Anthropologists Compilation of List of Anthropologists VOL-01

VOL -01

2020

This book is a compilation from various sources and, is an Experimental approach to list the Anthropologists in this world.

Athaluri Santhosh Kumar

Anthropologists Compilation of List of Anthropologists VOL-01

Author Athaluri Santhosh Kumar

Independent Researcher

This book is a compilation from various sources and, is an Experimental approach to list the Anthropologists in this world.

First edition: 2020

Please email us for updates and corrections; we will amend in next edition,

All rights of this compilation are reserved with Author only.

All rights of the content are reserved by their original owners/authors only,

Disclaimer : the information provided in this book has been compiled from different Books/journals/reports/online available contents. Etc. The author/compiler and publisher do not claim over the original source of the contents,,etc. the author / publisher have made every effort to ensure the accuracy of the information within this book; however , they hereby disclaim any liability to any party for any loss, damage, or disruption caused by errors or omissions, whether such errors or omissions result from accident, negligence, or any other cause , For further clarification, the reader may refer to the GOI resources or other sources.

Dedicated To Mrs. Sangee

Contents 1. John Adair ...... 9

2. B. R. Ambedkar ...... 11

3. Giulio Angioni ...... 23

4. Jon Charles Altman...... 25

5.Arjun Appadurai ...... 31

6.Talal Asad ...... 37

7.Tim Asch ...... 41

8.Marc Augé ...... 48

9.Nigel Barley ...... 52

10.Fredrik Barth ...... 55

11. Keith H. Basso ...... 61

12. Daisy Bates ...... 63

13.Gregory Bateson ...... 73

14. Ruth Behar...... 91

15.Ruth Benedict...... 96

16.Dorothy A. Bennett ...... 107

17. Karl Hermann Berendt ...... 112

18. Lee Rogers Berger ...... 114

19. Brent Berlin ...... 123

20. Catherine Berndt ...... 137

21. Catherine L. Besteman ...... 139

22. Theodore C. Bestor ...... 143

23. Lewis Binford ...... 146

24. Evelyn Blackwood ...... 153

25. Wilhelm Bleek ...... 156

26. Anton Blok ...... 161

27. Franz Boas...... 165

28. Tom Boellstorff ...... 190

29. Paul Bohannan ...... 193

1. John Adair

John Adair (1913 in Memphis, Tennessee – December 14, 1997 in San Francisco, California), was an American anthropologist best known for work in visual anthropology but also very much involved and interested in applied anthropology.

After serving in World War II, he moved to the University of New Mexico to finish his graduate studies, becoming the University’s first doctoral candidate in anthropology in 1948. Adair than moved to Zuni with his pregnant wife Casey and their son. His sole purpose of moving to Zuni was to gather information that he could use in his dissertation, "The Veterans of World War II at Zuni Pueblo", which was never published.

Cornell University hired him in 1948. The school asked him to teach a series of field seminars in the Southwest. The resulting studies in the Southwest were published as the book First Look at Strangers in 1959.

Adair joined the Cornell-Navajo Field Health Research Project at Many Farms, located on the Navajo Reservation in Arizona, working there as chief anthropologist from 1953 to 1960. He, along with many other anthropologists, played an important role in this project. They were asked to provide anthropological insight, perspectives, and methodologies. Adair and two other anthropologists published a report of the project in The People’s Health in 1970 and later revised the report in 1988.

Adair worked with the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) from 1961 to 1964. At the conclusion of his work in the NIMH, he became Professor of Anthropology at San Francisco State University, where he remained until his retirement in 1978. He is also known for the 1972 book, Through Navajo Eyes: An Exploration in Film Communication and Anthropology, which he co-authored with Sol Worth.

References

1. Jump up to:a b c d e Pace, Eric (December 29, 1997). "John Adair, 84, Anthropologist Who Studied Navajo Culture". New York Times. New York City, New York: New York Times. Retrieved 2008-03-21. 2. Jump up to:a b Clifford Barnett; Richard Chalfen; James C. Faris; Susan Brown McGreevy; Willow Roberts Powers (Autumn 1999). "John Adair, 1913-1997: Work across the Anthropological Spectrum". Journal of Anthropological Research. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico. 55 (3): 429–445. JSTOR 00917710.

2. B. R. Ambedkar

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (14 April 1891 – 6 December 1956), also known as Babasaheb Ambedkar, was an Indian jurist, economist, politician and social reformer who inspired the Dalit Buddhist movement and campaigned against social discrimination towards the untouchables (Dalits). He was independent India's first law and justice minister, the major architect of the Constitution of India.

Ambedkar was a prolific student, earning doctorates in economics from both Columbia University and the London School of Economics, and gained a reputation as a scholar for his research in law, economics and political science. In his early career he was an economist, professor, and lawyer. His later life was marked by his political activities; he became involved in campaigning and negotiations for India's independence, publishing journals, advocating political rights and social freedom for Dalits, and contributing significantly to the establishment of the state of India. In 1956 he converted to Buddhism, initiating mass conversions of Dalits.

In 1990, the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award, was posthumously conferred upon Ambedkar. Ambedkar's legacy includes numerous memorials and depictions in popular culture.

Ambedkar was born on 14 April 1891 in the town and military cantonment of Mhow in the Central Provinces (now in Madhya Pradesh). He was the 14th and last child of Ramji Maloji Sakpal, an army officer who held the rank of Subedar, and Bhimabai Sakpal, daughter of Laxman Murbadkar. His family was of Marathi background from the town of Ambadawe (Mandangad taluka) in Ratnagiri district of modern- day Maharashtra. Ambedkar was born into a poor low Mahar (dalit) caste,

11 who were treated as untouchables and subjected to socio-economic discrimination. Ambedkar's ancestors had long worked for the army of the British East India Company, and his father served in the British Indian Army at the Mhow cantonment. Although they attended school, Ambedkar and other untouchable children were segregated and given little attention or help by teachers. They were not allowed to sit inside the class. When they needed to drink water, someone from a higher caste had to pour that water from a height as they were not allowed to touch either the water or the vessel that contained it. This task was usually performed for the young Ambedkar by the school peon, and if the peon was not available then he had to go without water; he described the situation later in his writings as "No peon, No Water". He was required to sit on a gunny sack which he had to take home with him.

Ramji Sakpal retired in 1894 and the family moved to Satara two years later. Shortly after their move, Ambedkar's mother died. The children were cared for by their paternal aunt and lived in difficult circumstances. Three sons – Balaram, Anandrao and Bhimrao – and two daughters – Manjula and Tulasa – of the Ambedkars survived them. Of his brothers and sisters, only Ambedkar passed his examinations and went to high school. His original surname was Sakpal but his father registered his name as Ambadawekar in school, meaning he comes from his native village 'Ambadawe' in Ratnagiri district. His Devrukhe Brahmin teacher, Krishna Keshav Ambedkar, changed his surname from 'Ambadawekar' to his own surname 'Ambedkar' in school records.

Education

In 1897, Ambedkar's family moved to Mumbai where Ambedkar became the only untouchable enrolled at Elphinstone High School. In 1906, when he was about 15 years old, his marriage to a nine-year-old girl, Ramabai, was arranged.

In 1907, he passed his matriculation examination and in the following year he entered Elphinstone College, which was affiliated to the University of Bombay, becoming, according to him, the first from his

Mahar caste to do so. When he passed his English fourth standard examinations, the people of his community wanted to celebrate because they considered that he had reached "great heights" which he says was "hardly an occasion compared to the state of education in other communities". A public ceremony was evoked, to celebrate his success, by the community, and it was at this occasion that he was presented with a biography of the Buddha by Dada Keluskar, the author and a family friend.

By 1912, he obtained his degree in economics and political science from Bombay University, and prepared to take up employment with the Baroda state government. His wife had just moved his young family and started work when he had to quickly return to Mumbai to see his ailing father, who died on 2 February 1913.

Postgraduate studies at Columbia University

In 1913, Ambedkar moved to the United States at the age of 22. He had been awarded a Baroda State Scholarship of £11.50 (Sterling) per month for three years under a scheme established by Sayajirao Gaekwad III (Gaekwad of Baroda) that was designed to provide opportunities for postgraduate education at Columbia University in New York City. Soon after arriving there he settled in rooms at Livingston Hall with Naval Bhathena, a Parsi who was to be a lifelong friend. He passed his M.A. exam in June 1915, majoring in Economics, and other subjects of Sociology, History, Philosophy and Anthropology. He presented a thesis, Ancient Indian Commerce. Ambedkar was influenced by John Dewey and his work on democracy.

In 1916 he completed his second thesis, National Dividend of India - A Historic and Analytical Study, for another M.A., and finally he received his PhD in Economics in 1927 for his third thesis, after he left for London. On 9 May, he presented the paper Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development before a seminar conducted by the anthropologist Alexander Goldenweiser.

Ambedkar (In center line, first from right) with his professors and friends from the London School of Economics (1916-17)

In October 1916, he enrolled for the Bar course at Gray's Inn, and at the same time enrolled at the London School of Economics where he started working on a doctoral thesis. In June 1917, he returned to India because his scholarship from Baroda ended. His book collection was dispatched on different ship from the one he was on, and that ship was torpedoed and sunk by a German submarine. He got permission to return to London to submit his thesis within four years. He returned at the first opportunity, and completed a master's degree in 1921. His thesis was on "The problem of the rupee: Its origin and its solution". In 1923, he completed a D.Sc. in Economics, and the same year he was called to the Bar by Gray's Inn. His third and fourth Doctorates (LL.D, Columbia, 1952 and D.Litt., Osmania, 1953) were conferred honoris causa.

Opposition to Aryan invasion theory

Ambedkar viewed the Shudras as Aryan and adamantly rejected the Aryan invasion theory, describing it as "so absurd that it ought to have been dead long ago" in his 1946 book Who Were the Shudras?.

Ambedkar viewed Shudras as originally being "part of the Kshatriya Varna in the Indo-Aryan society", but became socially degraded after they inflicted many tyrannies on Brahmins.

According to Arvind Sharma, Ambedkar noticed certain flaws in the Aryan invasion theory that were later acknowledged by western scholarship. For example, scholars now acknowledge anās in Rig Veda 5.29.10 refers to speech rather than the shape of the nose. Ambedkar anticipated this modern view by stating:

The term Anasa occurs in Rig Veda V.29.10. What does the word mean? There are two interpretations. One is by Prof. Max Muller. The other is by Sayanacharya. According to Prof. Max Muller, it means 'one without nose' or 'one with a flat nose' and has as such been relied upon as a piece of evidence in support of the view that the Aryans were a separate race from the Dasyus. Sayanacharya says that it means 'mouthless,' i.e., devoid of good speech.

This difference of meaning is due to difference in the correct reading of the word Anasa. Sayanacharya reads it as an-asa while Prof. Max Muller reads it as a-nasa. As read by Prof. Max Muller, it means 'without nose.' Question is : which of the two readings is the correct one? There is no reason to hold that Sayana's reading is wrong. On the other hand there is everything to suggest that it is right. In the first place, it does not make non-sense of the word. Secondly, as there is no other place where the Dasyus are described as noseless, there is no reason why the word should be read in such a manner as to give it an altogether new sense. It is only fair to read it as a synonym of Mridhravak. There is therefore no evidence in support of the conclusion that the Dasyus belonged to a different race.

Ambedkar disputed various hypotheses of the Aryan homeland being outside India, and concluded the Aryan homeland was India itself. According to Ambedkar, the Rig Veda says Aryans, Dāsa and Dasyus were competing religious groups, not different peoples.

Opposition to Untouchability

As Ambedkar was educated by the Princely State of Baroda, he was bound to serve it. He was appointed Military Secretary to the Gaikwad but had to quit in a short time. He described the incident in his autobiography, Waiting for a Visa.[25] Thereafter, he tried to find ways to make a living for his growing family. He worked as a private tutor, as an accountant, and established an investment consulting business, but it failed when his clients learned that he was an untouchable. In 1918, he became Professor of Political Economy in the Sydenham College of Commerce and Economics in Mumbai. Although he was successful with the students, other professors objected to his sharing a drinking-water jug with them.

Ambedkar had been invited to testify before the Southborough Committee, which was preparing the Government of India Act 1919. At this hearing, Ambedkar argued for creating separate electorates and reservations for untouchables and other religious communities. In 1920, he began the publication of the

15 weekly Mooknayak (Leader of the Silent) in Mumbai with the help of Shahu of Kolhapur i.e. Shahu IV (1874–1922).

Ambedkar went on to work as a legal professional. In 1926, he successfully defended three non-Brahmin leaders who had accused the Brahmin community of ruining India and were then subsequently sued for libel. Dhananjay Keer notes that "The victory was resounding, both socially and individually, for the clients and the doctor".

While practising law in the Bombay High Court, he tried to promote education to untouchables and uplift them. His first organised attempt was his establishment of the central institution Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha, intended to promote education and socio-economic improvement, as well as the welfare of "outcastes", at the time referred to as depressed classes. For the defence of Dalit rights, he started many periodicals like Mook Nayak, Bahishkrit Bharat, and Equality Janta.

He was appointed to the Bombay Presidency Committee to work with the all-European Simon Commission in 1925. This commission had sparked great protests across India, and while its report was ignored by most Indians, Ambedkar himself wrote a separate set of recommendations for the future Constitution of India.

By 1927, Ambedkar had decided to launch active movements against untouchability. He began with public movements and marches to open up public drinking water resources. He also began a struggle for the right to enter Hindu temples. He led a satyagraha in Mahad to fight for the right of the untouchable community to draw water from the main water tank of the town. In a conference in late 1927, Ambedkar publicly condemned the classic Hindu text, the Manusmriti (Laws of Manu), for ideologically justifying caste discrimination and "untouchability", and he ceremonially burned copies of the ancient text. On 25 December 1927, he led thousands of followers to burn copies of Manusmrti. Thus annually 25 December is celebrated as Manusmriti Dahan Din (Manusmriti Burning Day) by Ambedkarites and Dalits.

In 1930, Ambedkar launched Kalaram Temple movement after three months of preparation. About 15,000 volunteers assembled at Kalaram Temple satygraha making one of the greatest processions

16 of Nashik. The procession was headed by a military band, a batch of scouts, women and men walked in discipline, order and determination to see the god for the first time. When they reached to gate, the gates were closed by Brahmin authorities.

Legacy

Ambedkar's legacy as a socio-political reformer, had a deep effect on modern India. In post-Independence India, his socio-political thought is respected across the political spectrum. His initiatives have influenced various spheres of life and transformed the way India today looks at socio-economic policies, education and affirmative action through socio-economic and legal incentives. His reputation as a scholar led to his appointment as free India's first law minister, and chairman of the committee for drafting the constitution. He passionately believed in individual freedom and criticised caste society. His accusations of Hinduism as being the foundation of the caste system made him controversial and unpopular among Hindus. His conversion to Buddhism sparked a revival in interest in Buddhist philosophy in India and abroad.

Many public institutions are named in his honour, and the Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar International Airport in Nagpur, otherwise known as Sonegaon Airport. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar National Institute of Technology, Jalandhar, Ambedkar University Delhi is also named in his honour.

The Maharashtra government has acquired a house in London where Ambedkar lived during his days as a student in the 1920s. The house is expected to be converted into a museum-cum-memorial to Ambedkar.

Ambedkar was voted "the Greatest Indian" in 2012 by a poll which didn't included Mahatma Gandhi, citing it was not possible to beat him in the poll. The poll was organised by History TV18 and CNN IBN. Nearly 20 million votes were cast. Due to his role in economics, Narendra Jadhav, a notable Indian economist, has said that Ambedkar was "the highest educated Indian economist of all times." Amartya Sen, said that Ambedkar is "father of my economics", and "he was highly controversial

17 figure in his home country, though it was not the reality. His contribution in the field of economics is marvelous and will be remembered forever."

Ambedkar's legacy was not without criticism. Ambedkar has been criticised for his one-sided views on the issue of untouchability at the expense of cooperation with the larger nationalist movement. Ambedkar has been also criticised by some of his biographers over his neglect of organization-building.

Ambedkar's political philosophy has given rise to a large number of political parties, publications and workers' unions that remain active across India, especially in Maharashtra. His promotion of Buddhism has rejuvenated interest in Buddhist philosophy among sections of population in India. Mass conversion ceremonies have been organised by human rights activists in modern times, emulating Ambedkar's Nagpur ceremony of 1956. Some Indian Buddhists regard him as a Bodhisattva, although he never claimed it himself. Outside India, during the late 1990s, some Hungarian Romani people drew parallels between their own situation and that of the downtrodden people in India. Inspired by Ambedkar, they started to convert to Buddhism.

In popular culture

Several movies, plays, and other works have been based on the life and thoughts of Ambedkar. Jabbar Patel directed the English- language film Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in 2000 with Mammootty in the lead role. This biopic was sponsored by the National Film Development Corporation of India and the government's Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. The film was released after a long and controversial gestation. David Blundell, professor of anthropology at UCLA and historical ethnographer, has established Arising Light – a series of films and events that are intended to stimulate interest and knowledge about the social conditions in India and the life of Ambedkar. In Samvidhaan, a TV mini-series on the making of the Constitution of India directed by Shyam Benegal, the pivotal role of B. R. Ambedkar was played by Sachin Khedekar. The play Ambedkar Aur Gandhi, directed by Arvind

Gaur and written by Rajesh Kumar, tracks the two prominent personalities of its title.

Bhimayana: Experiences of Untouchability is a graphic biography of Ambedkar created by Pardhan-Gond artists Durgabai Vyam and Subhash Vyam, and writers Srividya Natarajan and S. Anand. The book depicts the experiences of untouchability faced by Ambedkar from childhood to adulthood. CNN named it one of the top 5 political comic books.

The Ambedkar Memorial at Lucknow is dedicated in his memory. The chaitya consists of monuments showing his biography.

Google commemorated Ambedkar's 124th birthday through a homepage doodle[126] on 14 April 2015. The doodle was featured in India, Argentina, Chile, Ireland, Peru, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom.

Works

The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra (Mumbai) published the collection of Ambedkar's writings and speeches in different volumes.

 Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development and 11 Other Essays  Ambedkar in the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences, 1927–1939  Philosophy of Hinduism; India and the Pre-requisites of Communism; Revolution and Counter-revolution; Buddha or Karl Marx  Riddles in Hinduism  Essays on Untouchables and Untouchability  The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India  The Untouchables Who Were They And Why They Became Untouchables ?  The Annihilation of Caste (1936)  Pakistan or the Partition of India  What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables

 Ambedkar as member of the Governor General's Executive Council, 1942– 46  The Buddha and his Dhamma  Unpublished Writings; Ancient Indian Commerce; Notes on laws; Waiting for a Visa ; Miscellaneous notes, etc.  Ambedkar as the principal architect of the Constitution of India  (2 parts) Dr. Ambedkar and The Hindu Code Bill  Ambedkar as Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Indian Parliament (1947–1956)  The Pali Grammar  Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Struggle for Human Rights. Events starting from March 1927 to 17 November 1956 in the chronological order; Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Socio- political and religious activities. Events starting from November 1929 to 8 May 1956 in the chronological order; Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Speeches. (Events starting from 1 January to 20 November 1956 in the chronological order.)

References

1. Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1900s" (PHP). Archived from the original on 6 January 2012. Retrieved 5 January 2012. 2. Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1940s". Archived from the original on 23 June 2012. Retrieved 13 June 2012. 3. "Archives released by LSE reveal BR Ambedkar's time as a scholar". 9 February 2016. Archived from the original on 9 February 2016. 4. ^ Buswell, Robert Jr; Lopez, Donald S. Jr., eds. (2013). Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. p. 34. ISBN 9780691157863. 5. ^ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2005). Ambedkar and Untouchability: Fighting the Indian Caste System. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 2. ISBN 0-231-13602-1. 6. Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1890s" (PHP). Archived from the original on 7 September 2006. Retrieved 2 August 2006.

7. "Mahar". Encyclopædia Britannica. britannica.com. Archived from the original on 30 November 2011. Retrieved 12 January 2012. 8. Ahuja, M. L. (2007). "Babasaheb Ambedkar". Eminent Indians : administrators and political thinkers. New Delhi: Rupa. pp. 1922– 1923. ISBN 978-8129111074. Archived from the original on 23 December 2016. Retrieved 17 July 2013. 9. Ambedkar, B. R. "Waiting for a Visa". Frances Pritchett, translator. Columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 24 June 2010. Retrieved 17 July 2010. 10. Kurian, Sangeeth. "Human rights education in schools". The Hindu. 11. https://m.divyamarathi.bhaskar.com/news/MAH-MUM- ambedkars-teacher-family-saving-memories-of-ambedkar-5489831- NOR.html 12. "Bhim, Eklavya". outlookindia.com. Archived from the original on 11 August 2010. Retrieved 17 July 2010. 13. Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1910s" (PHP). Archived from the original on 23 November 2011. Retrieved 5 January 2012. 14. "Ambedkar teacher". 31 March 2016. Archived from the original on 3 April 2016. 15. "Bhimrao Ambedkar". columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 10 February 2014. 16. ^ "Rescuing Ambedkar from pure Dalitism: He would've been India's best Prime Minister". Archived from the original on 6 November 2015. 17. ^ Kshīrasāgara, Rāmacandra (1 January 1994). Dalit Movement in India and Its Leaders, 1857-1956. M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. ISBN 9788185880433. Retrieved 2 November2016 – via Google Books. 18. ^ Bryant, Edwin (2001). The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture, Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 50– 51. ISBN 9780195169478 19. ^ Bryant, Edwin. The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. pp. 50.

20. ^ Jump up to:a b Sharma, Arvind (2005), "Dr. B. R. Ambedkar on the Aryan Invasion and the Emergence of the Caste System in India", J Am Acad Relig (September 2005) 73 (3): 849. 21. ^ Sharma, Arvind (2005), "Dr. B. R. Ambedkar on the Aryan Invasion and the Emergence of the Caste System in India", J Am Acad Relig (September 2005) 73 (3): 851.

3. Giulio Angioni

Giulio Angioni (28 October 1939 – 12 January 2017) was an Italian writer and anthropologist.

Angioni was a leading Italian anthropologist, professor at the University of Cagliari and fellow of St Antony's College of the University of Oxford. He is the author of about twenty books of fiction and a dozen volumes of essays in anthropology.

In his anthropological essays (especially in Fare, dire, sentire: l’identico e il diverso nelle culture, 2011), Angioni places the variety of forms of the human life in a dimension of maximum amplitude of time and space, starting from the anthropopoietic value of doing, saying, thinking and feeling as interrelated dimensions (although usually separate and hierarchical) of human 'nature', which here is understood as characterized by culture, i. e. the human ability of continuous learning. In particular Angioni criticizes two western clichés: the superiority of speech as a solely human feature, and the separateness of the aesthetic dimension from the rest of life.

Best known as a writer, Angioni is considered along with Sergio Atzeni and Salvatore Mannuzzu, to have been one of the initiators of a so-called Sardinian Literary Spring, the Sardinian narrative of today in the European arena (with the work of authors such as Salvatore Niffoi, Alberto Capitta, Giorgio Todde, Michela Murgia and many others), which followed the works of individual prominent figures such as Grazia Deledda, Emilio Lussu, Giuseppe Dessì, Gavino Ledda, Salvatore Satta.

The best novels of Angioni are considered to be Le fiamme di Toledo (Flames of Toledo), Assandira, Doppio cielo (Double sky), L'oro di Fraus (The gold of Fraus). His poetic works (Tempus in 2008, Oremari in 2011) in Sardinian language and Italian came later in his career.

