Cultural Track

2009 ITAA Proceedings #66 Annual Meeting, Bellevue, Washington October 28-31, 2009

Historic – Cultural Track

Aldridge, R. & Kuttruff, J., (2009). Nineteenth Century Postmortem Dress and Death Metaphors

Arthur, L., (2009). Artifacts Speak: Material Culture Studies and the Cultural Authentication of Hawai`ian Quilts

Arthur, L., (2009). The President Needed New Robes: Teaching Ethnic Textiles through Creating Presidential Regalia

Brosdahl, D. & Barnes, W., (2009). Seventeen and Skin Exposure: 46 Years of Advertisements

Dijxhoorn, E. & Welters, L., (2009). Symmetry Analysis in Armenian Needlework ca 1860-1915

Eason, K. & Nelson-Hodges, N., (2009). The Evolution of Women in Body Modification

Eluwawalage , D., (2009). A Brief Narrative of Clothing Shopping in Great Britain

Hancock, J. & Kennedy, A., (2009). The Importance of Academic Research: Creating an Online Journal

Khoza, L., (2009). The Power of Dress: An Analysis of Conflict Between Tradition and Modernity in Swazi Dress

Kidd, L., (2009). What Becomes a Racist Most?: Hate Couture in the United States

Lillethun, A., (2009). Beyond the Minoan Locus: The Scope of the Bronze Age Flounced Skirt

Marcketti, S., (2009). Codes of Fair Competition: The National Industrial Recovery Act, 1933-1935 and the Women’s Ready-to-Wear Apparel Industry

Meyer, S., (2009). Erte’ Fashion or Fantasy: a Search for Evidence

Nelson-Hodges, N. & Copeland, R., (2009). Changes in Trinidad Carnival Dress: A (R)evolutionary Process

Parsons, J. & Marcketti, S., (2009). Women and Sewing:Integrating Object Analysis with Documentary Evidence

Ratute, A. & Marcketti, S., (2009). From New York to Chicago: A Plan for America’s Fashion Centers

Reale, A. & Lopez-Gydosh, D., (2009). A Philadelphian in the Court of William IV: Thomas A. Biddle’s Presentation Suit

Saiki, D. (2009). Enhancing Life Skills: Intergenerational Exchange About Fashion as Experienced by Young Adults

Strawn, S. & Thelen, M., (2009). Where Do T-Shirts Go? Incorporating Service- Learning about Second-Hand Clothing Distribution into Historic/Cultural Course Curricula

Trawick, C., (2009). Annie Malone and Poro College: Building an Enterprise of Beauty

2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

Nineteenth Century Postmortem Dress and Death Metaphors

Ryan Aldridge and Jenna Tedrick Kuttruff Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70803

postmortem, nineteenth-century, photography, death

The poem, Thanatopsis, written in 1811 by William Cullen Bryant is regarded as one of the most influential works of American literature and is a prime example of the spirit of the times (Abernathy, 1884). Thanatopsis is the Greek word for a view or contemplation of death, which is the focus of the poem (Abernathy, 1884). Thanatopsis (Bryant, 1884) contains multiple verses with words directly related to metaphors for death such as the following lines from the poem, which compare death to sleep or rest and departure.

And millions in those solitudes, since first The flight of years began, have laid them down In their last sleep--the dead reign there alone. So shalt thou rest: and what if thou withdraw In silence from the living, and no friend Take note of thy departure?

The concluding lines of Thanatopsis (1884) describe death as the joining of a “caravan” of the dead and journeying proudly to a “mysterious realm” where rest brings “pleasant dreams.”

So live, that when thy summons comes to join The innumerable caravan, which moves To that mysterious realm, where each shall take His chamber in the silent halls of death, Thou go not, like the quarry-slave at night, Scourged to his dungeon, but, sustained and soothed By an unfaltering trust, approach thy grave, Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.

Prior to and during the nineteenth century, death metaphors, such as eternal rest or departure, were common in the literature and speech of individuals as a means of dealing with the complex idea of death (Pound, 1936). Allusions to death metaphors, which were meant to ease the suffering of recently deceased’s loved ones, can also be found in the arts and imagery of the nineteenth century.

A popular genre of nineteenth century imagery, which not only contained allusions to death metaphors but also images of the dead themselves, was postmortem photography. A study of postmortem photographs from two publications by Stanley Burns, Sleeping Beauty: Memorial Photography in America (1990) and Sleeping Beauty II: Grief, Bereavement and The Family In Memorial Photography American & European Traditions (2002), revealed insight into the relationships between the surroundings in postmortem photographs, the postmortem dress of deceased individuals, and nineteenth century death metaphors. The two book titles refer to the nineteenth century reference to death as sleep or rest from the hardship of life, which is prevalent in Thanatopsis. The reference to deceased individuals as sleeping beauties is often supported in the postmortem photographs by the closed eyes, body position, and coffins ©2009, International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc. ITAA Proceedings, #66 – www.itaaonline.org 2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

or caskets lined with textiles and pillows that suggest sleep or eternal rest. Eighty-four American postmortem photographs ranging in date from 1840 to 1900 and containing 89 deceased individuals were examined in the study. Eighty percent of deceased individuals in the study were dressed in day dress as opposed to shrouds or night dress. What role did dress play in the conveyance of death metaphors within the context of postmortem images? The following descriptions of postmortem appearance from the study illustrate how dress relates to nineteenth century death metaphors depicted in postmortem photographs. Pre- and postmortem images of a male child call into question the allusion of sleep (Plate 7, Burns, 1990). The male child’s appearance is manipulated in the postmortem image to disregard the more natural appearance of sleep found in the pre-mortem image. Although his eyes are open in the pre-mortem image and closed in the postmortem image, other subtle details challenge how closely the image appears to portray a sleeping or resting individual. His posture changed from tossed and turned in the pre-mortem image to lying flat on his back with his head in profile and hair parted on the side, combed and fixed in the postmortem image. This seems unlikely for a sleeping child when compared to the disheveled hair and crooked posture of the pre-mortem image. The shirt goes from being hidden under a blanket that is pulled to the child’s chin, which appears more like an image of a sleeping individual, to being neatly arranged and displayed with the blanket removed in the postmortem image. Many of the suggestions given by the surroundings and appearance depicted in the pre-mortem image taken while the child was alive readily relate to sleep rather than the manipulations of appearance created in the postmortem image that are meant to portray the allusion of the eternal rest image.

The postmortem dress of a deceased adult male seems to contradict the implication of death as sleep metaphor suggested by the surroundings in his postmortem image (Plate 25, Burns, 1990). The deceased adult male is photographed lying in bed with his wife at his side, a pillow under his head and a quilt and covers pulled to his chest, which suggest the adult male is resting in bed. However, the adult male’s dress that consists of a shirt, collar, tie and coat contradicts the allusion to death as sleep or eternal rest. The dress is more comparable to day dress from the period rather than night dress and would have been inappropriate if not uncomfortable to wear while sleeping or resting. The deceased man’s day dress is similar to what would have been worn during the nineteenth century when departing on a journey rather than while lying in bed.

In some postmortem photographs there is little to differentiate between the dress and appearance of the living and the dead. In an image of deceased and living twin brothers, the dress is identical and suggests the deceased brother shares a similarity with living brother even in death (Plate 46, Burns, 1990). The deceased twin is dressed as he might have been while on a journey during his lifetime and the identical dress shared with the living twin suggests the living bond between twins is not easily broken by death. The postmortem dress blurs the line between the living and the dead and the lying position and closed eyes of the deceased twin that suggests eternal rest is contrasted with the suit he shares in common with his living twin.

A postmortem image of living and deceased sisters that are posed seated on their father’s lap displays the importance placed on dress in the deceased individual’s final portrait (Plate 92, Burns, 2002). Although the pose is similar for both children, the dress of the deceased child contrasts sharply with the dress and appearance of the father and living sister. The deceased child is wearing a more decorative and ornate, light valued dress, light stockings and newer shoes in comparison to the dress of the living sister, which includes an ordinary patterned pinafore, dark stockings and worn shoes. The dress of the deceased daughter also seems more elaborate when compared to the dress of the father, which consists of a shirt and trousers that are casual and worn and the absence of a vest, coat or tie. The deceased child’s dress, in

comparison to the dress of the living family members, appears carefully selected for the child’s final portrait and coincides with the appearance of an individual dressed for departure on the final journey. Nineteenth century images found in Severa (1995, pp 64 & 164), one of a deceased infant and one of a living infant, show many similarities between the pose and style of dress worn by both the infants and the appearance of the mothers. The dress of the infants and the photograph settings strongly resemble one another and disguise the true state of the deceased infant. Both mothers are posed with their infants resting on their laps and appear to be wearing loose fitting styles associated with pregnancy. Both infants are wearing long, white gowns that reach beyond their feet, which were appropriate day dress for infants during the period. The dress and appearance created in this postmortem image contradicts the state of eternal rest for the deceased infant and imitates the appearance and dress of living individuals in the studio portrait.

A postmortem photograph of an adult male was created to look as if he fell asleep while reading the newspaper in a rocking chair (Plate 42, Burns, 1990). The deceased adult male is wearing a striped shirt, shawl collared vest, sack coat and trousers and matches the description by Severa (1995, p 104) as a “come-as-you-are” appearance seen in nineteenth century male photographs. The dress appears casual and worn and the postmortem image defies the allusion of death as sleep or eternal rest by placing the deceased individual in dress that he most likely would have worn on a daily basis and making it appear as if he could arise from his nap and go about his daily business.

Even in the case of a deceased adult male dressed in what Burns (Plate 19, 2002) describes as a plain white shroud, the posture is manipulated to reside in profile, the hair is neatly arranged and a high collar that reaches above the chin is worn that would have been impractical for sleep. The individuals that were not photographed in day dress were often photographed in shrouds or night dress. Within this category of dress, elements of day dress often crept into the imagery through hairstyles, posture, and accessories. Postmortem individuals are often posed so carefully as to appear asleep with their eyes forever closed. However, the nineteenth century viewer would have been aware that this was a postmortem and final portrait of the deceased individual and not a photograph of a living individual sleeping. Postmortem images were a source of pride for family members and were used to ease the suffering related to the loss of a loved one. The images often give hope that the deceased are still among their loved ones by dressing them in items of clothing that share similarities with the living. Whether in preparation for a final portrait or the journey into the afterlife, postmortem dress and appearance often created the sense of a living individual posed for a studio portrait rather than the appearance of a sleeping person proscribed to a dream world or eternal rest.

According to Pound (1936), death euphemisms were a creative or poetic way to avoid saying the word dead. The metaphors are linked to many cultural beliefs such as an afterlife or an attempt to keep the deceased among the living and helped individuals cope with the often difficult and abstract concept of death. Postmortem dress, as seen in this study, served as a metaphor for the relationship between deceased and living individuals. Postmortem dress often contradicted the death as sleep or eternal rest metaphor, supported the death as a journey or departure metaphor, and shared similarities with studio portraits and ultimately the dress of the living. Postmortem dress served as a link between the living and the dead. Dress worn by living individuals was often shared with the deceased, which blurred the lines of death and life serving a similar purpose as the death metaphors. The final portrait eased the transition from life to death for surviving loved ones and helped to place the deceased individual in the metaphors of the nineteenth century by preparing them for eternal rest or the journey to meet the millions of souls departed before them. The postmortem images give us an idea that eternal rest is very different from the rest of the living. Eternal rest, like any rest, requires a journey or activity that must take place before the individual

is able to partake in the pleasant dreams of sleep. Although deceased individuals often appear as if asleep, postmortem dress often suggests that the photographed corpse has not arrived at the final destination of eternal rest but begun the journey into the afterlife.

Abernathy, J. W. (1884). Introduction and Notes. Thanatopsis and Other Poems. By Bryant, W. C. New York: Clark & Maynard. Bryant, W. C. (1884). Thanatopsis and Other Poems. New York: Clark & Maynard. Burns, S. (2002). Sleeping Beauty II: Grief, Bereavement and The Family In Memorial Photography American & European Traditions. New York: Burns Archive Press. Burns, S. (1990). Sleeping Beauty: Memorial Photography in America. Korea: Twelvetrees Press. Pound, L. (1936). American Euphemisms for Dying, Death, and Burial: An Anthology. American Speech, Vol. 11, No. 3, 195-202. Published by: Duke University Press. Severa, J. (1995). Dressed for the Photographer: Ordinary Americans and Fashion, 1840-1900. Ohio & England: The Kent State University Press.

Artifacts Speak: Material Culture Studies and the Cultural Authentication of Hawaiian Quilts

Linda Boynton Arthur, Washington State University, USA

Keywords: appliqué quilt; cultural authentication; Hawai`i

Research into the written documents regarding the history and design evolution of Hawaiian quilting proved inadequate, and led to eight years of research into the primary source material regarding the development of Hawaiian quilting in the nineteenth century. Through the study of primary sources, material culture often reveals a great deal about the past that is difficult to study in other ways, as the folklorist Glassie stated. With regard to historic research, he noted: a method based on the document is prejudiced; fated to neglect the majority of people, for they were nonliterate and, within the boundaries of literacy, to neglect the majority of people, for they did not write. Even today in societies of almost universal literacy, it is a rare soul who bequeaths to future historians a written account of his thought... How can you study a society if you attend only to the expressions of a small and deviant class within the whole? (Glassie,1975).

A vibrant form of material culture, Hawaiian quilting is a craft that developed out of the interaction of Polynesian and American design traditions in the nineteenth century as westernization occurred in Hawai`i. In this paper, I present the early history of Hawaiian quilting that developed as Christian missionaries set out to convert and “civilize “ the native population (Grimshaw 1989). This idiom continues to be salient even today as the traditional Hawaiian quilt is still made as it was taught in the nineteenth century.

Based on fieldwork and archival research into primary source material in Hawaiì, this paper presents the evolution of Hawaiian quilting in the nineteenth century. It must be noted that it is difficult to find information from the early nineteenth century as there was no written language in Hawaiì until after the Christian missionaries arrived in 1820. The information written in the early post-contact period was generally from a western perspective. Once Hawaiians began to write, they wrote in Hawaiian and few translations exist. Nonetheless, a relatively reliable history on the evolution of Hawaiian quilting is presented here following the analysis of primary source material that included nineteenth century journals, diaries and letters. Unwritten primary source material included photography, illustrations and extant quilts. Very few quilts from the early and mid nineteenth century have survived; they are quite rare and are housed in both private and public collections. These quilts were primarily found on Oahu, Kauai and Hawaiì (the Big Island); the quilts and their archival records were thoroughly examined. Illustrations and sketches made by visitors prior to 1860 and then photos (following the arrival of photographers in the 1860s) provided an especially rich source of information about the bedcovers used in nineteenth-century Hawai’i. These sources yielded data on selection, characterization, transformation and incorporation of the Hawaiian quilt into Hawaiian culture.

The development of this craft is analyzed through the concept of cultural authentication (Eicher and Erekosima 1980), a theoretical construct used to investigate assimilation of material culture as it moves between cultures, is used to examine the evolution of Hawaiian quilting as an extension of crafts produced prior to western contact. While the concept of cultural authentication proposed that four stages (selection, characterization, incorporation and transition) would occur in a fixed order,

In Hawai`i, selection occurred immediately when the first permanent residents arrived in 1820. Even before the Christian missionaries stepped on shore, the missionary women started teaching Hawaiian women to make patchwork on the ship as they sailed to meet the King to obtain permission to stay in the Islands. The first quilts made by Hawaiians were patchwork quilts. Transition was the next step. The missionary women taught paper cutwork to make snowflake patterns; this was the basis for the appliqué designs that arrived in the islands in 1830 in the form of appliquéd album quilts. Hawaiian women began making appliqué designs in kapa (barkcloth) to decorate their kapa moe (bedcovers), and soon thereafter made appliqué quilts with separate, and sometimes different appliqué designs applied to the background fabric. They did not adopt the American use of a grid pattern or sashing, preferring to apply the appliqué in a more circular pattern. By the late 1850s, incorporation occurred as what would become known as the traditional Hawaiian quilt developed. This quilt design was one enormous appliqué folded and cut on the eighth, then spread out against the backing.

