Pacifism in the Constitution of Japan and Strategies of National Security English Version
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Kobe University Repository : Thesis
Kobe University Repository : Thesis Justice on Trial:The International Military Tribunal for the Far East 学位論文題目 Reevaluated, 1946-1956(試される正義:極東国際軍事裁判の再評 Title 価1946-1956年) 氏名 BABOVIC, ALEKSANDRA Author 専攻分野 博士(政治学) Degree 学位授与の日付 2018-03-25 Date of Degree 公開日 2020-03-25 Date of Publication 資源タイプ Thesis or Dissertation / 学位論文 Resource Type 報告番号 甲第7086号 Report Number 権利 Rights JaLCDOI URL http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/handle_kernel/D1007086 ※当コンテンツは神戸大学の学術成果です。無断複製・不正使用等を禁じます。著作権法で認められている範囲内で、適切にご利用ください。 PDF issue: 2021-10-07 博士学位論文 論文題目: Justice on Trial: The International Military Tribunal for the Far East Reevaluated, 1946-1956 (試される正義:極東国際軍事裁判の再評価 1946-1956 年) 神戸大学大学院法学研究科 専攻:政治学専攻 指導教授:簑原俊洋 学籍番号:135J036J 氏名:BABOVIC ALEKSANDRA 提出年月日:2018年1月10日 ABSTRACT The present research will argue that the IMTFE, considered as a strategic legalism tool, can be explained only when placed within broader context of the Allied powers’ postwar policies both at international and regional level. Japan ascendance to the role of Western ally and its strategic value did not result in the prompt release of Class A war criminals, quite the contrary, it reached a deadlock in which legalism no longer played a strategic role. This issue exposed the inconsistencies in US expectations regarding Japan’s rearmament and started to inhibit progress on the important security agenda in US-Japan diplomatic relations. The dynamics of US-Japan negotiations regarding the Class A war criminals within the broader war criminals agenda, as it will be shown, placed in the hands of Japanese government a powerful tool to instigate its own visions of security vis-à-vis the US. -
9, 1980 1 ENROUTE to TOKYO, JAPAN I-NE '3 Jr‘U' I 12:10 P.M.WEDNESDA
THE WHITE MJUSE THE DAlLY DIARY OF PRESIDENT JIMMY CARTER LtX.‘lC&i OHE I MO.. Z+al\;, k’r.t I WSOARD AIR FORCE ONE 1lT.Y 9, 1980 1 ENROUTE TO TOKYO, JAPAN I-NE '3 jr‘u' i 12:10 p.m.WEDNESDA ACTIVITY Air Force one arrived at Haneda International Airport, Tokyo, Japan. I’ The President was greeted by: Masayoshi Ito, Acting Prime Minister of Japan Ii Michael J. Mansfield, Ambassador of the U.S. to Japan I1. Mrs. Michael J. (Maureen) Mansfield I Nobuyuki Nakasthima, Chief of Protocol, Japan. i- f 12:18 The President, escorted by Ambassador Mansfield, went to the speaking platform, I 12:20 12:23 The President addressed the crowd gathered for his arrival in Japan. Members of the press 12:26 The President went to his motorcade. He was accompanied by: 1 Edmund S. Muskie, Secretary of State Ambassador Mansfield I: George R. Ariyoshi (D-Hawaii) I? 12:26 12:51 The Presidential party motored from Haneda International Airport I. to the residence of Ambassador Mansfield. I 1 ;i .'I The President went to his suite. I i f I 1:37 The President returned to his motorcade. He was accompanied by:! Secretary Muskie I I Ambassador Mansfield Ii Governor Ariyoshi The Presidential party motored from the Ambassador's residence t to the Budokan Sports Arena. I i The President was greeted by: 1 Saburo Okita, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan Keizo Obuchi, Minister of State in Charge of ! Prime Minister's Office, Japan Japanese Protocol Officer I * lt47 The President went to his seat. -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
Pacifism in the Constitution of Japan and Strategies of National Security
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Tsukuba Repository Pacifism in the Constitution of Japan and Strategies of National Security 著者 Hirayama Asaji, Silver Tim 内容記述 Japanese version (平山朝治「日本国憲法の平和 主義と、安全保障戦略」『国際日本研究』第7号 http://hdl.handle.net/2241/00124619 )was published in March 2015. Translated from Japanese version by Tim Silver (Master of Pacific Studies, UCSD) and Asaji Hirayama. year 2015 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2241/00125662 PACIFISM IN THE CONSTITUTION OF JAPAN AND STRATEGIES OF NATIONAL SECURITY ENGLISH VERSION ⓒ Asaji Hirayama, 2015. Japanese version (平山朝治「日本国憲法の平和主義と、安全保障戦略」『国際日本研究』第7号 http://hdl.handle.net/2241/00124619 )was published in March 2015. Translated from Japanese version by Tim Silver (Master of Pacific Studies, UCSD) and Asaji Hirayama. Pay-off matrices and theoretical explanations of Japanese version are replaced with daily expressions according to the advice of Professor Takeo Hoshi (Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University). The matrices appear in Appendix of English version. Cover photographs: Piazza San Marco ⓒ Hinako Hirayama Masks ⓒ National Noh Theatre Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................... 2 1. Legislative Intent of Article 9 and Efforts to Hide that Intent ....................................................................... 4 (1) MacArthur’s true intentions ........................................................................................................................ -
Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member”
Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member” May 3, 1946 a. As Chief Secretary of the Tanaka Cabinet from 1927 to 1929, he necessarily shares responsibility for the formulation and promulgation without Diet approval of amendments to the so-called Peace Preservation Law which made that law the government’s chief legal instrument for the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, and made possible the denunciation, terror- ization, seizure, and imprisonment of tens of thousands of adherents to minor- ity doctrines advocating political, economic, and social reform, thereby preventing the development of effective opposition to the Japanese militaristic regime. b. As Minister of Education from December 1931 to March 1934, he was responsible for stifling freedom of speech in the schools by means of mass dismissals and arrests of teachers suspected of “leftist” leanings or “dangerous thoughts.” The dismissal in May 1933 of Professor Takigawa from the faculty of Kyoto University on Hatoyama’s personal order is a flagrant illustration of his contempt for the liberal tradition of academic freedom and gave momentum to the spiritual mobilization of Japan, which under the aegis of the military and economic cliques, led the nation eventually into war. c. Not only did Hatoyama participate in thus weaving the pattern of ruth- less suppression of freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of thought, hut he also participated in the forced dissolution of farmer-labor bodies. In addition, his indorsement of totalitarianism, specifically in its appli- cation to the regimentation and control of labor, is a matter of record. -
Unconditional Surrender, the Emperor and the Tokyo Trial 59
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Unconditional Surrender, the Emperor and the Tokyo Trial 59 Unconditional Surrender, the Emperor and the Tokyo Trial: Implications for the Present-Day Japan-US Alliance Kazuhiko TOGO 無条件降伏・天皇・東京裁判: 現在の日米同盟に対して有する意味合い 東 郷 和 彦 <Abstract> In August 1945, when Japan was on the brink of total defeat, opinions among Japanese top leaders on when and how to surrender were divided, although everyone agreed that one condition would have to be met before any surrender: the preservation of the Imperial House. The Potsdam Declaration had been formulated in such a manner that this issue was left ambiguous. The final US reply, however, allowed sufficient room for the interpre- tation that the Imperial House would be preserved. So the Japanese Government surrendered. Since the surrender was only based on this interpretation, the defeated Government’s immediate efforts were concentrated on realiz- ing this condition through the establishment of a new Constitution (Article One) and the Tokyo Trial (not indicting the Emperor). Thus the final and only condition of the falling Empire was met. However, the crucial aspect of “honoring the commitment” was forgotten through a prevailing notion that Japan had made an unconditional surrender and that the US occupation was using the Emperor for the expediency of its occupation policy. After the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty even the Japanese Government itself began to acknowledge that Japan had indeed made an unconditional surrender. It is time to go back into history and recall this forgotten commit- ment in order to consolidate the contemporary Japan-US alliance. -
Nbr Analysis
GREEN AND SAMUELS 1 ANALYSIS Volume 5, No. 4 RECALCULATING AUTONOMY: JAPAN’S CHOICES IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Michael J. Green and Richard J. Samuels THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 2 NBR ANALYSIS © 1994 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the nineteenth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 715 SAFECO Plaza Seattle, WA 98185 (206) 632-7370 Fax (206) 632-7487 GREEN AND SAMUELS 3 FOREWORD Not since the Second World War has Japan faced a future fraught with so much uncertainty. -
After Populism? the Long and Winding Road to the Westminster Model
japanese political science review 3 (2016), 1–13 (doi: 10.15545/3.1) © 2016 Japanese Political Science Association Masahiro Yamada After Populism? The Long and Winding Road to the Westminster Model Why can’t Japan have a competitive opposition? Through an analysis of sur- vey datasets, this article shows the loss of faith in the DPJ, and the vulner- ability of voters’ support. Although our analysis indicates the strength of the current Abe cabinet since 2012, it simultaneously displays that there is a greater divergence in emotional thermometer to Prime minister Abe and the LDP since regaining power in 2012, which suggests conflict in evaluation to the incumbent cabinet among Japanese electorates. keywords: weak opposition, vulnerability of voters’ support, cabinet approval and disapproval Masahiro Yamada is a Professor at Kwansei Gakuin University. This article is a product of a Japanese Electoral Studies (2012–2016) grant from the Japa- nese Society for Promotion of Science as Grant-in-Aid for Specially Pro- moted Research (24000002). The author would like to thank Enago (www. enago.jp) for the English-language review. 1 2 | japanese political science review 3 (2016) Research Questions Japan experienced two power transitions after the goverment of Prime Minister Koizumi Jun’ichiro (2001 to 2006): one was the 2009 formation of the coalition government led by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in 2009, and the other was the DPJ coalition’s subsequent fall and return of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komei Party coalition in 2012. Ironically, this situation also seemed to imply the failure of the two-party system in Japan, which was one purpose of the introduction of the mixed- member electoral system in single-member districts (SMDs) and propor- tional representation (PR) in 1994. -
Japan in the World, the World in Japan