Literary works

 L'oro di Fraus (Editori Riuniti 1988, Il Maestrale 2000)  Il sale sulla ferita (Marsilio [it] 1990, Il Maestrale 2010), finalist at the Premio Viareggio 1990  Una ignota compagnia (Feltrinelli 1992, Il Maestrale 2007), finalist at the Premio Viareggio 1992  La casa della palma (Avagliano 2002)  Millant'anni (Il Maestrale 2002, 2009)  Il mare intorno (Sellerio 2003)  Assandira (Sellerio 2004)  Alba dei giorni bui (Il Maestrale 2005, 2009), Premio Dessi 2005  Le fiamme di Toledo (Sellerio 2006), Premio Corrado Alvaro 2006, Premio Mondello 2006  La pelle intera (Il Maestrale 2007)  Afa (Sellerio 2008)  Gabbiani sul Carso (Sellerio 2010)  Doppio cielo (Il Maestrale 2010)  Sulla faccia della terra (2015)

References

1. Francesco Bachis and Antonio Maria Pusceddu, Promemoria bibliografico delle opere di Giulio Angioni, in F. Bachis, A.M. Pusceddu (eds), Cose da prendere sul serio. Le antropologie di Giulio Angioni, Il Maestrale, Nuoro: 365-383. ISBN 978-88-6429-160-4. 2. Francesco Bachis, Antonio Maria Pusceddu (2015). Cose da prendere sul serio. Le antropologie di Giulio Angioni. Nuoro: Il Maestrale. ISBN 978-88-6429-160-4.

4. Jon Charles Altman

Professor Jon Charles Altman AM (born 8 September 1954) is a social scientist with a disciplinary focus on anthropology and economics. He is an emeritus professor of the Australian National University currently affiliated to the Regulatory Institutions Network (RegNet), College of Asia and the Pacific, ANU. He was the founding director of the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) at the Australian National University (1990 to 2010) and then a research professor there until 2014 when he retired.

He is a Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia and an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of New Zealand.

From 2008 to 2013 he was an Australian Research Council Australian Professorial Fellow.

In late 2015 Altman moved to Melbourne to take up an appointment from 1 February 2016 as research professor at the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalization at Deakin University.

Altman was born in Haifa, Israel and attended school in New Zealand. In 1973 he completed a BA in Economics and Philosophy at the University of Auckland and went on to complete a MA (Hons) in Economics. Altman relocated to Australia in 1976.

Jon Altman is a an emeritus professor of the Australian National University located at the School of Regulation and Global Governance (RegNet) in the Colleage of Asia and the Pacific. From 2016-2019 he was research professor in anthropology at the Alfred Deakin Institute for

Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University, Melbourne where he remains in an honorary capacity.

He has a disciplinary background in economics and anthropology. Professor Altman held a number of post-doctoral research appointments at ANU before being appointed the foundation director of the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) from April 1990-April 2010. Since 2001 Professor Altman has been an adjunct Professorial Fellow at the School for Environmental Research at Charles Darwin University in Darwin. In 2003, Professor Altman was elected a Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia and in 2012 an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of New Zealand. Professor Altman was an ARC Australian Professorial Fellow (2008 to 2013) focusing his research efforts on the project 'Hybrid Economic Futures for Remote Indigenous Australia'.

Career

In his early career Altman sought to examine Indigenous disadvantage from an economic rather than the then dominant social welfare perspective and to place Indigenous economic development issues in a comparative international context.

Between 1978 and 1982 Altman completed a PhD in Anthropology at the Australian National University. He used ethnographic methods and comparative analysis from the field of economic anthropology to examine Aboriginal ways of living at remote outstations on Aboriginal-owned land. He undertook fieldwork amongst the Kuninjku people in Western Arnhem Land.

Throughout the 1980s he undertook a series of research projects about Indigenous engagement with new industries including mining, tourism, and the visual arts. He collaborated with Chris Gregory, an anthropologist at the Australian National University, to theorise and document this methodology.

In 1990, Altman established the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) at the Australian National University as a

multidisciplinary centre to enhance Australia’s capacity to undertake social sciences research about the economic situation of Indigenous people. He was director of the Centre from 1990 to 2010. Since 2001, he has focused his research on the hybrid economy framework and theory that encompasses the intercultural nature of Aboriginal livelihood approaches particularly in remote regions, the articulations between customary, market and state sectors of remote Aboriginal economies.

Since 2006, Altman shifted his intellectual focus to political ecology and critical development studies. He has been an outspoken critic of policies of the Australian government in Indigenous affairs, labelling them "neoliberal assimilation" and "neo paternalist". Since the 2007 Northern Territory National Emergency Response, he has co-edited two books with his partner, anthropologist Melinda Hinkson, criticising the intervention.

Altman was made a Member of the Order of Australia (AM) in the 2017 Australia Day Honour's list for significant service to tertiary education as a researcher and administrator, and to the social sciences and Indigenous economic policy.

Areas of expertise

 Economic Development Policy  Social Policy  Aboriginal And Torres Strait Islander Environmental Knowledge  Studies Of Aboriginal And Torres Strait Islander Society  Aboriginal And Torres Strait Islander Policy  Social And Cultural Anthropology  Natural Resource Management  Labour Economics  Public Policy  Australian Government And Politics  Heterodox Economics  Environment And Resource Economics  Applied Economics

Research interests Professor Altman's research interests include: Sustainable economic development and associated policy issues for Indigenous Australia; the hybrid economy framework; the economic engagement of Indigenous people with the Australian and global economies (especially in mining, tourism, arts industries and emerging industries); sustainable commercial utilisation of wildlife and fisheries; the Indigenous customary economy and its articulations with the market; land rights, native title and Indigenous land management; and theoretical issues in economic and development anthropology.

Professor Altman undertook fieldwork for his doctorate in the Maningrida region, central Arnhem Land in 1979-81 and has maintained vibrant and diverse research relations with this region for over twenty years. He has also undertaken field research in north Queensland, the Torres Strait, the Kimberleys and Central Australia.

Professor Altman is currently involved in a number of ARC projects including his own on 'Hybrid Economic Futures for Remote Indigenous Australia' and as a Chief Investigator on an ARC Linkage project 'More than a Roof Overhead: Meeting the Need for a Sustainable Housing System in Remote Indigenous Communities' based at RMIT University. Other research he is currently undertaking focuses on Indigenous interests in fresh water, as an adviser to the Indigenous Water Policy Group and the Northern Australia Indigenous Land and Sea Management Alliance (NAILSMA). A major project he is directing, largely sponsored by the Sidney Myer Trust, is the 'People On Country, Healthy Landscapes, and Indigenous Economic Futures' project that began in November 2007.

Jon maintains a research and policy advisory network with many Indigenous and other organisations. At the community level he works closely with the Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation in Maningrida and the Laynhapuy Homelands Centre in Yirrkala; at a regional level he collaborates with the North Australia Indigenous Land and Sea Management Aliance (NAILSMA) and with the Aboriginal Peak

Organisations of the Northern Territory and Aboriginal land councils that he advises. At the national level he works with the Australian Council for Social Services (ACOSS) and the Policy and Advocacy Committee of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.

References

1. ^ "Professor Jon Altman". The Australian National University, Canberra. 2. ^ "Jon Altman - CAEPR Foundation Director, Visiting Fellow". The Australian National University, Canberra. Archived from the original on 2013-04-21. 3. ^https://web.archive.org/web/20120408035008/https://www.assa .edu.au/fellows/profile.php?id=433. Archived from the original on April 8, 2012. Retrieved May 7, 2012. Missing or empty |title= (help) 4. ^ "Jon Altman". ABC News. 5. ^ Altman, J.C. and Nieuwenhuysen, J.P. 1979. The Economic Status of Australian Aborigines, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. xix & 230 (republished in 2006 as a Cambridge paperback). 6. ^ Altman, J.C. 1987. Hunter-Gatherers Today: An Aboriginal Economy in North Australia, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, pp. xvi & 251. 7. ^ Altman, J.C. 1983. Aborigines and Mining Royalties in the Northern Territory, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, pp. xvii & 164. 8. ^ Altman, J.C. 1988. Aborigines, Tourism, and Development: the Northern Territory Experience, North Australia Research Unit of the Australian National University, Darwin, pp. xvi & 345. 9. ^ Altman, J.C. 1989. The Aboriginal Arts and Craft Industry, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, pp. xviii & 376. 10. ^ Gregory, C.A. and Altman, J.C. 1989. Observing the Economy, ASA Research Methods in Social Anthropology 3, Routledge, London, pp. x & 252.

11. ^ Russell, Susie (May 2011). "The Hybrid Economy Topic Guide" (PDF). Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research. (Page information missing) 12. ^ Altman, J.C. and Hinkson, M. (eds) 2010. Culture Crisis: Anthropology and Politics in Aboriginal Australia, UNSW Press, Sydney, pp. xvi & 288. 13. ^ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017_Australia_Day_Honours 14. https://researchers.anu.edu.au/researchers/altman-jc

5.Arjun Appadurai

Arjun Appadurai (born 1949) is an Indian-American anthropologist recognized as a major theorist in globalization studies. In his anthropological work, he discusses the importance of the modernity of nation states and globalization.

Arjun Appadurai was born in 1949 and raised in Bombay, India, and went to the United States where he obtained a Ph.D. at the University of Chicago. He was the former University of Chicago professor of anthropology and South Asian Languages and Civilizations, Humanities Dean of the University of Chicago, director of the city center and globalization at Yale University, he was a senior tutor at New College of the Global Initiative, and the Education and Human Development Studies professor at NYU Steinhardt School of Culture.

Arjun Appadurai has presided over Chicago globalization plan, as many public and private organizations (such as the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, UNESCO, the World Bank, etc.) consultant and long-term concern issues of globalization, modernity and ethnic conflicts. "Some of his most important works include Worship and Conflict under Colonial Rule (1981), Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy (1990), of which an expanded version is found in Modernity at Large (1996), and Fear of Small Numbers (2006). He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1997."

Appadurai held many scholarships and grants, and has received numerous academic honors, including the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (California) and the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, as well as individual research fellowship from the Open Society Institute (New York). He was elected Arts and Sciences in

1997, the American Academy of Sciences. In 2013, he was awarded an honorary doctorate Erasmus University in the Netherlands.

He also served as a consultant or adviser, extensive public and private organizations, including many large foundations (Ford, MacArthur and Rockefeller); the UNESCO; UNDP; World Bank; the US National Endowment for the Humanities; National Science Foundation; and Infosys Foundation. He currently serves as the Asian Art Program Advisory Committee members in the Solomon Guggenheim Museum, and the forum D 'Avignon Paris Scientific Advisory Board.

Appadurai was born into a Tamil family in Mumbai (Bombay), India and educated in India. He graduated from St. Xavier's High School, Fort, Mumbai, and earned his Intermediate Arts degree from Elphinstone College, Mumbai, before moving to the United States. then received his B.A. from Brandeis University in 1970.

He was formerly a professor at the University of Chicago where he received his M.A. (1973) and Ph.D (1976) in Anthropology. After working there, he spent a brief time at Yale.

Appadurai taught for many years at the University of Pennsylvania, in the departments of Anthropology and South Asia Studies. During his years at Penn, in 1984, he hosted a conference through the Penn Ethnohistory program; this conference led to the publication of the volume called The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (1986). Later he joined the faculty at the New School University. He currently is a faculty member of New York University's Media Culture and Communication department in the Steinhardt School.

Some of his most important works include Worship and Conflict under Colonial Rule (1981), Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy (1990), of which an expanded version is found in Modernity at Large (1996), and Fear of Small Numbers (2006). In The Social Life of Things (1986), Appadurai argued that commodities do not only have economic value; they have political value and social lives as well. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1997.

His doctoral work was based on the car festival held in the Parthasarathi temple in Triplicane, Madras. Arjun Appadurai is member of the Advisory Board of the Forum d'Avignon, international meetings of culture, the economy and the media.

In 2004, after a brief time as administrator at Yale University, Appadurai became Provost of New School University. Appadurai's resignation from the Provost's office was announced 30 January 2006 by New School President Bob Kerrey. He held the John Dewey Distinguished Professorship in the Social Sciences at New School.[1] Appadurai became one of the more outspoken critics of President Kerrey when he attempted to appoint himself provost in 2008

In 2008 it was announced that Appadurai was appointed Goddard Professor of Media, Culture, and Communication at the NYU Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development [5]

Affiliations

Appadurai is a co-founder of the academic journal Public Culture;[6] founder of the non-profit Partners for Urban Knowledge, Action and Research (PUKAR) in Mumbai; co-founder and co-director of Interdisciplinary Network on Globalization (ING); and a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He has served as a consultant or advisor to a wide range of public and private organizations, including the Ford, Rockefeller and MacArthur foundations; UNESCO; the World Bank; and the National Science Foundation.

In his best known work 'Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy' Appadurai lays out his meta theory of disjuncture. For him the ‘new global cultural economy has to be seen as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order’.[7] This order is composed of different interrelated, yet disjunctive global cultural flows,[8] specifically the following five:

1. ethnoscapes; the migration of people across cultures and borders 2. mediascapes; the variety of media that shape the way we understand our world

3. technoscapes; the scope and movement of technology (mechanical and informational) around the world 4. financescapes; the worldwide flux of money and capital 5. ideoscapes; the global flow of ideas and ideologies

The social imaginary

Appadurai articulated a view of cultural activity known as the social imaginary, which is composed of the five dimensions of global cultural flows.He describes his articulation of the imaginary as:

The image, the imagined, the imaginary – these are all terms that direct us to something critical and new in global cultural processes: the imagination as a social practice. No longer mere fantasy (opium for the masses whose real work is somewhere else), no longer simple escape (from a world defined principally by more concrete purposes and structures), no longer elite pastime (thus not relevant to the lives of ordinary people), and no longer mere contemplation (irrelevant for new forms of desire and subjectivity), the imagination has become an organized field of social practices, a form of work (in the sense of both labor and culturally organized practice), and a form of negotiation between sites of agency (individuals) and globally defined fields of possibility. This unleashing of the imagination links the play of pastiche (in some settings) to the terror and coercion of states and their competitors. The imagination is now central to all forms of agency, is itself a social fact, and is the key component of the new global order.

Appadurai credits Benedict Anderson with developing notions of imagined communities. Some key figures who have worked on the imaginary are Cornelius Castoriadis, Charles Taylor, Jacques Lacan (who especially worked on the symbolic, in contrast with imaginary and the real), and Dilip Gaonkar. However, Appadurai's ethnography of urban social movements in the city of Mumbai has proved to be contentious with several scholars like the Canadian anthropologist, Judith Whitehead arguing that SPARC (an organization which Appadurai espouses as an instance of progressive social activism in housing) being complicit in the World Bank's agenda for re-developing Mumbai.

Publications

 2016 Banking on Words: The Failure of Language in the Age of Derivative Finance. The University of Chicago Press.

 2013 The Future as Cultural Fact: Essays on the Global Condition. Verso.

 2012 Co-editor (with A. Mack) India's World: The Politics of Creativity in a Globalized Society.

 2007 Worship and Conflict under Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case. Cambridge University Press.

 2006 Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

 2002 Globalization (edited volume). Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

 2001 Deep democracy: urban governmentality and the horizon of politics. Environment and Urbanization, (Vol. 13 No. 2), pp. 23–43.

 2001 La Modernidad Desbordada. (Translation of Modernity At Large) Uruguay and Argentina: Ediciones Trilces and Fondo de Cultura Economica de Argentina.

 2001 Apres le Colonialisme: Les Consequences Culturelles de la globalisation. (Translation of Modernity At Large) Paris: Payot.

 2001 Modernità in polvere. (Translation of Modernity At Large) Rome: Meltemi Editore.

 1996 Modernity At Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

 1991 Co-editor (with M. Mills and F. Korom, Eds.), Gender, Genre and Power in South Asian Expressive Traditions. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

 1988 Guest Editor, Special Issue of Cultural Anthropology on "Place and Voice in Anthropological Theory" (Vol. 3, No. 1).

 1988 "How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India," Comparative Studies in Society and History (Vol. 31, No. 1): 3-24.

1987 Guest Editor (with Carol A. Breckenridge), Special Annual Issue of The India Magazine (New Delhi) on "Public Culture".

 1986 The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (edited volume). New York: Cambridge University Press.

 1983 (Reprint). Worship and Conflict Under Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case. New Delhi: Orient Longman.

 1981 Worship and Conflict Under Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

References

 Airoots Interviews Arjun Appadurai Archived 2012-07-22 at Archive.today 21 September 2008.  "American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 May 2011" (PDF).  Bello, Paula (2010). "The Shifting Global Landscapes of Things: Goodscapes". Design and Culture. 2 (1): 63– 78. doi:10.2752/175470710X12593419555207.  "Book of Members, 1780-2010: Chapter A" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 May 2011. Retrieved 19 April 2011.  NYU Steinhardt Appoints Arjun Appadurai As Goddard Professor of Media, Culture, nd Communication NYU, Monday, 15 September 2008.  Public Culture Public Culture website  "Disjuncture and Difference", Modernity at Large, 32  Josiah McC. Heyman, Howard Campbell (2009) "The Anthropology of Global Flows:A critical reading of Appadurai's `Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy", Anthropological Theory(9:2) 131-148, 133.  "Disjuncture and Difference", Modernity at Large, 31

6.Talal Asad

Talal Asad (born 1932) is an American cultural anthropologist at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Asad has made important theoretical contributions to post colonialism, Christianity, Islam, and ritual studies and has recently called for, and initiated, an anthropology of secularism. Using a genealogical method developed by Friedrich Nietzsche and made prominent by Michel Foucault, Asad "complicates terms of comparison that many anthropologists, theologians, philosophers, and political scientists receive as the unexamined background of thinking, judgment, and action as such. By doing so, he creates clearings, opening new possibilities for communication, connection, and creative invention where opposition or studied indifference prevailed".

His long-term research concerns the transformation of religious law (sharia) in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Egypt with special reference to arguments about what constitutes secular and progressive reform.

Asad was born in April 1932 in Medina, Saudi Arabia, to the Austrian diplomat, writer, and reformer Muhammad Asad, a Jew who converted to Islam in his mid-20s, and a Saudi Arabian Muslim mother, Munira Hussein Al Shammari (died 1978). He was raised in Pakistan.

Asad graduated from the University of Edinburgh with an undergraduate degree in 1959 and from the University of Oxford with a Bachelor of Letters degree and, in 1968, a Doctor of Philosophy degree. He worked at University of Khartoum and the University of Hull before moving to the United States in 1989. He then served as professor of anthropology at the New School for Social

Research and then Johns Hopkins University. He later became distinguished professor of anthropology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York.

Critical thematics

William E. Connolly attempts to summarize Asad's theoretical contributions on secularism as follows:

1. Secularism is not merely the division between public and private realms that allows religious diversity to flourish in the latter. It can itself be a carrier of harsh exclusions. And it secretes a new definition of "religion" that conceals some of its most problematic practices from itself. 2. In creating its characteristic division between secular public space and religious private space, European secularism sought to shuffle ritual and discipline into the private realm. In doing so, however, it loses touch with the ways in which embodied practices of conduct help to constitute culture, including European culture. 3. The constitution of modern Europe, as a continent and a secular civilization, makes it incumbent to treat Muslims in its midst on the one hand as abstract citizens and on the other as a distinctive minority either to be tolerated (the liberal orientation) or restricted (the national orientation), depending on the politics of the day. 4. European, modern, secular constitutions of Islam, in cumulative effect, converge upon a series of simple contrasts between themselves and Islamic practices. These terms of contrast falsify the deep grammar of European secularism and contribute to the culture wars some bearers of these very definitions seek to ameliorate. Formations of the Secular

Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity is both an original work and a reworking of previous essays and papers by Asad. In Formations of the Secular, Asad examines what he views as the curious character of modern European and American societies and their notion of secularism.

Secularism, often viewed as a neutral or flat space that forbids religious opinion or interference in political questions, is found to be somewhat curious to Asad. Specifically, Asad's experiences with the response to the September 11, 2001, attacks from the point of view of a Muslim in United States exposed him to "explosions of intolerance" that seemed to him "entirely compatible with secularism in a highly modern society". However, rather than simply letting such a coincidence pass, Asad continues by stating that such behaviors are "intertwined" with secularism in a "modern society".

This leads Asad's deployment of the genealogical method in order to understand why a country like the United States denominates itself as secular despite the distinctly religious Manichaean tones – "good" and "evil" – often found within the historical record of the United States. He further notes that despite the nominally secular character of the United States, "repressive measures have been directed at real and imagined secular opponents."

These events, as well as other questions, lead Asad to what might be termed the thesis of the book:

The secular, I argue, is neither continuous with the religious that supposedly preceded it (that is, it is not the latest phase of a sacred origin) nor a simple break from it (that is, it is not the opposite, an essence that excludes the sacred). I take the secular to be a concept that brings together certain behaviors, knowledges, and sensibilities in modern life.

Building on that notion, Asad is also critical of the more common concept of secularism, which he views as having no distinct features that demarcate it from other prior forms of secularism found elsewhere in the world. Instead he favors another approach to viewing modern secularism: "In my view the secular is neither singular in origin nor stable in its historical identity, although it works through a series of particular oppositions."

With that said, Asad's goal for the book is to understand how a more general pre-secularism mutates into the more familiar "novel" form

of secularism present within Euro-American societies – Asad makes clear his interest in this specific "novel" variant.

References

1. El-Messiri 1980, p. ii; Watson 2011, p. 100. 2. Jakobsen 2015, p. 114; Kessler 2012, pp. 203–204. 3. Kessler 2012, pp. 203–204; Mirsepassi 2010, p. 55. 4. Asad 1968. , 5. Landry 2016, p. 78. 6. Jakobsen 2015, p. 118. 7. Mozumder 2011, p. 7; Uğurlu 2017, p. 5. 8. Mozumder 2011, p. 7. 9. Watson 2011, p. 87. 10. Connolly 2006, p. 75. 11. "Talal Asad". New York: Graduate Center, CUNY. Retrieved 11 July 2014. 12. Windhager 2006, p. 224. 13. Asad, Talal (16 July 2013). "5 . Talal Al Asad". YouTube. Retrieved 8 December 2019. 14. Chaghatai 2006, p. 339. 15. Mirsepassi 2010, p. 55. 16. Watson 2011, pp. 87–88. 17. Connolly 2006, pp. 75–76. 18. Asad 2003.

7.Tim Asch

Timothy Asch (July 16, 1932 – October 3, 1994) was a noted anthropologist, photographer, and ethnographic filmmaker. Along with John Marshall and Robert Gardner, Asch played an important role in the development of visual anthropology. He is particularly known for his film The Ax Fight and his role with the USC Center for Visual Anthropology.

Asch was born in Southampton, New York and attended The Putney School. He studied at Columbia University, where he received his B.S. in anthropology in 1959. While at Columbia, he served as a teaching assistant for Margaret Mead, who encouraged his work in visual anthropology. From 1950-1951, he served apprenticeships with Minor White, Edward Weston and Ansel Adams through the San Francisco Art Institute (formerly known as the California School of Fine Arts). He received his M.A. in African Studies from Boston University (with an anthropology concentration at Harvard University) in 1964.

From 1968 to his death in October 1994, Tim Asch produced more than fifty ethnographic films about the Yanomamö Indians of Venezuela, transhumant herders in Afghanistan, and the Balinese, the Rotinese, and Ata Tana ‘Ai of eastern Indonesia. Asch’s career as an ethnographic filmmaker began in the middle 1960s, just as portable synchronous sound technology for 16mm production became available to filmmakers. Prior to taking up film, however, Asch explored his first love: photography.

He began photographing with David Sapir when he was a teenager at the Putney School, Vermont, 1947-51. He went on to study photography

41 at the California School of Fine Arts where he apprenticed with Ansel Adams, Minor White and Edward Weston. In 1952 he did seven months of photographic fieldwork on Cape Breton Island, Canada. These powerful black and white photographs remained unpublished until after his death. He continued his career as a photographer for Stars and Stripes while in the U.S. Army stationed in Japan.

In 1959 he completed undergraduate studies in anthropology while working as an assistant to Margaret Mead. It was this connection to Mead that influenced Tim Asch to take up film in the service of anthropology. His career took a turn in this direction, in spite of the fact that he continued to exhibit his still photographs from the 1950’s to the 1980’s.

From 1959 to 1962 he utilized his talents as a film editor and worked at the Peabody Museum at Harvard University where he met John Marshall and Robert Gardner. In 1961 he worked for the author Elizabeth Marshall Thomas in Karamoja, Uganda among the Dodoth. In 1963, using material from this expedition, Asch completed his first film, Dodoth Morning, which featured one morning in the life of a Dodoth family at harvest time. His photographs from that time were published in the book Warrior Herdsman (1965).