Unlike the small regular appliqué designs from America, the Hawaiian form of appliqué was one extremely large and symmetrical appliqué that covered the entire backing. The appliqué was generally Turkey red or another bright solid color set against a white backing in the nineteenth century. Characterization was a process that happened in both transition and incorporation periods, and spanned the mid century. During the transition phase the Hawaiian word for the appliqué quilt was lole apana, or apana lole (which translates to foreign appliqué). By the 1860s the more common term, which has been in constant use since then, is kapa apana . That phrase clearly indicates that the traditional Hawaiian quilt with the allover appliqué pattern of a bright color against a light was no longer considered foreign, but was considered culturally Hawaiian. It has been incorporated and characterized by the 1860s. Discussion and Conclusions:

This research showed the efficacy of the cultural authentication construct with one difference. While the concept of cultural authentication (Eicher and Erekosima, 1980) proposed that four stages (selection, characterization, incorporation and transition) would occur in a fixed order, this research showed that in Hawai`i the stages occurred in a different order. This study provides support for the idea that the order of stages is not a critical part of the concept, as has been suggested in several earlier studies focused on assimilation of clothing (Pannabecker, 1988; Ingvoldstad, 1994; Mead & Pederson, 1995 and Arthur, ©2009, International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc. ITAA Proceedings, #66 – www.itaaonline.org 2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

1997). When an indigenous culture adopts and incorporates a western item, it is culturally authentic by virtue of its embeddedness.

Hawaiian quilts directly reflect the nature and culture of the varied peoples who inhabit the Hawaiian archipelago. More than those of any other region, textiles in Hawai`i are intimately tied to their environment and to the breathtaking beauty of the Islands. It is not surprising that Hawaiian women responded to the riot of color surrounding them by capturing the colorful environment in their quilts. It does surprise some people, however, that there were quilts in a place as warm as Hawai`i. A quilt is not just a bedcover used to keep people warm. Quilts are works of art, badges of status and aesthetic skill, and material records of historic events. As Kiracofe noted, “the history of quilts is embedded in our culture and conversely, the history of our culture is stitched into our quilts; understanding one sheds light on the other” (Kiracofe 1993, p.5). Quilts provide a silent but visual testimony to the story of women’s lives. Until recently women’s lives were not well documented in written form. We need to examine the material culture that women left behind to understand how they lived because crafts such as quilts provide information about gender, religion, family rituals, community milestones and socio-political movements.

References

Arthur, Linda. (1997). Cultural Authentication Refined: The Case of the Hawaiian Holoku. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 15 (3): 129-139 Eicher, Joanne and Tonye Erekosima. 1980. Distinguishing Non-western from Western Dress: The concept of cultural authentication. Proceedings of the Association of College Professors of Textiles and Clothing: 83-84. Glassie, Henry H. 1975. Folk Housing in Middle Virginia: A Structural Analysis of Historic Artifacts. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. Grimshaw, Patricia. 1989. Paths of duty: American missionary wives in nineteenth century Hawaii. Honolulu: University of Hawai`i Press. Ingvoldstad, Anne, Marilyn De Long and AeRon Koh. 1994. Cultural authentication of jeans in the United States and Korea in Cultural Authentication session of the annual meetings of the International Textiles and Apparel Association. Proceedings of the International Textiles and Apparel Association. Kiracofe, Roderick.1993. A History of Cloth and Comfort: The American Quilt. NY Clarkson Potter Publishers. Mead, Peggy and Elaine Pedersen. 1995. West African apparel textiles depicted in selected magazines from 1960-1979. Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal 25, (4) 430-453. Pannabecker, Rachel. 1988. The cultural authentication of ribbon: Use and test of a concept. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 7, (1) 55-56.

The President Needed New Robes: Teaching Ethnic Textiles in Designing Presidential Regalia

Linda Boynton-Arthur, Washington State University Patti Fischer, Washington State University

Keywords: ethnicity, textiles, academic regalia

An opportunity to use active learning methods in teaching undergraduates about the symbolism inherent in both academic regalia and ethnic textiles occurred recently at Washington State University. Our new university president met the faculty for the first time in August at Convocation where we were all dressed in academic regalia. The vast majority of the administrators had custom made robes in the colors of their doctoral institutions. President Floyd had on a plain black robe, and was nearly invisible. As he worked his way down the reception line, he read my nametag and saw that I was from the Apparel Merchandising, Design and Textiles Department and immediately asked me to design better regalia for him to wear at graduation in December. In addition to new robes, I suggested that we design a stole to wear with it, and construct it of ethnic textiles representing the state’s diverse ethnic groups. As the celebration of cultural diversity is a strategic goal for the University, the stole became a visual symbol of that commitment. Visually dramatic, the stole became the design focus of the regalia.

We had only four months to design and produce the new regalia. My colleague and I recruited a few seniors to work on the project team, which also included two members of the President’s staff and our Department Chair. In addition to producing the new regalia, we wanted to create a crash course on academic regalia and ethnic textiles for these students who conducted research on both topics, and submitted term papers at the end of the semester. They participated in the design and construction of the stole. While the team came up with several design ideas for the gown, we conducted research on the regulations regarding academic dress that have been closely followed since the middle ages. These rules eliminated the flamboyant design ideas that had been proposed.

Colors were immediately problematic. The university’s colors are crimson and gray. The rules for regalia indicate that a person can wear a gown in the colors of the university where his/her degree was earned but a university president can wear the colors of the university he heads. Our last president’s robes were crimson, but constantly looked raspberry when photographed and we wanted to prevent this problem with the new regalia. We wanted two gowns for our president: one in gray tropical weight wool, and one in crimson crepe. We obtained swatches of fabric from manufacturers of custom regalia. As expected, the gray flannel retained its color under strong lights and photography, but the reds were problematic. We studied them under true color lights and photographed them, then ordered the fabric that stayed crimson under strong lights and photography. We chose crimson, black and silver for one robe, and gray, crimson and black for the other. Trims are the same on both gowns. One hood was ordered, in the university’s crimson and gray, and because we kept the trims consistent on both gowns, the hood can be worn with either the crimson or gray gown. Though they were guaranteed to be delivered in November, one came in December, just before graduation, and one came later.

For the students, conducting research related to ethnic textiles, and participating in the design and construction of the stole was most fascinating. We began by working with the administrators to find the ethnic composition of our student body and then the fun began. We worked closely with the students, who had a list of cultures to research and their task was to find information on textiles from each of the ethnic groups. In their papers, the students provided pictures of the textiles and summaries of how the textiles were made, how they were designed and embellished, and how the textiles had meaning in their respective cultures. In addition to library research, we contacted the university’s multi-cultural student center for contacts with specific cultural associations to provide more information. We collected samples of fabrics from as many of the cultures as we could, then began to sort through them and selected fabrics that would work together in the final stole. Again, color was an issue. The design team decided that the ethnic textiles in the stole should be crimson and gray, but as the students found out, these colors are not universally used and color is symbolic to many cultures. The students did find that red and black are commonly found, and the group decided to include those colors as well.

With only a small amount of space, there was no way we could represent all of the ethnic groups in the state, and even if we could, not all have clearly identified textile traditions. Finding ethnic textiles was more difficult than the students imagined, and the issue was further complicated by their desire to restrict the color palate. The stole was made from twelve textiles representing most of the largest ethnic groups in the state. Some were donated, others purchased, and four were commissioned. Three of these were from American indigenous groups, two of which were Native American and the third was Hawaiian. Susan Pavel, a master Salish weaver, hand spun and wove two pieces of traditional Salish design. Ann McCormack and Joleen Gray embroidered pieces representative of the Nez Perce textile traditions. Charlene Hughes created traditional Hawaiian hand appliqué, while Cynthia Hoseck wove an American coverlet sampler. To represent Central and South America, the stole incorporates a Mexican serape fabric and hand-woven textiles from Ecuador and Guatemala. Oceania is represented by two pieces of bark cloth. Africa is represented by kente cloth, India by silk sari fabric, Japan by kabe crepe, and China by silk jacquard. Finally, Europe was represented by the costume itself, as academic regalia developed in the Middle Ages in Europe, but the stole also includes a piece of Scottish plaid.

The students were excited to be a part of the project, and to do research that had immediate application. They reported that they learned more about textiles in this project as a result of the hands on application of their research. President Floyd was very pleased with the result. He said “I deeply appreciate the efforts of everyone who worked on this stole. Not only is it a beautiful garment but it also embodies an important message about the diverse cultures that contribute to this great university” (President Elson Floyd, WSU Today, 1/18/2008).

Seventeen and skin exposure: 46 years of advertisements

Deborah J. C. Meyer-Brosdahl and Wendy Barnes Kansas State University Manhattan, KS

Key Words: Advertising, Skin, Adolescents

Introduction Even in today’s uncertain economic climate, adolescents in the US—currently estimated to be 25 million (Francese, 2008) and to grow to 34 million by the year 2010 (Merrill, 1999)--are a powerful consumer force. In 2006, teen spending was over $126 billion (Newspaper Association of America, 2007). Coleman-Lochner & Burke (2008) estimated that teens spent $27 billion on clothing in 2008. As such, teens are prime targets for marketing campaigns intent on capturing their attention and money through advertising.

According to Michael Wood, a VP at Teenage Research Unlimited (TRU), “teen girls really bond with their magazines . . . they’re like a sister and friend rolled into one’” (Merrill, 1999). Conformity theory postulates that individuals will conform to other people’s actions, visuals appeals, or statements due to a desire for validation from other members of the social group (Asch, 1951; Solomon & Rabolt, 2004). It has also been found that onsumers make decisions not only based upon a certain reference group’s norm, but also, and even more so, because of how others in that group react to an individual’s decisions (Bearden & Rose, 1990; Moschis, 1976).

Given that a “consumer’s evaluation of her physical self if often made through comparison with idealized images portrayed in fashion advertising” (Hogg, 1999, p. 449) it is crucial to address the advertising content found in teen fashion magazines. This study attempts to understand if, and how, the amount of skin shown in advertisements in Seventeen magazine has changed over the past 46 years.

First published in 1944 (Massoni, 2006), Seventeen magazine has maintained its popularity among teenage girls as exhibited by its current readership of over 6.2 million readers between 12-19 years old (Hearst Publications, 2008). According to Strasburger, (1995) as found by Klein’s study in 1993 “In the only study of the print media that adolescents read, it was found that Seventeen, Sports Illustrated, Teen, Time, Ebony, Young Miss, Jet, Newsweek, and Vogue accounted for more than half of all reported reading” (p. 46). Because of its large readership and impact, it was decided that Seventeen magazine was appropriate to use to study skin exposure in advertising.

Semiotic analysis was used to quantify the amount of skin exposure found in Seventeen magazine advertisements every third year from 1962 to 2007. The January, April, July, and October issues from each year were coded for full one- to two-page advertisements. A total of 64 issues were evaluated for skin exposure in the advertisements.

A coding sheet divided the models’ bodies into nine different sections: arms, neck, shoulders, chest, ribs, waist, abdomen, legs, and back. Among these individual sections, different amounts of exposure were coded. These divisions allowed for a thorough analysis of skin exposure and helped to ensure all parts of the body were evaluated. Any selection made by the coder indicated that skin was exposed on that particular body part. In order to ensure strong reliability, each qualifying advertisement was analyzed by ©2009, International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc. ITAA Proceedings, #66 – www.itaaonline.org 2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

two coders. Intercoder reliability was derived from a pretest conducted by researchers on two issues of Seventeen magazine that were not included in the study. Criteria for analysis were refined after each pretest until coder reliability equaled 85% or higher. Other guidelines to facilitate consistency between coders were also established.

Results Overall, the areas of the body with the most skin exposure were the legs, neck, arms, chest, and shoulders, in that order. Legs were the most exposed area of the body in every year analyzed except for 1974 in which the legs and the neck tied for amount of skin exposed. Legs accounted for a low of 26% of the skin exposed in 2001, to a high of 43% skin exposed in both 1962 and 1965. Perhaps not surprisingly, the amount of leg exposure in the years of 1965 and 1968 may be related to when the miniskirt made its debut and remained in fashion. The neck was exposed from 21% to 28% of the total amount of skin exposed during the 46 years analyzed and the arms from 12% to 25% of the total. The highest level of skin exposed occurred in 1965, but slowly dropped until 1977 when advertisements showed the least amount of skin. After 1977 there was a slow rise in the amount of skin being exposed when it peaked again in 2001.

References Asch, S.E. (1951). The effects of group pressure upon the modification and distortion of judgment. In H. Guetzkow (ed.), Groups, Leadership and Men, 177-190 Pittsburgh: Carnegie. Ballentine, L. W., & Ogle, J. P. (2005). The making and unmaking of body problems in Seventeen magazine, 1992-2003. Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal, 33, 281-307. Bearden, W. O. & Rose, R. L. (1990). Attention to social comparison information: An individual difference factor affecting consumer conformity. Journal of Consumer Research, 16, 461-471. Coleman-Lochner, L., and Burke, H. (2008, July 2). Teens Skip $50 Jeans in Squeeze of Gas, Job Shortage (Update2). Bloomberg.com. Retrieved March 16, 2009 at http://www. bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601109&sid=a7WHUo_QBqkQ&refer=home Francese, P. (2008). The changing face of the U.S. consumer: What we can learn from census data, and why it matters for brands. Advertising Age, July 07. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from http://adage.com/article?article_id=128181. Hearst Publications. (2008). “Readers.” Media Kit. Seventeen.com. Retrieved July 1, 20008 from http://www.seventeenmediakit.com. Hogg, M. K., Bruce, M. & Hough, K. (1999). Female images in advertising: The implications of social comparison for marketing. International Journal of Advertising, 18(4), 445-473. Massoni, K. (2006). “Teena goes to market”: Seventeen magazine and the early construction of the teen girl (as) consumer. The Journal of American Culture, 29(1), 31-43. Maynard, M. L., & Taylor, C. R. (1999). Girlish images across cultures: Analyzing Japanese versus U. S. ‘Seventeen’ magazine ads. Journal of Advertising, 28(1), 39-40. Merrill, C. (1999, October). Keeping up with teens. American Demographics. Retrieved July 7, 2008, from Expanded Academic ASAP. Gale. Kansas State University Libraries. Moschis, G. (1976). Social comparison and informal group influence. Journal of Marketing Research, 13, 237-244. Newspaper Association of America. (2007). Consumer Insight, Shedding Light on Key Prospects: Targeting Teens. Retrieved March 16, 2009 from http://www.snpa.org/ shared/imagesaddon/TargetingTeens.pdf Solomon, M. R. & Rabolt, N. J. (2004). “Demographic subcultures: Age, race, ethnicity.” Consumer Behavior in Fashion. New Jersey: Prentice Hall.

Symmetry Analysis in Armenian Needlework ca 1860-1915

Linda Welters, Elisabeth Dijxhoorn, University of Rhode Island

Symmetry is an organizing principle found in nature and art and is commonly understood to indicate bi- lateral balanced form. It is a mathematically defined term denoting repetition. Symmetry analysis is a tool developed to characterize pattern structure rather than pattern style. It has become a useful tool for anthropology and material culture studies because specific ethnic groups demonstrate preferences for certain symmetry patterns.

Symmetry research methodology has been applied to various forms of decorative arts, including textiles, and has led to a growing body of comparative textile analyses. Symmetry analysis, however, has not yet been applied to Armenian needlework. Structural and technical analyses in combination with symmetry analysis may provide data reflecting an Armenian cultural identity that is distinct from its neighbors, particularly Turkey.

This research examined symmetry characteristics of patterns found on textiles made from three Armenian needlework techniques, namely towel work, Marash, and Aintab. The towels are similar in technique to embroidered towels from Mediterranean cultures. Marash is a one-sided embroidery technique using an interlacing stitch to create a pattern; Marash embroideries are large textiles primarily used for bed covers and bundle cloths. Aintab uses a combination of embroidered satin stitches and drawn thread work for decorative textiles found in both household and apparel artifacts. All textiles evaluated are in the collection of the Armenian Library Museum of America in Watertown, Massachusetts. Three separate symmetry analyses were performed: overall layout, border bands, and motifs. All three analyses followed the evaluation guidelines and notation as set forth by Dorothy Washburn and Donald Crowe in Symmetries of Culture: Theory and Practice of Plane Pattern Analysis (U of Washington Press, 1988). Basic symmetry motions include translation, reflection, and rotation. These three motions can stand alone or in combination; a total of seven two-dimensional patterns are possible.

