DOCSLIB.ORG

Aung San Suu Kyi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Aung San Suu Kyi Aung San Suu Kyi Myanmar, Consejera de Estado y ministra de Exteriores (2016-2021) Duración del mandato: 06 de Abril de 2016 - de de Nacimiento: Rangún, 19 de Junio de 1945 Partido político: Liga Nacional por la Democracia (NLD) Profesión : Funcionaria internacional Resumen En Myanmar, el golpe de Estado militar del 1 de febrero de 2021 ha puesto fin al Gobierno que desde hace un lustro dirigían Aung San Suu Kyi y su partido, la Liga Nacional por la Democracia (NLD), y ha truncado una década de régimen formalmente civil. La toma del poder absoluto por las Fuerzas Armadas, las Tatmadaw, comandadas por el general Min Aung Hlaing, llega tras meses de tensión política y controversia nacional por la nueva victoria aplastante de los liguistas (396 de los 476 escaños en juego) en las elecciones del 8 de noviembre de 2020, resultado que el partido afín al estamento castrense, el del Desarrollo y la Solidaridad de la Unión (USDP), denunció como fraudulento. La mayoría absoluta reforzada de la NLD es vista como una amenaza por los militares, mucho más que un mero poder fáctico en la sombra y que en virtud de la Constitución por ellos impuesta ya gozaban de amplias prerrogativas antidemocráticas en la dirección del Estado. El derrocamiento de Aung San, despojada de sus cargos de consejera estatal -comparable a una jefatura del Gobierno- y ministra de Exteriores, y arrestada al igual que el presidente de la República y colega partidario, Win Myint, se ha producido cuando el prestigio exterior de la Nobel de Paz, que llegó a ser enorme, estaba hecho añicos por su indiferencia con la represión y persecución sistemáticas por el Ejército de la minoría musulmana Rohingya, a los ojos de la comunidad internacional víctima de crímenes contra la humanidad y de actos de genocidio. SÍMBOLO DE LA LUCHA POR LA DEMOCRACIA EN ASIA El liderazgo carismático de Aung San Suu Kyi, hoy una estadista doblemente acusada, emergió de la revuelta popular de 1988, el conocido como Alzamiento 8888. A aquel levantamiento de los birmanos contra 26 años de implacable dictadura militar, terminado en un autogolpe y en un baño de sangre, le siguieron un primer arresto domiciliario en 1989, el repudio por los generales de las elecciones ganadas por la NLD en 1990 y la concesión del Premio Nobel de la Paz en http://www.cidob.org 1 of 19 1991. Liberada en 1995 pero vuelta a confinar en su vivienda de Rangún en 2000 y, tras un año de libertad vigilada, por tercera vez en 2003 sin cargos ni juicio, Aung San, todo coraje y tenacidad, rehusó el exilio que se le ofrecía y optó por sacrificar su libertad y el contacto con sus hijos antes que dejar de advocar la resistencia no violenta de sus paisanos y de exigir la transigencia democrática de sus captores. Su diálogo intermitente con el jefe de la junta en el poder, el general Than Shwe, no consiguió moderar el proceder asesino del régimen, que sofocó sin contemplaciones la Revolución Azafrán de 2007, protagonizada por monjes y estudiantes. En noviembre de 2010, días después de unas elecciones para las que reclamó el boicot por no ofrecer las mínimas garantías, la irreductible Dama del sarong, a los 65 años, vio levantado su cautiverio doméstico con carácter definitivo. Tras la farsa electoral de 2010, que entregó al partido del oficialismo, el USDP, el nuevo Parlamento bicameral, los militares, sensibles a las sanciones de Occidente y a las presiones de los socios de la ASEAN, emprendieron una etapa más convincente de la transición a la, por ellos llamada, "democracia disciplinada". El nuevo interlocutor de Aung San, en paralelo a una intensa actividad internacional de ambos, pasó a ser el ex general y ex primer ministro Thein Sein, un oficial posibilista, elegido en 2011 por la Asamblea presidente de la República con indumentaria civil y legitimidad constitucional. El final formal del Gobierno militar dio paso a una abrogación gradual de las prohibiciones de la dictadura, la liberación por etapas de los presos políticos y la normalización de las relaciones de Myanmar con Occidente, todo lo cual aprobó Aung San, pero sin dejar de avisar que los avances no eran irreversibles. En 2012, siendo presidenta de la NLD, ilegalizada y vuelta a registrar como partido, la que fuera reclusa de conciencia durante 15 años ganó el escaño de diputada y se estrenó como líder de la oposición parlamentaria a un Ejecutivo del que las Tatmadaw, indirectamente, seguían siendo rectoras. Entonces, el principal