He saw film as a powerful tool to educate and was one of the earliest proponents of educational reform and encouraged the use of film in the classroom. From 1966-1968 he worked with Jonathan Kozol to develop a media based curriculum for the public school system in Massachusetts. Throughout the 1960’s and 1970’s he was in demand by many universities including Harvard, Brandeis and New York University to lecture on filmmaking and anthropology.

In 1968, Asch, along with John Marshall, founded Documentary Educational Research, a non-profit organization, to produce, distribute, and promote the use of ethnographic and documentary films, in part because no films distributor would agree to distribute all of the sequence films on which he had worked with the Marshalls. In 1971, DER incorporated as Documentary Educational Resources, Inc.

From 1968 to 1975 he traveled deep into the rainforest of South America with anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon to live with, work and film

42 the Yanomamo Indians. Shooting 16mm film in the jungles of Venezuela with native peoples who had a taste for intertribal warfare was not an easy task. From this experience Asch directed and produced his first important film, The Feast. Another film from this series, The Ax Fight, will always stand as a crucial work in the genre. In its understanding of the power of the vignette in film and in its concern for the truth and the accuracy of its representation of a society, it echoes the concerns and methods of Flaherty in Nanook of the North. The Ax Fight, while simultaneously embodying the legacy of Flaherty, also prefigures the more self-conscious and experimental modes of ethnographic filmmaking to come. Asch’s collaboration with Chagnon resulted in thirty-nine films on the Yanomamo, which were distributed worldwide, through television, international film festivals, and received numerous awards.

Tim Asch did his finest work as a collaborator. After producing the Yanomamo Series he worked from 1979-94 with his wife Patsy Asch, Linda Connor, James Fox and Douglas Lewis on a group of eight films about the people and culture of Indonesia. His intense engagement with the spirit medium and healer, Jero Tapakan resulted in a fascinating experiment in cross-cultural filmmaking. His last film, A Celebration of Origins, was perhaps his most complex and difficult work. It received greater recognition internationally than in the U.S.

During the 1980’s Tim Asch was a pivotal figure in the international scene building the foundation for the establishment of visual anthropology and ethnographic film programs in China, Europe and Africa. In 1991 he was the keynote speaker at the International Visual Anthropology and Sociology Conference, Eyes Across the Water, University of Amsterdam. In 1982 he became the Director of the Center for Visual Anthropology at the University of Southern California. He also took over the publication Visual Anthropology Newsletter, a leading journal for visual anthropology.

Tim Asch was a man devoted to two things: anthropology and images of human beings captured in photographic emulsions. More than any other man, Tim created new ways of combining anthropology and

43 images for the benefit of his students, his profession, and the whole of humanity.

Career

Asch was known for his work as an ethnographic filmmaker on the Yanomami in conjunction with Napoleon Chagnon. He also worked in Indonesia with anthropologists Linda Connor, James J. Fox and E. Douglas Lewis.

In 1968, Asch and John Marshall co-founded Documentary Educational Resources (DER), a non-profit organization whose mission is to support, produce, and distribute ethnographic, non-fiction, and documentary films. Asch's film work continues to be distributed through DER.

Asch taught at New York University, Brandeis University, and Harvard University, and was a Research Fellow at the Australian National University prior to joining the University of Southern California (USC) in 1982. He became the Director of the Center for Visual Anthropology after the death of founder Barbara Myerhoff. During his period at USC, he was involved with the Margaret Mead Film Festival.

Asch acted as Director of the Center for Visual Anthropology up until his death from cancer on October 3, 1994. The Spring 1995 issue of Visual Anthropology Review (Vol. 11, No.1) was dedicated to Asc, Asch was a prolific filmmaker with an extensive list of more than 70 films to his credit.

1960s

Dodoth Morning (1963)

CINE Golden Eagle

American Film Festival Blue Ribbon

Flaherty Award

Festival dei Popoli, Florence, Italy

Venice International Art Film Festival

International Folklore & Tourism Festival, Grand Prize

Philadelphia International Festival of Short Films, Exceptional Merit

Yanomamo: A Multidisciplinary Study (1971)

Ocamo Is My Town (1974)

Arrow Game (1974)

Weeding the Garden (1974)

A Father Washes His Children (1974)

Firewood (1974)

A Man and His Wife Weave a Hammock (1974)

Children's Magical Death (1974)

Magical Death (1974)

Climbing the Peach Palm (1974)

New Tribes Mission (1974)

Yanomamo, a one-hour special for Japanese television (1974)

The Ax Fight (1975)

By anthropologist and filmmaker Tim Asch, his wife Patsy Asch, and anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon

An ethnographic film about a conflict in a Yanomami village called Mishimishimabowei-teri, in southern Venezuela. It is best known as an iconic and idiosyncratic ethnographic film about the Yanomamo and is frequently shown in classroom settings.

The film has four parts and operates on a number of analytical levels. It opens with a map of the region where the village is located and then proceeds to about ten minutes of virtually unedited film footage of combat among multiple participants armed with clubs, machetes, and axes. This represents the entirety of the film shot of the fight, which lasted about half an hour. Many of the shots and accompanying audio reflect the fact that the Westerners were taken by surprise and that they remained in ignorance about the cause of the fight until some time later.

The fight, which occurred on the second day of Asch and Chagnon's arrival to the village on February 28, 1971, is presented to the viewer as it was experienced by the anthropologist and filmmaker, as chaotic and unstructured violence. The second part of the Ax Fight, however, replays the events in slow motion while Chagnon explains who the combatants are and describes their relationship to one another. Although they initially believe the fight occurred because of an incestuous relationship, the anthropologists learn that this is not the case and that the fight is the latest manifestation of long standing hostility between a faction that lives in the village and a faction that is among a party of visitors.

The fight is explained as "a ritualized contest, not a brawl" in which combatants make a relatively orderly progression from less lethal weapons to more lethal ones and people choose sides in the dispute on the basis of kinship obligations and shared histories. Eventually, elders (who tend to have conflicting loyalties) step in to help end the conflict.

The third part of the film uses a number of kinship diagrams to further elaborate on these family bonds and explains how kinship and political systems are often interchangeable in Yanomamo life. The final part of the film replays an edited version of the fight, intended to illustrate the effect that the process of editing has on the construction of anthropological knowledge.

Controversy: In 2007, The Ax Fight was re-examined by filmmaker Adam Curtis in his documentary program The Trap. Curtis interviewed Chagnon, and suggested that the presence of the film crew, and their distribution of machetes to some but not all of the Yanomamo, may have altered the behavior that Chagnon and the Aschs were there to observe; Chagnon was so displeased by these suggestions that he immediately terminated the interview.

A Man Called "Bee": Studying the Yanomamo (1975)

Awards & Festivals

CINE Golden Eagle, American Film Festival Red Ribbon, Film Council of Greater Columbus, Chris Bronze Award

Moonblood (1975)

Tapir Distribution (1975)

Tug Of War (1975)

Bride Service (1975)

The Yanomamo Myth of Naro as Told By Kaobawa (1975)

The Yanomamo Myth of Naro as Told By Dedeheiwa (1975)

Jaguar: A Yanomamo Twin-Cycle Myth (1976)

The Sons of Haji Omar (1978)

A Balinese Trance Seance (1979)

The Water of Words (1983

Spear and Sword (1988)

Releasing the Spirits (1990)

A Celebration of Origins (1992)

References

1. Jump up to:a b Saxon, Wolfgang (11 October 1994). "Timothy Asch, 62, Professor Who Filmed Remote Societies". New York Times. Retrieved 23 February 2015. 2. Lewis, E.D. (2004). "Introduction: Timothy Asch in America and Australia". In Lewis, E.D. (ed.). Timothy Asch and Ethnographic Film. Routledge. ISBN 9781134336883. 3. "Yanomamo Filmography" Archived 2008-08-20 at the Wayback Machine, University of California, Santa Barbara

8.Marc Augé

Marc Augé (born September 2, 1935 in Poitiers) is a French anthropologist. In an essay and book of the same title, Non- Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity (1995), Marc Augé coined the phrase "non- place" to refer to spaces where concerns of relations, history, and identity are erased. Examples of a non-place would be a motorway, a hotel room, an airport or a supermarket.

Marc Augé’s career can be divided into three stages, reflecting shifts in both his geographical focus and theoretical development: early (African), middle (European) and late (Global). These successive stages do not involve a broadening of interest or focus as such, but rather the development of a theoretical apparatus able to meet the demands of the growing conviction that the local can no longer be understood except as a part of the complicated global whole.

Augé’s career began with a series of extended field trips to West Africa, where he researched the Alladian peoples situated on the edge of a large lagoon, west of Abidjan on the Ivory Coast. The culmination of this endeavour is the masterly Le Rivage alladian: Organisation et évolution des villages alladian (1969) [The Alladian Riparian Peoples: Organisation and Evolution of Alladian Villages]. The sequel, Théorie des pouvoirs et Idéologie: Études de cas en Côte d’Ivoire (1975) [Theory of Powers and Ideology: Case Study of the Ivory Coast], followed a series of three further field excursions to the Ivory Coast between 1968 and 1971.

Augé coined the term ideo-logic to describe his research object, which he defined as the inner logic of the representations a society makes of itself to itself. A third and final instalment in this series of studies of the Alladian peoples was added in 1977, Pouvoirs de vie, Pouvoirs de mort [Powers of Life, Powers of Death].

The second or European stage, consists of a sequence of three interrelated books: La Traversée du Luxembourg (1985) [Traversing Luxembourg Gardens]; Un ethnologue dans le métro (1986); trs. as In the Metro (2002); and Domaines et Châteaux (1989) [Homes and Palaces]. In this period of his career, Augé took the novel approach of applying methods developed in the course of fieldwork in Africa to his local Parisian context. Augé focused on four key aspects of contemporary Parisian society: (i) the paradoxical increase in the intensity of solitude brought about by the expansion of communications technologies; (ii) the strange recognition that the other is also an ‘I’; (iii) the non-place, the ambivalent space that has none of the familiar attributes of place - for instance, it incites no sense of belonging; (iv) the oblivion and aberration of memory. The work in this period emphasises the anthropologist’s own experience in a way that neither the earlier or later work does.

Augé does this by comparing his own impressions of these places with those produced by some of French literature’s greatest writers. What this comparison illustrates is the apparent insuperability of the gap between language and experience. Yet it is that very gap, he argues, that his anthropology must be able to close if it is to be of continuing relevance in contemporary society.

The third or global stage has so far yielded four books: Non- Lieux, Introduction à une anthropologie de la surmodernité (1992); trs. as Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity (1995); Le Sens des autres: Actualité de l’anthropologie (1994); trs. as A Sense for the Other: The Timeliness and Relevance of Anthropology (1998); Pour une anthropologie des mondes contemporains (1994); trs. as An Anthropology for Contemporaneous Worlds (1998); and La Guerre des rêves: exercises d’ethno-fiction (1997); trs. as The War of Dreams: Exercises in Ethno-Fiction (1999). Taken

together these works comprise an extended meditation on the disparity between observations made in the course of anthropological fieldwork in the first and the second stages of his career.

It is at least partially the result of Augé’s travels—for instance, his concept of the non-place refers to those spaces one typically encounters when travelling such as airports, bus terminals, hotels and so on, which one often only remembers in very generic terms. Ultimately, his aim is to theorise *globalisation as it is lived in properly global terms; it is also an attempt to reinvigorate the discipline of anthropology as a whole. To that end he deploys a number of novel writing techniques, describing the synthetic results as ‘ethno-novels’.

Many of the studies of Marc Augé were applied to mobilities and the exploration of globalization. His contributions considered the philosophical potential of an anthropology of "non-places" like airports and motorways that are characterized by constant transition and temporality. Augé’s contribution to the understanding of global modernism has pivoted in many applied investigation worldwide.

Works

 In the Metro. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002.  Oblivion. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004.  Everyone Dies Young: Time Without Age. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016.  ^ "Place, A Short Introduction", Tim Cresswell  ^ Adey, P. (2006). If mobility is everything then it is nothing: towards a relational politics of (im) mobilities. Mobilities, 1(1), 75-94.  ^ Augé, S., Schmit, P. O., Crutchfield, C. A., Islam, M. T., Harris, D. J., Durand, E., ... & Taulelle, F. (2009). NMR measure of translational diffusion and fractal dimension. Application to molecular mass measurement. The Journal of Physical Chemistry B, 113(7), 1914-1918.  ^ Adey, P. (2004). Surveillance at the airport: surveilling mobility/mobilising surveillance. Environment and Planning A, 36(8), 1365- 1380.  ^ Merriman, P. (2012). Mobility, space and culture. Routledge.

 Interview with Marc Auge in Barcelona Metropolis Magazine, autumn, 2009.  Lena Lindgren "In Need of Conceptual Clarification", Places and Non-Places of Modernity (2015)

9.Nigel Barley

Nigel Frederick Barley (1947- ) is an anthropologist known for his humorous books on his experiences. His reputation was established with his first book, The Innocent Anthropologist (1983), an account of anthropological field work in Cameroon. After working in Africa he moved to Indonesia, where he wrote the humorous Not a Hazardous Sport (1989) about his anthropological experiences in Tana Toraja. He has since written numerous other works.

Barley was born in Kingston upon Thames in 1947. He gained his bachelor's degree in modern languages at Cambridge University, and his doctorate in social anthropology at Oxford University. He worked for some years as an academic at London University and then served from 1980 to 2003 as an assistant keeper of Ethnography at the British Museum.

Barley's first travel book, The Innocent Anthropologist (1983), gave a popular account of anthropological field work among the Dowayo people of Cameroon.

Barley then worked as an anthropologist in Indonesia. His first book based on his time there was the humorous Not a Hazardous Sport (1989) describing his anthropological experiences in Tana Toraja in the mountains of central Sulawesi.

Barley has written on many other subjects including Sir Stamford Raffles, the founder of Singapore, and Sir James Brooke, the "white

52 rajah" of Sarawak. He has been twice nominated for the Travelex Writer of the Year Award. In 2002, he won the Foreign Press Association prize for travel writing.

Reception

The Innocent Anthropologist Wooden fertility doll with beaded cords and amulets from the Dowayo people of West Africa studied by Barley. TropenMuseum collection.

The journalist and author Ryszard Kapuscinski wrote that whereas the "modern literature" represented in French literary awards largely failed to talk about people from other cultures, Barley's Innocent Anthropologist, like Colin Thubron's Behind the Wall and Bruce Chatwin's Songlines did "show us the modern cultures, ideas and behaviour of people who live in different geographical latitudes and who believe in different gods from us", even if these books were not considered to be "real literature" by some within the literary elite.

The anthropologist Tony Waters calls Innocent Anthropologist a memorably written story, and writes that it is the book he gets students to read for an understanding of "field work, ethnography, and cultural anthropology." Waters says he truly admires the book as it gives a realistic idea of field experience, but "Oddly, I find few anthropologists who have read it, much less heard of it."

Not a Hazardous Sport

Tim Hannigan, reflecting on Not a Hazardous Sport in the Asian Review of Books, wrote that British travel writing has had a "preeminent court jester" in each generation, from Robert Byron in the 1930s, Eric Newby in the 1950s, and Redmond O'Hanlon in the 1980s. But in his view, Barley's writing has survived the test of time "in a postcolonial world" far better than O'Hanlon's, not least because, as an anthropologist, his observations on the people he wrote about were underpinned by "professional fieldwork ... proper language training and research". Hannigan found Barley's prose "effortlessly jaunty .. with an

air of permanent good-natured amusement. But there's also the faintly discernible trace of inexplicable melancholy common to the best of British comic travel writing". All in all, Hannigan considered it an excellent travel book, both a "vicarious journey", entertaining, and valuable for steering the reader "away from complacency".[5]

References

1. "Dr Nigel F Barley (Biographical details)". British Museum. Retrieved 30 December 2019. 2. Jump up to:a b "Nigel Barley". David Higham Associates. Retrieved 30 December 2019. 3. "Nigel Barley Biography | (1947– ), The Innocent Anthropologist, A Plague of Caterpillars, Not a Hazardous Sport, Native Land, The Coast". JRank.org. 2019. Retrieved 30 December 2019. 4. Jump up to:a b c Waters, Tony (25 January 2013). "Why Does Anthropology Worry about Jared Diamond when they have Nigel Barley?". Ethnography.com. 5. Jump up to:a b c d e f g Hannigan, Tim (21 June 2019). "Not a Hazardous Sport: Misadventures of an Anthropologist in Indonesia by Nigel Barley". Asian Review of Books. 6. Milne, Rosie (12 September 2008). "Fact and Fiction". The Daily Telegraph. 7. Kuper, Adam (12 December 2002). "Man Who Burned". London Review of Books. 24 (24). 8. Kapuscinski, Ryszard (2008). The Other. p. 59. ISBN 978- 1844673285. quoted in Cooke, Simon (2013). Travellers' Tales of Wonder: Chatwin, Naipaul, Sebald: Chatwin, Naipaul, Sebald. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 46–47. ISBN 978-0-7486-7547-0.

10.Fredrik Barth

Thomas Fredrik Weybye Barth (22 December 1928 – 24 January 2016) was a Norwegian social anthropologist who published several ethnographic bo oks with a clear formalist view. He was a professor in the Department of Anthropology at Boston University, and previously held professorships at the University of Oslo, the University of Bergen (where he founded the Department of Social Anthropology), Emory University and Harvard University. He was appointed a government scholar in 1985.

Barth was born in Leipzig, Germany to Thomas Barth, a professor of geology, and his wife Randi Thomassen. They also had a daughter. Barth and his sister grew up in Norway in an academic family. Their uncle was Edvard Kaurin Barth, a professor of zoology. Fredrik Barth developed an interest in evolution and human origins. When his father was invited to give a lecture at the University of Chicago, the younger man accompanied him and decided to attend the university, enrolling in 1946. He earned an MA in paleoanthropology and archaeology in 1949.

After receiving his MA, Barth returned to Norway, keeping a connection to Chicago faculty. In 1951 he joined an archaeological expedition to Iraq led by Robert Braidwood. Barth stayed on after the expedition was over, and conducted ethnographic population studies with the Kurdish population. He spent a year at the London School of Economics (LSE) writing up this data, and in 1953

55 published his first book, Principles of Social Organization in Southern Kurdistan.[4]:2–3

Barth had originally planned to submit the manuscript of his Principles of Social Organization as his Ph.D. dissertation, but was unsuccessful in doing so. He continued graduate study, moving to Cambridge, England to study with Edmund Leach, whom he had previously worked with at the LSE. For his PhD, Barth conducted fieldwork in Swat, Pakistan; his completed dissertation was published in 1959 as Political Leadership among Swat Pathan. Shortly afterwards he was part of a UNESCO study of pastoral nomadism, which focused on the Basseri in what is now Iran. From this work, he published the 1961 monograph Nomads of South Persia.[4] :3–6

In 1961, Barth was invited to the University of Bergen to create an anthropology department and serve as the chair. This important and prestigious position gave him the opportunity to introduce British- style social anthropology to Norway. The only other existing anthropology program, at the University of Oslo, was older and connected to the university's ethnographic museum (now the Museum of Cultural History). It was based in Victorian folklore and museum approaches. By founding the department at Bergen, Barth hoped to create a modern, world-class department with an approach similar to those found in England and the United States.

Barth remained at Bergen from 1961 to 1972. During this time his own work developed in two key ways. First, he developed research projects inside Norway (and published a study entitled The Role of the Entrepreneur in Social Change in Northern Norway in 1963). Second, he began writing more purely theoretical works that secured his international reputation within anthropology. These included Models of Social Organization (1966) and especially the small, edited volume, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference (1969). Barth's introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries became his most well-known essay and "ended up among the top 100 on the social science citation index for a number of years.".

In 1974 Barth moved to Oslo, where he became professor of social anthropology and the head of the city's Museum of Cultural History. During this period, anthropology was changing. Marxism and interpretive approaches were becoming more central, while Barth's focus on strategy and choice was being taken up by economics and related disciplines.[4]:9 Barth shifted to studying meaning and ritual as developed in ethnic groups, and conducted research in Papua New Guinea, where he conducted fieldwork with the Baktaman. He published several works from these studies, namely the Ritual and Knowledge among the Baktaman of New Guinea (1975). He also continued studies in the Middle East, conducting fieldwork in Oman with his wife Unni Wikan. This resulted in his 1983 volume Sohar: Culture and Society in an Omani Town.

Barth received a state scholarship from the Norwegian government in 1985. He left the country to accept two positions in the United States—at Emory University from 1989 to 1996, and Boston University from 1997 to 2008.[6]:7 By this time, Barth and his wife "felt we had both done our share of physically strenuous fieldwork" and decided to begin an ethnographic project in Bali.[4]:14 He developed an interest in the anthropology of knowledge at around this time, an interest which he explored in his book Balinese Worlds (1993). More recently, he has also conducted research in Bhutan.

Barth was a member of the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters. In 1997 he was elected a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

Barth was married 1949–1972 to Mary ("Molly") Allee (27 April 1926 – December 1998),[9] and he was married again 30 January 1974 to Unni Wikan, professor of social anthropology at the University of Oslo, Norway.[6]:7 His sister Tone Barth (25 January 1924 – 10 October 1980) was married 1945–1963 to Terkel Rosenqvist (1921–2011), also an academic, and she was married again in 1963 to the Norwegian politician for the Conservative Party Vidkunn Hveding (1921–2001). Barth died in Norway on 24 January 2016 at the age of 87.

Contributions

He was well known among anthropologists for his Transactionalism analysis of political processes in the Swat Valley of northern Pakistan, and his study of micro-economic processes and entrepreneurship in the area of Darfur in Sudan. The latter has been regarded as a classical example of formalist analysis in economic anthropology. During his long career, Barth has also published acclaimed studies based on field works in Bali, New Guinea, and several countries in the Middle East, thematically covering a wide array of subjects. Ethnicity

Barth has been an influential scholar on the subject of ethnicity. Andreas Wimmer wrote in 2008, "The comparative study of ethnicity rests firmly on the ground established by Fredrik Barth in his well-known [1969] introduction to a collection of ethnographic case studies."[12] As the editor of Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (1969), Barth outlined an approach to the study of ethnicity that focused on the ongoing negotiations of boundaries between groups of people. Barth's view was that such groups were not discontinuous cultural isolates, or logical a prioris to which people naturally belong.

Barth parted with anthropological notions of cultures as bounded entities, and ethnicity as primordial bonds. He focused on the interface and interaction between groups that gave rise to identities. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, which he edited, concentrates on the interconnections of ethnic identities. Barth writes in his introduction (p. 9):

categorical ethnic distinctions do not depend on an absence of mobility, contact and information, but do entail social processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby discrete categories are maintained despite changing participation and membership in the course of individual life histories.

He emphasizes the use by groups of categories - i.e. ethnic labels - that usually endure even when individual members move across boundaries or share an identity with people in more than one group.

The inter-dependency of ethnic groups is a pivotal argument throughout both the introduction and the following chapters. As

interdependent, ethnic identities are the product of continuous so-called ascription (Cf. Ascriptive inequality) and self-ascription, Barth stresses the interactional perspective of social anthropology on the level of the persons involved instead of on a socio-structural level. Ethnic identity becomes and is maintained through relational processes of inclusion and exclusion.

Literature

 Thomas Hylland Eriksen Fredrik Barth: An intellectual biography University of Chicago Press 2015 ISBN 9780745335360

 Balinese worlds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. ISBN 0-226- 03833-5  Cosmologies in the making : a generative approach to cultural variation in inner New Guinea. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ISBN 0- 521-34279-1  Sohar, culture and society in an Omani town. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983. ISBN 0-8018-2840-6  Ritual and knowledge among the Baktaman of New Guinea. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1975. ISBN 0-300-01816-9  Ethnic groups and boundaries. The social organization of culture difference. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1969. ISBN 978-0-04-572019- 4 (Reissued Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1998)  Models of social organization. London, Royal Anthropological Institute, 1966.  Nomads of South-Persia; the Basseri tribe of the Khamseh Confederacy. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1962.  Political leadership among Swat Pathans. London : The Athlone Press, 1959.