One hundred thirty-six needlework artifacts from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were evaluated. The results were ranked by frequency distribution and reported separately. The results were then compared to symmetries found in textiles from nearby countries to establish whether or not a particular symmetry preference existed within Armenian culture. While Marash and Aintab work showed similar symmetry patterns, the dominant symmetry in towel work differed.

Reasons for similarities and differences of frequency distribution will be discussed based on use, the limitations presented by construction technique, and socio-cultural background of probable makers. A tentative correlation between origin and pattern development was suggested to explain different symmetry distribution patterns between needlework groups.

FILE 2 will include images if the paper is selected. Permission will be sought from the Armenian Library Museum of America to include them in the proceedings.

The Evolution of Women in Body Modification

Kathryn Eason, Ph.D., Mars Hill College Nancy Nelson Hodges, Ph.D., The University of North Carolina at Greensboro

Key words: tattoos

Since the mid-to-late 1980s, there has been a significant increase in the number of individuals’ practicing body modification in the developed and post-industrial nations. The consumption of body modifications by these cultural groups has become more commonly accepted than in any previous contemporary period (Sweetman, 2000). Within this larger cultural shift, body modification, typically taking the form of tattooing and piercing, is increasingly being done by women. Although estimates suggest that only 7% of women are tattooed while 10-20% of men are, one study suggests that More than 50% of all new tattoos are now being obtained by women (Velliquette, Murray, & Creyer, 1998).

Gender categorizations occur frequently in sub-cultural groups. However, analyses of such sub-cultural groups rarely distinguish between the male and female experiences (Pomerantz, Curry, & Kelly, 2004). Like men’s experiences, women’s body modification experiences are highly varied and dependent upon cultural context and the time period in which they occur. However, because the majority of academic understanding of body modification discusses only men’s experiences, gender in body modification has often been overlooked and women’s experiences marginalized (Mifflin, 1997). As tattooing and other forms of body modification becomes increasingly practiced by women, it is important to study it from their own perspective.

This study seeks to examine the varied meanings of women’s body projects and to specifically trace the growth of women’s body modification in contemporary American culture. Through the use of historical analysis the experiences of women within the contemporary body modification sub-cultural movement will be explored. Women’s bodies are sites for discipline and control onto which self and group identity is co-constructed (Grosz, 1990).

Varying forms of body decoration have been used, throughout history, as a basis for human expression and aids in the constructions of people’s actions and interactions. Practices in permanent modification are often situated within the larger domain of temporary adornment. Piercings, scarification, and tattoos may signify a wide variety of meanings that are, to a large degree, culturally relative. In the contemporary context the body may be used as a means of identification with a particular group, to differentiate the individual and the mainstream, for purely artistic/aesthetic value, or as a self-mutilatory behavior Body modification has a rich history which has help to develop the myriad of meanings ascribed to it in both traditional and contemporary contexts. Far from complete these lists point to the possibilities for multiple meanings of body modification, particularly gendered motivations.

Though Euro-American body modification has origins in traditional cultural groups the development of contemporary practices are an important aspect in the review body modification. According to Atkinson (2003) there are six periods through which the popularity of body modification expanded which can be grouped into the Early and Late Historical periods. Though this model was originally used to review male body modification practices, it also serves as a historical timeline for the review of the historical development of women’s body modification practices. Generally, the model can be placed against the background of growing levels of consumer involvement in contemporary societies. Specifically, this

model draws interesting parallel between the growth of women’s involvement in contemporary body modification and the three waves of the feminist movement.

For some, women’s body modification, in the form of tattooing and piercing, simply perpetuates the Cultural ideals of a feminine form. On an Individual level, women who modify their bodies in non- traditional ways challenge more traditional notions of femininity; they often feel empowered and gain considerable self-esteem (Pitts, 2003). In one study, non-tattooed women were found to view tattooed women as less feminine, but at the same time considered tattooed women to be more assertive and powerful (Watson, 1998). This may indicate the strain visible tattooing places on the perceptions and expectations of the stereotypical female role. The practice of tattooing is layered with meaning and may tell individual stories and experiences while beings bound by gender expectations on a macro level. Extended study into the meanings and associations between body modification and the negotiated gendered relationships in particular sub-cultures in which they exist on a daily level can serve to further the development of women’s bodies as site for social/political growth. Further studies may be conducted into varying types of consumer-oriented body modification practices including body sculpting practices such as cosmetic surgery, body building, and dieting. Findings may also contain marketing implications for those businesses providing body modification services. The increased knowledge will provide a basis for conducting future research into the construction of meaning through consumption practices.

References Atkinson, M. (2003). Tattooed: The sociogenisis of a body art. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Grosz, E. (1990). Inscriptions and body maps: Representations and the corporeal. In L. McDowell & J.P. Sharp (Eds.) Space, gender, knowledge: Feminist readings (pp.236-247 ). London: Arnold. (Reprinted from Feminine, Masculine, and Representation, pp. 62-74, T. Threadgold & A. Cranny-Francis (Eds.).

Mifflin, M. (1997). Bodies of subversion: A secret history of women and tattoo. New York: Juno Books.

Pitts, V. (2003). In the flesh: The cultural politics of body modification. New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

Pomerantz, S., Currie, D.H., & Kelly, D.M. (2004). Sk8er girls: Skateboarders, girlhood and feminism in motion. Women’s Studies International Forum, 27, 547-557.

Sweetman, P. (2000). Anchoring the (postmodern) self? Body modification, fashion, and identity. In M. Featherstone (Ed.), Body modification (pp. 51-76). London: SAGE Publications.

Velliquette, A.M., Murray, J.B., & Creyer, E.H. (1998). The tattoo renaissance: An ethnographic account of symbolic consumer behavior. Advances in Consumer Research, 25, 461-467.

Watson, J. (1998). ‘Why did you put that there?’: Gender, materialism, and tattoo consumption. Advances in Consumer Research, 25, 453-460.

A Brief Narrative of Clothing Shopping in Great Britain

Damayanthie Eluwawalage PhD, State University of New York, Oneonta

Key words: Clothing, Shopping, Gender, Britain

For they carry their shops on their backs and do sell that way more than many shopkeepers do in their shops (N.H. The Complete Tradesman, 1684). Shopping, is ‘the action of visiting a shop or shops for the purpose of inspecting or buying goods’, seems to have entered the English language in the middle of the eighteenth century.

Travelling tradesmen such as pedlars; from the fourteenth century, hawkers, lacemen, Scotchdrapers; especially in selling the cheap textiles, travelled on foot, calling from house to house, from the eighteenth century, Manchester men or packmen; from the eighteenth century with heavily laden packhorses were well-received in the rural areas of the nineteenth-century Britain.

London was the heart of the drapery trade. The wholesale industry was centered on St. Paul’s Churchyard. In most of the shops, especially in London, the proprietor/shopkeeper lived with his family above or behind his business premises, and was more than a person who handled merchandise; he was a specialist in the goods he sold. Very often he was the craftsman who manufactured them: shoemaker, tailor, staymaker, hatter, milliner, fan-maker, umbrella and parasol maker. There were no fixed and regular shopping hours. No lady shopped after dark; nor did she shop in daylight, except when accompanied by her maid, her footman or a page. It was considered indiscreet for a lady to be in famous Bond Street, in the afternoon. Bond Street for the first half of the nineteenth century, was very much a gentleman’s street, with hotels and apartments for men, hatters, tailors, hairdressers and perfumers, jewelers and other expensive tradesmen caring for the exquisite taste of gentlemen of fashion.

Street sellers caused a significant impact on retail clothing and haberdashery trade as they especially catered for the lower-classes. They exhibited their various goods at certain ‘pitches’ or fixed localities. Bonnets, caps, prints were generally arranged for sale in large umbrellas placed ‘upside-down’. Haberdashery was displayed on stalls or on boards at the edge of the pavement.

There was no clear demarcation between retailers and wholesalers until 1815. Many London retailers were also wholesalers. According to Johnstone’s London Commercial Guide of 1817, London had 33 linen drapers, 10 straw hat manufactories, 6 bonnet warehouses, 5 woollen drapers, 5 lace warehouses, 3 plumassiers, 24 boot & shoemakers, 17 hosiers & glovers, 4 silk mercers, 1 silk weaver, 4 furriers, 12 haberdashers & hosiers, 1 ribbon warehouse, 1 muslin & shawl warehouse, 2 satin and silk dress manufacturers & dyers, 2 drapers & tailors, 1 India muslin warehouse, 3 fancy trimming & fringes manufactory, 1 button manufactory, 2 dyers, 5 perfumers, 1 patent thread manufactory, 3 stay & corset warehouses, 1 stocking warehouse, 1 linen warehouse and 4 umbrella manufactories.

The terms ‘manufactory’ and ‘warehouse’ had different meanings. A manufactory was simply an establishment where the goods which were sold were made by hand on the premises, for example, straw hats, flower and feather manufactories etc. A warehouse was any retail or wholesale establishment housing wares, which were not necessarily made on the premises. Nevertheless, in every city and town of any magnitude, there were market stalls and bazaars selling drapery and haberdashery.

A significant movement in the history of shopping was the conversion of a specialty store to a department store. The definition of department store is a large retail store with four or more separate departments under one roof. Bon Marche, founded by Aristide Boucicaut in Paris, France in 1852, regarded as the world’s first department store, was initially a Paris retail clothing store specializing in fashionable finery and haberdashery and by the 1860s, had separate departments for underwear, millinery and shoes.

Nevertheless, in contrast, there were provincial English shops which developed into department stores and operated with some of the Bon Marche principles, long before Bon Marche was introduced in Paris. Kendal Milne, in 1831, established the shop called ‘The Bazaar’, whose method of trading was that people could walk around, observe and examine all merchandise on display without any obligation to purchase. Bainbridge’s store, in 1845, also had a similar style to the department store.

In the 1870s, tailoring houses with dressmaking departments and workrooms were established, similar to the couture houses of Paris, which primarily produced men’s/women’s tailor-made costumes which were fashionable and much worn at the time. It was regarded as a significant evolution of the ready-made clothing industry. In the late 1880s, fourteen tailoring houses were established in London. The Redfern Company is credited with the introduction of the male-tailored ladies’ costumes. They were particularly famous for their costumes for sportswear; fishing, hunting, shooting and driving.

The transformation of the social and economic structure and women’s emancipation from financial dependence, were subjected to increasing acceptance of the ready-made clothing industry in the nineteenth century. During the first two decades, partly-made dresses, bodices and sleeves were sold in London shops. One of the earliest wholesale firms to manufacture ready-to-wear clothes was Selincourt & Coleman of London, established in 1857. The trade of ladies’ ready-made underwear, such as petticoats, camisoles, drawers, chemises and crinolines was initiated during the 1850s and increased in the 1860s.

The existence of imitated clothing materials and furs commenced during the latter parts of the nineteenth century. In 1879, imitated fur was introduced by Spence & Company of St. Paul’s Churchyard, London. The synthetic velvet variety called velveteen was produced in Louis’ Velveteen Department in the 1880s, as a significant initiation of new era of imitated clothing. Dress labeling, with the name of the fashion house which manufactured them, began in 1869.

Bibliography: Adburgham, A. 1981, Shops and Shopping 1800-1914, George Allen and Unwin, London. Davis, D. 1966, A History of Shopping, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London. Jefferys, J. B. 1954, Retail Trading in Britain 1850-1950, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Mayhew, H. 1985, London Labour and the London Poor, Penguin, Harmondsworth.

The Importance of Academic Research Creating an Online Journal

Joseph H. Hancock, Ann Keith Kennedy, Drexel University

Key Words: Men’s Fashion, Online Journal, Libraries, and Peer-Review

The purpose of this course (as it continues) is to increase the level of scholarship for undergraduate Design & Merchandising research and to introduce these students to the peer- review process of scholarly publication. This project demonstrates how university libraries, their writing centers, and academicians can work together in order to teach undergraduates the importance of good writing in our discipline. Students were taught how the process of publishing papers for an academic press can be rigorous and highly intense. Through the process of peer-review and structured critiques from both the professor and librarian, students engaged in a shorten process on how the publication world works. While many universities have practiced this approach to writing, this course gave students the opportunity to actually publish their papers in an online journal developed by the professor and librarian; out of the twelve students enrolled in this class, only five were successful and followed through with the process. The journal, titled The Journal Culture and Retail Image, is permanently housed in the Drexel University libraries archives and students can easily access written papers on the journal website. (Figure 1). This course and the journal publication will continue on an annual basis publishing the works of those students that follow-through with the process.

Figure 1: The Journal of Culture and Retail Image webpage template.

From Design Directions to Retail Culture & Image This course was developed based upon a course called Design Directions that allows undergraduate students to explore any area of design. In order to maintain the standards of this class the instructor developed a syllabus that kept the philosophy of design while executing it through the writing process. Students were taught the steps of developing a research paper and to compare these steps to the process of designing an object or fashion. In order to keep the course regulated to a fairly easy and understandable research theoretical framework, all students were asked to conduct their research project using a qualitative historical and cultural approach. Professor and librarian explained this concept in detail to the students. Students were told the topic of this course was an overview of the menswear market focusing on the 1970s to the present. Students would be reading historical, business, current research, as well as contemporary issues related to men’s fashion. In addition, students would be going on a field trip to the Bloomingdales menswear department in New York City (which is one of the largest in the world) and would be given a tour by store personnel. The students were told to select a specific target market, cultural group, and/or retailer and analyze it with regards to men’s fashion. Students were told that while the course would cover all the readings, they were to read ahead in order to begin working on their projects. The required readings for this course were a packet designed by the instructor (there were no published textbooks at this time). Additionally, each student was told to purchase the book The Craft of Research 3rd Edition by Wayne C. Booth, Gregory G. Colomb, and Joseph M. Williams, and to either purchase Kate Turabian’s Manual for Writers of Term Papers, Theses, and Dissertations or another comparable publication on the Chicago Style. Finally each student was required to make a preliminary appointment with our course’s WIT (Writing Instructional Tutor); each student was required to meet with the WIT three times during the term. On the first day of class, students were introduced to our college librarian Ann Keith Kennedy and our WIT Mia Di Pasquale. They were also told the standards for the course as far as writing and that their papers would be graded on grammar, content and quality of research. The final goal for them was to create a well-written 1750 word research report about a specific area of menswear. Students were told they had to build upon the readings in class and find other research articles related to their topics. In addition to the final report, students were required to write weekly responses to the articles they read. They were told that their responses need to be “tight” and to the point with no fluff. Students read chapters from The Craft of Research in order to gain an understanding of how to solve a research problem and how to write succinctly. Students were required to keep a journal on each chapter assigned in the Craft of Research. The instructor examined the journal articles during every class period. Since this course only met once a week, students were also instructed to begin their research projects immediately. Students were told to develop the steps of writing a good research project as outlined for them in Craft of Research and that they should use the book as a “recipe” for generating the final “design”- their report. In addition, student were handed a format guide that instructed them on how the format their papers. This format guide included such information as font size, margins, placement of the title and abstract and how to identify 4 key words. For the third week of class students had to identify an area of menswear they wanted to study indicating where a lack of research existed within that particular area of men’s fashion. They were to also have a statement or question that they wished to answer about their particular research area. In addition, they were to have gathered at least two additional research related sources that they would be using to answer this problem. A mock abstract of how they felt their study would flow was also required at this stage. By week four students were required to write the introduction of their papers, their review of the literature, and discuss how they were going to approach their particular project. For week 5, students were required to have conducted fieldwork either by visiting archives,

interviewing subjects, or by conducting interpretive investigations. A written conclusion is also submitted in this week. In addition, students had to visit Ann Keith Kennedy and the writing tutor Mia Di Pasquale for editing and critiquing. Drafts of papers were complete by week 6. Each student submitted drafts of their term papers to both the professor and the librarian for separate review. The faculty member reviewed for content and the librarian reviewed for sources/depth of research, both using a standard review sheet. The course WIT reviewed papers for basic grammar and helped students with consistency. By week seven, students had received three forms of feedback concerning their term papers. Both the professor and the librarian completed review sheets (see appendix). After these reviews, students had the opportunity to incorporate recommended changes before submitting a final paper. The students are required to get all necessary permissions for each image used and to sign a copyright release form as well. The editors reserve the right to edit as necessary and to choose selected papers for online publication. Students were strongly encouraged to take their own pictures instead of using images that would require payment in order to publish the paper. During finals week students presented their topics and discussed what they had learned.

