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The Unbridling of Virtue Neoconservatism Between the Cold War and the Iraq War

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The Unbridling of Virtue Neoconservatism Between the Cold War and the Iraq War THE UNBRIDLING OF VIRTUE NEOCONSERVATISM BETWEEN THE COLD WAR AND THE IRAQ WAR By Mark Jonathan Lamdin McClelland A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science and International Studies School of Government and Society College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham March 2012 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract During the years between the Cold War and the Iraq War, neoconservatism underwent an important shift from a position sympathetic to realist thought to a position much closer to a particularly conservative form of liberal internationalism. This change has largely been ignored in the literature, and when discussed, simply attributed to new, more radical neoconservative actors replacing a more cautious cadre. This thesis utilises a ‘history of ideas’ approach to examine the evolution of neoconservative thought from an emphasis on stability and normality to one of ambitious transformation abroad and wide-ranging democracy promotion. It argues that this modification can be attributed to several material and ideational drivers. In material terms, the end of the Cold War and the ensuing decline of bipolarity in the international system in combination with the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 were pivotal events in neoconservatism’s evolution. The former removed the primary constraint on the use of American power overseas, while the latter demonstrated, as far as neoconservatives were concerned, the cost to the US of inaction and restraint abroad. Ideationally, the advent of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ thesis, an embrace of liberal democratic peace theory, and a religious ‘turn’ in neoconservative thought, all contributed to the development of a neoconservative foreign policy much more sympathetic to ideas of democracy promotion and humanitarian intervention. Acknowledgements This thesis began life in late 2006 as a studentship funding proposal to the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). President Bush – plumbing new depths of unpopularity – had just led his party to a humiliating midterm election defeat, Rick Santorum had just lost Pennsylvania by 18 points, and Barack Obama was still a relatively unknown senator who had served less than two years in Washington. The radically altered political landscape that faces me now writing this is a reminder that while I have thoroughly enjoyed working on this project it has been a lengthy process and thus much thanks is likely due. My two supervisors on this journey – David Dunn and Adam Quinn – are worthy of special mention. David showed great faith in me, encouraging me to apply while I was working for the Conservative Party in what he warmly described as the ‘swamps’ of Norfolk. Thanks for all your time and hard work on this, from the first tweaks to the research proposal to your recent accusations that my grammar had been negatively affected by my months living in Virginia! My thanks also go to Adam for his insightful input after joining the ‘team’ in the summer of 2008, especially as I’m sure your realist instincts recoiled reading much of this! I realise that supervising a thesis like this is a time- consuming process on top of all your other duties and I want to make sure you both know that your efforts have been very much appreciated. Jason Ralph and Oz Hassan also deserve mention for their helpful comments on an early version of the argument presented in this thesis which appeared in a special edition of the International Journal of Human Rights in 2011. I would also like to thank the Department of Political Science and International Studies (POLSIS) at the University of Birmingham for awarding me one of their much sought- after ESRC 1+3 quota studentships. The whole research project would never have been possible without the financial backing this provided. I have thoroughly enjoyed my time in POLSIS. Living out in the shires during the bulk of my studies left me a little more detached than the average doctoral researcher living in the shadow of ‘Old Joe’ but I benefitted immensely from some good friendships and encouragement along the way. There was always a bond between the ESRC studentship award holders in the department – Laurence Cooley, Drew Futter, Ken Searle and Martin Monahan – after we all started on our PhD adventure with the MA in Research Methods in the autumn of 2007. I’m