References

1. Jump up to:a b Rosvold, Knut A. (9 August 2012). "Fredrik Barth Biography". Store Norske Leksikon(in Norwegian). Kunnskapsforlaget. Retrieved 27 October 2013.

2. Jump up to:a b c d Siverts, Henning (13 February 2009). "Fredrik Barth Extended Biography". Norsk Biografisk Leksikon (in Norwegian). Kunnskapsforlaget. Retrieved 27 October 2013. 3. Jenkins, Richard (2016). "Fredrik Barth: an ethnographer's ethnographer and a theorist's theorist: Fredrik Barth: an ethnographer's ethnographer and a theorist's theorist". Nations and Nationalism. 22 (3): 411– 414. doi:10.1111/nana.12231. 4. Jump up to:a b c d e f g Barth, Fredrik (2007). "Overview: Sixty Years of Anthropology". Annual Review of Anthropology. 36: 1– 16. doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.36.081406.094407. 5. Anderson, Astrid (2012). Fredrik Barth: A Bibliography. Oslo: Universitetsbiblioteket, Oslo. p. 7. 6. Jump up to:a b Anderson, Astrid (2012). Fredrik Barth: A Bibliography. Oslo: Universitetsbiblioteket i Oslo. 7. "Gruppe 2: Kulturfag og estetiske fag" (in Norwegian). Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters. Archived from the original on 27 September 2011. Retrieved 28 October2009. 8. "Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved 18 May 2011. 9. Siverts, Henning (13 February 2009). "Fredrik Barth Extended Biography". Norsk Biografisk Leksikon (in Norwegian). Oslo: Kunnskapsforlaget. Retrieved 27 October 2013. 10. Steenstrup, Bjørn, ed. (1973). "Rosenqvist, Terkel". Hvem er hvem? (in Norwegian). Oslo: Aschehoug. p. 470. Retrieved 2 June 2011. 11. "Fredrik Barth er død". www.dn.no. 12. Wimmer, Andreas (2008). "The Making and Unmaking of Ethnic Boundaries: A Multilevel Process Theory". American Journal of Sociology. 113 (4): 970–1022. doi:10.1086/522803. ISSN 0002-9602

11. Keith H. Basso

Keith Hamilton Basso (March 15, 1940 – August 4, 2013) was a cultural and linguistic anthropologist noted for his study of the Western Apaches, specifically those from the community of Cibecue, Arizona. Basso was professor emeritus of anthropology at the University of New Mexico and earlier taught at the University of Arizona and Yale University.

After first studying Apache culture in 1959, Basso completed a bachelor's degree at Harvard University (B.A., 1962) and then took the doctorate at Stanford University (Ph.D., 1967). He was the son of novelist Hamilton Basso.

Basso was awarded the Victor Turner Prize for Ethnographic Writing in 1997 for his ethnography, Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache. The work was also the 1996 Western States Book Award Winner in Creative Nonfiction. In this ethnography, Basso expressed his hope that anthropologists will spend more time investigating how places and spaces are perceived and experienced; for human relationships to geographical places are rich, deeply felt, and profoundly telling.

Basso died from cancer on August 4, 2013, at the age of 73, in Phoenix, Arizona.

Works

 Heavy with Hatred: An Ethnographic Study of Western Apache Witchcraft (Ph.D. thesis, Stanford University, 1967)  Western Apache Witchcraft (1969)

 The Cibecue Apache (1970, 1986)  Apachean Culture History and Ethnology, ed. Basso, Keith H, and Opler, Morris E. (1971)  Goodwin, Greenville (compiler) (1971). Basso, Keith H (ed.). Western Apache Raiding and Warfare. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press. LCCN 73-142255.  Meaning in Anthropology, ed. Basso, Keith H, and Selby, Henry A. (1976)  Portraits of 'the Whiteman': Linguistic Play and Cultural Symbols among the Western Apache (1979)  Western Apache Language and Culture: Essays in Linguistic Anthropology (1992)  Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache (1996)  Senses of Place, ed. Keith H. Basso and Steven Feld (1996)  Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You: A White Mountain Apache Family Life, 1860–1975 (2004), an oral history with Eva Tulene Watt

References

1. A community of scholars: faculty and members, 1930-1980, Princeton University, Institute of Advanced Studies, 1980 2. Supplement to Who's who in America, 44, Marquis Who's Who, 1987 3. Jump up to:a b Cécile R. Ganteaume, "In Memoriam: Keith H. Basso (1940- 2013)" National Museum of the American Indian Blog, accessed 10 August 2013 4. Basso, Keith H (1996). Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p. 171. ISBN 0-8263-1723-5. 5. Basso, Keith (1996). Wisdom Sits In Places: Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache. New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press. p. 54.

12. Daisy Bates

Daisy May Bates, CBE (born Margaret Dwyer; 16 October 1859 – 18 April 1951) was an Irish-Australian journalist, welfare worker and lifelong student of Australian Aboriginal culture and society. She was known among the native people as "Kabbarli" (i.e. /kaparli/, a kin term found in a number of Australian languages which means "grandmother" or "granddaughter").

Daisy Bates was born Margaret Dwyer in County Tipperary, Ireland in 1859. Her mother, Bridget (née Hunt), died of tuberculosis in 1862. Her father, James Edward O'Dwyer, married Mary Dillon in 1864 and died en route to the United States, so she was raised in Roscrea by relatives, and educated at the National School in that town.

Emigration and life in Australia

In November 1882, Dwyer—who by then had changed her first name to Daisy May—emigrated to Australia aboard the RMS Almora as part of a Queensland government assisted immigration scheme. Some accounts (based on Dwyer's own claims) say that she left Ireland for "health reasons", but biographer Julia Blackburn discovered that after getting her first job as a governess in Dublin at age 18, there was a scandal, presumably sexual in nature, which resulted in the young man of the house taking his own life.This story has never been verified, but if true, could have spurred Dwyer to leave Ireland and reinvent her history, setting a pattern for the rest of her life. It was not until long after her death that the truth about her early life emerged, and even her recent biographers have produced differing accounts of her life and work.

Dwyer settled first at Townsville, Queensland allegedly staying first at the home of the Bishop of North Queensland and later with family friends who had migrated earlier. Dwyer had travelled with Ernest C. Baglehole and James C. Hann, amongst others, on the later stage of her journey. Both Baglehole and Hann had boarded at Batavia for the journey to Australia. Hann's family, through William Hann's donation of £1000, had been very generous to the construction of St James Church of England some few years before Bishop Stanton had arrived at Townsville. She subsequently found employment as a governess on Fanning Downs Station.

Records show that she married poet and horseman Breaker Morant (Harry Morant aka Edwin Murrant) on 13 March 1884 in Charters Towers; the union lasted only a short time and Dwyer reputedly threw Morant out because he failed to pay for the wedding and stole some livestock. The marriage was not in fact legal, as Morant was underage (he declared himself to be twenty-one, when he was actually nineteen). Significantly, they were never divorced. Morant biographer Nick Bleszynski suggests that Dwyer played a more important role in Morant's life than has been previously thought, and that it was she who convinced him to change his name from Edwin Murrant to Harry Harbord Morant.

After parting ways with Morant, Dwyer moved to New South Wales. She said that she became engaged to Philip Gipps (the son of a former governor) but he died before they could marry, though no records support this. Her biographer, Bob Reece, calls this story 'nonsense', as Gipps in fact died in February 1884, before her marriage to Morant.

She then met John (Jack) Bates—like Morant, a bushman and drover—and they married on 17 February 1885. Their only child, Arnold Hamilton Bates, was born in Bathurst, New South Wales on 26 August 1886. It is possible that Ernest Baglehole, not Bates, was Arnold's father The marriage was not a happy one, probably because Jack's work kept him away from home for long periods.

She also found time to marry Ernest Baglehole, her emigration voyage shipmate, on 10 June 1885 at St Stephen's Anglican Church, Newtown, Sydney. Although he is shown as being a seaman, he was the son

64 of a wealthy London family and had become a ship's officer after completing an apprenticeship and this might have been an attraction for Daisy.The polygamous nature of these marriages was kept secret during Bates's lifetime.

In February 1894, Bates returned to England, leaving Arnold in a Catholic boarding school and telling Jack that she would only return when he had a home established for her. She arrived in England penniless, but eventually found a job working for journalist and social campaigner WT Stead. Despite her skeptical views she worked as an assistant editor on the psychic quarterly Borderlands, and enjoyed an active intellectual life among London's well-connected and bohemian literary and political milieu. However, after she left Stead's employment in 1896, it is unclear how she supported herself until 1899, when she embarked for Western Australia after Jack wrote to say that he was looking for a property there.

Involvement with Australian Aboriginal people

Bates's involvement with the Aboriginal Australians was not as a missionary, doctor or teacher. The foreword of her book written by Alan Moorehead said, " As far as I can make out she never tried to teach the Australians Aborigines anything or convert them to any faith. She preferred them to stay as they were and live out the last of their days in peace." Alan Moorehead also said, "She was not an anthropologist but she knew them better than anyone else who ever lived; and she made them interesting not only to herself but to us as well."

At about 1899 a letter was published in The Times about the cruelty of West Australian settlers to Aborigines. As Bates was preparing to return to Australia, she wrote to The Times offering to make full investigations and report the results to them. Her offer was accepted and she sailed back to Australia in August 1899. In all, Bates devoted 40 years of her life to studying Aboriginal life, history, culture, rites, beliefs and customs. She researched and wrote on the subject while living in a tent in small settlements from Western Australia to the edges of the Nullarbor Plain, including at Ooldea in South Australia. She

65 was also famed for her strict lifelong adherence to Edwardian fashion, including boots, gloves and a veil.

Bates set up camps to feed, clothe and nurse the transient population, drawing on her own income to meet the needs of the aged. She was said to have worn pistols even in her old age and to have been quite prepared to use them to threaten police when she caught them mistreating "her" Aborigines.

Bates was convinced that the Australian Aborigines were a dying race and that her mission was to record as much as she could about them before they disappeared. In a 1921 article in the Perth Sunday Times, Bates advocated a "woman patrol" to prevent the movement of Aborigines from the Central Australian Reserve into settled areas, and later responded to criticism by the Aboriginal civil-rights leader William Harris, who maintained that part-Aboriginal people could be of value to Australian society, by writing that "As to the half-castes, however early they may be taken and trained, with very few exceptions, the only good half-caste is a dead one. Western Australia

On her return voyage she met Father Dean Martelli, a Roman Catholic priest who had worked with Aborigines and who gave her an insight into the conditions they faced. She found a school and home for her son in Perth, invested some of her money in property as a security for her old age, bought note books and supplies and left for the state's remote north-west to gather information on Aborigines and the effects of white settlement.

She wrote articles about conditions around Port Hedland and other areas for geographical society journals, local newspapers and The Times. This experience kindled her lifelong interest in the lives and welfare of Aboriginal people in Western and South Australia.

Based at the Beagle Bay Mission near Broome, Bates, now thirty- six, began her life's work. Her accounts, among the first attempts at a serious study of Aboriginal culture, were published in the Journal of Agriculture and later by anthropological and geographical societies in Australia and overseas.

While at the mission she also compiled a local dictionary of several dialects, comprising some two thousand words and sentences, as well as notes on legends and myths. In April 1902 Bates, accompanied by her son and her husband, set out on a droving trip from Broome to Perth. It provided good material for her articles but after spending six months in the saddle and travelling four thousand kilometres, Bates knew that her marriage was over.

Following her final separation from Bates in 1902, she spent most of the rest of her life in outback Western and South Australia, studying and working for the remote Aboriginal tribes, who were being decimated by the incursions of European settlement and the introduction of modern technology, western culture and exotic diseases.

In 1904, the Registrar General of Western Australia, Malcolm Fraser, appointed her to research Aboriginal customs, languages and dialects, a task which took nearly seven years to compile and arrange the data. Many of her papers were read at Geographical and Royal Society meetings.

In 1910–11 she accompanied anthropologist A. R. Brown (later Professor Alfred Radcliffe-Brown) and writer and biologist E. L. Grant Watson on a Cambridge ethnological expedition to inquire into Western Australian marriage customs. She was appointed a "Travelling Protector" with a special commission to conduct inquiries into all native conditions

67 and problems, such as employment on stations, guardianship and the morality of native and half-caste women in towns and mining camps.

Legend has it that Bates later came into conflict with Radcliffe- Brown because she sent him her manuscript report of the expedition. Much to Bates's chagrin, it was not returned for many years and when it came back it was heavily annotated with Radcliffe-Brown's critical remarks. The conflict culminated in a famous incident at a symposium, where Bates accused Radcliffe-Brown of plagiarism—Bates was scheduled to speak after Radcliffe-Brown had presented his paper, but when she rose it was only to compliment him sarcastically on his presentation of her work, after which she resumed her seat.

A "Protector of Aborigines" : After 1912, despite having earlier been appointed as Travelling Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia, her application to become the Northern Territory's Protector of Aborigines was rejected on basis of her gender, Bates continued her work on her own, financing it by selling her cattle station.

The same year she became the first woman ever to be appointed Honorary Protector of Aborigines at Eucla. During the sixteen months she spent there, Bates changed from a semi-professional scientist and ethnologist to a staunch friend and protector of the Aborigines, deciding to live among them and look after them, and to observe and record their lives and lifestyle.

Bates stayed at Eucla until 1914, when she travelled to Adelaide, Melbourne and Sydney to attend the Science Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Science. Before returning to the desert, she gave lectures in Adelaide which aroused the interests of several women's organisations.

During her years at Ooldea she financed the supplies she bought for the Aborigines from the sale of her property. To maintain her income she wrote numerous articles and papers for newspapers, magazines and learned societies. Through journalist and author Ernestine Hill, Bates's work was introduced to the general public, although much of the publicity tended to focus on her sensational stories of cannibalism.

In August 1933 the Commonwealth Government invited Bates to Canberra to advise on Aboriginal affairs. The next year she was created a Commander of the Order of the British Empire by King George V. More important to Bates was the opportunity to put her work in print. South Australia

She left Ooldea and went to Adelaide where, with the help of Ernestine Hill, she produced a series of articles for leading Australian newspapers, titled My Natives and I.

Aged seventy-one, she still walked every day to her office at The Advertiser building. Later the Commonwealth Government paid her a stipend of $4 a week to assist her in putting all her papers and notes in order and prepare her manuscript. But with no other income it was impossible for her to remain in Adelaide so she moved to the village settlement of Pyap on the Murray River where she pitched her tent and set up her typewriter.

In 1938, she published The Passing of the Aborigines which asserted practices of cannibalism and infanticide

In 1941 she went back to her tent life at Wynbring Siding, east of Ooldea, and she remained there on and off until her health forced her back to Adelaide in 1945.

In 1948 she tried, through the Australian Army, to contact her son Arnold, who had served in France during World War I. Later, in 1949, she contacted the Army again, through the RSL, in an effort to communicate with him. Arnold was living in New Zealand but refused to have anything to do with his mother.

Daisy Bates died on 18 April 1951, aged 91. She is buried at Adelaide's North Road Cemetery.

Recognition and memberships

 Bates was elected a member of the Royal Geographical Society (Melbourne).

 She was elected a Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Society of Australasia (F.R.A.S.) in 1907.  She was appointed an honorary corresponding member of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.  She was made a CBE in 1934

Digital database

The collaborative work of digitising and transcribing many word lists created by Bates in the 1900s at Daisy Bates Online provides a valuable resource for those researching especially Western Australian languages, and some of the Northern Territory and South Australia. The project is co-ordinated by Nick Thieburger, who works in collaboration with the National Library of Australia "to have all the microfilmed images from Section XII of the Bates papers digitised", and the project is ongoing.

In popular culture

Sidney Nolan's 1950 painting Daisy Bates at Ooldea shows Bates standing in a barren outback landscape. It was acquired by the National Gallery of Australia.[23] An episode in her life was the basis for Margaret Sutherland's chamber opera The Young Kabbarli (1964). Choreographer Margaret Barr represented Bates in two dance dramas, Colonial portraits (1957), and Portrait of a Lady with the CBE (1971).[25] In 1972, ABC TV screened Daisy Bates, a series of four 30 minute episodes, written by James Tulip, produced by Robert Allnutt, with art by Guy Gray Smith; choreography and reading by Margaret Barr, danced by Christine Cullen; music composed by Diana Blom, sung by Lauris Elms.[26] Her involvement with the Aboriginal people is the basis for the 1983 lithograph The Ghost of Kabbarli by Susan Dorothea White.

References

1. Australian Women Biographical entry

2. Glass, A. and D. Hackett, (2003) Ngaanyatjarra and Ngaatjatjarra to English DictionaryAlice Springs, IAD Press. ISBN 1-86465-053-2, p39 3. Reece, Bob (18 October 2009). "The Irishness of Daisy Bates" (PDF). Australian-Irish Heritage Association. Retrieved 19 June 2018. Was her departure hastened by a young man of good family committing suicide on her account? We shall never know. 4. de Vries, Susanna. "Desert Queen: the Many Lives and Loves of Daisy Bates". Susanna de Vries. Retrieved 19 June 2018. 5. Jones, Philip (5 March 2008). "Native entitlement". Retrieved 19 June 2018. 6. Reece, Bob (2007a). Daisy Bates: Grand Dame of the Desert. Canberra: National Library of Australia. pp. 19–20. ISBN 978-0-64-227654- 4. OCLC 212893816. 7. Jump up to:a b c West, Joe; Roper, Roger (2016). Breaker Morant: The final roundup. Stroud, Gloucesteshire: Amberley Publishing. ISBN 978-1- 44-565965-7. OCLC 976033815. 8. Reece (2007a), p. 21. 9. Bates, Daisy (12 June 1921). "New Aboriginal Reserve". Sunday Times. (Perth, WA : 1902 - 1954): via National Library of Australia. p. 8. 10. Reece (2007a), pp. 89–90. 11. Lomas, Brian D. (2015). Queen of Deception. Amazon. ISBN 978-0-646- 94238-4. 12. Bates, Daisy (1938), The passing of the Aborigines : a lifetime spent among the natives of Australia (1st ed.), Murray, ISBN 978-0-7195-0071- 8 13. "LATEST in the BOOK SHOPS". Weekly Times (3720). Victoria, Australia. 14 January 1939. p. 34. Retrieved 19 October 2018 – via National Library of Australia.

 Daisy Bates (17 December 2014) [1938]. The Passing of the Aborigines: a Lifetime spent among the Natives of Australia. The University of Adelaide Library.  Wright, R. V. S. (1979). "Bates, Daisy May (1863–1951)". Australian Dictionary of Biography. 7. Canberra: Australian National University. Retrieved 19 February 2017.

Further reading

 Blackburn, Julia. (1994) Daisy Bates in the Desert: A Woman's Life Among the Aborigines London, Secker & Warburg. ISBN 0-436-20111-9  De Vries, Susanna. (2008) Desert Queen: The many lives and loves of Daisy Bates Pymble, N.S.W. HarperCollins Publishers. ISBN 978-0- 7322-8243-1  Lomas, Brian D. (2015). Queen of Deception. Amazon. p. 279. ISBN 978-0-646-94238-4.  Works written by or about Daisy Bates at Wikisource  "Daisy Bates". Flinders Ranges Research. Retrieved 17 December 2007.  "Seven Sisters" – includes a collection of quotes by and about Daisy Bates  Daisy Bates – A list of her papers held by University of Adelaide Library  Daisy Bates – Guide to the papers at the National Library of Australia (including the rare maps)  Daisy May Bates – Guide to records at the South Australian Museum Archives  Works by Daisy Bates at Project Gutenberg Australia  The Ghost of Kabbarli (Daisy Bates), lithograph (1983) by Susan Dorothea White  Digital Daisy Bates – a project in the School of Languages and Linguistics at The University of Melbourne  Bates, Daisy May (1859–1951) in The Encyclopedia of Women and Leadership in Twentieth-Century Australia.

13.Gregory Bateson

Gregory Bateson (9 May 1904 – 4 July 1980) was an English anthropologist, social scientist, linguist, visual anthropologist, semiotician, and cyberneticist whose work intersected that of many other fields. His writings include Steps to an Ecology of Mind (1972) and Mind and Nature (1979).

In Palo Alto, California, Bateson and colleagues developed the double-bind theory of schizophrenia.

Bateson's interest in systems theory forms a thread running through his work. He was one of the original members of the core group of the Macy conferences in Cybernetics (1941-1960), and the later set on Group Processes (1954-1960), where he represented the social and behavioral sciences. He was interested in the relationship of these fields to epistemology. His association with the editor and author Stewart Brand helped widen his influence.

Early life and education

Bateson was born in Grantchester in Cambridgeshire, England, on 9 May 1904. He was the third and youngest son of (Caroline) Beatrice Durham and the distinguished geneticist William Bateson. He was named Gregory after Gregor Mendel, the Austrian monk who founded the modern science of genetics.

The younger Bateson attended Charterhouse School from 1917 to 1921, obtained a Bachelor of Arts in biology at St. John's College, Cambridge, in 1925, and continued at Cambridge from 1927 to 1929. According to Lipset (1982), Bateson's life was greatly affected by the death of his two brothers. John Bateson (1898–1918), the eldest of the

73 three, was killed in World War I. Martin Bateson (1900–1922), the second brother, was then expected to follow in his father's footsteps as a scientist, but came into conflict with his father over his ambition to become a poet and playwright. The resulting stress, combined with a disappointment in love, resulted in Martin's public suicide by gunshot under the statue of Anteros in Piccadilly Circus on 22 April 1922, which was John's birthday. After this event, which transformed a private family tragedy into public scandal, the parents ambitious expectations fell on Gregory.

In 1928, Bateson lectured in linguistics at the University of Sydney . From 1931 to 1937, he was a Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. He spent the years before World War II in the South Pacific in New Guinea and Bali doing anthropology.

In the 1940s, he helped extend systems theory and cybernetics to the social and behavioral sciences. Although initially reluctant to join the intelligence services, Bateson served in OSS during World War II along with dozens of other anthropologists.[4] He was stationed in the same offices as Julia Child (then Julia McWilliams), Paul Cushing Child, and others.[5] He spent much of the war designing 'black propaganda' radio broadcasts. He was deployed on covert operations in Burma and Thailand, and worked in China, India, and Ceylon as well. Bateson used his theory of schismogenesis to help foster discord among enemy fighters. He was upset by his wartime experience and disagreed with his wife over whether science should be applied to social planning or used only to foster understanding rather than action.[4]

In Palo Alto, California, Bateson developed the double-bind theory, together with his colleagues Donald Jackson, Jay Haley and John H. Weakland, also known as the Bateson Project (1953-1963).

In 1956, he became a naturalised citizen of the United States.

Bateson was one of the original members of the core group of the Macy conferences in cybernetics (1941- 1960), and the later set on Group Processes (1954 - 1960), where he represented the social and behavioral sciences.

In the 1970s, he taught at the Humanistic Psychology Institute, renamed the Saybrook University, in San Francisco;[7] and in 1972 joined the faculty of Kresge College at the University of California, Santa Cruz.[8]

In 1976, he was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,[9] and California Governor Jerry Brown appointed him to the Regents of the University of California,[10] in which position he served until his death (although he resigned from the Special Research Projects committee in 1979, in opposition to the university's work on nuclear weapons).

Bateson spent the last decade of his life developing a "meta- science" of epistemology to bring together the various early forms of systems theory developing in different fields of science. Personal life

During 1936–1950, he was married to American cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead. At that time he applied his knowledge to the war effort before moving to the United States. Bateson and Mead had a daughter, Mary Catherine Bateson (born 1939), who also became an anthropologist. Bateson separated from Mead in 1947, and they were divorced in 1950. In 1951, he married Elizabeth "Betty" Sumner (1919– 1992), the daughter of the Episcopalian Bishop of Oregon, Walter Taylor Sumner.They had a son, John Sumner Bateson (1951–2015), as well as twins who died shortly after birth in 1953. Bateson and Sumner were divorced in 1957, after which Bateson married a third time, the therapist and social worker Lois Cammack (born 1928), in 1961. They had one daughter, Nora Bateson (born 1969).