Division of Responsibilities The final published piece for students was a website (figure1). In order to maintain the website a division of responsibility was designed by the professor and librarian. This has allowed for a smooth flowing process for both parties and enables both the department and library to have an equal footing for this project.

The Design & Merchandising Department • Manages the research assignments • Collects papers/content for the journal • Reviews drafts for content • Edits the papers for publication • Gets copyright waiver forms signed by each student

The Library • Creates web template and updates the online journal as needed • Reviews drafts for sources/depth of research • Edits the papers for publication • Posts each paper on the site • Hosts the journal on the server

Outcomes: What Students Learned This course was both challenging for students as well as the instructors. But for the most part, the students did enjoy the class because it gave them the freedom to write about almost any topic they wanted in men’s fashion. What the students learned was that writing does not have to be intimating – that it is really a process and a craft that has to be practiced. It is no different than designing because it takes time, follows a set of rules, and is creative in nature. One of the most important and fascinating aspects of this project was that students realized that they could cite other researcher’s work in their papers in order to support their own ideas. They had never realized how this process had worked. In addition, students understood why copyright for images are so important and how expensive they can be. After discovering that Getty images were over a hundred dollars per image, they opted to take their own with a camera. They also began to understand how the steps to solving a research problem are very similar to detective work and the importance of finding good sources. Furthermore, they developed a better understanding of how to use a search engine like Wikipedia. Wikipedia is not good as a citation, but it can help you find

some citations on a topic or allow you to discover the best keywords to use when searching more specialized databases. For the instructors, the grading process, the editing of papers, and the follow-up with student sources and how they were used was quite a struggle. However, the outcome was spectacular and well worth the time spent. The biggest reward was that students learned to value all the work that librarians and professors have to go through in order to conduct scholarly research. But, they also saw how proud we are when it is published.

Appendix

DSMR 465 Design Directions: Paper Review In assessing the suitability of this paper for presentation and future publication, the following points are considered in the recommendation.

Assessments 1(Low) 2 3 4 5(High) Rating

1. How interesting is the paper? Will it generate discussion? 2. How clear is the paper? What is its standard of expression? 3. Does the paper achieve the aims stated in the abstract? 4. Is the paper adequately supported by references and source material? 5. To what extent does the paper inform and advance understandings of men and fashion?

Recommendation (please choose one)

Accept without modification. Accept with the comments below addressed. Reject for the reason specified in the comments below. Student should start over.

Comments:

The Power of Dress: An Analysis of Conflict between Tradition and Modernity in Swazi Dress

Lombuso S. Khoza PhD. University of Maryland Eastern Shore, Princess Anne, MD.

Key words: 4 words Dress, Power, Attribution, Situational

Dress as Communication “Roses are red, violets are blue, the shorter the skirt, the better the view” (no author – graffiti on a classroom desk)

Dress, particularly clothing, is a means of communicating general messages about the wearer’s sex, status, credibility, authority, group membership, fashionability, and heterosexual interest or intent. In general, the meaning of clothing has been shown to be dependent on who is observing or who is interpreting the clothing (Littrell & Berger, 1986). Dress is assumed to communicate messages about a wearer’s character, vulnerability, consent, and provocation of another’s behavior. A means of communication can also be a means of miscommunication and consequences of miscommunication can be severe.

As a form of communication, dress is less precise than language and, therefore, what is communicated is often ambiguous and open to misinterpretation. Fashion changes can create yet more ambiguity in messages conveyed by dress. “In many instances, when the message in the presentation is misunderstood or considered as deviant, the propensity exists to intimidate or dominate (i.e. influence) the interaction. Thus dress may serve as a political instrument for the purpose of influencing format and informal relationships, as such, dress is power” (O’Neal, 1997, p. 3).

Socially-constructed aesthetic rules regarding dress influence the social power we feel and attribute to others. Lack of social power is associated with appearances, which do not conform to the rules, whether they are for mainstream ideas regarding coordinated clothing or youthful this bodies. Some groups and individuals have assumed power by effectively resisting these imposed aesthetic rules, while others have yet to do so (Johnson & Lennon 1999, p. 5).

Power is said to be ritualized within the social dynamics of fashion, as it may not only be related to class conflict but also to other cultural categories. When power is legitimate, or consistent with the rules of the society, it constitutes a form of authority that is condoned by the social system (Kaiser, 1997). In her analysis of the information conveyed by dress, Damhorst (1990), found that dress communicated information about power. Appearance has reportedly been shown to have a potent and immediate effect on others in a wide range of circumstances. In particular, the consequences of women’s appearance are severe and have social, economic, and legal ramifications. The complexity of validating dress as a communication medium is that meanings conveyed by dress are dependent on the social context in which the dress is perceived (Damhorst, 1985).

Traditional Attire (Indlamu) Umhlanga or the Reed Dance is a major ceremony held during a week at the end of August or early September annually. Swazi maidens, of marriageable age, gather at the Queen Mother's residence and set out in parties to gather reeds.

The reeds are used to repair the windbreak around the Queen Mother’s residence. The girls wear indlamu, a short beaded skirts decorated with fringes and buttons; together with anklets, bracelets and necklaces and colorful sashes. Each sash has appendages of different colored wool streamers; these denote whether or not the maiden is betrothed. The Reed Dance is stated to be a Swazi dance which celebrates feminine beauty and virtue (www.sntc.org).

The Assault In mid September, 2004, an eighteen year old girl was sexually assaulted inside a mini-bus at a bus terminus in one of Swaziland’s major cities. Three young males who worked as bus conductors attacked her. The reasons for the attack were because she wore a miniskirt. Similar acts occurred over a few weeks after that where young women’s skirts were either stripped of or torn with knives.

The Response Response from the public included royalty, members of the Swazi government, various nongovernmental organizations and bus conductors and a protest march from women. The country’s major newspapers, The Times of Swaziland and The Swazi Observer, documented the public’s opinions and reaction toward the incident. Women’s’ comments in support of the march related to comparing the traditional attire with the miniskirt and the fact that women have a right to choose their own dress code, especially if it is in celebration of their youth – as tradition deems.

Response from other women centered on fault being with the young woman due to what she was wearing. Comments made against the women who called for the march stated that these same women who participated in the protest could not control their own homes (implying that their daughters dress in unacceptable ways that cause them to be harassed and/or assaulted). The Deputy Speaker in the House of Senate stated that in the future the country’s government would create a law that would allow women to dress as they pleased without harassment. Those that supported the assault stated that the victim and those others that dressed like her deserved what they got, to the extent of suggesting that the country’s constitution needs to ban women from wearing miniskirts. Another Member of Parliament, who also happens to be a gospel singer composed a song which questioned how a person is dressed. (Dube, 2004; Fakudze, 2004; Magongo, 2004; Nkambule, 2004; Nkonyane, 2004; Shabangu, 2004; Sihlongonyane, 2004; Simelane, 2004; Zulu, 2004) .

Bus conductors are reported to have also conducted their own protest march at the center of the bus terminus. Mini-bus owners commented that this event had resulted in causing a hostile environment for schoolgirls who would be treated badly as most of their uniforms are short. Royalty was affected by this event due to an observation made by a member of parliament. The Member of Parliament commented, amidst applause, on how one of the King’s daughters was wearing revealing clothing in public (the princess was observed wearing a miniskirt that reached just above the knees and a top that exposed her midriff). The princess is currently the leader of the Swazi maidens during the Reed Dance (Dlamini, 2004; Maphalala, 2004). The Prime Minister amongst other members of cabinet spoke against the assault and encouraged the society not to condone such behavior.

The police force was also targeted by the protestors and nongovernmental organizations as not being aggressive enough when it comes to protecting ordinary citizens, especially young women who are harassed because of what they wear. On the day of the protest, reports were made at the swiftness of the police when it came to arresting troublemakers during the protest, and how they made an effort to make the public aware that these acts would not be condoned by the law. One observation made by a police

officer during the march was how the conductors complained of miniskirts when the young women were wearing pants.

The three males who assaulted the young woman were last reported to be out on bail. The latest media analysis does not report any follow-up to the assault case.

Framework Attribution theory comprises three types of attributions in hierarchical order from cause to responsibility to blame (Calhoun & Townsley, 1991). The authors further state “attributions of cause are merely explanations given for the occurrence of an event” (p. 58). Attribution of cause to the victim, for example, her dress, implies that the victim had some control over the likelihood of occurrence of date rape. Attribution of responsibility requires examination of an individual’s behavior in a social context. An attribution of cause does not necessarily lead to an attribution of responsibility. In terms of dress, Workman and Orr (1996) contend “although a woman is responsible for her choice of dress, it does not logically follow that she is responsible for her date’s behavior” (p.3).

Fairstein (1993) noted “most sexual assaults occur when there is a combination of two critical conditions: opportunity and vulnerability. The rapist needs the opportunity to commit the crime, and he succeeds when a victim is vulnerable at the moment of his opportunity” (pp.132-133). Richards, Rollerson, and Phillips (1991) hypothesized that nonverbal, as well as verbal cues may affect perceptions of a woman’s submissiveness and, subsequently, a potential assaulter’s judgment of vulnerability. They found that dominant and submissive college women displayed visually different appearances (e.g. submissive women wore body-concealing clothing). College men’s perceptions of dominant and submissive women were based primarily on dress as impressions were not influenced by body movements or presence/absence of sound. Richards et al. (1991) concluded that there was evidence to support the proposition that college men selected submissive women for exploitation.

Information applicable to exploration of victim’s dress as an attributed cause of date rape is provided by two studies that investigated stranger rape. Workman & Orr (1996) found that even a minimal cue, such as three inches difference in skirt length, resulted in differences in responsibility attributed to a victim of date rape. Field (1978) found that rapists endorsed the view that victims precipitate (i.e. cause) rape through their appearance or behavior (p.3).

Chaikin and Darley (1973) defined situational relevance as the “degree of probability that the observer will find himself [or herself] someday in similar circumstances” (p.269). Shaver (1970) suggested that perceivers find events that are unlikely to happen to them nonthreatening. Perceivers’ attribution of responsibility may be attributed to people involved in the event is an event with high probability of occurrence and negative consequences, presumably to allow the self to avoid such a threatening event. He concluded that a perceiver’s desire for harm avoidance influences the attribution of responsibility such that “the threat posed by an event with negative consequences can lead to an exaggeration of the responsibility assigned to an innocent victim” (Shaver, 1985, p. 134). The author further contends the more relevant a situation is to a perceiver, the more he or she may attribute responsibility to external factors or features of the social environment, presumably to protect the self from being held responsible should he or she be involved in such an event in the future. Thus, Shaver (1985) speculated that blame avoidance may motivate a perceiver so that the more relevant the situation is to the perceiver, the less he or she will attribute responsibility to a personally similar other.

Analysis

The power of dress when analyzed due to sexual harassment through a western perspective challenges the attribution hierarchy and situational relevance. Opportunity and vulnerability were indeed a major factor when the assault occurred. It is necessary to note that this situation cannot be compared with western definition of date rape. The meanings presented by the wearer were confounded by the cultural context, the ongoing conflict between what is deemed as traditional and modern and how the two interplay by the conductors’ standards and public at large. It is not easy to isolate the two: a miniskirt and indlamu in that they are both a form of dress and are similar when it comes to length.

Clearly further analysis is required to determine the inference of the miniskirt being compared to what is considered a prostitute’s item of clothing or it is perceived as sexually alluring to cause the assault. In a situation where cultural tradition is steeped in the meaning of dress, clear cut definitions such as that of the attribution theory need to be revised. This revision is necessary as evidenced by the public opinions captured by the media. Some members advocate a ban on particular dress to be legislated by government where others are against it; others threaten to continue to harass the women, whilst others are amused by the whole situation. If indlamu is much like a miniskirt in form, its traditional form may provide power and somehow provide protection.

As Workman and Orr (1996) noted, because the victim was wearing a miniskirt does not automatically imply she was looking to be sexually assaulted. To suggest that the victim’s manner of dress caused the attack, made her responsible, and was to blame as some members of public had suggested is illogical. Wearing indlamu is touted as celebrating a young woman’s youth and participating in a worthy celebration of that youth.

Workman and Freeburg (1999) recommended further analysis of the language and/or terms used when it comes to the cause of date rape. Situational relevance has some bearing on the assault, in that the victim may have attributed “responsibility to external factors or features of the social environment, presumably to protect the self from being held responsible should he or she be involved in such an event in the future” (Shaver, 1985, p. 134). One cannot acknowledge the trauma a victim experiences in such a situation, unless they have experienced similar. “In addition, the role of personal and situational relevance as perceiver variables affecting attribution of responsibility for date rape has not been classified (Workman & Freeburg 1999, p.270).

Future research recommendations As textiles and clothing scholars in dress should share information and continue the dialogue on understanding the misunderstandings that may exist when it comes to the meanings of dress and subsequent interactions based on those meanings. Further investigation is warranted when it comes to analyzing cases of sexual assault related to dress when tradition and modernity conflict. It is pertinent that researchers in the field are familiar with the context that dress is addressed in as it has been stated many a time that dress has layers of meanings that cannot be resolved by mere words that are stated in terms that, when read, are logical in nature, when in reality cultural context has not been considered. Understanding the misunderstandings will make a difference in future analyses related to the power of dress.

References

Calhoun, K. & Townsley, R. (1991). Attributions of responsibility for acquaintance rape. In A. Parrot & L. Bechhofer (Eds.), Acquaintance rape: The hidden crime (pp. 57-70). New York: Wiley. Chaikin, A. L., & Darley, J. M. (1973). Victim or perpetrator? Defensive attribution of responsibility and the need for order and justice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 25(2), 268-275.

Damhorst, M. L. (1985). Meanings of clothing cues in social context. Clothing and Textiles research Journal 3(2), 39-48. Damhorst, M. L. (1990). In search of a common thread: Classification of information communicated through dress. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 3(2), 39-48. Dlamini, M. (2004). LaMbikiza takes on Ntuthuko. Retrieved September 26, 2004. Dube, D. (2004). Timothy asked to explain his song ‘Ugcoke njani.’ Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Fairstein, L. (1993). Sexual violence: Our war against rape. New York: William Morrow & Company. Fakudze, S. (2004). Manzini bus conductor insists on bail application. Retrieved October 21, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Field, H. (1978). Attitudes toward rape: A comparative analysis of police, rapists, crisis counselors, and citizens. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36(2), 156-179. Johnson, K. K. P. & Lennon, S. J. (Eds.). (1999). Appearance and power. United Kingdom: Berg. Kaiser, S. B. (1997). The social psychology of clothing: Symbolic appearances in context (2nd ed.). (Rev. ed.). New York: Fairchild. Littrell, M. A. & Berger, E. A. (1986). Perceiver’s occupation and client’s grooming: Influence on person perception. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 4(2), 48-66. Magongo, M. (2004). MP Timothy Myeni working on follow up to Ugcoke Njani.’ Retrieved September 28, 2004. Maphalala, I. (2004). Organizers of march promote prostitution. Retrieved September 29, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Nkambule, S. (2004). Miniskirt incident inhumane – Dr Brody. Retrieved October 6, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Nkonyane, L. (2004). Protest turns into conductors’ show. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz O’Neal, G. S. (1997). Style as power: On the rejection of the accepted. Manuscript submitted for publication. Richards, L., Rollerson, B., & Phillips, J. (1991). Perceptions of submissiveness: Implications for victimization. The Journal of Psychology, 125(4), 407-411. Shabangu, N. (2004). Two apprehended for fondling women. Retrieved September 24, 2004 from http://www.times.co.sz Shaver, K. G. (1970). Defensive attribution: Effects of severity and relevance on the responsibility assigned to an accident. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 18, 380-383. Shaver, K. G. (1985). The attribution of blame: Causality, responsibility, and blameworthiness. New York: Springer-Verlag. Sihlongonyane, P. (2004). NNLC condemns incident. Retrieved September 25, 2004 from

‘What Becomes a Racist Most?’: Hate Couture in the United States

Laura K. Kidd, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale IL

Key words: hate groups, Neo-Nazi, KKK, racism

In the United States, a hate group is any group or movement that advocates hate, hostility or violence towards another person or persons. The Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center note an increase in hate groups and hate crimes in the last 10 years (Anti-Defamation League 2008; Southern Poverty Law Center 2009); hate incidents have surged since the election of Barack Obama in November 2008 (Witt 2008). Law enforcement agencies, schools and parents have expressed a growing concern about the growth of hate groups and one of the biggest challenges facing law enforcement agencies is the identification of hate groups (Phillips 2007). To help identify hate groups, clothing and appearance practices are used by law enforcement personnel. Educators and parents are also encouraged to be aware of clothing and appearance as signals of early involvement of teens in hate groups or gangs. This study investigates the types of hate clothing or ‘hate couture’ (Murrmann 2008) that has been used by members of White hate groups in the United States, including current trends in clothing and appearance practices of hate groups.