objeto de impugnación de Aung San eran las rémoras autoritarias de la Constitución dictada por los uniformados en 2008, que en el mejor de los casos apuntaban a una democracia tutelada y limitada: las cuotas de asambleístas, la cuarta parte de las dos cámaras, hurtados a la elección directa y reservados a soldados en activo nombrados por el comandante en jefe de los Servicios de Defensa; a través de aquellos, la capacidad de veto por las Tatmadaw de las enmiendas a la Carta Magna que no fueran de su gusto; el privilegio de la milicia de colocar a los ministros de fuerza; y la imposibilidad de ser candidato a la Presidencia si se tenían familiares directos sujetos a gobiernos extranjeros, cual era el caso de Aung San, pues sus dos hijos poseían la nacionalidad británica. La afectada por esta restricción constitucional concebida expresamente para perjudicarla avisó que, si no podía ser elegida por la Asamblea presidenta de la República, entonces sería la jefa del Gobierno y se situaría "por encima" del presidente que relevara a Thein Sein. Con todo, resultaba significativo que Aung San, hija del general artífice de la independencia nacional asesinado en 1947, reconociera que el Ejército era una institución esencial, con derecho a desempeñar un rol "digno" en la conducción política del país. Paradójicamente, la pacifista Aung San nunca profesó sentimientos antimilitaristas. La NLD, vinculada a la Internacional Socialista pese a su indefinición ideológica y sus tendencias más bien liberal conservadoras, arrasó en las elecciones de noviembre de 2015 al conquistar, no ya el 67%, mínimo requerido para sortear el 25% de diputados militares, sino el 77% de los escaños abiertos a competición en la Cámara de Representantes (en la Cámara de Nacionalidades el porcentaje ascendió al 80%). Los comicios, en realidad, no satisficieron los estándares de limpieza y justicia por celebrarse con las citadas cortapisas legales y porque de los padrones fueron excluidos millones de birmanos por motivos étnicos o religiosos. Ahora bien, la casta militar reconoció su contundente derrota. Tras 27 años de una odisea personal que había sido el relato de la dramática historia contemporánea del país asiático, Aung San Suu Kyi se hallaba a las puertas del poder institucional en la antigua Birmania. Era el momento culminante en la vida de uno de los iconos mundiales de la lucha pacífica por la democracia bajo la consigna de "librarse del miedo", mantra político que la equivalente de Nelson Mandela en esta parte de Asia recogía de sus fuertes creencias budistas. http://www.cidob.org 2 of 19 Los acontecimientos de marzo y abril de 2016 dibujaron el escenario, engañoso, de una armoniosa compleción de la transición democrática con la indispensable cláusula del Gobierno compartido. Htin Kyaw, viejo íntimo colaborador de Aung San entregado a la causa, fue investido presidente por la Asamblea en sucesión de Thein Sein y acomodado a su rol de jefe del Estado con poderes ejecutivos, pero solo sobre el papel; en realidad, el humilde Htin no iba a ser más que un ejecutor protocolario de la agenda dispuesta por la líder con la aquiescencia del Ejército. Aung San empezó reservándose cuatro carteras en el Gabinete, entre ellas dos de calado estratégico, la de Exteriores y la de adjunta a la Oficina de la Presidencia, mientras que tres generales en activo tomaron los ministerios de Defensa, Interior y Fronteras. El nuevo vicepresidente primero de la República era Myint Swe, capitoste del USDP, partido cuya jefatura recayó en Than Htay, enésimo general retirado. A falta de un primer ministro, Aung San se arrogó la posición adicional de consejera de Estado, subrayando así su primacía en el mando político. En 2018 Htin Kyaw dimitió por motivos de salud y la Asamblea eligió en su lugar a Win Myint, dirigente de la NLD. AUREOLA MANCHADA POR EL DRAMA DE LOS ROHINGYAS Una vez en el Gobierno, Aung San no consiguió convencer a las Tatmadaw de que renunciaran a sus prerrogativas constitucionales, degradantes de los estándares democráticos del sistema birmano, y, punto tanto o más grave, decepcionó en sus esfuerzos por reducir las tensiones étnico-religiosas. Conseguir la paz social, más allá del proceso puramente político, en el mosaico de minorías que era Myanmar resultaba indispensable para propiciar el despegue económico y el desarrollo humano de uno de los países más atrasados de Asia. En agosto de 2016, favorecidas por el acercamiento diplomático a China, arrancaron en Naypyidaw -la capital oficial de Myanmar desde 2005- las