Wrestling with Masculinity: Messages About Manhood in the WWE

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Sex Roles (2006) 55:1–11 DOI 10.1007/s11199-006-9055-6 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Wrestling with Masculinity: Messages about Manhood in the WWE Danielle M. Soulliere Published online: 7 November 2006 # Springer Science + Business Media, Inc. 2006 Abstract This study was designed to examine messages the media are responsible for disseminating numerous about manhood revealed by televised professional wrestling messages about gender, including acceptable forms of through content analyses of 118 World Wrestling Enter- femininity and masculinity. tainment (WWE) programs and pay-per-view events. It has been noted that television, in particular, is a Specifically, messages concerning masculinity and the powerful source of gender representations. As Spangler way in which proof and assertion of manhood are (1992) has argued, television provides models of appropri- accomplished were investigated and compared to the ate gender roles and behavior, and effectively constructs culturally ideal version of masculinity. Findings revealed ideals of femininity and masculinity. Similarly, Witt (2000) that the messages imparted by the WWE about manhood contended that television, through both entertainment support the dominant hegemonic form of masculinity, programming and advertisements, sends uniquely compel- which emphasizes aggression and violence, emotional ling messages about socially approved roles for boys and restraint, and success and achievement. Popular culture girls and men and women. messages about manhood that emphasize hegemonic Research concerning gender and popular culture media masculinity have implications for alternative expressions has tended to focus on women rather than men (Durkin, of masculinity and potential gender role socialization, 1985; Good, Porter, & Dillon, 2002; Scharrer, 2001; which are discussed. Vigorito & Curry, 1998). Vigorito and Curry (1998), for example, reported that only recently has attention been Keywords Masculinity. Professional wrestling . given to men and masculinity in media studies of gender Popular culture portrayals. Durkin (1985) also contended that most research on gender in the media has focused on the construction of Gender is a cultural creation (Butler, 1995; Gilmore, 1990; femininity; masculinity has received only a cursory nod by Kimmel, 1990) that is often constructed by and represented default. Nevertheless, Hanke (1998) pointed to more recent through popular culture media (Gauntlett, 2002) such as media studies that focus on popular representations of advertisements (Andersen, 1997; Basow, 1992; Beal, 1994; masculinity in film, television, mediated sports, advertising, Witt, 2000), music (Andersen, 1997; Witt, 2000), sports and popular music. (Hanke, 1998; Messner, Hunt, & Dunbar, 2001), and Studies reveal that gender stereotypes abound in entertainment television (Andersen, 1997; Spangler, 1992; popular culture media representations (Andersen, 1997; Witt, 2000). Indeed, Andersen (1997) asserted that the mass Anderson & Hamilton, 2005; Basow, 1992; Dietz, 1998; media, in its various forms, is loaded with gendered Ditsworth, 2001; Evans & Davies, 2000; Ganahl, Prinsen, presentations, and Gauntlett (2002) has maintained that & Netzley, 2003; Gooden A. M. & Gooden M. A., 2001; Ogletree, Martinez, Turner, & Mason, 2004; Seidman, D. M. Soulliere (*) 1999; Towbin, Haddock, Zimmerman, Lund, & Tanner, Department of Sociology & Anthropology, 2003; Witt, 2000). For example, Andersen (1997) made University of Windsor, 401 Sunset Avenue, Windsor, ON, Canada N9B 3P4 note of the sexism found in popular culture representations, e-mail: [email protected] especially television, and argued that women and men are 2 Sex Roles (2006) 55:1–11 portrayed in stereotypical ways. Likewise, Ditsworth ing clearer boundaries between men and women, thereby (2001) pointed to the gender misrepresentations and stereo- decreasing the ambiguity of contemporary gender roles. types commonly found in popular children’s programming, The dominant hegemonic masculinity is associated with whereas Towbin et al. (2003) have noted the persistence of a number of characteristics that consistently appear in media gender stereotypes in feature-length animated Disney films. presentations of men. Such characteristics include violence Moreover, gender stereotypes have been noted in video and aggression, emotional restraint, toughness, risk-taking, games (Dietz, 1998), children’s literature (Anderson & physical strength, courage, power and dominance, compet- Hamilton, 2005; Clark, Guilmain, Saucier, & Tavarez, itiveness, and achievement and success (Brannon, 1976; 2003; Diekman & Murnen, 2004; Gooden A. M. & Gooden Brittan, 1989; Donaldson, 1993; Hopkins, 1996; Kaufman, M. A., 2001), and elementary