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Just As the Priests Have Their Wives”: Priests and Concubines in England, 1375-1549
“JUST AS THE PRIESTS HAVE THEIR WIVES”: PRIESTS AND CONCUBINES IN ENGLAND, 1375-1549 Janelle Werner A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by: Advisor: Professor Judith M. Bennett Reader: Professor Stanley Chojnacki Reader: Professor Barbara J. Harris Reader: Cynthia B. Herrup Reader: Brett Whalen © 2009 Janelle Werner ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT JANELLE WERNER: “Just As the Priests Have Their Wives”: Priests and Concubines in England, 1375-1549 (Under the direction of Judith M. Bennett) This project – the first in-depth analysis of clerical concubinage in medieval England – examines cultural perceptions of clerical sexual misbehavior as well as the lived experiences of priests, concubines, and their children. Although much has been written on the imposition of priestly celibacy during the Gregorian Reform and on its rejection during the Reformation, the history of clerical concubinage between these two watersheds has remained largely unstudied. My analysis is based primarily on archival records from Hereford, a diocese in the West Midlands that incorporated both English- and Welsh-speaking parishes and combines the quantitative analysis of documentary evidence with a close reading of pastoral and popular literature. Drawing on an episcopal visitation from 1397, the act books of the consistory court, and bishops’ registers, I argue that clerical concubinage occurred as frequently in England as elsewhere in late medieval Europe and that priests and their concubines were, to some extent, socially and culturally accepted in late medieval England. -
IRAN April 2000
COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.6 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.2 -
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY the Islamic Republic of Iran
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Islamic Republic of Iran is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy and political leaders vetted by the clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty--albeit restricted--and the rule of the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei’s writ dominates the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controls the armed forces and indirectly controls internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majlis. The unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviews all legislation the Majlis passes to ensure adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles; it also screens presidential and Majlis candidates for eligibility. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was reelected president in June 2009 in a multiparty election that was generally considered neither free nor fair. There were numerous instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Demonstrations by opposition groups, university students, and others increased during the first few months of the year, inspired in part by events of the Arab Spring. In February hundreds of protesters throughout the country staged rallies to show solidarity with protesters in Tunisia and Egypt. The government responded harshly to protesters and critics, arresting, torturing, and prosecuting them for their dissent. As part of its crackdown, the government increased its oppression of media and the arts, arresting and imprisoning dozens of journalists, bloggers, poets, actors, filmmakers, and artists throughout the year. -
Johnnie to Kei-Fung's
JOHNNIE TO KEI-FUNG’S PTU Michael Ingham Hong Kong University Press The University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road Hong Kong www.hkupress.org © 2009 Michael Ingham ISBN 978-962-209-919-7 All rights reserved. No portion of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed and bound by Pre-Press Ltd. in Hong Kong, China Contents Series Preface vii Acknowledgements xi 1 Introducing the Film; Introducing Johnnie — 1 ‘One of Our Own’ 2 ‘Into the Perilous Night’ — Police and Gangsters 35 in the Hong Kong Mean Streets 3 ‘Expect the Unexpected’ — PTU’s Narrative and Aesthetics 65 4 The Coda: What’s the Story? — Morning Glory! 107 Notes 127 Appendix 131 Credits 143 Bibliography 147 ●1 Introducing the Film; Introducing Johnnie — ‘One of Our Own’ ‘It is not enough to think about Hong Kong cinema simply in terms of a tight commercial space occasionally opened up by individual talent, on the model of auteurs in Hollywood. The situation is both more interesting and more complicated.’ — Ackbar Abbas, Hong Kong Culture and the Politics of Disappearance ‘Yet many of Hong Kong’s most accomplished fi lms were made in the years after the 1993 downturn. Directors had become more sophisticated, and perhaps fi nancial desperation freed them to experiment … The golden age is over; like most local cinemas, Hong Kong’s will probably consist of a small annual output and a handful of fi lms of artistic interest. -
En En Motion for a Resolution
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2009 - 2014 Plenary sitting 15.11.2011 B7-0598/2011 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION with request for inclusion in the agenda for the debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law pursuant to Rule 122 of the Rules of Procedure on Iran - recent cases of human rights violations Véronique De Keyser, María Muñiz De Urquiza, Kathleen Van Brempt, Pino Arlacchi, Corina Creţu, Kristian Vigenin on behalf of the S&D Group RE\P7_B(2011)0598_EN.doc PE472.810v01-00 EN United in diversityEN B7-0598/2011 European Parliament resolution on Iran - recent cases of human rights violations The European Parliament, - having regard to its previous resolutions on Iran, notably those concerning human rights and, in particular, those of February 2010 and January 2011, - having regard to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, to all of which Iran is a party, - having regard to Rule 122(5) of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas the multi-faceted human rights crisis is gripping Iran, including the persecution and prosecution of civil society actors, political activists, journalists, students, artists, lawyers, and environmental activists; as well as the routine denial of freedom of assembly, women’s rights, the rights of religious and ethnic minorities, and the skyrocketing rates of executions; B. whereas recent deaths of two human rights defenders, Haleh Sahabi and Hoda Saber, for which the officials were responsible, illustrate the existential threats to jailed human rights defenders and dissidents in Iran; C. -