sesiones de la Conferencia de Paz Unión Siglo XXI Panglong, ambicioso proyecto que buscaba terminar con décadas de conflicto violento ente el Estado y la constelación de guerrillas y grupos rebeldes de base étnico-religiosa que reclamaban derechos, el final de las discriminaciones y abusos, y una mayor autonomía regional. El Gobierno central accedía a negociar con los representantes de las minorías reconocidas un proceso de reconciliación nacional, pero el único resultado tangible de la Conferencia fue, en agosto de 2020, un documento para la implementación del Acuerdo Nacional de Alto el fuego que en 2015 el presidente Thein Sein había firmado con una decena de "organizaciones étnicas armadas" (OEA).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Aung San Suu Kyi a Leader Born, a Leader Made
    Asia: Biographies and Personal Stories, Part I Aung San Suu Kyi A Leader Born, a Leader Made By Paige Tan yanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi is today feted around the world. Why is she so celebrated? Before 2010, she spent fifteen of the pre- vious twenty-one years under house arrest, jailed by the country’s Mmilitary rulers. In 1989, she faced down the guns of the regime’s soldiers. In 1990, her party triumphed in elections rigged against it, only to be de- prived of the chance to take power when the election results were ignored. In 1991, Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, something she says she heard about only on the radio in her lonely lakeside detention in the capital, Yangon. A follower of Mahatma Gandhi, Aung San Suu Kyi praises democracy, human rights, rule of law, and nonviolent struggle. She indigenizes these concepts with a particularly Buddhist slant (Burmese are 89 percent Bud- dhist). Though Buddhism views suffering as unavoidable, she hopes to “al- leviate it as far as possible in practical, earthly ways.”1 In a 1989 writing, “In Quest for Democracy,” she analyzes a traditional set of aphorisms on the duties of kings and shows how many of them were supportive of democ- racy, which she links to “accountability, respect for public opinion, and supremacy of just laws.”2 Aung San Suu Kyi inspires many. During Myanmar’s long years of military rule, she asked those outside Myanmar to use their political free- doms to deprive the country’s military leaders of the foreign exchange that helped keep their regime afloat.
    [Show full text]
  • Encounters with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
    8 Encounters with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi During the early 2000s, there were opportunities to have substantive contact with the best-known and most impressive politician in Myanmar, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), had won an overwhelming majority of the seats in the only recent elections in 1990, and who had never been charged with any offence under the law, but was regularly placed under house arrest. Usually, neither she nor the NLD were able to carry out normal political activities of any kind, even though the NLD was legally registered as a political party and had not been banned by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). For its part, the military regime (especially its leader from 1994–2011, Senior General Than Shwe) pursued policies towards Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD that were often contradictory and which swung dramatically from tightening restrictions against her in September 2000 to engaging in (secret) talks in January 2001, before releasing her completely in May 2002. Suu Kyi’s party, the NLD, was basically a coalition of left-leaning groups and military leaders who had fallen out with the mainstream of the army. It was formed to compete in the 1990 elections, and was still an officially registered party until 2010, when it split over whether to contest the 2010 elections. Even as a legal political party, the NLD was under constant pressure from the authorities, who constantly monitored NLD members’ movements and activities, 97 EYEWITNESS TO EARLY REFORM IN MYANMAR subjected members to various forms of low-level harassment, and actively sought to pressure them to leave the party.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing the Struggles of Aung San Suu Kyi by Tehreem Saifey A