Bateson was a lifelong atheist, as his family had been for several generations. He was a member of William Irwin Thompson's esoteric Lindisfarne Association.

Bateson died age 76 on July 4, 1980, in the guest house of the San Francisco Zen Center.[18] The 2014 novel Euphoria by Lily King is a fictionalized account of Bateson's relationships with Mead and Reo Fortune in pre-WWII New Guinea.

Philosophy

Where others might see a set of inexplicable details, Bateson perceived simple relationships.[20] In "From Versailles to Cybernetics," Bateson argues that the history of the twentieth century can be perceived as the history of a malfunctioning relationship. In his view, the Treaty of Versailles exemplifies a whole pattern of human relationships based on betrayal and hate. He therefore claims that the treaty of Versailles and the development of cybernetics—which for him represented the possibility of improved relationships—are the only two anthropologically important events of the twentieth century.

New Guinea

Bateson's beginning years as an anthropologist were spent floundering, lost without a specific objective in mind. He began with a trip to New Guinea, spurred by mentor A. C. Haddon. His goal, as suggested by Haddon, was to explore the effects of contact between the Sepik natives and whites. Unfortunately for Bateson, his time spent with the Baining of New Guinea was halted and difficult. The Baining turned out to be secretive and excluded him from many aspects of their society. On more than one occasion he was tricked into missing communal activities, and they held out on their religion.

He left them, frustrated. He next studied the Sulka, another native population of New Guinea. Although the Sulka were dramatically different from the Baining and their culture much more "visible" to the observer, he felt their culture was dying, which left him feeling dispirited and discouraged.

He experienced more success with the Iatmul people, an indigenous people along the middle Sepik River of New Guinea. He would always return to the idea of communications and relations or interactions between and among people. The observations he made of the Iatmul allowed him to develop his concept of schismogenesis, which he defined in his 1936 book Naven, based on his Iatmul fieldwork, as "a process of differentiation in the norms of individual behaviour resulting from cumulative interaction between individuals" (p. 175). The book was named

76 after the 'naven' rite, an honorific ceremony among the Iatmul, still continued today, that celebrates first-time cultural achievements.

The ceremony entails many antics that are normally forbidden during everyday social life. For example, men and women reverse and exaggerate gender roles; men dress in women's skirts, and women dress in men's attire and ornaments.[22] Additionally, certain categories of female kin smear mud in the faces of other relatives, beat them with sticks, and hurl bawdy insults. Mothers may drop to the ground so their celebrated 'child' walks over them. And during a male rite, a mother's brother may slide his buttocks down the leg of his honoured sister's son, a complex gesture of masculine birthing, pride, and insult, rarely performed before women, that brings the honoured sister's son to tears.[23] Bateson suggested the influence of a circular system of causation, and proposed that:

Women watched for the spectacular performances of the men, and there can be no reasonable doubt that the presence of an audience is a very important factor in shaping the men's behavior. In fact, it is probable that the men are more exhibitionistic because the women admire their performances. Conversely, there can be no doubt that the spectacular behavior is a stimulus which summons the audience together, promoting in the women the appropriate behavior.[22][page needed]

In short, the behaviour of person X affects person Y, and the reaction of person Y to person X's behaviour will then affect person X's behaviour, which in turn will affect person Y, and so on. Bateson called this the "vicious circle."[22] He then discerned two models of schismogenesis: symmetrical and complementary.[22] Symmetrical relationships are those in which the two parties are equals, competitors, such as in sports. Complementary relationships feature an unequal balance, such as dominance-submission (parent-child), or exhibitionism- spectatorship (performer-audience). Bateson's experiences with the Iatmul led him to publish a book in 1936 titled Naven: A Survey of the Problems suggested by a Composite Picture of the Culture of a New Guinea Tribe drawn from Three Points of View (Cambridge University

Press). The book proved to be a watershed in anthropology and modern social science.

Until Bateson published Naven, most anthropologists assumed a realist approach to studying culture, in which one simply described social reality. Bateson's book argued that this approach was naive, since an anthropologist's account of a culture was always and fundamentally shaped by whatever theory the anthropologist employed to define and analyse the data. To think otherwise, stated Bateson, was to be guilty of what Alfred North Whitehead called the "fallacy of misplaced concreteness." There was no singular or self-evident way to understand the Iatmul naven rite. Instead, Bateson analysed the rite from three unique points of view: sociological, ethological, and eidological. The book, then, was not a presentation of anthropological analysis but an epistemological account that explored the nature of anthropological analysis itself.

The sociological point of view sought to identify how the ritual helped bring about social integration. In the 1930s, most anthropologists understood marriage rules to regularly ensure that social groups renewed their alliances. But Iatmul, argued Bateson, had contradictory marriage rules. Marriage, in other words, could not guarantee that a marriage between two clans would at some definite point in the future recur. Instead, Bateson continued, the naven rite filled this function by regularly ensuring exchanges of food, valuables, and sentiment between mothers' brothers and their sisters' children, or between separate lineages. Naven, from this angle, held together the different social groups of each village into a unified whole.

The ethological point of view interpreted the ritual in terms of the conventional emotions associated with normative male and female behaviour, which Bateson called ethos. In Iatmul culture, observed Bateson, men and women lived different emotional lives. For example, women were rather submissive and took delight in the achievement of others; men fiercely competitive and flamboyant. During the ritual, however, men celebrated the achievement of their nieces and nephews while women were given ritual license to act raucously. In effect, naven

78 allowed men and women to experience momentarily the emotional lives of each other, and thereby to achieve a level of psychological integration.

The third and final point of view, the eidological, was the least successful. Here Bateson endeavoured to correlate the organisation structure of the naven ceremony with the habitual patterns of Iatmul thought. Much later, Bateson would harness the very same idea to the development of the double-bind theory of schizophrenia.

In the Epilogue to the book, Bateson was clear: "The writing of this book has been an experiment, or rather a series of experiments, in methods of thinking about anthropological material." That is to say, his overall point was not to describe Iatmul culture of the naven ceremony but to explore how different modes of analysis, using different premises and analytic frameworks, could lead to different explanations of the same sociocultural phenomenon. Not only did Bateson's approach re-shape fundamentally the anthropological approach to culture, but the naven rite itself has remained a locus classicus in the discipline. In fact, the meaning of the ritual continues to inspire anthropological analysis.

Bali

Bateson next travelled to Bali with his new wife Margaret Mead to study the people of the village Bajoeng Gede. Here, Lipset states, "in the short history of ethnographic fieldwork, film was used both on a large scale and as the primary research tool." Bateson took 25,000 photographs of their Balinese subjects.

He discovered that the people of Bajoeng Gede raised their children very unlike children raised in Western societies. Instead of attention being paid to a child who was displaying a climax of emotion (love or anger), Balinese mothers would ignore them. Bateson notes, "The child responds to [a mother's] advances with either affection or temper, but the response falls into a vacuum. In Western cultures, such sequences lead to small climaxes of love or anger, but not so in Bali. At the moment when a child throws its arms around the mother's neck or bursts into tears, the mother's attention wanders".[22] This model of stimulation and refusal was also seen in other areas of the culture. Bateson later described the style of Balinese relations as stasis instead of

79 schismogenesis. Their interactions were "muted" and did not follow the schismogenetic process because they did not often escalate competition, dominance, or submission.[22]

New Guinea, 1938

In 1938, Bateson and Mead returned to the Sepik River, and settled into the village of Tambunum, where Bateson had spent three days in the 1920s. They aimed to replicate the Balinese project on the relationship between child rising and temperament, and between conventions of the body – such as pose, grimace, holding infants, facial expressions, etc. – reflected wider cultural themes and values. Bateson snapped some 10,000 black and white photographs, and Mead typed thousands of pages of field notes. But Bateson and Mead never published anything substantial from this research.

Bateson's encounter with Mead on the Sepik River (Chapter 16) and their life together in Bali (Chapter 17) is described in Mead's autobiography Blackberry Winter: My Earlier Years (Angus and Robertson. London. 1973). their daughter Catherine's birth in New York on 8 December 1939 is recounted in Chapter 18.

Double bind

In 1956 in Palo Alto, Bateson and his colleagues Donald Jackson, Jay Haley, and John Weakland[6] articulated a related theory of schizophrenia as stemming from double bind situations. The double bind refers to a communication paradox described first in families with a schizophrenic member. The first place where double binds were described (though not named as such) was according to Bateson, in Samuel Butler's The Way of All Flesh (a semi-autobiographical novel about Victorian hypocrisy and cover-up).

Full double bind requires several conditions to be met:

The victim of double bind receives contradictory injunctions or emotional messages on different levels of communication (for example, love is expressed by words, and hate or detachment by nonverbal behavior ; or a child is encouraged to speak freely, but criticized or silenced whenever he or she actually does so).

1. No meta communication is possible – for example, asking which of the two messages is valid or describing the communication as making no sense. 2. The victim cannot leave the communication field. 3. Failing to fulfill the contradictory injunctions is punished (for example, by withdrawal of love).

The strange behavior and speech of schizophrenics was explained by Bateson et al. as an expression of this paradoxical situation, and were seen in fact as an adaptive response, which should be valued as a cathartic and transformative experience.

The double bind was originally presented (probably mainly under the influence of Bateson's psychiatric co-workers) as an explanation of part of the etiology of schizophrenia. Currently, it is considered to be more important as an example of Bateson's approach to the complexities of communication which is what he understood it to be. The role of somatic change in evolution

According to Merriam-Webster's dictionary the term somatic is basically defined as the body or body cells of change distinguished from germplasm or psyche/mind. Bateson writes about how the actual physical changes in the body occur within evolutionary processes. He describes this through the introduction of the concept of "economics of flexibility". In his conclusion he makes seven statements or theoretical positions which may be supported by his ideology.

The first is the idea that although environmental stresses have theoretically been believed to guide or dictate the changes in the soma (physical body), the introduction of new stresses do not automatically result in the physical changes necessary for survival as suggested by original evolutionary theory. In fact the introduction of these stresses can greatly weaken the organism. An example that he gives is the sheltering of a sick person from the weather or the fact that someone who works in an office would have a hard time working as a rock climber and vice versa.

The second position states that though "the economics of flexibility has a logical structure-each successive demand upon flexibility

fractioning the set of available possibilities". This means that theoretically speaking each demand or variable creates a new set of possibilities. Bateson's third conclusion is "that the genotypic change commonly makes demand upon the adjustive ability of the soma". This, he states, is the commonly held belief among biologists although there is no evidence to support the claim. Added demands are made on the soma by sequential genotypic modifications is the fourth position. Through this he suggests the following three expectations:

1. The idea that organisms that have been through recent modifications will be delicate. 2. The belief that these organisms will become progressively harmful or dangerous. 3. That over time these new "breeds" will become more resistant to the stresses of the environment and change in genetic traits.

The fifth theoretical position which Bateson believes is supported by his data is that characteristics within an organism that have been modified due to environmental stresses may coincide with genetically determined attributes.[30] His sixth position is that it takes less economic flexibility to create somatic change than it does to cause a genotypic modification. The seventh and final theory he believes to be supported is the idea that in rare occasions there will be populations whose changes will not be in accordance with the thesis presented within this paper. According to Bateson, none of these positions (at the time) could be tested but he called for the creation of a test which could possibly prove or disprove the theoretical positions suggested within. Ecological anthropology and cybernetics

In his book Steps to an Ecology of Mind, Bateson applied cybernetics to the field of ecological anthropology and the concept of homeostasis. He saw the world as a series of systems containing those of individuals, societies and ecosystems. Within each system is found competition and dependency. Each of these systems has adaptive changes which depend upon feedback loops to control balance by changing multiple variables. Bateson believed that these self-correcting

82 systems were conservative by controlling exponential slippage. He saw the natural ecological system as innately good as long as it was allowed to maintain homeostasis and that the key unit of survival in evolution was an organism and its environment.

Bateson also viewed that all three systems of the individual, society and ecosystem were all together a part of one supreme cybernetic system that controls everything instead of just interacting systems. This supreme cybernetic system is beyond the self of the individual and could be equated to what many people refer to as God, though Bateson referred to it as Mind. While Mind is a cybernetic system, it can only be distinguished as a whole and not parts. Bateson felt Mind was immanent in the messages and pathways of the supreme cybernetic system. He saw the root of system collapses as a result of Occidental or Western epistemology. According to Bateson, consciousness is the bridge between the cybernetic networks of individual, society and ecology and the mismatch between the systems due to improper understanding will result in the degradation of the entire supreme cybernetic system or Mind. Bateson thought that consciousness as developed through Occidental epistemology was at direct odds with Mind.

At the heart of the matter is scientific hubris. Bateson argues that Occidental epistemology perpetuates a system of understanding which is purpose or means-to-an-end driven. Purpose controls attention and narrows perception, thus limiting what comes into consciousness and therefore limiting the amount of wisdom that can be generated from the perception. Additionally Occidental epistemology propagates the false notion that man exists outside Mind and this leads man to believe in what Bateson calls the philosophy of control based upon false knowledge.

Bateson presents Occidental epistemology as a method of thinking that leads to a mindset in which man exerts an autocratic rule over all cybernetic systems. In exerting his autocratic rule man changes the environment to suit him and in doing so he unbalances the natural cybernetic system of controlled competition and mutual dependency. The purpose-driven accumulation of knowledge ignores the supreme

cybernetic system and leads to the eventual breakdown of the entire system. Bateson claims that man will never be able to control the whole system because it does not operate in a linear fashion and if man creates his own rules for the system, he opens himself up to becoming a slave to the self-made system due to the non-linear nature of cybernetics.

Lastly, man's technological prowess combined with his scientific hubris gives him the potential to irrevocably damage and destroy the supreme cybernetic system, instead of just disrupting the system temporally until the system can self-correct.

Bateson argues for a position of humility and acceptance of the natural cybernetic system instead of scientific arrogance as a solution. He believes that humility can come about by abandoning the view of operating through consciousness alone. Consciousness is only one way in which to obtain knowledge and without complete knowledge of the entire cybernetic system disaster is inevitable. The limited conscious must be combined with the unconscious in complete synthesis. Only when thought and emotion are combined in whole is man able to obtain complete knowledge. He believed that religion and art are some of the few areas in which a man is acting as a whole individual in complete consciousness.

By acting with this greater wisdom of the supreme cybernetic system as a whole man can change his relationship to Mind from one of schism, in which he is endlessly tied up in constant competition, to one of complementarity. Bateson argues for a culture that promotes the most general wisdom and is able to flexibly change within the supreme cybernetic system.

Other terms used by Bateson

 Abduction. Used by Bateson to refer to a third scientific methodology (along with induction and deduction) which was central to his own holistic and qualitative approach. Refers to a method of comparing patterns of relationship, and their symmetry or asymmetry (as in, for example, comparative anatomy), especially in complex organic (or mental) systems. The term was originally coined by American

Philosopher/Logician Charles Sanders Peirce, who used it to refer to the process by which scientific hypotheses are generated.  Criteria of Mind (from Mind and Nature A Necessary Unity):

1. Mind is an aggregate of interacting parts or components. 2. The interaction between parts of mind is triggered by difference. 3. Mental process requires collateral energy. 4. Mental process requires circular (or more complex) chains of determination. 5. In mental process the effects of difference are to be regarded as transforms (that is, coded versions) of the difference which preceded them. 6. The description and classification of these processes of transformation discloses a hierarchy of logical types immanent in the phenomena.

 Creatura and Pleroma. Borrowed from Carl Jung who applied these gnostic terms in his "Seven Sermons To the Dead". Like the Hindu term maya, the basic idea captured in this distinction is that meaning and organisation are projected onto the world. Pleroma refers to the non-living world that is undifferentiated by subjectivity; Creatura for the living world, subject to perceptual difference, distinction, and information.  Deuterolearning. A term he coined in the 1940s referring to the organisation of learning, or learning to learn:  Schismogenesis – the emergence of divisions within social groups.  Information – Bateson defined information as "a difference which makes a difference." For Bateson, information in fact mediated Alfred Korzybski's map–territory relation, and thereby resolved, according to Bateson, the mind-body problem. Continuing extensions of his work

In 1984, his daughter Mary Catherine Bateson published a joint biography of her parents (Bateson and Margaret Mead) .

His other daughter the filmmaker Nora Bateson released An Ecology of Mind, a documentary that premiered at the Vancouver

International Film Festival.[38] This film was selected as the audience favourite with the Morton Marcus Documentary Feature Award at the 2011 Santa Cruz Film Festival, and honoured with the 2011 John Culkin Award for Outstanding Praxis in the Field of Media Ecology by the Media Ecology Association.

The Bateson Idea Group (BIG) initiated a web presence in October 2010. The group collaborated with the American Society for Cybernetics for a joint meeting in July 2012 at the Asilomar Conference Grounds in California.

Publications

 Bateson, Gregory (1944). An Analysis of the Film "Hitlerjunge Quex" (1933). New York?. OCLC 41057404.  Bateson, G. (1958). Naven: A Survey of the Problems suggested by a Composite Picture of the Culture of a New Guinea Tribe drawn from Three Points of View (1936). Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047- 0520-8.  Bateson, G.; Mead, M. (1942). Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis. New York Academy of Sciences. ISBN 0-89072-780-5.  Ruesch, J.; Bateson, G. (2009) [1951]. Communication: The Social Matrix of Psychiatry. W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-1-4128-0614-5. Retrieved 19 March 2013.  Bateson, G. (2000) [1972]. Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-03905-6. Retrieved 19 March 2013.  Bateson, G. (1979). Mind and Nature: A Necessary Unity (Advances in Systems Theory, Complexity, and the Human Sciences). Hampton Press. ISBN 1-57273-434-5.  (published posthumously), Bateson, G.; Bateson, MC (1988). Angels Fear: Towards an Epistemology of the Sacred. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-553-34581-0.

 (published posthumously), Bateson, G.; Donaldson, Rodney E. (1991). A Sacred Unity: Further Steps to an Ecology of Mind. Harper Collins. ISBN 0-06-250100-3.  1956, Bateson, The message 'this is play.' In B. Schaffner (Ed.), Group Processes: Transactions of the Second Conference (pp. 145–242) New York: Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation.  1956, Bateson, G., Jackson, D. D., Jay Haley & Weakland, J., "Toward a Theory of Schizophrenia", Behavioral Science, vol.1, 1956, 251–264. (Reprinted in Steps to an Ecology of Mind)  Bateson, G.; Jackson, D. (1964). "Some varieties of pathogenic organization. In Disorders of Communication". Research Publications. Association for Research in Nervous and Mental Disease. 42: 270–283.  1978, Malcolm, J., "The One-Way Mirror" (reprinted in the collection "The Purloined Clinic"). Ostensibly about family therapist Salvador Minuchin, essay digresses for several pages into a meditation on Bateson's role in the origin of family therapy, his intellectual pedigree, and the impasse he reached with Jay Haley.  Angels Fear (published posthumously in 1987) co-authored by his daughter Mary Catherine Bateson.

 Trance and Dance in Bali, a short documentary film shot by cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson in the 1930s, but it was not released until 1952. The film was an inductee of the 1999 National Film Registry list.  An Ecology of Mind, a documentary film shot by Nora Bateson and released in 2010 through The Impact Media Group, includes segments from Bateson's early films made in Bali.

References

1. ^ Schuetzenberger, Anne. The Ancestor Syndrome. New York, Routledge. 1998. 2. ^ Jump up to:a b Gregory Bateson and the OSS: World War II and Bateson's Assessment of Applied Anthropology, by Dr David H. Price, http://www.currentconcerns.ch/index.php?id=1110

3. ^ Conant, Jennet (2011). A Covert Affair Julia Child and Paul Child in the OSS. Simon and Schuster. p. 43. 4. ^ Jump up to:a b Bateson, G.; Jackson, D. D.; Haley, J.; Weakland, J. (1956). "Toward a theory of schizophrenia". Behavioral Science. 1 (4): 251– 264. doi:10.1002/bs.3830010402. 5. ^ Gordon, Susan (2013). "Editor's Introduction". In Susan Gordon (ed.). Neurophenomenology and Its Applications to Psychology. New York: Springer Publishing. p. xxxii. ISBN 978-1-4614-7238-4. 6. ^ Per the jacket copy of the first edition of Mind and Nature (1979) 7. ^ "Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved 21 May 2011. 8. ^ "The Regents of the University of California (list)" (PDF). University of California. Retrieved 31 August 2014. 9. ^ Lipset, David (1980). Gregory Bateson: Legacy of a Scientist. Prentice- Hall. ISBN 0133650561. 10. ^ NNDB, Gregory Bateson, Soylent Communications, 2007. 11. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica (2007). "Gregory Bateson". Retrieved from Britannica Concise, 5 August 2007 12. ^ "Mary Catherine Bateson". Mary Catherine Bateson. Retrieved 27 July 2013. 13. ^ Jump up to:a b To Cherish the Life of the World: Selected Letters of Margaret Mead. Margaret M. Caffey and Patricia A. Francis, eds. With foreword by Mary Catherine Bateson. New York. Basic Books. 2006. 14. ^ "Walter Taylor Sumner". Find a Grave. 21 August 2011. Retrieved 28 February 2016. 15. ^ Noel G. Charlton (2008). Understanding Gregory Bateson: mind, beauty, and the sacred earth. SUNY Press. p. 29. ISBN 9780791474525. This was to be the last large-scale work of lifelong atheist Bateson, seeking to understand the meaning of the sacred. 16. ^ 'Gregory Bateson: Old Men Ought to be Explorers', Stephen Nachmanovitch, CoEvolution Quarterly, Fall 1982 17. ^ Eakin, Emily (6 June 2014). "Going Native: 'Euphoria,' by Lily King". The New York Times. Retrieved 29 September 2017.

18. ^ Tognetti, Sylvia S. (2002). "Bateson, Gregory". In Peter Timmerman (ed.). Encyclopedia of Global Environmental Chang e (PDF). Chichester: Wiley. pp. 183–184. ISBN 0-471-97796-9. Retrieved 15 August 2012. Instead, Bateson stressed the importance of relationships that provide the basis for organization, and that are a greater limiting factor than energy. Relationships, which are sustained through communication of information rather than by energy flows, are also important as a source of information about context and meaning. 19. ^ Bateson, Gregory (21 April 1966). ""Versailles to Cybernetics"". Steps to an Ecology of Mind. pp. 477–485. Retrieved 15 August 2012. This is what mammals are about. They are concerned with patterns of relationship, with where they stand in love, hate, respect, dependency, trust, and similar abstractions, vis-à-vis somebody else. 20. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j Lipset, 1982[page needed] 21. ^ Silverman, Eric Kline (2001) Masculinity, Motherhood and Mockery: Psychoanalyzing Culture and the Iatmul Naven Rite in New Guinea. University of Michigan Press 22. ^ Marcus, George (1985) A Timely Rereading of Naven: Gregory Bateson as Oracular Essayist. Raritan 12:66–82. 23. ^ Silverman, Eric Kline. Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson in the Sepik, 1938: A Timely Polemic From a Lost Anthropological Efflorescence. Pacific Studies 28 (3/4) 2005:128-41. 24. ^ Interview Archived 26 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine with Gregory Bateson and Margaret Mead, in: CoEvolutionary Quarterly, June 1973. 25. ^ Bateson, Steps to an ecology of mind 26. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m Bateson, Gregory (1972). Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-03905-6. 27. ^ Carl Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Vintage Books, 1961, ISBN 0-394-70268-9, p. 378 28. . plato.acadiau.ca. Archived from the original on 4 February 2012. Retrieved 27 July 2013. 29. ^ "Scholar.google.com". Scholar.google.com. Retrieved 27 July 2013.