sure the others will echo my gratitude to Laurence for his quantitative data analysis skills and SPSS prowess which helped pull us all through. Due to the fact we shared supervisors and both studied US foreign policy after the Cold War, Drew in particular was always very helpful and encouraging – especially as he always seemed to be one step ahead of me in his PhD project. Thanks also go to Drew for reviewing my entire thesis – which definitely went well beyond the call of duty. Although he was firmly established in the department by the time I began my time in POLSIS, Anthony Hopkins also deserves special mention for his friendly support over the past few years. Tories in academia are notoriously few and far between – especially those fond of quoting President Reagan – so I am glad our paths crossed. Between January and July 2011, I had the great privilege of being a Visiting Research Associate at the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS-Johns Hopkins University) in Washington DC. Richard Lock-Pullan very kindly put me in touch with Professor Eliot Cohen who agreed to sponsor my time in Washington. Despite a very busy schedule, Professor Cohen was very generous with his time and was undoubtedly an aid in helping me obtain interviews with some of my ‘targets’. On that subject, I would also like to thank all the people I met in Washington – both those I formally interviewed and the numerous conversations over breakfast and lunch with interested observers in various think tanks and institutions. Having travelled extensively around the United States on numerous occasions, my time in Washington – a city living and breathing political debate – surpassed all those experiences. The depth, breadth and vitality of political debate was refreshing, especially in comparison to what can often be a stifling consensus back home. Certainly Trollope’s observation that Washington was a city “most unsatisfactory” could not be further from the truth. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their support over the past four years. They have had to make some sacrifices, especially financially, that would not normally have been required – Grace, I’m sure Daddy owes you some new toys now! Tracy, thank you for your love and encouragement throughout this whole process, especially during the times when it was not always obvious where we were heading. I would like to think that my wilful flouting of Benjamin Franklin’s maxim that a man shouldn’t take a wife until he has a house has been proven wrong. You’ve always been there for me through thick and thin and I love you very much. My sincere thanks and gratitude go to everyone who has been involved in the process of producing this thesis. A few of you mentioned above have spent many, many hours on this project for which I will always be in your debt. It goes without saying that the responsibility for any errors remaining, however, is my own. MJLM Bath 16 March 2012 Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Theoretical and Literature Review 1.1 Introduction 17 1.2 Ideology 18 1.3 The ‘History of Ideas’ and Ideological Change 21 1.4 American Foreign Policy and Ideology 23 1.5 IR Theory: Realism and Liberal Internationalism 26 1.5.1 Realism 26 1.5.2 Liberal Internationalism 29 1.6 Neoconservatives on Neoconservatism 34 1.7 The Academy on Neoconservatism 41 1.8 Defining Neoconservatism 51 1.9 Conclusion 56 Chapter 2 End of Cold War to Defense Planning Guidance (1992) 2.1 Introduction 58 2.2 Reagan: A Neoconservative Assessment 59 2.3 End of the Cold War and the Future for American Foreign Policy 65 2.4 The Gulf War 73 2.5 Democracy and the End of History 85 2.6 Defence Planning Guidance (1992) 99 2.7 Conclusion 102 Chapter 3 Clinton I: Somalia to Bosnia 3.1 Introduction 104 3.2 Reaction to Clinton’s Victory 105 3.3 Democratic Peace Theory and the Clinton Administration 109 3.4 American Interventionism in Clinton’s First Term 115 3.4.1 Somalia 115 3.4.2 Haiti 122 3.4.3 Bosnia 125 3.5 Ideological Bedfellows? Neoconservatism and the Christian Right 134 3.6 Conclusion 146 Chapter 4 Clinton II: The Weekly Standard to Kosovo and Iraq 4.1 Introduction 149 4.2 ‘Project for the Republican Future’ to ‘Project for the New American 151 Century’ 4.3 The Defence Budget, NMD, and NATO Expansion 165 4.4 China 173 4.5 Kosovo 179 4.6 Iraq 187 4.7 Conclusion 196 Chapter 5 Dawn of the New American Century 5.1 Introduction 199 5.2 2000 Presidential Election 202 5.3 The Road to 9/11 207 5.3.1 The Case Against Bush: Pentagon Budget and China 207 5.3.2 The Case for Bush: Missile Defence, Unilateralism, and 213 Religion 5.4 The Road
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