Most hate groups use clothing and appearance practices to designate group membership. Clothing and appearance practices of hate groups also serve specific functions. These functions include instilling fear or terror in intended victims. Clothing and appearance practices of hate groups also erase the individual self, furnishing anonymity which permits an individual the freedom to commit acts of violence. Clothing and appearance are also used to isolate the individual from mainstream society, allowing the individual to take on the persona of ‘victim’, which provides a rationalization and excuse for directing hatred towards others. Clothing and appearance also create and perpetuate a sense of history and continuity in hate groups and aid members in believing they are fighting for a greater cause. A sense of paranoia is also created in members of hate groups through clothing and appearance practices, furthering a sense of victimization and isolation.

The first group that appears to have used clothing as an intrinsic part of group dynamics was the Ku Klux Klan. Never a strong centrally organized group, each local unit in the early Klan developed its own costume, ranging from inexpensive pieces of fabric with eyeholes worn over the head to elaborate long robes and pointed hoods (Parsons 2005). Style and quality of costume during the early years of the Klan were dependent on economic class; wealthier Klansmen (and their horses) had the most expensive and elaborately designed garments. By the second Klan movement in the early 20th century, the costume of Klansmen became more uniform, due, in large part, to the descriptions in Thomas Dixon’s ‘Trilogy of Reconstruction’ The Leopard’s Spots (1902), The Clansmen (1905), and The Traitor (1907) and the subsequent movie depictions of the Klan in D.W. Griffith’s The Birth of A Nation. The basic style and silhouette of Klan costumes were similar, and individual style variations were still allowed.

Men’s shirts have a long history of being used to designate hate group membership. One of the earliest hate groups is the Red Shirts, a paramilitary group formed during the decline of the first Klan movement in the 1870s. Southern Democrats proudly co-opted the ‘bloody shirt’ used by Reconstruction Republicans into a Confederate symbol of the blood shed by the South during the Civil War. The Red Shirts were strongest along the North and South Carolina border; groups of mounted Red Shirts intimidated African Americans, broke up Republican meetings, and created solidarity among Whites (Hampton’s Bulldozers 1878; Raleigh News & Observer 1898; White Men Show Determination to Rid ©2009, International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc. ITAA Proceedings, #66 – www.itaaonline.org 2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

Themselves of Negro Rule 1898). The red shirt became a significant symbol of Confederate nationalism (Drago 1998); even today, Red Shirts still advocate for a “free and independent South Carolina” (The Red Shirts 2004) and wear red shirts as symbols of antipathy towards civil rights for African Americans and other cultural groups.

In the 1920s and the 1930s, six other “race prejudice” groups were operating freely in the U.S.: the Khaki Shirts, the White Shirts, the Black Shirts, the Blue Shirts, the Brown Shirts, and the Silver Shirts (Shirt Business 1934). Most were organized as German-American and Italian-American heritage organizations, and espoused fascist beliefs. These groups wore uniforms styled like the Nazi storm troopers (Nazi brown shirts), and each wore different colored shirts to maintain group distinctiveness. The two most well-known groups were the Brown Shirts and the Silver Shirts. The Brown Shirts were members of the German American Bund Party; the Silver Shirts belonged to the Silver Legion of America. Like Nazis in Germany, American Nazis used the power of uniforms as a propaganda device. This was tolerated until the U.S. entered World War II; during the war, membership in the Nazi party and wearing Nazi-style uniforms in public in the U.S. were not popular actions with most citizens.

After the war, national socialists emerged as neo-Nazis, and the Klan experienced a revival spurred by the growth of the civil rights movement. Membership in both groups became interconnected, and many smaller splinter hate groups were formed; this trend continues through today. Clothing and appearance practices are useful to these groups to distinguish between themselves and to create a sense of individual group identification. In the KKK, for example, the basic costume remains the white robe and hood, but because there are so many different Klan units, each unit developed its own style variations in the use of color, stripes and M.I.O.A.K. (Mystic Insignia of A Klansman). In the various units or klaverns, individual local touches to Klan costumes often have historic significance and take on mythic proportions for Klan descendants who continue to advocate for states’ rights and a white America.

After WWII, neo-Nazis became members of George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party (ANP) and wore uniforms styled after Bund Party/Nazi storm trooper uniforms. In particular, the swastika was prominently displayed and used as a symbol to create fear and attract attention (Rockwell 1960). But Rockwell was banned from speaking on university campuses when he was wearing his ANP uniform and swastika armband because his appearance often incited riots and other acts of violence. So Rockwell changed his Nazi style for a business suit and briefcase. Dressed as the iconic American businessman, Rockwell’s message of ‘White Power’ appeared less racist. The use of clothing by Rockwell demonstrates the role of clothing and appearance in neo-Nazi hate groups: a desire to pay homage to the past yet embrace the future.

A new look appeared for neo-Nazi hate groups in the late 20th century: the skinhead look. Skinheads started in England during the 1960s among working class youth, and developed distinctive music, lifestyle and fashions (Knight 1982). When the movement migrated to the United States in the 1980s, groups that advocated racist views quickly embraced skinhead fashion (Moore 1993). Although not all skinheads are racists, the popularity of the skinhead look with racist groups is so strong that skinhead appearance is usually noted by law enforcement as an important indicator of the presence of a hate group (Schafer and Navarro 2003). The basic look consists of a shaved head, t-shirts (usually black), jeans or camouflage cargo pants, ‘red-for-racist’ suspenders (braces) or belts with very heavy buckles, leather jackets, heavy work boots usually with ‘red-for-racist’ laces, and multiple tattoos based on Nazi symbols (What is a Skinhead? 2000). Tattoos have become an important part of the racist skinhead look, and indicate commitment to the group. Tattoos also further alienate hate group members from mainstream

society, serving not only to ‘brand’ them as members of an exclusive group, but also to contribute to the paranoia and victimization that hate group members embrace.

As the new millennium approached, paramilitary white supremacy survivalist groups developed group styles based on military uniforms and camouflage gear. Purchased from army surplus sites, military style garments reinforce the belief of many white supremacist groups in the coming race war and end-of- the-world conflagration. Each group has developed a specific ‘uniform’, reinforcing the sense of group identity and belonging for the members, especially for those in self-proclaimed state militia groups.

Hate couture is not only popular, but is profitable. The Internet has been a boon to white supremacy groups and the merchandising of their message and products. On-line shopping for racist clothing and accessories is quick and easy and has the added bonus of allowing both the retailer and consumer to remain anonymous, yet active in the group. Popular items include t-shirts with Nazi war theme motifs, death’s head (totenkopf) and SS belt buckles, heavy work boots with treads that stamp the imprint of a swastika or SS on the ground, and brass knuckles. There are also racist fashions for girls, which are feminine and fashionable, including plaid pleated miniskirts, swastika monogrammed panties and rhinestone-studded brass knuckles. Racist fashions are often very difficult to distinguish from mainstream fashion items; for example, the SS Nazi death’s head skull and bones is very similar to the ‘Pirates of the Caribbean’ skull and bones motif. Both Wal-Mart and Target have had to remove clothing items from their stores after it was discovered that the design motifs were neo-Nazi symbols (Demirijian 2007; Target Recalls Clothing 2002).

Other hate groups continue to wear traditional hate couture. Members of the 21st century Klan still wear the traditional robe and hood for all important functions; there are a number of custom designers and seamstresses, such as Ms. Ruth, a fifth generation Klan descendent, who creates these garments (Murrmann 2008). The largest neo-Nazi group in the U.S., the National Socialist Movement, wears Rockwell’s American Nazi Party storm trooper uniforms to all meetings and public demonstrations, with apparently little damage to their growing membership (The National Socialist Movement, 2009). But a revival of past hate fashion is not the current trend in hate couture. The current trend, one that alarms law enforcement, is a move towards using no special clothing or appearance practices to denote membership in a hate group. Nicknamed the ‘suits not boots’ policy, many hate group leaders, such as Tom Metzger, David Duke and Matthew Hale are presenting a new face of racism, a face that promotes its message using mainstream politics, the media and the Internet. The sights of modern hate movements are now set on blending into the mainstream and abandoning the typical neo-Nazi skinhead look by growing out their hair and covering up their tattoos. This change in physical appearance represents a fundamental change in hate group tactics. How successful this tactic will be in disseminating racist beliefs remains unknown. But as hate groups start to look more like ‘us’ and less like ‘them’, it will become increasingly difficult to distinguish between ‘the good guys’ and the ‘bad guys.’

References Anti-Defamation League. October 2008, http://adl.org/combating_hate/HCSA_ 10year.asp (accessed February 28, 2009). Demirijian, Karoun. 2007. Wal-Mart under fire again for T-shirts with Nazi logo. Schakowsky, others say retailer still selling item, February 9. Business Archives, Chicago Tribune (on-line), http://archives.chicatotribune.com/2007/feb/09/business/chi-0702090109 feb09 (accessed January 16, 2009). Drago, Edmund. 1998. Hurrah for Hampton!: Black Red Shirts in South Carolina During Reconstruction. University of Arkansas Press.

Hampton’s Bulldozers. 1878. New York Times, October 16. (Accessed through Proquest.) Knight, Nick. 1982. Skinhead. London: Omnibus Press. Moore, Jack B. 1993. Skinheads Shaved for Battle: A Cultural History of American Skinheads. Bowling Green OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press. Murrmann, Mark. 2008. Aryan Outfitters, March 27, Mother Jones (online), http://www.motherjones.com/print/19246 (accessed March 4, 2009). The National Socialist Movement. 2009. Anti-Defamation League website Extremism in America, http:www//adl.org/Lean/Ext_US/nsm/default.asp?LEARN_Cat=Extremism&LEARN_ SubCat=Extremism_in_America&xpicked=3&item=nsm (accessed March 18, 2009). Parsons, Elaine Franz. 2005. Midnight rangers: Costume and performance in the Reconstruction-Era Ku Klux Klan. The Journal of American History 92, no. 3 (December), http://www.historycooperative.org/index.html (accessed January 8, 2009). Phillips, Amanda. 2007. Skinheads in America. Law Enforcement Technology, October 1, http://license.icopyright.net/user/viewFreeUse.act?fuid=MjYyMzkxMA%3D%3D (accessed February 6, 2009). Raleigh News & Observer. 1898, November 4. From website 1898 Wilmington Race Riot, http://1898wilmington.com/RedShirtsAHistory.shtml (accessed March 12, 2009). Rockwell, George Lincoln. 1960. In Hoc Signo Vinces. From the American Nazi Party website, http://www.americannaziparty.com/Rockwell/materials/articles/vinces.php (accessed March 30, 2009.) The Red Shirts. 2004. From website http://www.redshirts.org (last modified December 29, 2005; accessed March 27, 2009). Schafer, John R. and Joe Navarro. 2003. The seven stage hate model: The psychopathology of hate groups. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, March 1, online, http://www.rickross.com/reference/hate_groups/hategroups355.html (accessed March 13, 2009). Shirt Business. 1934. Time, May 7, http://www.time.com/time/printout/ o,8816,787829,00.html (accessed March 27, 2009). Southern Poverty Law Center. 2009, http://splcenter.org/intel/map/hate.jsp (accessed February 25, 2009). Target Recalls Clothing With Neo-Nazi Symbols. 2002. Retail Merchandiser (August 29). From http://www.allbusiness.com/retail-trade/4295641-1.html (accessed February 13, 2009) What is a Skinhead? 2000. The Prejudice Institute, http://www.prejudiceinstitute.org (accessed March 23, 2009). White Men Show Determination to Rid Themselves of Negro Rule. 1898. The Morning Star (Wilmington, N.C.), November 2, http://www.lib.unc.edu/ncc/1898/sources/rsrally.html (accessed January 7, 2009). Witt, Howard. 2008. Hate incidents in U.S. surge: Election seen as factor behind revival of Klan. chicagotribune.com, November 23, http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationword/ chi- klan_bdnov23,0,4928113.story (accessed January 8, 2009).

Beyond the Minoan Locus: The Scope of the Bronze Age Flounced Skirt

Abby Lillethun, Montclair State University, Montclair, NJ

Dress historians, notably Mary G. Houston (1966), have been intrigued by Minoan attire, especially the women’s tight-fitting bodices and bell-shaped skirts, because they represent an antecedent—albeit without continuity—to cut and sewn clothing of much later periods. This research examines the significance of one Minoan dress object, the flounced skirt, within the Minoan culture and defines its geographical scope across the Mediterranean region. The aim to expand knowledge of Minoan culture through analysis of contexts of the flounced skirt and the dispersion of images of the skirt beyond the Minoan culture to neighboring regions through trade is complemented by informing the understanding of Bronze Age dress among history of dress generalists.

Minoan women’s dress is primarily known through imagery found at Knossos, the site of the elaborate palace on Crete (1700 BCE–1400 BCE). Polychrome terracotta figurines representing women that are understood as goddesses and frescos depicting courtly events including women, serve as the historical foundation used by eminent dress history survey authors including François Boucher (1987), Blanche Payne, et al. (1992) and Phyllis Tortora (2008). Tortora (2008) includes redrawings developed from the archeological record of three skirt types, including two styles of textured tiered skirts and one smooth style. The skirt identified as the flounced skirt among Aegean Bronze Age archaeologists has rows of pleated or ruffled flounces from top to hem (Barber 1991; 1994). The flounced skirt appears more often in the record than the more smoothly surfaced skirt seen primarily in terracotta figurines from Knossos. Less well known from the Minoan archaeological record than the Knossos finds are images incised in gold rings and sealing stones that were worn as jewelry and are found across the sites of Minoan culture. Using representations of women’s attire appearing in these tiny objects, such as those seen in the image in the Ring of Isopata (ca. 1550–1450 BCE), as sources, and also drawing on images in life size frescoes found at Thera, the site on Santorini (ca. 1624 BCE) (Doumas 1992; Marinatos 1984), the flounced skirt is shown to be a particularly significant form of female ritual garment. The flounced skirt is depicted with other cult symbols where it is carried, presented, and worn. The depictions also show women standing, seated, and dancing while wearing it in ritual contexts. These representations and the presence of imagery of the skirt in southwestern Asia refine the generalist’s perception of the archaeological record and focus on the skirt’s contexts and geographical scope provides archeologists with additional information in the consideration of Minoan ritual as it relates to the act of dressing.

Bibliography

Barber, E. J. W. 1991. Prehistoric Textiles, Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univerosty Press. Barber, E. J. W. 1994. Women’s Work: the First 20,000 Years. New York: W.W. Norton. Boucher, François and Yvone Deslandres (1987). 20,000 Years of Fashion: The History of Costume and Personal Adornment, expanded ed. New York: H.N. Abrams. Doumas, Christos. 1992. Trans. by Alex Doumas. The Wall-paintings of Thera. Athens: Thera Foundation: P.M. Nomikos. Houston, Mary G. 1966. Ancient Greek, Roman and Byzantine Costume. London: Adam & Charles Black. Marinatos, Nanno. 1984. Art and Religion in Thera: Reconstructing a Bronze Age Society. Athens: D. & I. Mathioulakis Payne, Blanche, Geitel Winakor, Jane Farrell-Beck. 1992. The History of Costume: From Ancient Mesopotamia through the Twentieth Century, 2nd ed. New York, NY : HarperCollins. ©2009, International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc. ITAA Proceedings, #66 – www.itaaonline.org 2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

Tortora, Phyllis G. and Keith Eubank. 1998. Survey of Historic Costume: A History of Western Dress, 3rd ed. New York: Fairchild Publications.