30. ^ Bateson, M. C. (1984). With a daughter's eye: A memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. New York: Pocket Books. 31. "2011 SCFF Award Winners". Santa Cruz Film Festival. Archived from the original on 29 July 2013. Retrieved 27 July 2013. 32. https://www.loc.gov/programs/national-film-preservation-board/film- registry/complete-national-film-registry-listing/ | accessed 3/18/2018

14. Ruth Behar

Ruth Behar (born 1956) is a Cuban-American anthropologist and writer.[2] Her work includes academic studies, as well as poetry, memoir, and literary fiction. As an anthropologist, she has argued for the open adoption and acknowledgement of the subjective nature of research and participant-observers. She is a recipient of the Belpré Medal.

Behar was born in Havana, Cuba in 1956 to a Jewish- Cuban family of Sephardic Turkish, and Ashkenazi Polish and Russian ancestry. She was four when her family immigrated to the US following Fidel Castro's gaining power in the revolution of 1959. More than 94% of Cuban Jews left the country at that time.,[3] together with many others of the middle and upper classes. Behar attended local schools and studied as an undergraduate at Wesleyan University, receiving her B.A. in 1977. She studied cultural anthropology at Princeton University, earning her doctorate in 1983.

She travels regularly to Cuba and Mexico to study aspects of culture, as well as to investigate her family's roots in Jewish Cuba. She has specialized in studying the lives of women in developing societies.[4]

Behar is a professor at the Department of Anthropology at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor.[2] Her literary work is featured in the Michigan State University's Michigan Writers Series.[5] A writer of anthropology, essays, poetry and fiction, Behar focuses on issues related to women and feminism.[4]

Lucky Broken Girl (2017) is multicultural coming-of-age novel for young adults, based on the author's childhood in the 1960s. Ruthie Mizrahi and her family recently emigrated from Castro's Cuba to New York City. Just when she's finally beginning to gain confidence in her

91 mastery of English –and enjoying her reign as her neighborhood's hopscotch queen – a horrific car accident leaves her in a body cast and confined to her bed for a long recovery. As Ruthie's world shrinks because of her inability to move, her powers of observation and her heart grow larger and she comes to understand how fragile life is, how vulnerable we all are as human beings, and how friends, neighbors, and the power of the arts can sweeten even the worst of times.

Writing for Cuba Counterpoints, Julie Schwietert Collazo writes, "Behar, without fail, always seems to be writing with the goal of honoring her own history, experiences, and feelings, without ever denying or excluding those of others, and in Lucky Broken Girl the achievement of this goal is evident on every page.

Traveling Heavy (2013) is a memoir about her Cuban- American family, descended from both Askenazi and Sephardic Jews in Cuba, as well as the strangers who ease her journey in life. Her probings about her complicated Jewish Cuban ancestry and family's immigration to America explore issues about identity and belonging. Kirkus Reviews described her book as "A heartfelt witness to the changing political and emotional landscape of the Cuban-American experience." Behar studies the revitalization of Cuban Jewish life as an anthropologist, but her personal journey back to the island she left as a little girl is the heart of this "memoir I snuck in, between journeys."

An Island Called Home (2007) was written in Behar's quest for a better understanding of Jewish Cuba and particularly her family's roots.[9] She noted, "I knew the stories of the Jews in Cuba, but it was all about looking at them as a community". Traveling the island, Behar becomes the confidante to a host of Jewish strangers, building connections for further anthropological research. Conducting one-on-one interviews, combined with black-and-white photography, she builds readers an image of the diasporic thread connecting Cuban Jews to one another.[9]

Beginning with Jewish immigrants of the 1920s, who fled unrest in Turkey, Russia and Poland, she moves on to stories of later immigrants, Polish and German Jews who fled to Cuba in the 1930s and 1940s in order

92 to escape persecution and the concentration camps of the Nazis. In Cuba immigrants opened mom-and-pop shops, peddled, and gradually adopted Spanish while still speaking Yiddish, settling into Latino life in La Habana Vieja. In the early part of the century, many Jewish immigrants worked in the Cuban garment industry.[3] More than 94% left during and after the 1959 revolution.[3][10] As her family was among those who left Cuba, Behar intertwines her personal thoughts and feelings with her professional, analytical observations of the current society.[9]

The Vulnerable Observer

The Vulnerable Observer recounts Behar's passage to integrating subjective aspects into her anthropological studies. Suffering her grandfather's death while on a field trip to Spain to study funeral practices, she decided the ethnographer could never be fully detached, and needed to become a "vulnerable observer". She argues that the ethnographic fieldworker should identify and work though, his or her own emotional involvement with the subject under study. She strongly critiques conventional ideas of objectivity, She suggested that the ideal of a "scientific," distanced, impersonal mode of presenting materials was incomplete.[12] Other anthropologists, including Claude Levi- Strauss, Georges Devereux, and Clifford Geertz, had also suggested that the researcher had to claim being part of the process more openly. Behar's six personal essays in The Vulnerable Observer are examples of her subjective approach.

Behar's grandparents emigrated to Cuba from Russia, Poland and Turkey during the 1920s. In 1962 they fled Cuba to escape Castro's communism.[12] At the age of nine, Behar suffered a broken leg from the crash of her family's car. She was immobilized for a year. The experience and recovery period led her to the recognition that "the body is a homeland" of stored memory and pain.

In 1985, Behar was working in Mexico when she befriended an Indian witch working as a street peddler. Townspeople said the witch, Esperanza Hernandez, had used black magic to blind her ex-husband after he regularly beat her and then left her for his mistress. Behar's portrayal of Esperanza's story in Translated Woman suggests she

alienated her own mother, inspiring Behar to portray Esperanza as a feminist heroine. Esperanza claims she found redemption in a spiritualist cult constructed around Pancho Villa. She blamed pent-up rage about her husband and life as the reason for the deaths in infancy of the first six of her 12 children.

Esperanza's rage led her to beat up her husband's lover, throw her son out of the house, beat a daughter for refusing to support her, and disown another son for having an affair with an uncle's ex- mistress because she considered it to be incestuous. Behar reflects on her own life and begins to think that her Latina-gringa conflicts result from a feeling of loss after having tried to model herself according to the American Dream, thus losing some sense of her Cuban Jewish family's past in that island nation. Esperanza's odyssey examines physical borders, margins and separations. Translated Woman contributes to the feminist argument that studying women in anthropology has been undervalued due to traditional academic prejudices that view women-centered analysis as too personally biased.

Awards and honours

 In 1988, Behar was the first Latino woman to be awarded a MacArthur fellowship. *In 2011 she gave a Turku Agora Lecture.

Books

 The Presence of the Past in a Spanish Village: Santa María del Monte (1986)  Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza's Story (1993; second edition, Beacon Press, 2003 ISBN 978-0-8070-4647-0)  Bridges to Cuba / Puentes a Cuba, editor, University of Michigan Press, 1995, ISBN 978-0-472-06611-7  Women Writing Culture Editors Ruth Behar, Deborah A. Gordon, University of California Press, 1995, ISBN 978-0-520-20208-5  The Vulnerable Observer: Anthropology That Breaks Your Heart, Beacon Press, 1996, ISBN 978-0-8070-4631-9

 An Island Called Home: Returning to Jewish Cuba, Rutgers University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-8135-4189-1  The Portable Island: Cubans at Home in the World, Editors Ruth Behar, Lucía M. Suárez, Macmillan, 2008, ISBN 978-0-230-60477-3  Traveling Heavy: A Memoir in Between Journeys., Duke University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-0-8223-5720-9 Film

 Adio Kerida (Goodbye Dear Love): A Cuban-American Woman's Search for Sephardic Memories (2002)

References

1. ^ "Behar, Ruth". snac. Retrieved 2018-09-20. 2. ^ Jump up to:a b Ruth Behar Archived 2010-06-09 at the Wayback Machine Michigan Writers Collection 3. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Cuba", Jewish Virtual Library 4. ^ Jump up to:a b "About Ruth". Ruthbehar.com. April 24, 2011. Archived from the original on February 27, 2012. 5. ^ "Michigan Writers Series". Michigan State University Libraries. Retrieved 2012-07-14. 6. ^ "Ruth Behar's Lucky Broken Girl. A review by JULIE SCHWIETERT COLLAZO". Cuba Counterpoints. 2017-03-07. Retrieved 2018-03-26. 7. ^ Jump up to:a b : Ruth Behar, Traveling Heavy, Kirkus Reviews 8. ^ Review: Ruth Behar, Traveling Heavy'", Boston Globe, 7 May 2013 9. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Veciana-Suarez, Ana (November 3, 2007). "Author's heritage draws her back to Cuba's Jews" (PDF). Miami Herald. Archived from the original (PDF) on August 26, 2014.

15.Ruth Benedict

Ruth Fulton Benedict (June 5, 1887 – September 17, 1948) was an American anthropologist and folklorist.

She was born in New York City, attended Vassar College and graduated in 1909. After studying anthropology at the New School of Social Research under Elsie Clews Parsons, she entered graduate studies at Columbia University in 1921, where she studied under Franz Boas. She received her PhD and joined the faculty in 1923. Margaret Mead, with whom she shared a romantic relationship, and Marvin Opler, were among her students and colleagues.

Benedict held the post of President of the American Anthropological Association and was also a prominent member of the American Folklore Society. She became the first woman to be recognized as a prominent leader of a learned profession. She can be viewed as a transitional figure in her field, redirecting both anthropology and folklore away from the limited confines of culture-trait diffusion studies and towards theories of performance as integral to the interpretation of culture. She studied the relationships between personality, art, language and culture, insisting that no trait existed in isolation or self-sufficiency, a theory which she championed in her 1934 Patterns of Culture.

Benedict was born Ruth Fulton in New York City on June 5, 1887, to Beatrice (Shattuck) and Frederick Fulton. Her mother worked in the city as a school teacher, while her father pursued a promising career as a homeopathic doctor and surgeon.[3] Although Mr. Fulton loved his work and research, it eventually led to his premature death, as he acquired an unknown disease during one of his surgeries in 1888.[6] Due to his illness the family moved back to Norwich, New York to the farm of Ruth's

96 maternal grandparents, the Shattucks. A year later he died, ten days after returning from a trip to Trinidad to search for a cure.

Mrs. Fulton was deeply affected by her husband's passing. Any mention of him caused her to be overwhelmed by grief; every March she cried at church and in bed.[6] Ruth hated her mother's sorrow and viewed it as a weakness. For her, the greatest taboos in life were crying in front of people and showing expressions of pain.[6] She reminisced, "I did not love my mother; I resented her cult of grief".[6] Because of this, the psychological effects on her childhood were profound, for "in one stroke she [Ruth] experienced the loss of the two most nourishing and protective people around her—the loss of her father at death and her mother to grief".

As a toddler, she contracted measles which left her partially deaf, which was not discovered until she began school. Ruth also had a fascination with death as a young child. When she was four years old her grandmother took her to see an infant that had recently died. Upon seeing the dead child's face, Ruth claimed that it was the most beautiful thing she had ever seen.

At age seven Ruth began to write short verses and read any book she could get her hands on. Her favorite author was Jean Ingelow and her favorite readings were A Legend of Bregenz and The Judas Tree. Through writing she was able to gain approval from her family. Writing was her outlet, and she wrote with an insightful perception about the realities of life. For example, in her senior year of high school she wrote a piece called, "Lulu's Wedding (A True Story)" in which she recalled the wedding of a family serving girl. Instead of romanticizing the event, she revealed the true, unromantic, arranged marriage that Lulu went through because the man would take her, even though he was much older.

Although Ruth Benedict's fascination with death started at an early age, she continued to study how death affected people throughout her career. In her book Patterns of Culture, Benedict studied the Pueblo culture and how they dealt with grieving and death. She describes in the book that individuals may deal with reactions to death,

97 such as frustration and grief, differently. Societies all have social norms that they follow; some allow more expression when dealing with death, such as mourning, while other societies are not allowed to acknowledge it.

College and marriage

After high school, Margery (her sister) and Ruth were able to enter St Margaret's School for Girls, a college preparatory school, with help from a full-time scholarship. The girls were successful in school and entered Vassar College in September 1905 where Ruth thrived in an all- female atmosphere. During this time period stories were circulating that going to college led girls to become childless and never be married. Nevertheless, Ruth explored her interests in college and found writing as her way of expressing herself as an "intellectual radical" as she was sometimes called by her classmates. Author Walter Pater was a large influence on her life during this time as she strove to be like him and live a well-lived life. She graduated with her sister in 1909 with a major in English Literature. Unsure of what to do after college, she received an invitation to go on an all-expense paid tour around Europe by a wealthy trustee of the college. Accompanied by two girls from California that she'd never met, Katherine Norton and Elizabeth Atsatt, she traveled through France, Switzerland, Italy, Germany, and England for one year, having the opportunity of various home stays throughout the trip.

Over the next few years, Ruth took up many different jobs. First she tried paid social work for the Charity Organization Society and later she accepted a job as a teacher at the Westlake School for Girls in Los Angeles, California. While working there she gained her interest in Asia that would later affect her choice of fieldwork as a working anthropologist. However, she was unhappy with this job as well and, after one year, left to teach English in Pasadena at the Orton School for Girls. These years were difficult, and she suffered from depression and severe loneliness. However, through reading authors like Walt Whitman and Jefferies that stressed a worth, importance and enthusiasm for life she held onto hope for a better future.

The summer after her first year teaching at the Orton School she returned home to the Shattucks' farm to spend some time in thought and

98 peace. There Stanley Rossiter Benedict, an engineer at Cornell Medical College, began to visit her at the farm. She had met him by chance in Buffalo, New York around 1910. That summer Ruth fell deeply in love with Stanley as he began to visit her more, and accepted his proposal for marriage. Invigorated by love, she undertook several writing projects in order to keep busy besides the everyday housework chores in her new life with Stanley. She began to publish poems under different pseudonyms—Ruth Stanhope, Edgar Stanhope, and Anne Singleton. She also began work on writing a biography about Mary Wollstonecraft and other lesser known women that she felt deserved more acknowledgement for their work and contributions. By 1918 the couple began to drift apart. Stanley suffered an injury that made him want to spend more time away from the city, and Benedict was not happy when the couple moved to Bedford Hills far away from the city.

Career in anthropology

In her search for a career, she decided to attend some lectures at the New School for Social Research while looking into the possibility of becoming an educational philosopher.[4] While at the school, she took a class called "Sex in Ethnology" taught by Elsie Clews Parsons. She enjoyed the class and took another anthropology course with Alexander Goldenweiser, a student of noted anthropologist Franz Boas. With Goldenweiser as her teacher, Ruth's love for anthropology steadily grew.[4] As close friend Margaret Mead explained, "Anthropology made the first 'sense' that any ordered approach to life had ever made to Ruth Benedict".[10] After working with Goldenweiser for a year, he sent her to work as a graduate student with Franz Boas at Columbia University in 1921. She developed a close friendship with Boas, who took on a role as a kind of father figure in her life – Benedict lovingly referred to him as "Papa Franz".

Boas gave her graduate credit for the courses that she had completed at the New School for Social Research. Benedict wrote her dissertation "The Concept of the Guardian Spirit in North America", and received the PhD in anthropology in 1923.[3] Benedict also started a

99 friendship with Edward Sapir who encouraged her to continue the study of the relations between individual creativity and cultural patterns. Sapir and Benedict shared an interest in poetry, and read and critiqued each other's work, both submitting to the same publishers and both being rejected. They also were both interested in psychology and the relation between individual personalities and cultural patterns, and in their correspondences they frequently psychoanalyzed each other. However, Sapir showed little understanding for Benedict's private thoughts and feelings. In particular, his conservative gender ideology jarred with Benedict's struggle for emancipation. While they were very close friends for a while, it was ultimately the differences in worldview and personality that led their friendship to strand.

Benedict taught her first anthropology course at Barnard college in 1922 and among the students there was Margaret Mead. Benedict was a significant influence on Mead.

Boas regarded Benedict as an asset to the anthropology department, and in 1931 he appointed her as Assistant Professor in Anthropology, something impossible until her divorce from Stanley Benedict that same year.

One student who felt especially fond of Ruth Benedict was Ruth Landes. Letters that Landes sent to Benedict state that she was enthralled by the way in which Benedict taught her classes and with the way that she forced the students to think in an unconventional way.

When Boas retired in 1937, most of his students considered Ruth Benedict to be the obvious choice for the head of the anthropology department. However, the administration of Columbia was not as progressive in its attitude towards female professionals as Boas had been, and the university President Nicholas Murray Butler was eager to curb the influence of the Boasians whom he considered to be political radicals. Instead, Ralph Linton, one of Boas's former students, a World War I veteran and a fierce critic of Benedict's "Culture and Personality" approach, was named head of the department. Benedict was understandably insulted by Linton's appointment and the Columbia department was divided between the two rival figures of Linton and

100

Benedict, both accomplished anthropologists with influential publications, neither of whom ever mentioned the work of the other.

Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict are considered to be the two most influential and famous anthropologists of their time. One of the reasons Mead and Benedict got along well was because they both shared a passion for their work and they each felt a sense of pride at being a successful working woman during a time when this was uncommon. They were known to critique each other's work frequently; they created a companionship that began through their work, but which also during the early period was of an erotic character. Both Benedict and Mead wanted to dislodge stereotypes about women during their time period and show that working women can be successful even though working society was seen as a man's world.

In her memoir about her parents, With a Daughter's Eye, Margaret Mead's daughter implies that the relationship between Benedict and Mead was partly sexual. In 1946, Benedict received the Achievement Award from the American Association of University Women. After Benedict died of a heart attack in 1948, Mead kept the legacy of Benedict's work going by supervising projects that Benedict would have looked after, and editing and publishing notes from studies that Benedict had collected throughout her life.

Post-war

Before World War II began, Benedict was giving lectures at the Bryn Mawr College for the Anna Howard Shaw Memorial Lectureship. These lectures were focused around the idea of synergy. Yet, WWII made her focus on other areas of concentration of anthropology and the lectures were never presented in their entirety. After the war was over, she focused on finishing her book The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. Her original notes for the synergy lecture were never found after her death.[25] She was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1947.[26] She continued her teaching after the war, advancing to the rank of full professor only two months before her death, in New York on September 17, 1948.

101

Patterns of Culture

Benedict's Patterns of Culture (1934) was translated into fourteen languages and was published in many editions as standard reading for anthropology courses in American universities for years.

The essential idea in Patterns of Culture is, according to the foreword by Margaret Mead, "her view of human cultures as 'personality writ large.'" As Benedict wrote in that book, "A culture, like an individual, is a more or less consistent pattern of thought and action" (46). Each culture, she held, chooses from "the great arc of human potentialities" only a few characteristics which become the leading personality traits of the persons living in that culture. These traits comprise an interdependent constellation of aesthetics and values in each culture which together add up to a unique gestalt.

For example, she described the emphasis on restraint in Pueblo cultures of the American southwest, and the emphasis on abandon in the Native American cultures of the Great Plains. She used the Nietzschean opposites of "Apollonian" and "Dionysian" as the stimulus for her thought about these Native American cultures. She describes how, in ancient Greece, the worshipers of Apollo emphasized order and calm in their celebrations.

In contrast, the worshipers of Dionysus, the god of wine, emphasized wildness, abandon, letting go, as did Native Americans. She described in detail the contrasts between rituals, beliefs, personal preferences amongst people of diverse cultures to show how each culture had a "personality" that was encouraged in each individual.

Other anthropologists of the culture and personality school also developed these ideas, notably Margaret Mead in her Coming of Age in Samoa (published before "Patterns of Culture") and Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (published just after Benedict's book came out). Benedict was a senior student of Franz Boas when Mead began to study with them, and they had extensive and reciprocal influence on each other's work. Abram Kardiner was also affected by these ideas, and in time, the concept of "modal personality"

102 was born: the cluster of traits most commonly thought to be observed in people of any given culture.

Benedict, in Patterns of Culture, expresses her belief in cultural relativism. She desired to show that each culture has its own moral imperatives that can be understood only if one studies that culture as a whole. It was wrong, she felt, to disparage the customs or values of a culture different from one's own. Those customs had a meaning to the people who lived them which should not be dismissed or trivialized. We should not try to evaluate people by our standards alone. Morality, she argued, was relative to the values of the culture in which one operated.

As she described the Kwakiutl of the Pacific Northwest (based on the fieldwork of her mentor Boas), the Pueblo of New Mexico (among whom she had direct experience), the nations of the Great Plains, the Dobu culture of New Guinea (regarding whom she relied upon Mead and Reo Fortune's fieldwork), she gave evidence that their values, even where they may seem strange, are intelligible in terms of their own coherent cultural systems and should be understood and respected. This also formed a central argument in her later work on the Japanese following World War II.

Critics have objected to the degree of abstraction and generalization inherent in the "culture and personality" approach. Some have argued that particular patterns she found may be only a part or a subset of the whole cultures. For example, David Friend Aberle writes that the Pueblo people may be calm, gentle, and much given to ritual when in one mood or set of circumstances, but they may be suspicious, retaliatory, and warlike in other circumstances.

In 1936, she was appointed an associate professor at Columbia University. However, by then, Benedict had already assisted in the training and guidance of several Columbia students of anthropology including Margaret Mead and Ruth Landes.

Benedict was among the leading cultural anthropologists who were recruited by the US government for war-related research and consultation after the US entry into World War II.

103

"The Races of Mankind"

One of Benedict's lesser known works was a pamphlet "The Races of Mankind" which she wrote with her colleague at the Columbia University Department of Anthropology, Gene Weltfish. This pamphlet was intended for American troops and set forth, in simple language with cartoon illustrations, the scientific case against racist beliefs.

"The world is shrinking," begin Benedict and Weltfish. "Thirty-four nations are now united in a common cause—victory over Axis aggression, the military destruction of fascism" (p. 1).

The nations united against fascism, they continue, include "the most different physical types of men."

And the writers explicate, in section after section, the best evidence they knew for human equality. They want to encourage all these types of people to join together and not fight amongst themselves. "[A]ll the peoples of the earth", they point out, "are a single family and have a common origin." We all have just so many teeth, so many molars, just so many little bones and muscles—so we can only have come from one set of ancestors no matter what our color, the shape of our head, the texture of our hair. "The races of mankind are what the Bible says they are— brothers. In their bodies is the record of their brotherhood

The Chrysanthemum and the Sword

Benedict is known not only for her earlier Patterns of Culture but also for her later book The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, the study of the society and culture of Japan that she published in 1946, incorporating results of her war-time research.

This book is an instance of Anthropology at a Distance. Study of a culture through its literature, through newspaper clippings, through films and recordings, etc., was necessary when anthropologists aided the United States and its allies in World War II. Unable to visit Nazi Germany or Japan under Hirohito, anthropologists made use of the cultural materials to produce studies at a distance. They were attempting to understand the cultural patterns that might be driving their

104 aggression, and hoped to find possible weaknesses, or means of persuasion that had been missed.

Benedict's war work included a major study, largely completed in 1944, aimed at understanding Japanese culture. Americans found themselves unable to comprehend matters in Japanese culture. For instance, Americans considered it quite natural for American prisoners of war to want their families to know they were alive, and to keep quiet when asked for information about troop movements, etc., while Japanese POWs, apparently, gave information freely and did not try to contact their families. Why was that? Why, too, did Asian peoples neither treat the Japanese as their liberators from Western colonialism, nor accept their own supposedly just place in a hierarchy that had Japanese at the top?

Benedict played a major role in grasping the place of the Emperor of Japan in Japanese popular culture, and formulating the recommendation to President Franklin D. Roosevelt that permitting continuation of the Emperor's reign had to be part of the eventual surrender offer.

Other Japanese who have read this work, according to Margaret Mead, found it on the whole accurate but somewhat "moralistic". Sections of the book were mentioned in Takeo Doi's book, The Anatomy of Dependence, though Doi is highly critical of Benedict's concept that Japan has a 'shame' culture, whose emphasis is on how one's moral conduct appears to outsiders in contradistinction to America's (Christian) 'guilt' culture, in which the emphasis is on individual's internal conscience. Doi stated that this claim clearly implies the former value system is inferior to the latter one.

Legacy

A U.S. 46¢ Great Americans series postage stamp in her honor was issued on October 20, 1995. Benedict College in Stony Brook University has been named after her.