school textbooks (Evans & 1995;Nicholson,1993; Schoenberg, 1993;Thompson,1991; Davies, 2000), which suggest that the media present Toch, 1998). particular forms of femininity and masculinity. To be sure, In particular, presentations of men in mediated sports Craig (1992) has argued that popular television situation continue to reflect and reaffirm the traditional hegemonic comedies, such as Home Improvement, Coach, and Cheers, notion of masculinity and its attending characteristics have routinely made use of gender stereotype parodies as a (Dworkin & Wachs, 2000; Messner, 1992, 2000; Sabo & way of questioning traditional masculine and feminine Panepinto, 1990). For example, Messner (2000) noted that values. Hanke (1998), however, has contended that the use televised sports and their accompanying commercials of such gender parodies in television situation comedies consistently present the mostly male audience with a serves to reiterate rather than to critique conventional narrow portrait of masculinity, by emphasizing such masculinity and femininity. characteristics as violence and aggression, power and Media studies that have focused on depictions of men dominance, and success and achievement. Messner et al. and displays of masculinity generally indicate that a (2001) further maintained that sports programming sends particular kind of masculinity is presented—primarily the uniquely powerful messages that support the characteristics dominant, culturally ideal, hegemonic form of masculinity of hegemonic masculinity. Researchers who have analyzed (Craig, 1992, 1993; Evans & Davies, 2000;Gauntlett,2002; masculinity displays within sport have concluded that sport Hanke, 1992; Messner, 2000; Vigorito & Curry, 1998). presentations typically embody the traits most associated Hegemonic masculinity, which is considered the cultural with the dominant masculinity, such as aggression, domi- ideal or normative definition of manhood in North nation, toughness, risk-taking, physical strength, and com- American society, is primarily reflective of White, hetero- petition (Koivula, 2001; Messner et al., 2001; Thornton, sexual, middle-class men (Connell, 1987;Dworkin& 1993). Wachs, 2000; Kimmel, 1990, 1999) Vigorito and Curry Although largely discounted as a legitimate sport (1998) reported, for example, that major reviews of the (Atkinson, 2002), professional wrestling is a form of research on gender and the mass media support the hege- popular culture entertainment that is at least conceptually monic masculine ideal, and Hanke (1992) contended that comparable to professional sports such as football, hockey, popular culture media tend to showcase hegemonic mascu- and soccer (Atkinson, 2002; Schnirring, 2000). Whether linity and to subordinate alternative forms of masculinity. “sport” or “entertainment,” professional wrestling has Gauntlett (2002) argued that despite changes in gender achieved a certain venerable status in North American ideals, images of the conventional “macho man” still circu- popular culture, as an estimated 35 to 50 million people late in popular culture. In fact, there is evidence of asym- tune in to watch professional wrestling programs each week metrical change in popular culture gender role portrayals, in the United States (Ashley, Dollar, Wigley, Gillentine, & with more change showing for women than for men Daughtrey, 2000; Atkinson, 2002; Rosellini, 1999). World (Diekman & Murnen, 2004). Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) programs consistently Some have argued that contemporary media representa- rank among the most popular in weekly television ratings tions of men and masculinity reflect the perceived growing (Albano, Sugar, & Woodson, 1999; Ashley et al., 2000), ambiguity of gender roles in today’s society (Craig, 1993; and consistently rank among the top-grossing pay-per-view Gauntlett, 2002; Messner, 1987). Indeed, Gauntlett (2002) events (Haley, 2003). As both a pseudo-sport and part of wrote about “masculinity in crisis,” and asserted that the mainstream entertainment popular culture, the messages push of the “macho man” in popular culture media is concerning masculinity presented by televised professional essentially a reaction to the new “girl power” roles being wrestling may serve as important cultural indicators of what carved out by women. Similarly, Messner (1987) suggested being a man is all about. that mainstream popular culture media such as televised Although there have been few scholarly investigations sports have projected images of men that emphasize into gender roles or masculinity in professional wrestling conventional hegemonic masculinity as a way of delineat- (see Cherry, 2002;Soulliere,2005), some noteworthy Sex Roles (2006) 55:1–11 3 commentaries suggest that professional wrestling presents take alternative forms,
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