Demonstrations and Political System Crises in Iran
1 DEMONSTRATIONS AND POLITICAL SYSTEM CRISES IN IRAN by Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies 4 DEMONSTRATIONS AND POLITICAL SYSTEM CRISES IN IRAN Executive Summary 28 December 2017, demonstrations ON broke out in the holy city of Mashhad, catalyzing similar demonstrations in other cities, resulting from stagnant socio-economic conditions. The spiral of events which have unfolded, resulted in the demonstrators chanting political slogans, targeting the regime, because of its abject failure in satisfying socio-economic needs and it’s foreign policy, which has burdened the regime with excessive expenditure at the expense of its own people. 5 Iran has survived multiple crises post-1979 revolution, during the first decade. After this turbulent period, the regime stabilized and was able to overcome political and military rivals. DEMONSTRATIONS This consolidation of power via the imposition of religious ideology and monopolization of political and economic choices, as well as control over foreign relations, was at the expense of AND POLITICAL SYSTEM CRISES multiple regional and international crises. In the early 1990s, a political movement started to emerge in Iran, resulting in the reformist IN IRAN current, leading to Mohammad Khatami becoming the president. Khatami was part of a hidden ploy to distribute roles within the regime, where the dispute between the reformists and conservatives was simply a disagreement between supporters of Khomeini’s Velayat-e Faqih. In fact, the actual gap between the Iranian people and the reformists did not narrow but widened and this has been apparent whether the reformists or conservatives are in power, as Iranians have failed to decipher the difference between the two when it comes to freedom, openness and jurist monopolization over law and decision making. -
PROTESTS and REGIME SUPPRESSION in POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n OCTOBER 2020 n PN85 PROTESTS AND REGIME SUPPRESSION IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar Green Movement members tangle with Basij and police forces, 2009. he nationwide protests that engulfed Iran in late 2019 were ostensibly a response to a 50 percent gasoline price hike enacted by the administration of President Hassan Rouhani.1 But in little time, complaints Textended to a broader critique of the leadership. Moreover, beyond the specific reasons for the protests, they appeared to reveal a deeper reality about Iran, both before and since the 1979 emergence of the Islamic Republic: its character as an inherently “revolutionary country” and a “movement society.”2 Since its formation, the Islamic Republic has seen multiple cycles of protest and revolt, ranging from ethnic movements in the early 1980s to urban riots in the early 1990s, student unrest spanning 1999–2003, the Green Movement response to the 2009 election, and upheaval in December 2017–January 2018. The last of these instances, like the current round, began with a focus on economic dissatisfaction and then spread to broader issues. All these movements were put down by the regime with characteristic brutality. © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR In tracking and comparing protest dynamics and market deregulation, currency devaluation, and the regime responses since 1979, this study reveals that cutting of subsidies. These policies, however, spurred unrest has become more significant in scale, as well massive inflation, greater inequality, and a spate of as more secularized and violent. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Effective Factors on the Area Collaboration in Public- Private Partnerships of Infrastructure in Middle East with Emphasis on Iran
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences January 2013, Vol. 3, No. 1 ISSN: 2222-6990 Effective Factors on the Area Collaboration in Public- Private Partnerships of Infrastructure in Middle East with Emphasis on Iran Maysam Musai Full Professor, University of Tehran E-mail: [email protected] Mahdi Rezai Member of Institute for Trade Studies and Research Mohsen Mehrara Associate Professor, University of Tehran Abstract Infrastructures are necessary for economical growth of countries and the slow economic growth of these countries is because of their poor infrastructure. It usually needs huge capital, advanced technology and knowledge of management which developing countries with low income can’t afford them; so they need cooperation of foreign countries. In this paper, we try to find a solution for that and find how the existing collaborations and partnerships of other countries are on basis of infrastructure in Iran and what are the improving and strengthening of this cooperation? We use the analytical and qualified description statics of other countries experiences in field of direct investment (FDI) in infrastructures. The results show that Iran has an average position in attraction of foreign investment in comparison of other countries in Middle East; it means Iran is more successful of some countries and is less successful of another countries. We conclude that liberalization, privatization and the restructuring of infrastructure sectors are considered as the majority solutions for promotion of Iranian contribution in FDI attraction for infrastructures. Keywords: Iran, Public and private partnerships, Foreign Direct Investment, Middle East countries. 462 www.hrmars.com/journals International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences January 2013, Vol. -