    Saifey - 1 A Framework for Leadership: Analyzing the Struggles of Aung San Suu Kyi By Tehreem Saifey A Thesis Submitted to The Faculty of The Graduate School of Political Management of The George Washington University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies November 11, 2011 Thesis Directed by Dr. David Ettinger and Dr. Dennis W. Johnson Saifey - 2 CONTENTS Chapter 1 – Introduction 3 Chapter 2 – A Theoretical Framework 24 Chapter 3 – A Case Study of Aung San Suu Kyi 53 Chapter 4 – Conclusion and Suggestions for Future Study 87 Appendix – Tables and figures 102 Bibliography 105 1 Saifey - 3 CHAPTER 1 Introduction The story of Burma and Aung San Suu Kyi is no less than an epic. Like the novel Anna and the King of Siam, it would not be far-fetched to call this one Suu and the King(s) of Burma. Burma and Aung San Suu Kyi are, figuratively speaking, two yet one; Burma will never be viewed the same as a result of its relation to this one woman. They are inseparable. Both are striving for the same cause: their vision of freedom for Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has sacrificed her life and freedom for Burma’s sovereignty and future. It would be unfair to call her anything less than a political prophet of Burma. It is amazing to see how her spiritual connection to Buddhism has helped her rise to the pinnacle of political activism, marrying politics and her spiritual convictions together, making her the most influential figure on the political spectrum of Burma.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar's Resistance Icon Is Off to a Rocky Start
    DEMOCRACY IN MYANMAR Myanmar’s resistance icon is off to a rocky start as she embraces a new role as party boss in a fragile democracy. Suu Kyi’s precarious pivot BY ANDREW R.C. MARSHALL NAYPYITAW, OCTOBER 5, 2012 CAREER SHIFT: Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was a living symbol of resistance to military dictatorship during her years of house arrest. REUTERS/SOE ZEYA TUN SPECIAL REPORT 1 DEMOCRACY IN MYANMAR Suu Kyi’S PRECARIOUS PIVOT obel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi is making a career Nchange, from icon of liberty op- posing Myanmar’s junta to party boss in a fragile new quasi-democracy. The transition hasn’t been easy. At a talk in London in June, a student from the Kachin ethnic minority asked why Suu Kyi (a majority Burman) seemed reluctant to condemn a bloody government military offensive against Kachin rebels. The conflict has displaced some 75,000 people. Suu Kyi’s answer was studiously neutral: “We want to know what’s happening more clearly before we condemn one party or the other.” The Kachin community was livid. The Kachinland News website called her reply an “insult.” Kachin protesters gathered outside her next London event. An “open letter” from 23 Kachin groups worldwide said Suu Kyi was “condoning state-sanctioned violence.” That a woman so widely revered should ROCK STAR: Suu Kyi autographing the blouse of a student in the new parliament building in the arouse such hostility might have seemed capital Naypyitaw. Fans flock her almost wherever she goes. REUTERS/SOE SEYA TUN unthinkable back in April.
    [Show full text]
  • Plagiat Merupakan Tindakan Tidak Terpuji Plagiat
    PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI AUNG SAN SUU KYI’S VIEWS OF DEMOCRACY AS REFLECTED IN HER POEMS A SARJANA PENDIDIKAN THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements to Obtain the Sarjana Pendidikan Degree in English Language Education By Devita Student Number: 111214113 ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGE AND ARTS EDUCATION FACULTY OF TEACHERS TRAINING AND EDUCATION SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2016 PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI AUNG SAN SUU KYI’S VIEWS OF DEMOCRACY AS REFLECTED IN HER POEMS A SARJANA PENDIDIKAN THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements to Obtain the Sarjana Pendidikan Degree in English Language Education By Devita Student Number: 111214113 ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGE AND ARTS EDUCATION FACULTY OF TEACHERS TRAINING AND EDUCATION SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2016 i PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI he best way to make your dreams come true is to wake up. -Paul Valery- T I dedicate this thesis to all people who are struggling to make their dreams come true. iv PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI ABSTRACT Devita. (2016). Aung San Suu Kyi’s views of democracy as reflected in her poems. Yogyakarta: English Language Education Study Program, Department of Language and Arts Education, Faculty of Teachers and Training and Education, Sanata Dharma University.
