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The Long-Term Impact of the Communist Revolution on Social Stratification in Contemporary China

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The Long-Term Impact of the Communist Revolution on Social Stratification in Contemporary China The long-term impact of the Communist Revolution on social stratification in contemporary China Yu Xiea,b,1 and Chunni Zhangc,1 aCenter for Social Research, Peking University, Beijing 100871, China; bDepartment of Sociology, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08544; and cDepartment of Sociology, Peking University, Beijing 100871, China Contributed by Yu Xie, August 5, 2019 (sent for review March 12, 2019; reviewed by Theodore P. Gerber and Donald J. Treiman) The Chinese Communist Revolution that culminated in the 1949 There are good reasons to suspect that these policies may not founding of the People’s Republic of China fundamentally trans- have worked. Bad-class citizens had relatively high levels of ed- formed class relations in China. With data from a nationally rep- ucation and enjoyed social and economic privileges prior to the resentative, longitudinal survey between 2010 and 2016, this revolution. It is well known that family socioeconomic status study documents the long-term impact of the Communist Revolu- (SES) has a significant influence on children’s educational out- tion on the social stratification order in today’s China, more than 6 comes in almost all societies (6, 7). Prior research has shown that decades after the revolution. True to its stated ideological mis- family SES has persistent large effects over time, and this is true sions, the revolution resulted in promoting the social status of even in Eastern European countries that experienced a transition children of the peasant, worker, and revolutionary cadre classes to socialism similar to that in China after World War II (7–9). and disadvantaging those who were from privileged classes at the Through both economic resources and noneconomic means, the time of the revolution. Although there was a tendency toward “ ” ’ latter of which include parenting styles, socialization, develop- reversion mitigating the revolution s effects in the third gener- ment of noncognitive skills, and social networks, parents transmit ation toward the grandparents’ generation in social status, the their social advantages or disadvantages to their children (10– overall impact of reversion was small. The revolution effects were 12). While the revolution took away economic resources from most pronounced for the birth cohorts immediately following the bad-class citizens, they still possessed superior cultural and edu- revolution, attenuating for recently born cohorts. cational resources that could be used to advance their children’s SOCIAL SCIENCES intergenerational mobility | Chinese Revolution | class relation | education (8, 9). Research has also shown that family SES effects social inequality persist even when education expands, as high-SES parents can find ways to use resources in competition for higher levels of education as lower-level education becomes more widely avail- he Chinese Communist Revolution was a class-based revo- able (13). Further, even if the influence of parents’ SES on the lution with peasants as its main supporters (1). To maintain T immediately following generation is blocked or reversed by a rev- class-based interests in the newly founded People’s Republic of olution, recent research suggests that the third generation may still China (PRC) in 1949, the Chinese government soon registered be affected by grandparents’ SES (14–16). every citizen as belonging to 1 of 3 broad classes according to his However, the Chinese Communist Revolution was not an ordinary or her presumed role in the revolution: “good class” (“red class” social event. It was a radical class struggle intended to fundamentally revolutionary cadres, revolutionary soldiers, and revolutionary martyrs as well as industrial workers and poor and lower-middle Significance peasants), middle class (middle- and upper-middle peasants, urban routine staff, small businessmen, intellectuals, and professionals), and “bad class” (also called the “black class,” including landlords, Utilizing the latest, high-quality, 3-generation data, this article rich peasants, capitalists, capitalist roaders, counterrevolutionaries, reports findings from a systematic study of the long-term im- pact of the Communist Revolution on the social stratification rightists, and “bad elements,” such as criminals) (ref. 2, SI Appendix order in today’s China. It is found that the revolution disrupted 1). This classification scheme was largely property based, as it the cross-generational reproduction of the prevailing social would classify essentially anyone with property at the time of the stratification at the time of the revolution in promoting the revolution as bad class. However, the presence of revolutionary social status of children of the peasant and worker classes and classes also allowed persons from families with property to be disadvantaging those from privileged classes. Despite a ten- classified as good class if they had contributed to the revolution in dency for “reversion” mitigating the revolution’s effects in the significant ways. Using this class scheme, the PRC government third generation toward the grandparents’ generation in social devised and implemented a series of class-based preferential social status, the impact of the revolution on the educational at- policies (1, 2). tainment of descendants by class classification immediately One of the most visible and most consequential policies was following the revolution remains strong even after 6 decades the distribution of educational resources in favor of good-class have passed. children at the expense of bad-class children (2–5). Redistribu- tion strategies included rapidly expanding education at all levels, Author contributions: Y.X. and C.Z. designed research; Y.X. and C.Z. performed research; opening special schools for government cadres only, and de- C.Z. analyzed data; and Y.X. and C.Z. wrote the paper. veloping college admission policies that aimed to increase the Reviewers: T.P.G., University of Wisconsin–Madison; and D.J.T., University of California, Los Angeles. enrollment of good-class students and restrict the number of bad-class students (SI Appendix 2). More than 60 y have passed The authors declare no conflict of interest. This open access article is distributed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- since these policies were first implemented. Most grandchildren NoDerivatives License 4.0 (CC BY-NC-ND). of the revolutionaries have now completed their educations. A 1To whom correspondence may be addressed. Email: [email protected] or natural question to ask is whether these preferential policies [email protected]. actually succeeded or failed to transform the social stratification This article contains supporting information online at www.pnas.org/lookup/suppl/doi:10. order by favoring descendants of those disadvantaged classes 1073/pnas.1904283116/-/DCSupplemental. who supported the revolution. www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1904283116 PNAS Latest Articles | 1of6 Downloaded by guest on September 30, 2021 transform social relations between 2 opposing classes: good versus grandparents (G1) had high social status before the revolution. bad (1, 2). Even after properties of the formerly privileged classes Even though the revolution deprived G1 of material assets, bad- were taken away by the revolution, children from these classes class families still had cultural and intellectual resources and inherited permanent bad-class designations and suffered the same could use them for their G3’s education. Conversely, the G2 effects, being considered “bad” people to be “cleaned up” in parents of good-class G3 children received more education than postrevolutionary China. Thus, bad-class children were not only they would have before the revolution. The children’s grand- deprived of equal rights to education (3); they were also subject to parents (G1) had low social status before the revolution and social isolation, systematic discrimination, and sometimes physical could not contribute much in terms of intellectual or cultural abuse (2, 17). In this study, we examine the long-term impact of resources toward G3’s education. That is, good-class G2 parents these class-based preferential policies on the social stratification might not be able to parlay their educational advantage to their order in postrevolutionary China. children. Note that non-Markovian grandparent effects, if found to be present in our study, could offset the initial impact of the Intergenerational and Multigenerational Social Mobility revolution on bad-class G2. G3 would bounce back in educa- Intergenerational social mobility refers to the difference in social tional attainment, and good-class G3 would lose out because the status—educational attainment in our study—between parents former group had a better-educated G1 than the latter. Alter- and children. In social mobility research, absolute mobility can natively, this can be seen as a case of Galtonian regression, re- be distinguished from relative mobility (18). Absolute mobility versing toward the family line average. is driven by overall societal changes, also called “structural Since Mare’s 2011 paper (14), a debate has emerged in social changes.” For example, when education expands, children’s ed- stratification research concerning the presence or absence of ucation tends to surpass parents’ education. However, even when non-Markovian multigenerational effects. If social mobility pro- expansion occurs, we should ask whether social origin allows cesses are truly Markovian, long-term multigenerational mobility certain
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