Codes of fair competition: The National Industrial Recovery Act, 1933-1935 and the women’s ready-to-wear apparel industry

Sara B. Marcketti, Iowa State University

Key words: codes of fair competition, ethics, apparel industry

Controversial issues prevalent in today’s ready-to-wear apparel industry include design piracy, the right of workers to join unions, and the proliferation of sweatshops and sweatshop conditions.i To establish ethical practices in the apparel industry, codes of conduct have been created by the U.S. Department of Labour, the Fair Labour Association, and the Worldwide Responsible Apparel Production.ii While these codes have improved the awareness of social responsibility, or the “practices for conducting business in which [firms] make decisions based on how their actions affect others within the marketplace,”iii unethical business activities continue into the 21st century.

The idea of forming codes of conduct to establish criteria of ethical practices is not new to the apparel industry. Indeed, the women’s dress manufacturing industry discussed and debated codes of fair practice under the New Deal Policies of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) of 1933 to 1935. Understanding the history of the early debates regarding controversial topics such as design piracy, collective bargaining, and sweatshop conditions reveals the complexities of the ready-to-wear apparel industry and the often conflicting aims of industry, labor, and consumers. This paper examines the ethical, economic, and social considerations regarding what constituted “fair competition” during the NIRA and analyzes the role of industry members, workers, and consumers in these arguments. The history of the women’s apparel industry as debated during the NIRA sheds light on the difficulties of instituting code of ethics within the women’s ready-to-wear apparel industry.

To study this topic, the researcher accessed the governmental hearings on the codes of fair practices and competition discussed by apparel industry executives, representatives from labor, and consumers during the NIRA. The New York Times, Women’s Wear Daily and the Journal of the Patent Office Society (which discussed the establishment of the codes) were searched for reference to the NIRA codes and the women’s ready-to-wear apparel industry. A systematic analysis of the Readers’ Guide to Periodical Literature facilitated the search for other primary sources found in Business Week and Time magazines.iv

The NIRA The NIRA was passed by Congress and approved by President Franklin Roosevelt in June 1933. The stated purposes of the NIRA were plural and related to the immediate national emergency of the Great Depression: reemployment and the promotion of industrial recovery.v The Act called on industries to negotiate and submit for government approval so-called “codes of fair competition.” It was believed that the formation of these codes would “stop the wastes of excessive competition” and encourage the “united action of labor and management in the interest of industrial peace.”vi Forty-three industrial groups including, but not limited to, automobile manufacturing, the lumber industry, the motion picture industry, the silk textile industry, and the dress manufacturing industry participated in forming codes of conduct under the auspices of the NIRA. By May 1935, when the NIRA was struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, almost 800 codes were implemented.vii

The formation of the codes were conducted in public hearings and publicized through the press, trade and industrial journals, and the posting of bulletins in post offices throughout the country.viii Industry

members were instructed to work together to form consensus regarding controversial practices in the best interests of industry, labor, and consumers. Once approved, the codes would be administered by the individual industries with minimal governmental control. The NIRA assumed that the initiative in preparing the codes would be undertaken by existing and newly formed trade associations of each industry. It was mandated that each industry would create codes that would not promote monopolies or eliminate or “oppress” small enterprises.ix

The women’s ready-to-wear industry discussed and debated fair practice codes including the right of employees to collectively bargain, the length of the work week and wage scales for employees, the practice of design piracy or copying of another manufacturer or designers’ merchandise, and the structure of the industry in regards to the responsibilities of manufacturers, jobbers, and contractors.x Some within the apparel industry stressed the importance of the codes saying that the partnership with government “would act as ladders on which crippled business could climb out” to “beat this depression.”xi

Despite some enthusiasm for the codes, members of the women’s ready-to-wear apparel industry were never able to reach consensus. However, the hearings on the codes of fair practice from 1933 to 1935 contain thousands of pages of diverse viewpoints. These perspectives shed light on the continuation of controversial practices in the 21st century. An understanding of the ethical, economic, and social considerations regarding the historical practices of piracy, wage work, and the conflicting interests of labor, consumers, and business, may inform our current understanding of controversial policies and successes and failures at more recent attempts to form codes of conduct.

i While design piracy began early in the U.S. ready-to-wear apparel industry, designers and manufacturers continue to debate the controversial tradition. The Design Prohibition Act of 2007 was entered for review in the U.S. Senate and would offer three years of copyright-like protection for “original” designs ranging from dresses to eyeglasses. Other issues such as the right of employees to join unions and sweatshops continue to receive considerable attention in the trade and popular press. The Washington Post, “Unions seek Wal-Mart probe over election law,” April 14, 2008; Cheryl Lu-Lien Tan, “Copy Protection for Fall Fashion,” Wall Street Journal (October 27-28, 2007): W1; Liza Casabona, “Report: Lapses by Governments May Support Sweatshops,” Women’s Wear Daily (July 1, 2008). ii Grace I. Kunz and Myrna B. Garner, Going Global: The Textile and Apparel Industry (NY: Fairchild, 2007). iii Mary A. Littrell and Marsha A. Dickson, Social Responsibility in the Global Market: Fair Trade of Cultural Products (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Ltd., 1999). iv Financial support of this project was received from The Pasold Research Fund, London School of Economics and the Courtauld Institute of Art. v John M. Clark, William H. Davis, George M. Harrison, and George H. Mead, The National Recovery Administration (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1937). vi Dudley Cates, “A Current Appraisal of the National Recovery Administration,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (1934): 130-138. vii Karl Fenning, “N. R. A. Codes,” Journal of the Patent Office Society (1934): 189-203; Kenneth Dameron, “Retailing under the N.R.A. I,” The Journal of Business of the University of Chicago 8 (1935): 1-26. viii Clark, Davis, Harrison, and Mead, The National Recovery Administration. ix Robert H. Connery, The Administration of an NRA Code (Chicago: Public Administration, 1938). x The period of the NIRA represented a time in the ready-to-wear apparel industry that saw great growth in the number of small and medium sized firms. Due to the needs of women during the Great Depression to purchase lower cost goods, the apparel industry witnessed increase in the number of smaller firms working on tighter

economic margins and an increase in the number of outside contractors. These factors exacerbated the problems of design piracy, called by the trade press Women’s Wear Daily “the worst evil in the industry.” Florence S. Richards, The Ready-to-Wear Industry 1900-1950 (New York: Fairchild, 1951). xi “Johnson Aide Asks Speeding of Codes,” The New York Times, June 29, 1933, 8; “Says NRA Realized Ideals,” The New York Times, September 22, 1934, 16.

Erte’ Fashion or Fantasy: a Search for Evidence

Sonya S. Meyer, University of Wyoming

Keywords: historic, design, Erte

Russian born Romain de Tirtoff, Erte, seemed to capture the zeitgeist of the 1920s through his covers and fashion illustrations for Harper’s Bazar. His arrival in Paris in 1912 prior to WWI led to his introduction to the Fashion World. The fashion world became better acquainted with Erte in January of 1915 when his first Harper’s Bazar cover debuted. Erte continued to design for Harper’s through the early 1930s. (Erte, 1975 and Blum, 1976). He has been referred to as a prolific fashion designer, but was he a designer or a prolific fashion artist who inspired many with his “stylish fashion fantasies”? (Blum, 1976, p. v)

Erte’s work has long been a source of inspiration and curiosity for this researcher/designer. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to explore the work of Erte with the intent of creating a series of Erte fashion designs in miniature utilizing cloth art dolls as the mannequins. Originally the work was to focus on apparel design and pattern making techniques. However as the research progressed more questions arose concerning Erte’s work and recognition as a fashion designer. Both primary and secondary sources revealed a lack of actual garments designed by Erte still in existence. Triangulation was utilized through examination of Harper’s Bazar from 1915 – 1925 and related materials at the Irene Lewisohn Costume Reference Library of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Poiret and Erte collection holdings of the Costume Institute Metropolitan Museum of Art, and the Erte holdings at the Los Angeles County Art Museum. Works written by and about Erte were also examined. Additional textile and apparel collections were investigated and curators interviewed for the possibility of Erte items in their collections. There are several original and reproduction pieces of Erte’s art work available through museum collections and through various publishers and art dealers. However, the only actual garments identified through the search were theatre costumes found at both the Costume Institute and the Los Angeles County Art Museum.

Pieces of the Paul Poiret collection from the Costume Institute were included in the investigation due to Erte’s early experience in Paris. Shortly after his arrival in Paris Erte was hired by Poiret as one of his designer artists. Poiret closed his fashion house at the start of World War I. after the war Erte did not return to work for Poiret; instead he started to submit his own work to Harper’s Bazar and Vogue. Erte commented in his autobiography that he, Erte, recognized his illustrations credit to Poiret in Harper’s Bazar and that became one of the deciding factors for him to submit his designs to these fashion magazines. (Erte, 1975) Therefore it seemed important to examine items in the Poiret collection which might have been designed during Erte’s tenure with Poiret.

Erte, by most accounts, was not a courturier. He was not familiar with partternmaking or dressmaking. As a child he designed a gown for his mother, but it is unclear who created the gown. (Erte, 1975) In 1914 he hired former Poiret seamstress, Adrienne Ridou, to make his designs for American buyers. (p. 38) Both Altman and Bendel commissioned Erte to design 2 collections of dresses and coats per year for three years. However with the reopening of Poiret’s fashion house Erte lost the services of Adrienne Ridou. It is not clear who continued as Erte’s dressmaker or if Altman’s and Bendel used their own seamstresses. If indeed this were the case it is quite possible that Erte’s designs might carry the respective retailers’ labels rather than the Erte name. Therefore unless donors to museum costume collections included designer information, it is possible that Erte designs might exist but are not identified as such in museum holdings.

What are known to exist of garments designed by Erte are theatrical costumes. Theatre, opera and ballet always seemed to play a major role in his life. By his own admission Erte became so involved with theatre costume and set design that he neglected his fashion designs. (Erte, 1972) The costume pieces found in the Los Angeles County Art Museum collection were designed for Ganna Walska for her various stage roles. These items were donated to the museum from her estate. (Nancy Carcione, personal communication, November 6, 2007) It is indeed interesting that although his work for stage and movies was well recognized he is recognized more for his art and fashion design. Yet, stage costumes are the artifacts of Erte’s work found in museum collections.

Diana Vreeland stated “that no one in the twentieth century had a greater influence on fashion than Erte”. (Estorick, 1976, preface) As the cover artist for Harper’s Bazar from 1915 to 1936 his work inspired many. Today his work still inspires and challenges designers. Many are challenged to create or recreate his fanciful and imaginative work. Others are intrigued by the challenge of solving the patternmaking puzzle of some of his more architectural creations. It is indeed unfortunate that there are not more actual garments in existence of such a prolific designer artist as Erte.

References

Blum, S. (1976). Introduction. Fashion Drawings and Illustrations From “Harper’s Bazar” by Erte, Mineola, N.Y.: Dover Publications.

Erte. (1972). Erte Fashions, London: Academy Editions, New York: St. Martins Press.

Erte. (1976). Erte Things I Remember, New York: The New York Times Book Co.

Estorick, E. (1976). Preface. Fashion Drawings and Illustrations From “Harper’s Bazar” by Erte, Mineola, N.Y.: Dover Publications

Changes in Trinidad Carnival Dress: A (R)evolutionary Process

Raedene Copeland and Nancy Nelson Hodges, University of North Carolina at Greensboro; Greensboro, NC

Key Words: Trinidad Carnival, costume, evolution, aesthetics Masquerade costume, the most visible expression of culture seen during Trinidad Carnival, is deeply rooted in a history of oppression and rebellion (Franco, 2007; Hill, 1972; Pearse, 1956). Yet over the past several decades, there has been a considerable shift in form, style, and meanings of costumes worn throughout Carnival celebrations. In the beginning, costumes of the masqueraders represented socio- political and economic conditions, historical events, and/or communicated folklore-based meanings. Today, many participants have put these traditions aside in favor of a new kind of costume, comprised primarily of Las Vegas showgirl style elements such as feathers and beads. Previous researchers have investigated Carnival dress as only one small part of the overall masquerade experience and of Carnival as a whole (Franco, 2007, De Freitas, 2007, Hill, 1972). While the aesthetic aspect of Carnival pageantry has been discussed in these studies, the evolution of masquerade costume as an index of social change has received very little attention thus far.

This study seeks to fill this gap in research by exploring the history and evolution of Carnival dress. Included is an examination of factors that have led to changes relative to the current state of the art form. Masquerader attire has become the center of a debate among Carnival participants. Scher (2002) notes that a major shift in popular modes of aesthetic expression has caused a divide between the traditionalists and the modernists, with an ongoing concern over the right to define what Carnival is and how its symbolisms should be expressed. Women have become the predominant force shaping the aesthetics of Carnival, providing the impetus for costume designers to try and meet their needs and wants for between $400 and $1000 per costume (Franco 2007; Mason 1998). With the growing popularity and global attention paid to Carnival, there are increasing concerns about whether the modern style of costume, popularly referred to as “bikini, beads, and feathers,” will lead to the dissolution of the traditional cultural aesthetics of Carnival. This research explores the changes in masquerade costume and what these changes mean for Carnival as it transitions to keep pace with the 21st century.

Data collection took place in Trinidad over an eleven day period and incorporated most Carnival events. Ethnographic methods were used for the data collection and consisted of participant observation, depth interviews, and photographic documentation. Interviews were conducted with participants who were actively involved in planning for and engaging in Carnival activities that require a costumed appearance. This included costume designers, masquerade group directors (known as “mas band managers”) and masqueraders. The focus of the interviews was to capture the essence of Carnival as experienced by and through the making and wearing of costume and to uncover perceptions as to what changes in popular costumes mean for the experience (van Manen, 1990). Photographs of masqueraders in costume as well as Carnival events supplement the interviews and observation data and provide depth to the interpretation. The data was analyzed for emergent themes that would illuminate what changes in costume aesthetics mean for Trinidad Carnival. Three major thematic areas surfaced from the data, and include Costume Form vs. Function, The Value of Tradition, and the Globalization of the Local. While interpretation of data revealed that most of the respondents, young and old, were concerned about the perceived threat to the traditional aesthetic culture of the Trinidad Carnival celebrations, including the costumes, a difference

of opinion was nevertheless found to exist between younger and older respondents. Specifically, the younger respondents were more comfortable with less clothing, and perceived the older, more traditional costumes to be impractical given the hot weather and physical activity involved in masquerading. Costume designers and mas band managers expressed a common sentiment, that is, they think that attempts to revert back to traditional costumes would be futile because the demand is for the less-is-more aesthetic. Finally, industrialization and mass production have provided more diverse materials at a lower cost. With globalization, designers are going to the cheapest source for materials and labor to piece their costumes together as a means to decrease costs and increase profits. As a result, some participants expressed dismay that the craft of making the traditional costume is becoming a dying art form. This research focused solely on the evolution of masquerade costume and its significance for understanding how Trinidad Carnival is changing on many different levels. Further research is needed on this topic, and could be expanded to include an investigation of the variety of ways that people dress the body during different Trinidad Carnival events and periods, such as the use of mud, oil, chocolate, and body paint. Further research on the role of the dressed body at Trinidad Carnival would help to explicate the power of dress to define Carnival identity and shed more light on the importance of costume to the overall masquerade experience.

References: De Freitas, P. A. (2007). The masquerader-anthropologist: The poetics and politics of studying Carnival. In G. Green and P. Scher (Eds.), Trinidad carnival: The cultural politics of a transnational festival (pp. 48-61). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Franco, P. R. (2007) The invention of traditional mas and politics of genders. In G. Green and P. Scher (Eds.), Trinidad carnival: The cultural politics of a transnational festival (pp. 25-47). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Hill, E. (1972). The Trinidad carnival: Mandate for national theatre. Austin, TX: The University of Texas. Mason, P. (1998). Bacchanal!: The carnival culture of Trinidad. Philadelphia: Temple University Press Pearse, A. (1956). Carnival in Nineteenth Century Trinidad. Caribbean Quarterly 4(3-4), 4-42. Scher, P. (2002). Copyright heritage: Preservation, carnival and the state in Trinidad. Anthropological Quarterly, 75, (3), pp. 453-484. van Manen, M. (1990). Turning to the nature of lived experience. In M. van Manen, Researching lived experience: Human science for an action sensitive pedagogy (pp. 35-46). NY: State University of New York.