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In 2005 Ruth Fulton Benedict was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame.[28]

References

1. ^ Modell 1984: 145–157 2. ^ Jump up to:a b Bailey, Martha J. (1994). American Women in Science:A Biographical Dictionary. ABC-CLIO, Inc. ISBN 978-0-87436- 740-9. 3. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Young 2005 4. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m Caffrey 1989. 5. ^ https://www.encyclopedia.com/women/encyclopedias-almanacs- transcripts-and-maps/benedict-ruth-1887-1948 6. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Benedict 1959: 97–112 7. ^ Mead, Margaret (1977). An anthropologist at work: writings of Ruth Benedict. Greenwood Press, ISBN 978-0-8371-9576-6 8. ^ Jump up to:a b Benedict 1959: 118–155. "In spite of myself bitterness at having lived at all obsessed me; it seemed cruel that I had been born, cruel that, as my family taught me, I must go on living forever" ... "I am not afraid of pain, nor of sorrow. But this loneliness, this futility, this emptiness—I dare not face them" 9. ^ Benedict 1959: 55–79 10. ^ Mead, in Benedict 1959: 3–17. 11. ^ "Ruth Benedict". Webster.edu. 1948-09-17. Archived from the original on 2013-11-06. Retrieved 2013-11-02. 12. ^ Darnell, Regna (1989). Edward Sapir: linguist, anthropologist, humanist. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 172– 183. ISBN 978-0-520-06678-6. 13. ^ Steven E. Tozer (2010). Handbook of Research in The Social Foundations of Education. Taylor & Francis. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-203- 87483-7. 14. ^ Jump up to:a b Cole, Sally. "Mrs Landes Meet Mrs. Benedict." American Anthropologist 104.2 (2002): 533–543. Web. 12 January 2010. 15. ^ Sydel Silverman. 2004. Totems and Teachers: Key Figures in the History of Anthropology. Rowman Altamira p. 118

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16. ^ Ernestine Friedl. 1995. The Life of an Academic: A Personal Record of a Teacher, Administrator, and Anthropologist Annual Review of Anthropology. Vol. 24: 1–20 17. ^ Banner 2003: 1 18. ^ Bateson 1984;:117– 118 Lapsley 1999 19. ^ Lutkehaus 2008: 41, 79–81 20. ^ Janiewski and Banner 2004: ix-xiiix 21. ^ Jump up to:a b Maksel 2004 22. ^ Bateson 1984:117–118; Lapsley 1999 23. ^ Maslow, et al. 1970 24. ^ Benedict 1989: 43 25. ^ Benedict 1989 26. ^ "Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved June 2, 2011. 27. ^ Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology. Guide to the National Anthropological Archives and Human Studies Film Archives 28. ^ National Women's Hall of Fame, Ruth Fulton Benedict

16.Dorothy A. Bennett

Dorothy Agnes Bennett (August 31, 1909 – February 9, 1999) was an American anthropologist, astronomer, curator, publisher, and author. She was the first assistant curator of the Hayden Planetarium, and co- created the Little Golden Books franchise.

Born in Minneapolis, Dorothy Bennett was the only child of architect Daniel Bennett (born 1869) and wife Marion (born 1879).[1] Bennett studied astronomy and anthropology at the University

107 of Minnesota, where she also participated in the Women's Athletic Association. Upon graduating with a B.A. in English in 1930, she moved to New York, having been denied the chance to study in Africa with an anthropology professor on account of her gender.

The American Museum of Natural History having been given a timeframe of 30 days to find a job in New York by her mother, Bennett was hired as an assistant by the American Museum of Natural History's Department of Public Education. Within a year, she was promoted to Assistant Curator, and she organized high-attending programs for the Evening Elementary School Students' Association (which consisted of international adult students),[5] as well as for the Museum's Junior Astronomy Club.[6] Nobel Prize winner Roy J. Glauber was a member of the club and credited it for inspiring his passion in science.[7] In the evenings, Bennett attended anthropology classes at Columbia University, taught by Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, and Alfred Radcliffe-Brown. Bennett substitute-taught one of Mead's courses in 1931.

Upon the opening of the Hayden Planetarium in 1935, Bennett was promoted to assistant curator of astronomy and the Hayden Planetarium, where she delivered over 1,000 lectures between 1935 and 1939.[8] In 1937, she created and spearheaded the Hayden Planetarium-Grace Peruvian Eclipse Expedition to Cerro de Pasco, Peru to view a particularly long solar eclipse on June 8.

Publishing

Bennett's success in the Museum's education department led her to writing books for children and adolescents, with her first co-authored book on astronomy being published in 1935, staying in print for 60 years. In 1939, she left the Museum for a position as sales and promotion manager at University of Minnesota Press, publishing a bestselling biography of the Mayo brothers

Bennett returned to New York in 1941, where she worked with Georges Duplaix to develop the Little Golden Books. Under Duplaix, Bennett became the editor of the Golden Books franchise, producing books by such authors and illustrators as Margaret Wise Brown, Clement

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Hurd, Edith Thacher Hurd, and Garth Williams. Bennett authored several Golden Books, as well as introducing some of the first recorded books for children with Little Golden Records in 1948. She was also involved with the production of the Golden Nature Guides and regional guides in 1949.

After leaving Simon & Schuster in 1954, Bennett enrolled in a Foreign Service Institute Course on the Middle East at the American University of Beirut and then in V. Gordon Childe's archaeology courses at UCL Institute of Archaeology.[3] Bennett then moved to University of California, Berkeley to become senior anthropologist at the Lowie Museum of Anthropology, where she managed collections.

In the 1960s, Bennett worked with the Berkeley Unified School District to create an interdisciplinary multimedia course called Educational Programming of Cultural Heritage (EPOCH), which lasted until 1969.

Retirement

After the end of EPOCH, Bennett and her companion, child psychologist Rosamund Gardner, moved to Taos, New Mexico where they built an adobe home. They associated with artists and painters like Erik Bauersfeld, Dorothy Brett, and others. Bennett died in Taos in 1999.

Selected publications

 Handbook of the Heavens, Sponsored by the American Museum of Natural History with Hubert Jay Bernhard (McGraw-Hill 1935)  "A Planetarium for New York."(November, 1935) The Scientific Monthly 41 (5): 474-477  The Book of the Hayden Planetarium, the American Museum of Natural History (The Museum, 1935)  Sold to the Ladies! Or, the Incredible But True Adventures of Three Girls on a Barge (Cadmus Books, 1940)  The Golden Almanac (Simon & Schuster, 1944)  The Golden Encyclopedia (Simon & Schuster, 1946)

References

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1. ^ "United States Census, 1910". FamilySearch. National Archives and Records Administration. 1910. Retrieved April 9, 2016. 2. ^ Jump up to:a b Brady, Tim. "Bennett's Feast". University of Minnesota Alumni. Archived from the original on October 17, 2016. Retrieved April 9, 2016. 3. ^ Jump up to:a b Sohn, Amy Daily. "The Star-Studded Life of Ms. Dorothy Bennett". Retrieved April 10, 2016. 4. ^ 62nd annual report of the trustees for the year 1930 (PDF). New York: The American Museum of Natural History. 1931. p. 97. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 17, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2016. 5. ^ 63rd annual report of the trustees for the year 1931 (PDF). New York: The American Museum of Natural History. 1932. pp. 50, 102. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 17, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2016. 6. ^ "NAVY SETS UP BASE TO OBSERVE ECLIPSE". The New York Times. July 31, 1932. p. 24 – via ProQuest Historical Newspapers. 7. ^ Glauber, Roy (2006). Grandin, Karl (ed.). "Roy J. Glauber - Biographical". Nobel Prize. Stockholm: Nobel Foundation. Retrieved April 10, 2016. 8. ^ 68th Annual Report for the year 1936 (PDF). New York: American Museum of Natural History. 1937. p. 106. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 17, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2016. 9. ^ K., C. P. (January 1, 1937). "The Hayden Planetarium-Grace Peruvian Eclipse Expedition". The Scientific Monthly. 45 (2): 186– 189. Bibcode:1937SciMo..45..186K. JSTOR 16486. 10. ^ 69th Annual Report for the Year 1937 (PDF). New York: The American Museum of Natural History. 1938. pp. 57–58. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 17, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2016. 11. ^ "First Glances at New Books". The Science News-Letter. 39 (19): 304. January 1, 1941. JSTOR 3918053. 12. ^ 71st Annual Report for the year 1939 (PDF). New York: The American Museum of Natural History. 1940. p. 37. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 17, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2016.

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13. ^ Smetanka, Mary Jane (October 22, 2000). "150 Years of Memories". Star Tribune. Minneapolis, MN. p. 01E – via ProQuest Newspapers. 14. ^ Santi, Steve (August 5, 2005). Warman's Little Golden Books Field Guide: Values and Identification. Krause Publications. p. 19. ISBN 0896892654. 15. ^ Stanton, Joseph (January 1, 1993). "Review of Margaret Wise Brown: Awakened by the Moon". Biography. 16 (3): 276– 278. doi:10.1353/bio.2010.0391. JSTOR 23539995. 16. ^ "WorldCat, author Dorothy A. Bennett". OCLC. Retrieved April 9, 2016. 17. ^ Cunningham, Virginia (January 1, 1948). "Other Publications". Notes. Music Library Association. 6 (1): 167– 170. doi:10.2307/891519. JSTOR 891520. 18. ^ Epstein, Jeremiah F. (January 1, 1958). "Anthropological Activities in the United States 1958-1959". Boletín Bibliográfico de Antropología Americana. 21/22 (1): 26–61. JSTOR 40974164. 19. ^ Monfort, Jay B.; Others, And (1967). "EPOCH--ESEA PROJECT FOR EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMMING OF CULTURAL HERITAGE. PLANNING PERIOD REPORT". Berkeley Unified School District. 20. ^ "Audiovisual Instruction". Department of Audiovisual Instruction. Audiovisual Instruction. National Endowment of the Arts. 1969. 21. ^ "1935-2014". Social Security Death Index. Social Security Administration. 2011.

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17. Karl Hermann Berendt

Karl Hermann Berendt (November 12, 1817 in Danzig – May 12, 1878 in Guatemala City) was a German- American physician, collector, explorer and investigator of Mesoamerican linguistics.

He worked in Mexico and Central America where he studied the ethnology and philology of the natives. His work was partially supported by the Chicago Academy of Science, the Philadelphia Academy of Science, and the Smithsonian Institution. Berendt was elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society in 1875. He was the son of Georg Karl Berendt.

He studied at various German universities, receiving his degree of M.D. at the University of Königsberg in 1842. In 1843, he began practice at Breslau and also acted as Privatdozent in surgery and obstetrics at the University of Breslau. In 1848 he was a member of the Vorparlament at Frankfurt.

His political sympathies forced him to move to America in 1851. He proceeded from New York City to Nicaragua, and spent two years in the study of the ethnography, geography, and natural history of that region. Two years later he moved to Orizaba, Mexico, and thence to Veracruz, where he remained from 1855 to 1862. He then gave up medicine and devoted himself to natural science, linguistics, and ethnology, paying special attention to the Mayan tribes. He spent a year in Tabasco, and thence came in 1863 to the United States.

In the United States, he devoted the greater part of the following year in copying manuscripts in the library of John Carter Brown. At the request of the Smithsonian Institution, he visited Yucatan. The results of

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this visit are published in its report for 1867. In 1869 he explored the ruins of ancient Centla, in the plains of Tabasco. He visited the United States several times between this date and 1876, his last visit.

In 1874 he settled at Cobán, Vera Paz, partly to study the Maya dialects of the region and partly to raise tobacco. At the request of the Berlin museum he spent a winter in securing and forwarding the sculptured slabs of Santa Lucía Cotzumalguapa, Guatemala, but an attack of fever terminated his work.

Works

He contributed many articles in English, German, and Spanish to such works as Petermann's Mittheilungen (Communications) and the Deutsch-Amerikanisches Conversations-Lexicon (German-American Encyclopedia). Much of his work is unpublished, some manuscripts being in the National Anthropological Archives in Washington, D.C., and others deposited in the University of Pennsylvania Museum library as part of the Daniel Garrison Brinton bequest. Among Berendt's published works are:

 Analytical Alphabet for the Mexican and Central American Languages (New York, 1869)  Los escritos de D. Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta (Mérida, 1870)  Los trabajos linguisticos de Don Pio Perez (Mexico, 1871)  Cartilla en lengua Maya (Mérida, 1871)  "On a Grammar and Dictionary of the Carib or Karif Language," in the Smithsonian report for 1873  "Die Indianer des Isthmus von Tehuantepec" in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1873  "The Darien Language" in the American Historical Record, 1874

References

 Weeks, John M. "The Penn Library Collections at 250: Anthropology: The Daniel Garrison Brinton Collection" (PDF). Retrieved October 23, 2011.

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18. Lee Rogers Berger

Lee Rogers Berger (born December 22, 1965) is an American-born South African paleoanthropologist and National Geographic Explorer-in- Residence. He is best known for his discovery of the Australopithecus sediba type site, Malapa; his leadership of Rising Star Expedition in the excavation of Homo naledi at Rising Star Cave; and the Taung Bird of Prey Hypothesis.

Berger is known not only for his discoveries, but also for his unusually public persona in paleoanthropology, and for making his most notable discoveries open-access projects. He makes hundreds of talks per year, and has had a close relationship with National Geographic for many years, appearing in several of their shows and documentaries.

Berger was born in Shawnee Mission, Kansas in 1965, but was raised outside of Sylvania, Georgia in the United States.[9][10] As a youth, Berger was active in the Boy Scouts, Future Farmers of America, and president of Georgia 4-H. In 1984, Berger was named Georgia's Youth Conservationist of the Year for his work in conserving the threatened gopher tortoise. He is a Distinguished Eagle Scout, and received the Boy Scouts of America Honor Medal for saving a life in 1987.

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He graduated from Georgia Southern University in 1989 with a degree in anthropology/archaeology and a minor in geology.He undertook doctoral studies in palaeoanthropology at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) in South Africa under Professor Phillip Tobias, focusing his research on the shoulder girdle of early hominins; he graduated in 1994. In 1991, he began his long term work at the Gladysvale site. This marked the same year that his team discovered the first early hominin remains from the site, making Gladysvale the first new early hominin site to be discovered in South Africa since 1948.[13] In 1993, he was appointed to the position of research officer in the Paleo- Anthropology Research Unit (PARU) (now the Evolutionary Sciences Institute; ESI) at Wits.

He became a postdoctoral research fellow and research officer at the University of the Witwatersrand in 1995. He has been the leader of the Palaeoanthropology Research Group and has taken charge of fossil hominin excavations, including Sterkfontein, Swartkrans, and Gladysvale. In 2004, he was promoted to Reader in Human Evolution and the Public Understanding of Science. He is presently a research professor in the same topic at the Evolutionary Studies Institute (ESI) and the Centre of Excellence in Palaeosciences (CoE Pal) at Wits.

Berger served as Executive Officer of the Palaeo-Anthropological Scientific Trust (PAST) (now the Palaeontological Scientific Trust; PAST) from 1994 to 2001.[14][15] Berger served on the committee for successful application for World Heritage Site Status for the UNESCO Sterkfontein, Swartkans, Kromdraai, and Environs site. He also served on the Makapansgat site development committee, as well as the committee for both Makapansgat and Taung's application for World Heritage site status. He was also a founding Trustee of the Jane Goodall Trust South Africa.

Berger served with the Royal Society of South Africa, Northern Branch, between 1996 and 1998, and served as Secretary in 1996 and

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1997. He also served on the Fulbright Commission, South Africa, chairing it in 2005, and chairing its Program Review Committee from 2002 to 2004.

Berger is a Fellow of the Royal Society of South Africa and serves on the Senior Advisory Board of the Global Young Academy. In 1997 he was appointed to an adjunct professorial position in the Department of Biological Anthropology and Anatomy at Duke University in Durham North Carolina and the following year as an honorary assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Arkansas.

Palau fossils

Berger was lead author of a controversial report of the discovery in 2006 of what he and colleagues claimed were small-bodied humans in Palau, [[Micronesia]. Scholars have disputed the argument that these individuals are pygmoid in stature, or that they were the result of insular dwarfism; in an article titled "Small Scattered Fragments Do Not a Dwarf Make", anthropologists Scott M. Fitzpatrick (NC State), Greg C. Nelson (University of Oregon), and Geoffrey Clark (Australian National University) conclude that "[p]rehistoric Palauan populations were normal- sized and exhibit traits that fall within the normal variation for Homo sapiens," hence, concluding that their evidence did "not support the claims by Berger et al. (2008) that there were smaller-bodied populations living in Palau or that insular dwarfism took place" Berger and co-authors Churchill and De Klerk replied to the study, saying "the logical flaws and misrepresentations in Fitzpatrick and coworker's paper are too numerous to discuss in detail" and that their restudy report "amounts to a vacuous argument from authority... and ad hominem assault, and brings little new data to bear on the question of body size and skeletal morphology in early Palauans".[23] John Hawks, the paleoanthropologist who edited the original Palau article for PLoS ONE, has replied in part to some of the dissenting researchers' claims (in his personal web blog).

Berger displays the fossilized bones of Australopithecus sediba he discovered at the Malapa Fossil Site

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In August 2008, 9-year-old Matthew Berger, the son of Lee Rogers Berger, found a clavicle and a jawbone embedded in a rock near Malapa Cave in South Africa.[25] Subsequent excavation, headed by Berger, led to the discovery of numerous bones nearby that dated back nearly two million years. Along with various co-authors, Berger published a series of articles between 2010 and 2013 in the journal Science that describe what they call a new species, Australopithecus sediba, which had a mixture of primitive and modern characteristics. The finding was particularly promising because it potentially revealed a previously unknown transitional species between the more ape-like australopithecines and the more human-like Homo habilis. Berger claimed that this new finding represented "the most probable ancestor" of modern-day Homo sapiens.

Berger's work at the Malapa site was significant not only because of the discovery itself, but also because of the way he and his collaborators shared information about their findings. While most paleoanthropological investigations are known for a high level of secrecy, Berger worked to make the sediba site an open access project. In addition to sharing digital data, he made the fossils found available on request to researchers wanting to study them themselves.

On September 13, 2013, two recreational cavers, Rick Hunter and Steven Tucker, discovered a previously unknown, remote chamber within the well known Rising Star cave system. Discovering the floor of this chamber (now known as the Dinaledi Chamber or UW-101) littered with human-like bones, the pair reported their finds to a colleague, who in turn brought them to the attention of Berger. Recognizing their importance, and unable to access the chamber himself due to his size, Berger organized an expedition over social media that brought six qualified researchers in from around the world to commence an excavation of the remains in November 2013.

An early career workshop was organized in May 2014 that brought together 54 local and international scientists to describe and study the

117 more than 1550 fossils recovered. In September 2015, the team announced Homo naledi as a new hominin species, citing its unique mosaic of more ancestral and human-like traits.[30] Other fossil bearing localities in the system were given the site numbers 102 to 104, though research regarding them has not yet been published.

Awards

Lee Berger receiving the 1st National Geographic Prize for Research and Exploration in Washington, D.C. in 1997. Pictured Left to Right: Vernita Berger (mother in law), Arthur B. Berger (grandfather), Lee Berger, Arthur L. Berger (father), Jacqueline Berger (wife)

Collaborative research papers by Berger have been recognized four times as being among the top 100 Science stories of the year by Discover Magazine,[citation needed] an international periodical focusing on popular scientific issues. The first recognition came in 1995 for his co-authored work with Ron Clarke of Wits on the taphonomy of the Taung site and in 1998 for his co-authored work with Henry McHenry of the University of California, Davis on limb lengths in Australopithecus africanus.

He is a National Press Photographers Association Humanitarian Award winner in 1987 for throwing his camera down while working as a news photographer for television station WTOC and jumping into the Savannah River to save a drowning woman.[26] He is a Golden Plate Awardee of the Academy of Achievement. In 1997, the National Geographic Society in Washington, D.C. awarded him the first National Geographic Society Prize for Research and Exploration given for his research into human evolution. In April 2016, Berger was selected by Time as one of its "100 most influential people".

Berger has resided in South Africa since 1989. His wife Jacqueline is a radiologist in the medical school at the University of the Witwatersrand,

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the same university where he works.[33] They have a son, Matthew,[33] and a daughter, Megan.

Articles

 Berger, Lee R.; et al. (2015). "Homo naledi, a new species of the genus Homo from the Dinaledi Chamber, South Africa". eLife. 4. doi:10.7554/eLife.09560. PMC 4559886. PMID 26354291. Lay summary.  Berger, L. R.; de Ruiter, D. J.; Churchill, S. E.; Schmid, P.; Carlson, K. J.; Dirks, P. H. G. M.; Kibii, J. M. (2010). "Australopithecus sediba: a new species of Homo-like australopith from South Africa". Science. 328 (5975): 195–204. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.729.7802. doi:10.1126/science.1184944. PMID 20378811.  Books  Redrawing the family tree? (National Geographic Press, 1998)  Visions of the Past (Vision. End. Wild. Trust, 1999)  Towards Gondwana Alive: promoting biodiversity and stemming the sixth extinction (Gondwana Alive Soc. Press, 1999)  In The Footsteps of Eve[10] (with Brett Hilton-Barber) (National Geographic, 2001)  The Official Field Guide to the Cradle of Humankind, with Brett Hilton- Barber (Struik, 2002). For a review, visit [1]  Change Starts in Africa (in South Africa the Good News) (S.A. Good News Publishing, 2002)  Working and Guiding in the Cradle of Humankind (Prime Origins Publishing and The South African National Lottery, 2005)  Berger, Lee; Hilton-Barber, Brett (2002). The Official Field Guide to the Cradle of Humankind: Sterkfontein, Swartkrans, Kromdraai and Environs World Heritage Site. Cape Town: Struik Publishers. ISBN 978- 1868727391.  Berger, Lee; Aronson, Marc Aronson (2012). The Skull in the Rock: How a Scientist, a Boy, and Google Earth Opened a New Window on Human Origins. National Geographic Society. ISBN 978-1426310539.  Berger, Lee; Hawks, John (2017). Almost Human: The Astonishing Tale of Homo naledi and the Discovery That Changed Our Human Story. Washington: National Geographic Society. ISBN 978-1-4262-1811-

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References

 "Biography: Lee Berger". University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Retrieved May 16, 2016.  "Lee R. Berger, Ph.D. Biography and Interview". www.achievement.org. American Academy of Achievement.  "Lee Berger". National Geographic. Retrieved May 16, 2016.  Lloyd, Julia. "Malapa Cave: Australopithecus Sediba's Place of Discovery". Maropeng. Retrieved May 16, 2016.  mmagnan1 (January 22, 2014). "News on South Africa's Hominins: Berger's Rising Star Expedition". Anthropology.net. Retrieved May 16, 2016.  Berger, LR; Clarke, RJ (1995). "Eagle involvement in accumulation of the Taung child fauna" (PDF). Journal of Human Evolution. 29 (3): 275; 299. doi:10.1006/jhev.1995.1060. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 24, 2015.  Davie, Lucille. "Who killed the Taung child?". SouthAfrica.info. Retrieved May 16, 2016.  Williams, Paige. "The Big Fight Over Fossils". The New Yorker. Retrieved June 28, 2016.  "Lee Berger | South African paleoanthropologist". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved May 25, 2016.  Bascomb, Bobby (September 10, 2015). "Archaeology's Disputed Genius". Nova Next.  "Lee Berger, headline-making scientist, is an Eagle Scout". Bryan on Scouting. September 10, 2015. Retrieved May 25, 2016.  Berger, Lee R.; Aronson, Marc (2012). The Skull in the Rock: How a Scientist, a Boy, and Google Earth Opened a New Window on Human Origins. Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society. pp. 13–19. ISBN 978-1-4263-1010-2.  Berger, Lee R.; Keyser, André W.; Tobias, Phillip V. (September 1, 1993). "Gladysvale: First early hominid site discovered in South Africa since 1948". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 92 (1): 107–111. doi:10.1002/ajpa.1330920109. ISSN 1096-8644. PMID 8238287.