A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way Into Iranian Progressive Reformism Through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani
ISSN 1751-8229 Volume Fifteen, Number Two A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way into Iranian Progressive Reformism through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani Ali Mehraein, Independent Scholar, Islamic Republic of Iran Abstract: The problem which is both created and tackled by this article is that although it advocates the Iranian progressive reformism as the most preferable political force in Iran, it simply does not find reformists’ own formulation of their “competitive advantage” convincing enough. Thus, to provide an argument for Iranian progressive reformism this article not only strives to explain one of the latest Iranian reformists’ mistakes (their stance on the assassination of Qassem Soleimani) through the Lacanian concept of imaginary identification as elaborated upon by Slavoj Zizek, but also to illuminate precisely at formulation of what that mistake was an attempt. In doing so, it conducts a comparative analysis of the funeral processions for General Qassem Soleimani in 2020 and for Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and then proceeds to draw some perhaps neglected points from the moment of the Islamic revolution of 1979 as well as from the period of Khomeini’s leadership. However, far from being just a more elaborated explanation of Iranian reformism, an attempted reformulation like this of Iranian progressive reformism hopes to pave the way for creating new spaces for political act in Iran. Key Words: Iranian progressive reformism, Slavoj Zizek, Ayatollah Khomeini, Qassem Soleimani, imaginary identification, political act. 1 The background: from Iranian fuel protests in mid-November 2019 to Soleimani’s funeral procession in January 2020 The assassination of commander of Quds Force General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone attack ordered by former US President Donald J Trump on 3 January 2020 happened against a backdrop of Iranian people reeling from a bloody suppression in mid-November 2019 of a nationwide protest against the abrupt rise of fuel price. -
Women's Empowerment in Iran: a Review Based on the Related Legislations
Global Journal of Health Science; Vol. 6, No. 4; 2014 ISSN 1916-9736 E-ISSN 1916-9744 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Women's Empowerment in Iran: A Review Based on the Related Legislations Roksana Janghorban1, Ali Taghipour2, Robab Latifnejad Roudsari3 & Mahmoud Abbasi4 1 Student Research Committee, Department of Midwifery, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Mashhad University of Medical Sciences, Mashhad, Iran 2 Health Sciences Research Center, Department of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, School of Health, Mashhad University of Medical Sciences, Mashhad, Iran 3 Evidence-Based Care Research Centre, Department of Midwifery, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Mashhad University of Medical Sciences, Mashhad, Iran 4 Medical Ethics and Law Research Center, Shahid Behshti University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran Correspondence: Robab Latifnejad Roudsari, Associate Professor in Reproductive Health, Evidence-Based Care Research Centre, Department of Midwifery, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Mashhad University of Medical Sciences, Ebne-Sina Street, Mashhad, Iran. Tel: 98-511-859-8016. Fax: 98-511-859-8016. E-mail: [email protected] Received: January 13, 2014 Accepted: February 17, 2014 Online Published: April 20, 2014 doi:10.5539/gjhs.v6n4p226 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/gjhs.v6n4p226 Abstract Women's empowerment can be defined as a change in the circumstances of a woman's life, which enables her to raise her capacity to manage more enriched and rewarding life. Improvement in women's empowerment is a salient issue to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. National laws are influential factors in promoting women's empowerment. Lack of awareness of legal and constitutional provisions and failure to recognize it, is a factor that hinders the process of empowerment. -
Asadi Zeidabadi P 2019.PDF
The Perspectives of Iranian Feminists and Women Activists on their Political Identity and Priorities Pardis Asadi Zeidabadi A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University August 2019 Abstract This thesis seeks to explore the perspectives of women involved in feminist and women’s activism in Iran on important aspects of their political identity and priorities. This study draws on forty seven one to one semi-structured interviews with Iranian feminists and women activists, through an explanatory approach. It engages with the participants’ perspectives on key concepts and issues such as feminism, women’s rights, gender equality and democracy. Participants of this study include a spectrum of women with different beliefs and strategies: secular feminists, religious reformists and religious conservative women. As Iran is a country that has a difficult context for gender politics, Iranian feminists and women activists apply different approaches to seek to improve the status of women. Key findings include: (1) Approaches to being a feminist and supporting feminism relate both to participants’ beliefs, but also the strategies they apply to advocate women’s rights. (2) There were important differences and similarities in what participants understood by gender equality and what aspects of equality they prioritised. (3) Working towards greater democracy was important to all participants, but there were important differences in their views over whether democracy should be secular or Islamic and how far Iran was from being a ‘full’ democracy. This research contributes to the existing literature by considering a variety of feminists’ and women activists’ views about the terms feminist and feminism, their approaches to gain gender equality and also their views about democracy and its possibilities in Iran.