All these more developed countries are target countries for these refugees” (SP, 75-80). The countries with better economics offer refugees better prospects for economic independence. They are attractive for them because of better job opportunities. “In Slovakia is very difficult. You do not have much money. And I want schools that I lived in M.; that profession is very expensive” (P3, 43-44). “I want to study. Do you understand? And job. You do not have, do not have anything here” (P2, 69-70).

265 We found some shortcomings in the way of assistance for refugees in accommodation camps. However, they do not relate to working with clients; our attention should be paid to legislation changes. We see a problem in the fact that the asylum procedure process is slow. It makes refugees’ difficult situation even more difficult. The number of granted asylums in Slovakia is not high; also, other forms of international protection – e.g. subsidiary protection – are not used sufficiently. If no form of international protection is granted, refugees are forced to re-apply. Thus the asylum procedure starts again. Repetition of the whole asylum procedure influences asylum seekers negatively, and promotes fear, uncertainty, and concern for the future. Related to the Slovak course, we can only appreciate a strategy of the workers of the non-governmental organization who we met during our research investigation. Knowing the Slovak language is important for asylum seekers, and therefore it is necessary to motivate them to participation in language courses – the approach of the workers in the Camp can be used as a suitable example: they conditioned material assistance by participation in the Slovak course. In our opinion, this measurement will increase interest in the Slovak course also in those asylum seekers who have not been interested in it. Furthermore, we would like to draw attention to shortcomings related to employing the asylum seekers. We suggest cutting down the waiting periods required for asylum seekers to access employment; in the present it is granted after a year after applying for asylum. We agree with the recommendations of the report Refugee Integration and the Use of Indicators: Evidence from Central Europe: “Once granted the right to work, a work permit should be issued immediately. Encourage employment offices to provide adequate job opportunities or training for asylum-seekers commensurate with their skills and qualifications” (Bürkin, Huddleston, 2013, p. 94). In our opinion, these measurements will increase the asylum seekers’ possibilities to participate in life of our society from the very beginning of their stay in camps. They will become independent of assistance by the state and will be given an opportunity of self-realization. Another suggested recommendation relates to the area of lifelong learning. Since adequate and quality education allows easier integration in the labour

266 market, we appeal for measures related to further training possibilities for asylum seekers. Our suggestion is to provide vocational training for asylum seekers in reception centres. If persons with international protection have adequate qualifications, we suggest accepting their documents for certifying education, or conducting tests to examine the level of education. In this scope, we were inspired by the study by Bürkin and Huddleston (2013) as cited: “Provide vocational training for asylum-seekers in reception centres in partnership with an accredited lifelong learning body in the country. Alternatively, integration authorities could form partnerships with these organizations in order to deliver relevant services outside reception centres. Ensure the flexibility in accessing vocational training for beneficiaries of international protection e.g. to accept alternative documents for certifying education from the country of origin or conduct tests to examine the previous level of education” (Bürkin, Huddleston, 2013, p. 95). Since adequate knowledge in the legal, social, and cultural areas is inevitable for successful integration of asylum seekers, we suggest including the programmes focused on enhancement of legal awareness and general information about the Slovak Republic in the integration system. An example can be a proposal by IOM (2012) that focuses on citizenship seekers in the Slovak Republic, but such a measure can be useful also for asylum seekers that would allow their easier orientation in functioning of the system in the territory of Slovakia. The proposal content is to provide an educational system to enhance legal awareness in migrants, eliminate tensions between migrants and the majority population, prevent establishment of closed communities of migrants, and provide crime prevention (IOM, 2012). The research results show that asylum seekers are interested in the individual form of counselling. We suggest using the form of group counselling which can help asylum seekers to overcome the sense of isolation and to make new social contacts. We perceive its importance also in resolving potential conflicts and misunderstandings that can occur between asylum seekers during their stay in camps as they are confronted with the members of multiple cultures and nationalities. In group work, they can use effective factors such as group membership, similarity of discussed issues, a sense of belonging, emotional support, acceptance of problems, mutual understanding, group norms, cohesion, tension, help to self and

267 others, a possibility to relax, use of a more differentiated feedback, possibilities of confrontation, corrective experience, training of new behaviours in safe environment in a group, and obtaining new information and skills, understanding some aspects of social behaviour (Bevir ,2009, Lavenex, 2001). Since our study was conducted in the Accommodation Camp Rohovce whose clients are men and the results cannot be generalised to all refugees, in the next studies we recommend focusing on obtaining relevant information on social services, which are part of protection of refugee rights, also in the Reception Camp in Humenné and the Accommodation Camp Opatovská Nová Ves. These studies are recommended to be focused on care for vulnerable groups of refugees including single mothers with children, children, refugees in older age, and refugees with disabilities. Since our study focused on obtaining information on provision of social services in one accommodation camp, the findings relate to the asylum seekers who are the clients of this camp. Conducting research in asylum facilities is very difficult. One of the reasons is the condition of being granted access to this facility. Another problem is access itself to this facility as these facilities are situated by the borders, at the end of municipalities. When conducting research, we faced the language barrier in the sampling process. The problem was resolved with help of the social worker. That’s why the sample included the respondents with the fundamentals of Slovak. The findings resulting from our study do not have to relate to a social group of refugees.