Japan in the World, the World in Japan Japan in the World, the World in Japan Fifty Years of Japanese Studies at Michigan Edited by the Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan The Center for Japanese Studies The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, 2001 Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/ Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. 2001 The Regents of the University of Michigan Published by the Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 202 S. Thayer St., Ann Arbor, MI 48104-1608 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Japan in the world, the world in Japan : fifty years of Japanese studies at Michigan / edited by the Center for Japanese Studies, the University of Michigan. p. cm. ISBN 0-939512-95-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Japan—Study and teaching (Higher)—United States. 2. University of Michigan. Center for Japanese Studies—History. I. University of Michigan. Center for Japanese Studies. DS834.95J318 2001 952.0071'173—dc21 00-064354 Cover design by Seiko Semones This book was set in Garamond. This publication meets the ANSI/NISO Standards for Permanence of Paper for Publications and Documents in Libraries and Archives (Z39.48-1992). Published in the United States of America ISBN 978-0-939512-95-9 (paper) ISBN 978-0-472-12796-2 (ebook) ISBN 978-0-472-90192-0 (open access) The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Contents Note on Personal Names viii Preface ix Hitomi Tonomura Opening Remarks 1 Philip H. -
Template for FOIA Inventory
George Bush Presidential Library 1000 George Bush Drive West College Station, TX 77845 phone: (979) 691-4041 fax: (979) 691-4030 http://bushlibrary.tamu.edu [email protected] Inventory for FOIA Request 2012-2216-F Selected Records on U.S.-Japan Relations Extent 26 folders Access Collection is open to all researchers. Access to Bush Presidential Records, Bush Vice Presidential Records, and Quayle Vice Presidential Records is governed by the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)(5 USC 552 as amended) and the Presidential Records Act (PRA)(44 USC 22) and therefore records may be restricted in whole or in part in accordance with legal exemptions. Copyright Documents in this collection that were prepared by officials of the United States government as part of their official duties are in the public domain. Researchers are advised to consult the copyright law of the United States (Title 17, USC) which governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Provenance Official records of George Bush’s presidency and vice presidency are housed at the George Bush Presidential Library and administered by the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) under the provisions of the Presidential Records Act (PRA). Processed By Staff Archivists, July 2012. Previously restricted materials are added as they are released. Scope and Content The materials in FOIA 2012-2216-F are a selective, not necessarily all inclusive, body of documents responsive to the topic of the FOIA. Researchers should consult the archivist about related materials. At this time the majority of the records in this request are security classified and have been closed under the restrictions of the Freedom of Information Act. -
Japan's National Security Policy Infrastructure
INTRODUCTION | i JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY INFRASTRUCTURE CAN TOKYO MEET WASHINGTON’S EXPECTATION? Yuki Tatsumi November 2008 ii | JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY INFRASTRUCTURE Copyright ©2008 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 0-9770023-9-X Photos by the Ministry of Defense in Japan and the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Cover design by Rock Creek Creative. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org YUKI TATSUMI | iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms............................................................................................................ iv Preface ................................................................................................................ vi Acknowledgements............................................................................................ vii INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1: EVOLUTION OF JAPANESE NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY .............. 11 CHAPTER 2: CIVILIAN INSTITUTIONS ................................................................ 33 CHAPTER 3: UNIFORM INSTITUTIONS................................................................ 65 CHAPTER 4: THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY.................................................. 97 CHAPTER -
Japan Under the US Nuclear Umbrella
Japan Under the US Nuclear Umbrella Hans Kristensen ___________________________________________________________ Introduction And Summary During the Cold War, rumors concerning U.S. deployments of nuclear weapons to Japan were both numerous and widely reported. Such rumors were consistently met with adamant denials by Japanese governments1 and a refusal by U.S. governments to discuss any aspects of nuclear weapons deployments overseas. Despite the end of the Cold War and the U.S. withdrawal of its last forward-deployed tactical nuclear weapons seven years ago, information about U.S. nuclear operations in Japan has remained shrouded in military secrecy. The Nautilus Institute's East Asia Nuclear Policy Project, a far-ranging project aimed at promoting open debate over the role of nuclear weapons in the Asia-Pacific region, has for the past year sponsored detailed research into the history of U.S. nuclear weapons practices in Japan. U.S. government documents recently declassified under the Freedom of Information Act and obtained through this research add substantial weight to previous assertions that the United States routinely brought nuclear weapons into Japan during the Cold War despite Japan's non-nuclear policy. These documents also shed light on suspicions that Japanese government officials knowingly accepted these deployments. Perhaps most surprisingly, the declassified documents also reveal the previously unreported extent to which the United States also conducted nuclear war planning in Japan. Nautilus Institute Research Associate Hans Kristensen has compiled these findings into a comprehensive, chronologically organized report that combines an array of previously unknown facts with news reports to portray clearly the extent to which the United States and Japan both allowed Japan to become involved in U.S.