    [Show full text]
  • Eyewitness to Early Reform in Myanmar
    Eyewitness to Early Reform in Myanmar Eyewitness to Early Reform in Myanmar TREVOR WILSON ASIAN STUDIES SERIES MONOGRAPH 7 Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Wilson, Trevor, author. Title: Eyewitness to early reform in Myanmar / Trevor Wilson. ISBN: 9781925022988 (paperback) 9781925022995 (ebook) Series: Asian studies series monograph. Subjects: Democratization--Burma. Government, Resistance to--Burma. Burma--Politics and government--1988- Dewey Number: 320.9591 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: Golden Rock Kyaiktiyo at Dawn by David Wansbrough. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Preface . vii Acknowledgements . ix List of Acronyms and Abbreviations . xi 1 . Introduction . 1 2 . The Historical Contexts . 9 3 . Australian Ambassador to Myanmar . 23 4 . Working Under Military Authoritarian Rule . 33 5 . Myanmar in 2000: Ready Or Not For Change? . 57 6 . Engagement Versus Disengagement . 69 7 . Australia’s ‘Limited Engagement’ Initiatives . .. 83 8 . Encounters with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi . 97 9 . Bilateral Sanctions and Successful Alternative Approaches . 115 10 . Early Australian Public Diplomacy Possible in Myanmar . 129 11 . Reflections on Coming to Terms with Myanmar: Personally and as Convener, ANU Burma/Myanmar Update 2004–13 . 145 Bibliography . 153 Map of Myanmar/Burma Source: The Australian National University CartoGIS Preface The period between 1999 and 2003 proved to be quite an interesting period in modern Myanmar history, because it provided unusual insights into the political and other forces that propelled Myanmar on its pathway towards a transition to democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Crackdown RIGHTS Repression of the 2007 Popular Protests in Burma WATCH December 2007 Volume 19, No
    Burma HUMAN Crackdown RIGHTS Repression of the 2007 Popular Protests in Burma WATCH December 2007 Volume 19, No. 18(C) Crackdown Repression of the 2007 Popular Protests in Burma Map of Burma........................................................................................................... 1 Map of Rangoon.......................................................................................................2 Map of Downtown Rangoon......................................................................................3 I. Summary...............................................................................................................5 II. Crackdown After Crackdown: 45 Years of Military Rule ....................................... 15 Burma’s Economy: Poverty and Price Rises Spark Protests ................................ 21 III. Price Hikes, Peaceful Protests, and the Initial Reaction of the Authorities.........23 IV. The Monks Join the Protests............................................................................. 28 “Overturning of the Bowls”: The Monks’ Decision to Boycott the SPDC .............. 31 The Monks March in Rangoon ...........................................................................33 September 17 ..............................................................................................33 September 18..............................................................................................33 September 19 ..............................................................................................36
    [Show full text]
  • Aung San Suu Kyi Ein Leben Für Die Freiheit
    Unverkäufliche Leseprobe Andreas Lorenz Aung San Suu Kyi Ein Leben für die Freiheit 336 Seiten mit 22 Abbildungen und 1 Karte. Gebunden ISBN: 978-3-406-67509-6 Weitere Informationen finden Sie hier: http://www.chbeck.de/14291896 © Verlag C.H.Beck oHG, München Vorwort Vorwort Das erste Mal sah ich sie persönlich im Mai 1996 bei einer ihrer Zaun- reden in der University Avenue 54, das letzte Mal im Juni 2014 in der Kantine des Parlaments in der neuen Hauptstadt Naypyidaw. Sie saß an einem Tisch mit Abgeordneten der ethnischen Minderheiten. Als ich sie fotografi eren wollte, stellte sich ein Parlamentsbeamter in den Weg: «No photos.» Aung San Suu Kyi hatte die Szene beobachtet, schüttelte fast unmerklich den Kopf und lächelte. Aber auch sie selbst schottet sich ab, lässt sich nur selten intervie- wen, auch schriftliche Fragen hat sie für dieses Buch nicht beantwor- tet. Sie ist bekannt dafür, dass sie ihre Privatsphäre streng abschirmt. «Zu viel zu tun, zu wenig Zeit», schrieb sie in einer E-Mail. Wie also eine Biografi e über eine Person schreiben, von der fast jeder Mensch auf dieser Welt schon einmal etwas gehört hat, die in jüngerer Zeit aber nur wenig von sich preisgibt? Ich habe deshalb versucht, so viele Quellen wie möglich zusammen- zutragen und viele Zeitzeugen und Wegbegleiter Aung San Suu Kyis zu befragen. Auch bei öffentlichen Auftritten habe ich sie oft beobachtet. Um Aung San Suu Kyi kennenzulernen und zu verstehen, reicht es nicht aus, ihren eigenen Werdegang zu beschreiben. Ihre Person ist nicht ohne die Geschichte ihres Vaters Aung San, des Nationalhelden, und auch nicht ohne die jüngere Geschichte ihres Landes zu erklären.