7 CONCLUSION

“Recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.” The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations) The Slovak Republic has still a lot to do to provide help to refugees. In Slovakia, the societal debate on the issue of refugees has been rather lively, particularly in the recent period. The question is which way it is moving.

268 Unfortunately, we have to say that our society does not incline to the idea of helping the refugees much. Our study focused on finding information about providing social services through social work for refugees. Since the study was conducted only in one facility, the Accommodation Camp in Rohovce, the findings can be applied only to these refugees. Based on the literature review, we defined six objectives. The first objective was to find the refugees’ reasons to leave their home countries. Besides the method of content analysis, we used the method of semi-structured interview. As stated by the respondents, they left their home countries particularly because of persecutions (e.g. by extremist groups), threat to life (one’s own or relatives’), and discrimination. The social worker considers also economic reasons as important (besides the reasons stated by the Geneva Conference). Another objective was to find which interventions refugees expect when granted asylum. The essential expectation of each refugee is being granted asylum or other international protection. When granted asylum, refugees have expectations in the scope of education and employment. As several of them stated, there is a lack of education and job opportunities. Their integration in the labour market is affected by many problems; there is a serious obstacle of a one-year period between applying for asylum and being granted work permission. Since some refugees are not granted asylum or another form of protection, their only expectation is to get their ID documents back to leave our country. Our third objective was to find asylum seekers’ interest in the integration programmes while staying in the camp. The integration programmes include the Slovak course, educational and retraining courses, and programmes focused on sociocultural orientation. Our findings show that the asylum seekers attend the Slovak course in the extent of two hours twice a week. According to the social worker, however, interest in learning Slovak is low. The reason can be a fact there are asylum seekers whose goal is not to integrate in our society but to obtain such forms of international protection that would open them the way to countries with more developed economies. In the question focused on their interest in educational and retraining courses, the respondents stated they did not have enough opportunities to participate in them. Such statements were confirmed by the social worker who stated that the possibilities of providing the retraining courses for asylum seekers are limited as a result of the limited budget of the

269 organization. Therefore, when selecting the applicants, attention is paid if the applicant successfully finishes the course and what his possibility of finding employment is. The applicants are interested in the courses focused on the sociocultural orientation in the Slovak society. In the interview with the social worker, we found that these programmes are conducted in the form of trips in Slovakia within the financial capability of the organization. Other forms of getting information about Slovakia include screening the documentary films. Another topic in the interview was the internet – its access in the Camp and also the ways of its use by the respondents. The internet access in the Camp is weak, and therefore it rarely functions as expected by the respondents. Through the internet, the respondents would like to contact their families, be in connection with their countries, but also meet Slovak men and women. Another of our objectives was to find asylum seekers’ interest in consultations with social workers. According to our findings, the asylum seekers are interested in social counselling. Based on the respondents’ statements, we came to the conclusion they seek particularly individual counselling. The social worker confirmed that in their camp there are clients who do not need to seek him. Another of our objectives was to find what leisure time activities the asylum seekers do. Based on our research, we found the offer of the leisure time activities in the Accommodation Camp is sufficient enough. A range of activities is adapted to a current situation and interest of the asylum seekers themselves. The asylum seekers can do various sports, such as football, cricket, etc. The library with foreign literature is available for the asylum seekers. They can participate in various therapies (ergotherapy, art therapy). Our last objective was to find the target country of the asylum seekers in case the Slovak Republic is only a transit country. According to our findings, our respondents expressed their interest to stay in the territory of Slovakia. According to the social worker’s statement, the target countries of asylum seekers are all western countries, such as Germany, Austria, Switzerland, etc. The issue of refugees is a serious phenomenon of the present; therefore, it is necessary to face the issue adequately. To provide effective protection and care, it is necessary to educationally train competent social workers and professionals working with asylum seekers and refugees who would

270 adequately react to profession challenges of work with persons who left their home countries. Migration policy is a dynamic topic which has been continuously forming under the pressure of circumstances or political decisions. Therefore, it is important to pay constant attention to the topic of migration and migration policy for the proper development of society.

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275

Title: Discussions about Inclusion of Marginalized Groups in Context of Social Services (Proceedings of Scientific Studies and Scientific Works)

Authors: Martin Brňák, Jurina Rusnáková, Miroslava Čerešníková, Rastislav Rosinský, Mário Griesbach, Ivan Rác, Michal Kozubík, Martina Hrozenská, Zuzana Líšková, Lýdia Lehoczká, Katarína Vanková

Editor: Jurina Rusnáková

Published by: Veranstalter: Internationale Stiftung Schulung, Kunst, Ausbildung Dürrnbacherstraße 6/1/19 1110 Wien Österreich

Year: 2017

Number of copies: 200

Number of pages: 276

ISBN: 978-3-9504061-3-9