Women and Sewing: Integrating Object Analysis with Documentary Evidence

Jean L. Parsons and Sara B. Marcketti Iowa State University

Key words: sewing, sewing education, women, exhibitions

For centuries, sewing was a central feature of women's lives, education and employment. The story of sewing and its significance can be told through written records, however to truly weave together an account of its importance it is essential to include a variety of evidence, with the material culture of dress adding richness to the analysis. A recent exhibit, “For Homemaking and a Trade:” Sewing in Women’s Lives, 1870 to 1920, focused on women and sewing, with an emphasis on apparel rather than fancy work. Three themes were illustrated: sewing education, sewing for family and home, and sewing as wage-work. The themes were addressed through fashion publications and other published sources, but also with the objects women produced, the technologies they used to produce them, and the records they left behind in the form of sample books, invoices, ledgers, photographs, and instructional materials.

The gallery space for the exhibit is relatively new, and although exhibits are usually planned years in advance, there existed a need to develop an exhibition in a short period of time that was both visually and intellectually stimulating. Two members of the gallery committee offered to mount an exhibit related to the role of sewing in women’s lives, especially as their previous scholarship in the area shortened the normal research time. A number of factors were considered. These included the existence of collection holdings that came with substantial provenance to support the research, the ability to borrow some objects as visual support for the narrative, and a rich collection of photographs from the library archives. In addition, an exhibit based on the culture of home sewing was of interest to a broad audience of students, faculty and the community; important considering the need to promote and publicize the new gallery space.

While most of the research undertaken prior to the exhibit was documentary - based on newspapers, advertisements, fashion magazines, home economics literature and trade literature - the exhibit provided an opportunity to integrate object-based research with these existing sources. The department collection, with a wide range of garments, as well as class-room sewing samples and other sewing education materials from the history of the college’s textile and clothing department, provided an opportunity to complement and enrich the story, and indeed to provide evidence that would otherwise have been overlooked when the research relied exclusively on two-dimensional sources.

Women and sewing: The narrative By the end of the Civil War, women were no longer responsible for making men’s clothing, as most, if not all, was purchased ready-made. However, throughout the nineteenth century, women relied on seamstress, dressmakers, or their own sewing skills to clothe themselves and their children. This custom production ranged from simple garments made at home, either by a family member, seamstress or dressmaker, to elaborate fashionable gowns made in an exclusive dressmaker’s shop. The manner in which women clothed the family depended on financial resources, sewing skills and individual interpretations of fashion and class. They used the resources available, and balanced budget needs with other factors, including time and desire. By the 1890s ready-made clothing had significantly entered the wardrobe decision-making process for women in the form of shirtwaists and skirts.

While ready-made clothing lessened the need for expert sewing skills, as Martha Bruere pointed out, “even the moderate use of the needle that all housekeepers need to know is no instinctive or inherited feminine function.”i Young girls were offered sewing classes in both public and trade schools to provide them sewing skills not learned at home.ii Although women’s sewing skills are difficult to assess, it required more than just a mastery of basic stitches to produce an acceptable garment. Cutting and fitting were a challenge for all but the most accomplished. The advent of commercial patterns and pattern drafting systems did not completely solve the problem. Even with these new systems, to achieve a properly fitted garment remained a challenge.iii

The needle trades employed significant numbers of women well into the twentieth century, with occupations that included dressmaker, mantuamaker, tailoress, milliner, and seamstress (both factory and non-factory). These trades could be widely divergent, and clearly differed in status and class associations. Dressmakers were considered the aristocrats of the needle trades, although that position began to change in the early 20th century, as the work environment in large shops became more like factory production. Women chose dressmaking for a variety of reasons, and work environments included everything from large businesses and department stores to private homes. As a result, dressmakers engaged in work practices and processes that ranged from the most exclusive hand work to factory style, assembly-line production.

Women and sewing: The exhibit objects From display of garments in mid-alteration to exquisite pieces with intricate patterns and lace work, the exhibit demonstrated the ingenuity of both home sewer and dressmaker. The curators discovered a significant number of garments in the collection that could be firmly attributed as made-at-home, some with intriguing and sometimes amusing stories as told either through donor files or unusual “fixes” to common dressmaking dilemmas. Many of these also had evidence of one or more alterations; one dress included some of the original fabric scraps with the accession, another included dressmaker notes for bust and hip dimensions scribbled inside of the seams. Telling the story of sewing for wages were several dressmaker labeled dresses, and pattern-drafting and other professional sewing equipment. A ready-made suit from the National Cloak and Suit Company, and a shirtwaist with manufacturer’s label demonstrated the growing importance of ready-to-wear. This contrasted with a home-sewn shirtwaist that had an additional set of sleeves, adding impact to a sleeves-only McCall’s pattern from the same period

Classroom images of women sewing and making patterns, along with sample books and sample garments offered insight into sewing as a critical component of women’s education.

A history of the role of sewing in women’s lives, 1870 to 1920, informs us of the demands, challenges, and opportunities experienced by the homemakers and workers of the past. The integration of object analysis and documentary evidence through gallery exhibition provided a more complete picture necessary for greater historical understanding and design in iMartha Bensley Bruere and Robert W. Bruere, Increasing Home Efficiency (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1914), 162. iiSee For example, “To Teach Cooking: An Outgrowth of the Work of the Sewing Schools,” The Baltimore Sun, 8 September 1899, 10. iii Claudia Kidwell, Cutting A Fashionable Fit: Dressmaker's Drafting Systems in the United States (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1974), and Wendy Gamber “The Female Economy: The Millinery and Dressmaking Trades, 1860-1930.” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1990.

From New York to Chicago: A Plan for America’s Fashion Centers

Ashley Ratute and Sara B. Marcketti, Iowa State University

Keywords: fashion centers, New York, Chicago, history, ready-to-wear

The purpose of this research was to compare the historical components of political promotion of New York as the World’s Fashion Center in the 1940s to the establishment of Chicago as a fashion center in the 2000s. Fashion centers provide important economic stimuli to a city resulting from the design, creation, marketing, and selling of apparel. These centers also provide opportunities for artistic inspiration and civic and cultural pride (Mayor’s Committee for World Fashion Center, 1944; Sander, 2007). To explore this topic and to analyze the components of promotion and creation of these fashion capitals, the researchers systematically examined newspapers from New York (The New York Times) and Chicago (The Chicago Tribune), trade publications such as Women’s Wear Daily, and primary governmental reports and secondary sources.

The emergence of the American fashion industry began early in the twentieth century (Marcketti & Parsons, 2007; Welters & Cunningham, 2005). While proponents within the industry fought for the development and recognition of U.S. design talent, Parisian couture remained the major arbiter and creative hub for styles and inspiration of garments (Milbank, 1989). It was not until events of World War II, however, that heralded the transition from Parisian dominance to American recognition (Magidson, 2008). But which region of the United States would reign supreme as the fashion center? Numerous social, economic, and cultural advantages contributed to the success of the apparel industries in New York City, but California sportswear bolstered by Hollywood, junior dress wear produced in St. Louis, and women’s apparel production in Kansas City, Dallas, and Chicago threatened New York’s supremacy (Drake & Glaser, 1942).

To ensure fashion leadership, Mayor F. H. LaGuardia headed the promotion of New York as a world fashion center. His committee analyzed the economic importance of fashion to New York City and developed a plan for post-war expansion to provide a method for fashion industries “to protect and promote their leadership in the creation, production, and sale of products” and “to encourage the freest and widest expression of talent from all over the world” (Mayor’s Committee for World Fashion Center, 1944, p. 25). While other regions of the United States would continue to develop their apparel manufacturing and designing credentials, the Mayor’s plans helped ensure promotion of New York as the fashion center in the United States (Buckland, 2005; Milbank, 1989).

Similar to the New York World Fashion Center Campaign in the 1940s, Chicago’s Mayor, Richard J. Daley appointed a Fashion Council in April 2006, to use the unique resources of Chicago including four fashion design schools and a design community of handicraft artisans to make the city a fashion hub (Chicago Fashion Resource, 2007; Jones, 2006). Similar strategies for promotion of the fashion centers in New York during the 1940s and Chicago in the 2000s include support of local art museums to be used as inspiration for nascent designers, education of designers in creativity and fashion processes, and attempts to highlight local designers through fashion shows and the news media to gain publicity (Chicago Fashion Resource, 2007; Sander, 2007).

The initiative of Mayor LaGuardia significantly contributed to the world fashion center of New York that we know today. As Mayor Daley positions Chicago as a fashion hub, we are increasingly becoming aware of the design talent and unique retailers native to this Midwestern city. By comparing the strategies of ©2009, International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc. ITAA Proceedings, #66 – www.itaaonline.org 2009 Proceedings Bellevue, Washington USA

these political attempts to create and promote unique fashion centers, we may better understand the development of fashion industry and culture. This research offers an explanation into the wide reaching sectors of fashion, particularly economic and political motivation.

References Buckland, S. S. (2005). Promoting American designers, 1940-44: Building our own house. In L. Welters and P. A. Cunningham (Eds.), Twentieth-century American fashion (pp. 99-122). New York: Berg.

Chicago Fashion Resource, About MFC. (2007). Mayor’s Fashion Council. Retrieved March 26, 2008, from http://www.chicagofashionresourcecenter.com

Drake, L. A., & Glasser, C. (1942). Trends in the New York clothing industry. New York: Institute of Public Administration.

Jones, S. (2006, August 06). Making Chicago all the fashion: Hiring of a city fashion czar aims to take local industry to new level, despite the scoffing. Chicago Tribune. Retrieved March 26, 2009, from Newspaper Source database.

Marcketti, S. B. & Parsons, J. L. (2007). American fashions for American women: Early twentieth century efforts to develop an American fashion identity. Dress 34, 79-95.

Magidson, P. (2008). Fashion showdown: New York versus Paris 1914-1941. In D. Albrecth (Ed.), Paris New York Design Fashion Culture, 1925-1940 (pp. 102-127). New York: Monacelli Press.

Mayor’s Committee for World Fashion Center. (1944). The world fashion center: New York City’s post war business project no.1. New York, NY.

Milbank, C. R. (1989). New York fashion: The evolution of American style. New York, NY: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers.

Sander, L. (2007, July 02). In the land of khakis: A new focus on high style. New York Times, p. A9.

Welters, L. & Cunningham, P.A. (2005). The Americanization of fashion. In L.Welters & P.A. Cunningham (Eds.), Twentieth-century American fashion (pp. 1-8). New York: Berg.

A Philadelphian in the Court of William IV: Thomas A. Biddle’s Presentation Suit

Ariana N. Reale and Dilia López-Gydosh University of Delaware

Keywords: court dress, material culture, 19th century, men’s dress

In the early nineteenth century, the city of Philadelphia was home to the well-established Biddle family. Thomas Alexander Biddle, a successful businessman, was presented to King William IV of England at a Levee in 1837.1 While men’s clothing of the nineteenth century was constantly changing with each new trend, ceremonial dress remained unchanging and was fossilized by tradition.2

The present research investigates Mr. Biddle’s court suit housed at a university Historic Costume and Textile Collection.3 The suit consists of a black woolen broadcloth cutaway coat and knee breeches, an off-white silk faille waistcoat embroidered with a colorful silk stitch in a floral pattern, a stock, and a cotton lace neck ruffle. The jacket is embellished with cut-steel buttons and cotton lace cuffs. A material culture methodology is used to analyze the suit and determine if it is a court suit, to learn more about its wearer and his role in Philadelphia history, and to understand the interrelationship of the suit, its wearer and his culture.4

Research gathered, including the analysis of court suits ranging in date from 1790 to 1870 from museums in the U.S. (Colonial Williamsburg) and England (Royal Ceremonial Dress Collection at Kensington Palace), supports the design, construction details, style and decorative embellishments of the court suit in the collection. Several of the court suits analyzed appear to have almost identical style features of the suit under investigation.

1 A Levee is the presentation of men, held by the King (unaccompanied by the Queen) in St. James’s Palace at midday. Michael MacDonagh, The English King (Dallas: Kennikat Press. 1971), 263. 2 Valerie Cumming, Royal Dress: The Image and the Reality 1580 to the Present Day (New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, Inc., 1989), 12. 3 Court suit (2007.027a-e) donated to the Historic Costume and Textile Collection in 2007 by Geoffrey Biddle, Berkley, CA. 4A material culture study is a cultural investigation using an artifact as primary data to study the values, ideas, assumptions and attitudes of a society during a given time period. Thomas J. Schlereth, Cultural History and Material Culture: Everyday life, Landscapes and Museums (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1990), 27. 5 Nathaniel Burt, The Perennial Philadelphians: The Anatomy of an American Aristocracy (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1963), 55. 6 Series 1: Thomas A. Biddle., Biddle Family Papers. (Collection 1792). Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The Grand Tour is considered a right of passage for sons of the upper classes, which allow them the freedom of a bachelor’s life before settling down with a career and a family. Jean Sorabella, "The Grand Tour" in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000), http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/grtr/hd_grtr.htm (October 2003)

Born in 1814, Thomas Alexander Biddle, the owner of the suit, was one of five sons to Thomas A. Biddle and Christine Williams.5 He grew up in the social circles of the wealthier families of the city of Philadelphia. Just as his father, and many of the men in his social circle, he attended and graduated from the University of Pennsylvania. Before settling down and joining his father’s stock brokerage firm, Thomas Alexander embarked on a Grand Tour. Through letters he wrote to his mother between early 1836 until May 1837, we learn of his travels including visits to London, Paris and Scotland.6 Following the tradition of the Grand Tour, Thomas Alexander’s first destination was London, where he resided with his an adoptive sister and her husband. It is through a letter dated October 1836 from the adoptive sister to their mother that confirms Thomas Alexander’s Grand Tour. She writes: “but you do right Dear Christine to let him see the world before he settles down to business. It is what he wants…”7 In March 1837, Thomas writes to his mother and informs her of his presentation at St. James’s Palace to King William IV. He writes:

The next day Mr. Stevenson proposed to me that he would present me at court if I would like it and I accepted the proposal and accordingly went with him on the day of the next levee and was presented by him to the king, who puzzled me very much by asking me where my estates were to which I replied in Pennsylvania, and few other questions with the intention of being civil to me….8

Being that the purpose of Levees is to recognize those individuals moving forward in select social circles, Thomas Alexander Biddle’s presentation at the court of William IV in 1837 and the suit worn to this event reinforces the status of the Biddle family within the upper strata of 19th century Philadelphia society.9 As an artifact of material culture, the collection’s court suit provides evidence useful in interpreting socio- cultural aspects of the Biddle family, Philadelphia society and men’s nineteenth century ceremonial dress.

7 Series 1: Thomas A. Biddle., Biddle Family Papers. (Collection 1792). Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 8 Series 1: Thomas A. Biddle., Biddle Family Papers. (Collection 1792). Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 9 E. S.Turner, The Court of St. James’s (London: Michael Joseph Ltd., 1959), 321

Ehancing Life Skills: Intergenerational Exchange About Fashion as Experienced by Young Adults

Diana Saiki, Ball State University, Muncie, IN

Key words: Intergenerational, fashion, costume

Introduction

The purpose of this research is to examine the experience of young adults who participated in an intergenerational program that focuses on linking generations through fashion. The overriding theory for the study is intergenerational theory where exchange between people of different ages enhances life development (VanderVen, 1999). Examining the impact of an intergenerational program focused on fashion with young adults and senior participants has not been examined. Intergenerational programs that have been examined have involved children with elderly participants, rather than young adults. A typical college student is in the development stage of late adolescence or early adulthood when a person begins to develop abilities, goals, careers, and long term relationships (Jacobs & Cleveland, 1999). It has been argued that community service affects adolescents positively by preparing them to contribute to society (Stewart, 2007). Programs with intergenerational exchange generally focus on activities where seniors recall historical information generally rather than fashion specifically. In this case, fashion is related to a particular appearance or modal type at a given moment in time. Interviewing others in the community about fashion-related topics was noted by Hawley (2005) who described success of this type of activity to engage students to learn about other cultures in a global consumption class. The author showed that actively engaging with people from another culture made a significant impact on student learning, particularly in large classes. Students in college who reach high levels of cognitive learning have been found to be better prepared to contribute to society beyond college (Whittington, 2003). Bloom (1956) identified learning in three primary domains: cognitive learning or knowing facts, affect learning or awareness of values, and behavioral learning or acquiring skill. Appearance is closely linked to the self and a particular moment in time. Linking different generations through fashion may stimulate student learning at all levels as defined by Bloom.