    [Show full text]
  • Aung San Suu Kyi – Voice of Freedom from the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
    DW • 4 Aung San Suu Kyi – Voice of Freedom from the Republic of the Union of Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi originated from the three relative names; “Aung San” from her father, “Suu” from her paternal grandmother and Kyi from her mother. If we literally translate the meaning of the name, we get “a bright collection of strange victories”. Some people believe that her fate was laid down at the start of her life and her name forecasted the proceedings of her life. Aung San Suu Kyi, born The lady is full of values on June 19, 1945, was the having a Buddhist back- third child in the family. She ground. She believes in had two brothers before her, non-violence following Aung San Lin and Aung San Gandhi’s theory. In 1991, Oo. Aung San Lin drowned The Nobel Peace Prize was at a young age in a lake near awarded to Suu Kyi for her house. Aung San Oo her “non-violent struggle moved to San Diego, Califor- for democracy and human nia, where he possesses US rights”. She would not citizenship. Her father, Aung wear a bulletproof vest San, was a military general because she thought she who commenced the Burma’s was protecting herself Independence but was assas- from the Burmese people. sinated when Suu Kyi was She was put under house only 2 years old. Following arrest for 15 years by the her father’s death, Khin Kyi, military junta but she her mother, became a well- would fight to survive known face in politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Photographs and Timeline of General Aung Photographs and Timeline Of
    Photographs and Timeline of General Aung San Burmese people call him “Bogyoke Aung San”; “Bogyoke” is a Burmese term for General. Ko Aung San and other members of Students’ Union (1936) Ko Aung San and other members of the Oway Magazine committee (1936) Ko Aung San, President of All Burma Students’ Union Bo Letyar, Bo Setkya and Bo Teza (1941) Bogyoke Aung San as a member of the Burma National Army. (April 1942) Wedding Photograph of Bogyoke Aung San and Daw Khin Kyi. (September 1942) Burma’s delegation to Japan (1943), General Aung San (far right) Bogyoke Aung San with Kachin Ethnic nationals (1946 December) Bogyoke Aung San in London. (January 1947) Bogyoke Aung San with Sir Hubert Rance. (January 1947) General Aung San in London (1947) General Aung San and British prime minister Clement Atlee in London, January 1947 Thakin Aung San making a speech (1947) Bogyoke Aung San’s statue in Rangoon, Burma General Aung San and his family Bogyoke Aung San and Daw Khin Kyi with their first child, Aung San Oo Bogyoke Aung San and his family (1946) Bogyoke Aung San Family (1947), Daw Khin Kyi (wife), Aung San Oo (eldest son), Aung San Linn (second son) and Aung San Suu Kyi. Bogyoke Aung San, Daw Su (his mother), Daw Khin Kyi and their children (Aung San Oo, Aung San Lin, and Aung San Suu Kyi). (April 1947) Bogyoke Aung San and his three children Daw Khin Kyi and her three children Daw Aung San Suu kyi in front of her father’s picture Aung San Oo (C), elder brother of Myanmar’s detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and his wife Lei Lei Nwe Thein (R) arrives to pay respect to his father, Burma’s late national hero General Aung San, on the occassion of the Martyrs’ Day in Yangon, 19 July 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • Recent Arrest List
    ARRESTS No. Name Sex /Age Father's Name Position Date of Arrest Section of Law Plaintiff Current Condition Address Remark S: 8 of the Export and Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD Import Law and S: 25 leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and of the Natural Superintendent Kyi President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s General Aung Disaster Management Lin of Special Branch, 1 (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi F State Counsellor (Chairman of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and San law, Penal Code - Dekkhina District regions were also detained. 505(B), S: 67 of the Administrator Telecommunications Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD S: 25 of the Natural leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Disaster Management Superintendent Myint President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s law, Penal Code - 2 (U) Win Myint M U Tun Kyin President (Vice Chairman-1 of NLD) 1-Feb-21 Naing, Dekkhina House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and 505(B), S: 67 of the District Administrator regions were also detained. Telecommunications Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s 3 (U) Henry Van Thio M Vice President 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and regions were also detained. Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Speaker of the Union Assembly, the President U Win Myint were detained.
    [Show full text]
  • A Political Biography of Aung San Suu Kyi; a Hybrid Politician
    A Political Biography ofA Political Aung San Suu Kyi Politics in Asia This book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi’s policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so A Political Biography of high and fallen so low – and so quickly – as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of ‘a hybrid politician’, this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi’s agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers Aung San Suu Kyi herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country’s tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both A Hybrid Politician Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi’s behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldwork in Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi’s case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies.
    [Show full text]