Method A service learning program was implemented in a class about fashion history involving intergenerational exchange between students and elderly people at a senior center. This program required students to interview and work with the elderly community group to learn about fashion looks during the 20th century. Students’ final projects took the form of a display with a paper or a 30 to 40 minute presentation. To assess, a qualitative method was used because it is a method that can be used to better understand an experience which limited is know about (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). For another class assignment, students wrote a brief paper about their experiences at the senior center. Soon after final course grades were submitted, students were asked via e-mail to participate in the study. Students who agreed to participate either allowed their papers to be analyzed by the researchers or agreed to both submit their paper for data analysis and participate in a one-on-one interview. The interviews served as a means for further probing. Questions that prompted the paper and the interview were framed according to Bloom’s taxonomy of learning and were validated by two experts; a specialist in education and another

professional with expertise in apparel design. Each interview was conducted by the project coordinator. The interviews lasted approximately 30 to 45 minutes. The questions served as a guideline as further questions were asked to probe for more information. Each interview was be taped and transcribed. The papers written as part of the class and the interview transcripts were coded and analyzed via grounded methodology where the researcher looks for themes (Strauss, & Corbin, 1990). To begin assessing the data, two researchers analyzed four of the ten interview transcripts and four of the twenty-eight papers. Answers were compared and discussed where needed until agreement was reached. Having developed a framework, the remaining interviews were analyzed by one researcher, with the second researcher later confirming these results.

Results Twenty-eight out of the 42 students (66.66%) who participated in the program during the spring and summer semesters gave permission to analyze their paper for research purposes. Ten (35.7%) of the 28 students agreed to participate in one-on-one interviews about the program. All participants except one were traditional college students completing college post high school. The majority of the participants were women (n = 26; 92.86%). At the cognitive level, students discussed recalling information specific to historic costume. Although the content (e.g., lip stick, clothing style, shoes, make-up) varied, all of the participants discussed gathering from the seniors basic knowledge about physical features of fashion looks. Participants also discussed learning about the context related to the fashion looks (n = 14;50%), with more awareness and appreciation of what was or was not available in the past. The students described the information gathered from interviewing the seniors as more ‘real’ than information from a book. A student said:

It (the interviewing) gives you a first-hand look at fashion and you’re able to connect it to something real instead of just looking at a picture or listening to a lecture. You can learn first-hand things and connect it to the people who wore it. It’s important to connect it back to the people.

Students discussed thinking critically; they said they had to be careful to make sure the information gathered was accurate. Students also reported thinking critically about interviewing compared to other methods of research in historic costume. At the affective level or emotional aspects of learning students described some initial anxiety about working with seniors, but thirteen (46.5%) said that they enjoyed the interaction. Ten (39.3%) students discussed collaborating well with and gaining an understanding of another age group. A student commented

It made me widen my perspective because before I would just think when you would talk to older people, “Oh what do they know about fashion?” I think I kind of underestimated them.

At the behavioral level, 19 (67.9%) students said they learned to communicate well, which included having patience, listening, and asking questions to gather information.

Conclusions The results demonstrate the rich learning experiences of students who participated in a project that required them to interact with seniors. Fashion can become a useful catalyst to link the generations and develop skills needed for professional as well as lifelong development.

References

Bloom, B. S. (1956). Taxonomy of educational objectives, handbook I: The cognitive domain. New York: David McKay.

Hawley, J. M. (2005). Boarder crossing: Active and deep learning in large global consumption class. Clothing amd Textiles Research Journal, 23(4) 229-237.

Jacobs, G., & Cleveland, H. (1999). Social Development Theory. International Center for Peace and Development, retrieved December 12, 2007 from http://www.icpd.org/development_theory/SocialDevTheory.htm

Stewart, T. (2007). Intertwining the emotional and civic: Affective impacts of mandatory community service-learning on adolescent dispositions toward future civic engagement. Journal of Cognitive Affective Learning, 3(2), 18-28.

Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: grounded theory procedures and techniques. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage.

VanderVen, K. (1999). Intergenerational theory: The missing element in today’s intergenerational programs. Child and Youth Services, 20(1/2), 33-47.

Whittington, M. E. (2003). Focus on learning, transform teaching. Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning, 35(5), 49-54.

Where Do T-Shirts Go? Incorporating Service-Learning about Distribution of Second-Hand Clothing into Historic/Cultural Course Curricula

Susan M. Strawn, Dominican University, River Forest, Illinois MaDonna Thelen, Dominican University, River Forest, Illinois

Key words: second-hand clothing, service-learning, culture

This paper presents a teaching strategy that has incorporated short term service-learning about secondhand clothing distribution into an undergraduate historic/cultural course taught in an apparel design and merchandising program at an American university. Increasingly, design and merchandising programs prepare students to understand socially responsible best practices in the apparel industry, especially ethical issues related to clothing design, sourcing, and manufacture. However, students may not learn to appreciate the full trajectory of clothing and textiles, in particular the social and cultural impact of the large scale disposal of America’s second-hand clothing. It is reasonable to anticipate that students who seek employment in the apparel industry need to assume a degree of social responsibility for the eventual disposal and distribution of the large quantities of clothing they will design and merchandise.

Service-learning was selected as a way to link students with the human dimension of clothing abundance, disposal, and distribution in the community. Incorporating service-learning into the study of second-hand clothing was related to three particular pedagogical goals: 1) introducing foundational knowledge about the volume and trajectory of second-hand clothing as an indicator of American life and culture, 2) encouraging social responsibility among future professionals in the apparel industry, and 3) stimulating ideas about the complex choices involved in second-hand clothing distribution to developing nations.

Toward these goals, the instructor and the university’s service-learning director collaborated on a study unit for an undergraduate historic/cultural course in which students explore relationships between dress and culture in diverse societies. Based on principles elaborated by Fink (2003) and Sigmon (1996), the study unit incorporated service-learning, foundational knowledge, and assessment. For the purposes of this course in dress and culture, disposal and distribution of second-hand clothing was included as a cultural topic. Textiles and clothing hold deep cultural meaning and are preserved through generations by people within the diverse cultures studied in this course. In contrast, mainstream American clothing is abundant and expendable, serving as a critical stimulus for the fashion market. Although content varied among classes, case studies of different cultural groups included societies of people who dress plain (Amish, Shaker, Amana), clothing adaptations of Jewish-American immigrant populations, ritual funeral dress in Ghana, veiling among women religious, production and commodification of kente, fair trade artisan textile production in India, and distribution of second-hand clothing in Africa.

The instructor introduced foundational knowledge about the disposal of clothing with a PowerPoint lecture based on the model of textile recycling proposed by Hawley (2006) and supplemented with personal photographs that showed second-hand clothing for sale or worn in developing nations. Students who were enrolled in the standard sophomore-level course read a New York Times article (Packer, 2002) and a peer-reviewed journal article about exportation and distribution of second-hand clothing to Africa (Hansen, 2000). These students also prepared a study guide for class discussion, which included a conversation about personal experiences with second-hand clothing. Students who were enrolled in the honors-level course read either The Travels of a T-Shirt in the Global Economy (Rivoli, 2005) or Salaula: The World of Secondhand Clothing and Zambia (Hansen, 1994), and more time was devoted to comprehensive discussion of the topic.

The assignment for this study unit incorporated service-learning. Each student volunteered six hours to assist with sorting clothing at selected charitable resale stores and then wrote a reflective essay, participated in class conversation, and filled out a structured evaluation about the service-learning experience. Students were asked to consider the questions: “How does the disposal and distribution of America’s clothing inform us about dress and culture in America? How did service-learning contribute to your knowledge and attitude about the full trajectory of clothing in the apparel industry, including exportation and distribution to developing nations? How may this knowledge influence your decisions as a professional in the apparel industry?”

To date, the service-learning component has been incorporated into three courses with a total enrollment of 65 students; apparel design and merchandising students were the primary though not exclusive majors represented. Assessment followed principles in the matrix established by Gelmon, et al (2001). The service-learning director introduced the assignment, attended class discussion, and provided standardized, confidential questionnaires on which students assessed academic learning, service experiences, community agency, and relevance to course topic. The questionnaire included both Agree/Disagree responses and open-ended questions. Our initial conclusion—based on reflective essays, class discussion, and evaluations—was that positive student response exceeded our expectations. Students described their time at the charitable resale stores as enjoyable, and they reported favorable interactions with managers, customers, and other volunteers. Interviews with managers of two participating resale stores revealed satisfaction with students and gratitude for their contributions.

A preliminary analysis of descriptive statistics from service-learning questionnaires reinforced the initial conclusion. More than 95 percent of students agreed with statements that the service-learning experience allowed them to, for example, apply course content to a civic engagement experience, encouraged a greater sense of responsibility toward community and diversity, and helped them better understand their role as citizens in the local and global community. A preliminary qualitative analysis of responses to open-ended questions (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) suggested emerging themes that were related to heightened awareness about the trajectory of American clothing, specifically: America as a culture of abundance; second-hand clothing as a way to share clothing abundance; waste and social responsibility; second-hand clothing distribution as part of the apparel industry; desire to participate in second-hand clothing distribution (donating, purchasing, volunteering); categories of clothing distribution; and social cohesion among volunteers. Although baseline information was not collected from previous courses that did not include service-learning, the implications of this teaching strategy suggest that incorporating a service-learning component into an undergraduate historic/cultural course reinforces both foundational knowledge of the trajectory of American clothing and attitudes about social responsibility as professionals in the American apparel industry. Service-learning did not appear to influence knowledge or attitude toward second-hand clothing distribution to developing nations. In-depth qualitative analysis will be conducted after data from a service-learning course in progress becomes available in summer 2009. We expect further analysis will suggest ways that service-learning in resale stores may contribute to understanding the social and cultural impact of discarded clothing and to a more comprehensive knowledge of the American apparel industry.

Selected References

Fink, L. D. (2003). Creating significant learning experiences: An integrated approach to designing college courses. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Gelmon, S. B., Holland, B. A., Driscoll, A., Spring, A., & Kerrigan, S. (2001). Assessing service-learning and civic engagement: Principles and techniques. Providence, RI: Campus Compact. Hansen, K. (2000). Other people’s clothes? The international second-hand clothing trade and dress practices in Zambia. Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body, and Culture 4(3), 245-274. Hansen, K. (1994). Salaula: The world of secondhand clothing and Zambia. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Hawley, J. M. (2006). “Digging for diamonds: A conceptual framework for understanding reclaimed textile products.” Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 24(3), 262-275. Packer, G. (March 31, 2002). How Susie Bayer’s T-shirt ended up on Yusuf Mama’s back. The New York Times, p. 54. Rivoli, P. (2005). The travels of a T-shirt in the global economy: An economist examines the markets, power, and politics of world trade. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons. Sigmon, R. L. (1996). Journey to service-learning: Experience from independent liberal arts colleges and universities. Washington, DC: Council of Independent Colleges. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Annie Malone and Poro College: Building an enterprise of beauty

Chajuana V. Trawick, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO Laurel Wilson, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO Annie Malone, Poro College

Annie Malone and Poro College should rightfully occupy an important chapter in the history of African American women entrepreneurs and American beauty culture. Data from Poro College’s in-house publications, newspaper articles, book readings, and interviews show that Annie Malone’s beauty enterprise was built on a foundation of morals, ethics, and the ability to see a need and fill it. Annie Malone clearly states the mission of her empire in her own words in the forward of her 1929 Poro in Pictures booklet:

Dignity, grace, beauty, industry, thrift, efficiency, godliness-that these ideals be held aloft for the glorification of the women and girls of my Race, Poro College is constructed. To those who have made possible our growth and development, we express our sincerest appreciation. Annie M. Turnbo-Malone. At the turn of the 20th century, Mrs. Malone was among the first African American woman entrepreneurs to become a multimillionaire in beauty culture. Her business - to define and enhance the natural beauty of African American women, while empowering her race - began in the late 19th century. As a “Kitchen Chemist,” a phrase coined by Kathy Peiss in her book Hope in a Jar, Annie Malone created solutions to prevent hair. (Peiss, 1998). Although her business started small, she achieved great success in St. Louis, Missouri. Her empire lasted from 1902 to 1930. On September 21, 1906, Annie Malone patented the trade-mark Poro to secure clients, agents, and her business from competitors with imitations of her products. Other successful entrepreneurs who developed hair and skin preparations during this time included: Anthony Overton and his “High Brown beauty products” from Chicago; Madame C.J. Walker, a controversial former client and agent of Annie Malone, and her “Walker’s Wonderful Hair Grower,” of Indianapolis; and Sarah Spencer Washington’s, Apex products, based in New Jersey (Walker, 1998). The words chosen in the foreword by Annie Malone not only describe the mission of her business but also her personal characteristics. These two combined ingredients produced a successful woman entrepreneur with astute business acumen who started in St. Louis but whose empire spread around the world. Annie Malone’s half a-million dollar institution, Poro College, was built in 1918 and served not only as a salon, training and manufacturing facility for Poro clients, agents, and products, but also as the local neighborhood residence in a segregated St. Louis community. By 1920, Annie Malone was worth 14 million dollars and had over 75,000 agents and schools in Africa, South America, the Caribbean, and Philippines (Wright Sr., 2001). As stated by Mr. Robert French, her only surviving relative, “Annie Malone was a quiet woman with a pure heart and angel like qualities” (French, 2007). Contrary to this statement, Mrs. Mildred Boyd, the granddaughter of a former agent, remembers Mrs. Malone as a “strong woman with great power, dignity, and somewhat frightening” (Boyd, 2008). Annie Malone was also noted as a philanthropist who gave freely. According to the St. Louis Argus Newspaper, it says she gave diamond rings to her agents after five years of service and proof of home mortgages, thrift, and giving back to others (St. Louis Argus Newspaper, 1915-1920).

Page 44 of the 1929 “Poro in Pictures” booklet describes the beauty empire as more than a mere business enterprise. Poro College is said to have fostered ideals of personal beauty, tidiness, self-respect, thrift, and industry in millions of women and girls serving as Poro agents. This page also describes Poro College as a constructive force in the development of the Race, by improving the lives of the women and girls and uplifting the entire race of people. Not only did Poro College create and sustain a high level of

proficiency for its agents and employees, but it also developed an internal welfare association which promoted intellectual growth (Poro Hair and Skin Beauty Preparations, 1929). In 1927 Annie Malone was plagued with financial disputes from a former employee, a newspaper reporter, and her second husband’s file for divorce and decree for half the business. In 1930, she moved her beauty enterprise and agents to the corner of 44th and 45th Streets in Chicago, Illinois. The once five- story building in St. Louis was now a corner of mansions, which soon became known as Poro Block. In 1957, at the age of 88, Annie Malone died in Chicago with $100,000 dollars and thirty-two operating Poro businesses (Second National Poro Convention Souvenir Program, 1949).

However, in St. Louis her legacy lives on through the $10,000 land grant given to the St. Louis Colored Orphan’s Home. The building was renamed in 1946 to The Annie Malone Children’s Home in her honor and relocated to 2612 Annie Malone Drive (Wright Sr., 2001). Her philanthropic contribution is acknowledged every summer with The Annie Malone’s May Day Parade, but her once thriving Poro College Beauty Culture has long been forgotten-an important chapter in the history of African American women entrepreneurs and American beauty culture.

Bibliography Boyd, M. (2008, March). Annie Malone Interview. (C. V. Trawick, Interviewer) French, R. (2007, November 25). Annie Malone Interview. (C. V. Trawick, Interviewer) Peiss, K. (1998). Hop in a Jar: The Making of America's Beauty Culture. Ontario: Henry Holt and Company. (1929). PORO Hair and Skin Beauty Preparations. In PORO in Pictures (p. 23). St. Louis: PORO College. Second National Poro Convention Souvenir Program. (1949). Chicago. St. Louis Argus Newspaper. (1915-1920). St. Louis, Missouri, USA: St. Louis Argus. Walker, J. E. (1998). The History of black Business in America: Capitalism, Race, and Entrepreneurship (1998). New York: McMillian Library Reference. Weems-Hudson, C. (1989). Africana Womanism. Wright Sr., J. A. (2001). Black America Series: The Ville St. Louis. Chicago: Arcadia Publishing.