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 Brain, CK (2003). "A perspective on the PAST". South African Journal of Science. 99: 235–236.  Blumenschine, RJ; Leenen, A (2016). "What's new from the PAST?" (PDF). South African Journal of Science. 112: 7–9. doi:10.17159/sajs.2016/a0139. Retrieved May 25, 2016.  "Fossil Hominid Sites of South Africa". UNESCO. Retrieved May 25, 2016.  "Rising star". University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. October 26, 2015. Retrieved May 25, 2016.  Berger, Lee R., Steven E. Churchill, Bonita De Klerk & Rhonda L. Quinn (March 2008). "Small-Bodied Humans from Palau, Micronesia". PLoS ONE. 3 (3): e1780. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0001780. PMC 2268239. PMID 18347737.[non-primary source needed]  "Ancient Small People on Palau Not Dwarfs, Study Says". National Geographic News. Retrieved May 25, 2016.  John Noble Wilford (March 11, 2008). "Discovery Challenges Finding of a Separate Human Species". The New York Times. Retrieved September 10, 2015.  Dalton, Rex (April 16, 2008). "Archaeology: Bones, isles and videotape". News Feature. Nature. 452 (7189): 806–808. doi:10.1038/452806a. PMID 18431826. Subtitle: Old human remains found on the Pacific islands of Palau are caught in the crossfire between entertainment and science. Rex Dalton reports.  Fitzpatrick, Scott M., Greg C. Nelson & Geoffrey Clark (August 27, 2008). "Small Scattered Fragments Do Not a Dwarf Make: Biological and Archaeological Data Indicate that Prehistoric Inhabitants of Palau Were Normal Sized". PLoS ONE. 3 (8): e3015. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0003015. PMC 2516174. PMID 18728774.  Fitzpatrick, Scott M., Greg C. Nelson & Geoffrey Clark (December 11, 2008). "Reader Comments: The Small-Bodied Early Inhabitants of Palau, comment in response to Small Scattered Fragments Do Not a Dwarf Make: Biological and Archaeological Data Indicate that Prehistoric Inhabitants of Palau Were Normal Sized". PLoS ONE. 3 (12): e3015. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0003015. PMC 2516174. PMID 18728774.  Hawks, John (March 13, 2008). "john hawks weblog: What about Palau?". Homo erectus, Flores. Retrieved September 10, 2015.

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 Maugh II, Thomas H. (April 9, 2010). "2-Million-Year-Old Fossils Offer Look at Human Evolution". News. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved September 10, 2015. Subtitle: Scientists say the skeletons of a woman and boy could be one of the most important finds of recent times. A discovery by a 9- year-old led to finding the pair, dubbed Australopithecus sediba.  Walston, Charles (1986). "TV cameraman on story rescues woman in river". State News. The Atlanta Journal (September 19). Atlanta, GA, USA. p. B/1. Archived from the original on September 28, 2007.  Room, National Geographic Press (August 14, 2013). "Lee Berger, Sarah Parcak Join National Geographic's Explorer Ranks – National Geographic Society Press Room". Retrieved May 25, 2016.  Wong, Kate. "Could a Renewed Push for Access to Fossil Data Finally Topple Paleoanthropology s Culture of Secrecy?". Retrieved June 28, 2016.  "This Face Changes the Human Story. But How?". National Geographic News. September 10, 2015. Retrieved July 6, 2016.  Berger, Lee R.; Hawks, John; Ruiter, Darryl J. de; Churchill, Steven E.; Schmid, Peter; Delezene, Lucas K.; Kivell, Tracy L.; Garvin, Heather M.; Williams, Scott A. (September 10, 2015). "Homo naledi, a new species of the genus Homo from the Dinaledi Chamber, South Africa". eLife. 4: e09560. doi:10.7554/eLife.09560. ISSN 2050-084X. PMC 4559886. PMID 26354291.  Berger, Lee R. (January 24, 2015). "Annual Report 2014 for the Rising Star Cave and Empire Cave systems" (PDF). SAHRA. Retrieved July 6, 2016.  Homo naledi scientist cracks Time's 100 most influential people list. April 21, 2016. The South African.  "Dawn of Humanity", NOVA, PBS, September 16, 2015

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19. Brent Berlin

Overton Brent Berlin (born 1936)[1] is an American anthropologist, most noted for his work with linguist Paul Kay on color, and his ethnobiological research among the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico.

He received his Ph.D. from Stanford University in 1964. Until recently, Berlin was Graham Perdue Professor of Anthropology at the University of Georgia, where he was also director of the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies and co-director for the Laboratories of Ethnobiology.

His work alongside Paul Kay on the 1969 publication of Basic Color Terms: Their Universality and Evolution built on the ideas of Lazarus Geiger in the field of color terminology research and has been highly influential in anthropology, linguistics and cognitive sciences. Berlin and Kay concluded that the number of basic color terms in the world's languages are limited and center on certain focal colors, assumed to be cognitively hardwired.

He led the Maya ICGB project, a bioprospecting consortium, supported by the Biodiversity Program for the National Institutes of Health, which was closed in 2001 after accusations of failure to obtain adequate informed consent from the Maya community from which he obtained indigenous knowledge. These allegations were primarily driven by a Canadian-based political activist organization, known at the time as RAFI. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1981.

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Works in ethnobiology

Berlin is well known in the field of ethnobiology, or the study of how people name, use, and organize the names and the knowledge about the plants and animals around them. He also further focused on Folk biology, a sub field of ethnobiology, which refers to the biological classification and reasoning particular to cultural group. Understanding societies’ interactions with their environment is vital to understanding the culture of the people. Berlin’s contribution to the evolution of ethnobiology as a field has been invaluable to many anthropologists. Considering "a series of landmark publications concerning ethnobiological classification, Berlin has remained a prime architect of the descriptive and analytic frameworks now widely regarded as standard and major theory."(1994)[4]

Covert Categories and Folk Taxonomies (1968)

In 1968, Berlin, Breedlove and Raven studied the botanical ethnography of the Tzeltal Maya people of Chiapas, Mexico. They published an article titled Covert Categories and Folk Taxonomy.[5]

They found a way to determine, with a high degree of reliability, the major outlines of the named taxonomic structure of the plant world for Tzeltal speakers. Tzeltal speakers are part of a Mayan language spoken in Mexico. Most linguists distinguish between six different dialects of the language based upon where in the region they are from. In this study, they found many cultural and meaningful categories related by inclusion that are not conventionally labeled. In their language, the different plants in each category all have a common word structure that puts them apart from all of the other plants. They found that you cannot trace the words back to a single source where all plant names are

124 included. In most languages, they have a "unique beginner" where you can trace the names back to. What Berlin and his colleagues found is that plants and animals are thought of as two separate unnamed classes. In plant taxonomy, the highest level is not a "unique beginner" but is instead represented by four major lexemes or units. These four levels are trees, vines, grasses, and herbs. There are more minor classes that include cacti, agaves, bamboos, etc. There are also very few midlevel plant categories. All of the Tzeltal specific taxa (those that which include no other members) fall into the different major and minor sublevels in their taxonomy. But, it is odd to note that the midlevel category hihte, or "oak", contains the plants sikyok and cikinib which neither share the same linguistic structure with their "parent plant."

To test the hypothesis the first went through the community, observed, and recorded information from their informants comments of the plants in their natural habitats. When they went out into the field to collect data, they noticed that some of 10,000 specimens that were located in the same named contrast set were closely related than others. They take into account the uses of the certain plants including food, herbs, firewood and so on.

A second method that was used helped with searching for possible subgroupings within contrast sets of large numbers was to determine the extent to which informants subdivided lists of plant names. To do this, they wrote the names of different names of plants and animals on slips of papers and then gave them to their informants. After doing this, the informants than put the slips of papers into groups that were most like each other. The results showed that they had no trouble placing them in the different categories of "plants" and "animals." This also showed that though they did not have a word for it they did know of the existence of "plants." After this, they broke down the taxonomy even further by giving them different "plant" names and asking them the same question,

125 as before they had no problem labeling each plant into the different groups or categories.

After they established that they understood the existence of subgroupings, they used three different procedures to find out how they define the features of certain plants. The first procedure was called the triads test. This one involved the informants to choose which item out of a group of three was the most different. The results indicated how they group things together based upon similarity.

The second procedure involved constructing folk keys. The keys are used to help distinguish the different plants from the other based upon the traits. They then used these to get a better understanding of why certain plants went certain places in their taxonomy. First they would give the informants the names of plants that they had earlier grouped together (when the researchers gave them the slips of papers with names on them), then they were asked to create a key that would help distinguish each plant from each other. In doing this, the informants showed how they make their divisions between plants and decide which group to put them in.

Finally, they conducted a study consisting of paired comparisons of all the items in a particular set of plant names. The informants were asked to compare all the logical pairs in different sets and make logical comparisons and differences amongst them. Characteristics such as stem growth, size and shape of the stem and leaves, and fruit size and shaped were all utilized when making the comparisons. This showed Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven what the "definitions" were for a set of terms and were then able to bring together the like terms that were the most similar according to the informant in question. This study showed what the Tzeltal people deem as the most important features to them when they decide to on certain plants to take care of and plant for their very immediate survival.

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This results from this study shows that things that do not have names according to the Tzeltal speakers still exist in their eyes. The hierarchy generated by their studies are not arbitrary spaced which therefore clearly implies a taxonomic structure. The plants still have a part in their lives and they still identify with them even though they may not have a name with them. The process of having a given name to certain life in their ecology shows just how much these people are attached to their surroundings. It also shows what to them is considered a life form and what is not. The study proves that we should not take shallow taxonomic hierarchies for granted and should have further studies concerning them to show that the different languages go deeper than we actually let on to them. The study helps outline three great studies that others can use to set up their own studies. It can help researchers understand why sometimes it is hard to identify where the midlevel on a taxonomy hierarchy is or even if it exists at all in a certain community.

General Principles of Classification and Nomenclature in Folk Biology (1973)

One of the first works Berlin published in relation to the budding field of ethnobiology was also one of his more influential: General Principles of Classification and Nomenclature in Folk Biology (1973) was coauthored with Dennis Breedlove of the California Academy of Sciences and Peter Raven of the Missouri Botanical Garden.

In this journal article, Berlin and team intended to illustrate three hypotheses they felt were properly supported by the data they had acquired during the research they completed. First, it is possible to isolate organisms into linguistically recognized groups called taxa, or classes. Second, these taxa can be further broken down into no more than five smaller classes called taxonomic ethnobiological categories. These smaller categories are defined in terms of certain criteria, such as having certain linguistic or taxonomic feature that are recognizable. They continued to describe how these organisms, flora or fauna, belonging to

127 each of these categories can be arranged into a complex taxonomic hierarchy.

The five ethnobiological categories are as follows: unique beginner, life form, generic, specific, and varietal. Most, if not all organisms can be placed taxonomically into these categories. They turned their attentions to the formal linguistic structure of the lexemic nomenclature of the plants and animals and to which taxa each of these organisms belong to. After laying out the criteria and division of the taxa and lexemes, they used the information to discuss the Tzeltal and how they have a nomenclature system incredibly similar to that of Western botany’s division of plants. The data they had obtained studying the Tzeltal and the lexemic system used to name plants was found to conform, with only a few exceptions, to the hypotheses Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven had laid out.

Finally, they attempt to show how the principles demonstrated by the research suggest they can be applied to many ethnobiological classification systems since they are general. "While data on some aspects of ethnobotany and ethnozoology, especially the uses of plants and animals, are available from a wide variety of sources, good materials on the classificatory principles underlying folk biological taxonomy and nomenclature in non-Western societies are sadly lacking (1973). Berlin, Breedlove and Raven began to encourage and emphasize the importance in gaining ethnobiological information regarding nomenclature and utilizing the principles they laid out to increase our knowledge of potentially general cognitive categorizing, the people who use these taxonomic systems, and how these systems can influence our view of the environment around us.

In a following article published in the American Ethnologist (1976), Berlin attempted to address some criticisms he had encountered regarding the ethnobiological concept of category, hereafter also referred to as rank, by applying some of his previous principles to new information on biological classification of the Aguaruna. Some claim the

128 boundaries to determine ranks are arbitrary or that there is no validity to the rank concept. The conclusion of the report stated, "[…] the vast majority of conceptually recognized plant classes in Aguaruna are easily accommodated into one of the proposed ranks in a natural and straightforward fashion. These data suggest that ranks are neither arbitrary nor a mere typological cataloging device invented for the convenience of the ethnographer. On the contrary, the Aguaruna’s view of the plant world provides additional support for the hypothesis that the concept of rank is fundamental to all systems of folk biological classification" (1976).

Ethnobiological Classification (1992)

One of Berlin’s most well known contributions to ethnobiology is his 1992 book, Ethnobiological Classification: Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies.

In this book, Berlin analyzes the widespread commonalities in classification and naming purposes of the local flora and fauna among traditional, non-literate societies. It helps develop and reaffirm the "universalist" approach to ethnobiology. He explains the "basic principles" that he feels form the groundwork for a comparative ethnobiology. He also talks about the three main levels of classification; generic, specific, and higher-order. He wants to stress the importance of prototypes and the fact that "perceptual motivation" underpins not only genera, but also intermediate and life form categories, although he points out that he understands that the life form categories does not neatly reflect biological taxa. In another part of the book, he explores the patterned variations in ethnobiological knowledge. He brings up an interesting suggestion that ethnobiological nomenclature is not necessarily arbitrary, but often reflects some aspect of the inherent quality of the organism. "Brent Berlin maintains that these patterns can best be explained by the similarity of human beings' largely unconscious appreciation of the natural affinities among groupings of plants and animals: people recognize and

129 name a grouping of organisms quite independently of its actual or potential usefulness or symbolic significance in human society" (2009).

This implies that the ability and want to categorize is nearly innate in humans. This claim challenged some anthropologists’ beliefs that one’s sense of reality is determined by culture; that the subjective and unique view one has of their surroundings is controlled little by the world around the individual. He argues throughout the book against his colleagues that only natural species that have "evident utility for man have been named." He constantly argues against a neo-malinowskian functionalism. He makes humans out to seem as simply contemplative materialists unknowingly seeking out only the things that will ensure our happiness and survival and leaving everything else to be on its own for its own survival. He also focused on the structure of ethnobiological classification based on individual nomenclature systems he has researched or seen at work firsthand. He addressed the processes at work to affect the evolution of ethnobiology and the systems involved. Berlin has received a lot of praise on this book. In reference to the book, Terence Hays says, "Here, Berlin deals straightforwardly and systematically with his major critics, acknowledging that ‘the patterns recognized nearly two decades ago must now be restated in light of new evidence and new theoretical insights that have emerged since that time’" (1994:3)

Medical Ethnobiology of the Highland Maya (1996)

Some of Berlin’s more recent work is focused on medical ethnobiology and modern Mayan populations. In 1996, in collaboration with his wife, Elois Ann Berlin, he published a book entitled Medical Ethnobiology of the Highland Maya of Chiapas, Mexico: The Gastrointestinal Diseases.(1996)

In this work, Berlin and Berlin focus on two specific Maya speaking groups, the Tzeltal and the Tzotzil. As opposed to focusing on the standard ritual and symbolism approach to understanding the medicinal

130 properties of Mayan healing, the book’s focus is on the ethnobotanical approach. The Tzeltal/Tzotzil have a wealth of knowledge regarding symptomatic diseases and the medicinal herbs that alleviate the symptoms associated with these diseases. Some of the most devastating diseases that affect these people are gastrointestinal diseases. Berlin and Berlin outline the symptomology, treatment, ingredients of the herbs administered, and even the classification of these diseases. Over the time that they researched, they began to realize that the administration of these herbs were condition specific were extremely effective if the condition was known to those treating.

In 2008, Brent Berlin and Elois Ann Berlin were recognized by the Society for Economic Botany. They received the Distinguished Economic Botanist Award. "‘The work of Brent Berlin and Elois Ann Berlin over the last four decades has led to major theoretical advances in cognitive and medical Ethnobiology,’ said Rick Stepp, a member of the council of the Society for Economic Botany."(2008)[10] Brent Berlin has generated information and new techniques of analyzing data that has influenced many well established members of the field and up and coming students who strive to be an asset to the social sciences.

In the book, Basic Color Terms: Their Universality and Evolution (1969),[11] a collaboration between Berlin and Paul Kay, they used around 100 different languages to see how many basic color terms for each language are universal. The data they present states that there are around 11 universal basic color terms for languages in which there are always terms for white and black present in all languages. They depicted a set of stages which state that if there are 3 color terms presented, this is attributed to include red, also. There are several more steps in which other colors are then added until there are languages with 8 or more basic color terms. In one experiment, they used painted chips with several different color hues and told the speakers in their native language to point out the basic color in the focal point and the outer hues

131 they also connect it to. This helped them gauge what difference in hues of colors people from different languages appropriated with each basic color term. Because of the fact that there are many different names for colors in each society, the data helped note what the basic terms for simple colors were and how many different hues they connected to those basic colors.

Berlin also studied the classifications of color for the Aguaruna people of north-central Peru. In this research, he found out that a majority of these people match up with the stage three color views from the 1969 work, in which the Aguaruna have names for black, white, red, and a color they call grue. In his article, Aguaruna Color Categories (1975),[12] he discusses the findings of how they classify and name colors. When he mentions that they have the color grue, he states that it is a "GRUE [green + blue],…it appears to be blue rather than green"(1975). Although the majority of the people he studied matched up with this third stage of color classification and naming, there were others that often had the names to multiple other colors and were attributed to knowing more Spanish than the others. In their native language, it is possible that they did not have words for all of the colors that are available to use in Spanish. During their research, they soon noticed that there was no specific name for the word "color" in the Aguaruna language. Often, they had an easier time when speaking with the bilingual people that also knew Spanish. This helped them compile an early list of 10 color terms in both Spanish and Aguaruna.

Instead of depending solely on the painted chips like they did in the previous experiment, they "began presenting items of natural or artificial object and asking...’what stain does it have’, a question provided us by a bilingual teacher"(1975). He mentioned later that they were able to find objects of all colors except pink and brown and that this type of color naming procedure helped the participants answer more quickly and was more enjoyable during the study. In addition to this way of color

132 questioning, they also brought some painted cards because they could not find painted chips and used those along with the objects.

During the research, they presented the colored objects and asked which types people associated with certain colors, in no particular order, and wrote the results down. After this questioning, they presented cards with different colors and told the participants to choose a focal point for various colors and point out how many cards they attributed to each color. In their findings they noticed how people that were monolingual in Aguaruna only recognized names for the basic white, black, red, and grue while others that spoke a little or were bilingual in Spanish knew the names of many more colors presented. In his findings on the topic of color terminology among the Aguaruna, he noticed that people with access to different languages outside of the community have picked up various names for colors from a different language and brought them into the community in order for some to have access to multiple color terms they might not have had in their own language.

In 1998 Berlin and his wife, Elois A. Berlin, founded an International Cooperative Biodiversity Group - the Maya ICGB.[13] The group was intended as a combined bioprospecting and research cooperative between the University of Georgia where the Berlins were employed, a Mexican university, a Welsh pharmaceutical company and a newly created NGO called PROMAYA supposed to represent the Indigenous Maya of Chiapas. The aim was to collect and document the ethnobotanical knowledge of the Maya peoples of Chiapas, one of the world's biodiversity hotspots with regards discovering, patent, produce and market medicines based on Maya ethnobiological knowledge. The NGO PROMAYA was established as a foundation through which the project could share rights and benefits with the indigenous holders of the medicinal knowledge.

Soon after being initiated the project became the subject of harsh criticisms by indigenous activists and Mexican intellectuals who

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questioned how knowledge obtained from individual Maya could be patented by researchers or foreign pharmaceutical companies, how the PROMAYA NGO established by the Berlins and under their control could be considered representative of the many different Maya communities in Chiapas, and how it was possible for the knowledge that had been collective property of the Maya peoples to become suddenly privatized without the prior consent of each of the individual initial holders of the knowledge. The Berlins argued that the establishment of the NGO was the only feasible way of managing benefit sharing with the community and of obtaining prior informed consent, and they that since the traditional knowledge was in the public domain among the Maya no individual Maya could expect remuneration.[14] As tensions mounted the Mexican partner withdrew its support for the project, and later the NIH, which caused the project to be closed down in 2001 - without having been able to produce any results.

The Maya ICBG case was among the first to draw attention to the problems of distinguishing between bioprospecting and biopiracy, and to the difficulties of securing community participation and prior informed consent for bioprospectors.

References

 Berlin, Brent. 1992. Ethnobiological classification: principles of categorization of plants and animals in traditional societies. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-09469-1  Berlin, Brent. 1995. "Huambisa Sound Symbolism." In Sound symbolism, edited by Leanne Hinton, Johanna Nichols, and John J. Ohala. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press.  Berlin, Elois Ann, and Brent Berlin. 1996. Medical ethnobiology of the Highland Maya of Chiapas, Mexico: the gastrointestinal diseases. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.  "Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved June 16, 2011.

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 "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2010-06-03. Retrieved 2010-03-29.  "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2010-04-13. Retrieved 2010-03-29.  Hays, T. (1994). Book Reviews. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 4(1), 74-75.  Berlin, B., Breedlove, D., & Raven, P. (1968). Covert Categories and Folk Taxonomies. American Anthropologist, 70(2), 290-299.  Berlin, B., Breedlove, D., & Raven, P. (1973). General Principles of Classification and Nomenclature in Folk Biology. American Anthropologist 75(1), 214 - 242.  Berlin, B. (1976). The concept of rank in ethnobiological classification: some evidence from Aguaruna folk botany. American Ethnologist, 3(3), 381-399.  Berlin, B. (1992). Ethnobiological Classification: Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press.  Berlin, B., & Berlin, E. (1996). Medical Ethnobiology of the Highland Maya of Chiapas, Mexico: the Gastrointestinal Diseases. Princeton: Princeton University Press.  Williams, P. L. (2008, February 28). Public Affairs, News Bureau. Retrieved March 26, 2010, from University of Georgia: http://www.uga.edu/news/artman/publish/printer_080228_Berlins.shtml  Berlin, B, & Kay, P. (1969). Basic color terms: their universality and evolution. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press.  Berlin, B, & Berlin, E.A. (1975). Aguaruna Color Categories. American Ethnologist, 2(1), 61-87  "UGA Today - Today's top news from the University of Georgia". UGA Today.  Berlin, Brent; Eloise A Berlin (2007). "Comment 1.1 Private and Public Knowledge in the Debate on Bioprospecting: Implications for Local Communities and prior Informed Consent". In James V. Lavery (ed.). Ethical Issues in International Biomedical Research: A Casebook. Oxford University Press.

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 Hayden, Cori (2003). When Nature Goes Public: The Making and Unmaking of Bioprospecting in Mexico. Princeton University Press. pp. 100–105.  Feinholz-Klip, Dafna; García Barrios, Luis; Cook Lucas, Julie (2009). "The Limitations of Good Intent: Problems of Representation and Informed Consent in the Maya ICBG Project in Chiapas, Mexico". In Wynberg, Rachel, Doris Schroeder & Roger Chennells (eds.) (eds.). Indigenous Peoples, Consent and Benefit Sharing. Springer Netherlands. pp. 315–331. doi:10.1007/978-90-481-3123-5_17. ISBN 978-90-481-3123-5.

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20. Catherine Berndt

Catherine Berndt, c.1952 Catherine Helen Berndt, née Webb (8 May 1918 – 12 May 1994), born in Auckland, was an Australian anthropologist known for her research in Australia and Papua New Guinea. She was awarded in 1950 the Percy Smith Medal from the University of Otago, New Zealand and in 1980 she received a children's book award and medal for her book, Land of the Rainbow Snake, a collection of stories from Western Arnhem Land.

Berndt published valuable monographs on Aboriginal Australians, including Women's Changing ceremonies in Northern Australia (1950).[2] She authored over 36 major publications about women's social and religious life in Australia, New Zealand, and Papua New Guinea, plus a dozen co-authored publications with others.

For this work, Berndt was elected Honorary Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute in London. She was also the 7th woman elected as a Fellow in the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.

With her husband Ronald Berndt, C. Berndt collected Indigenous art works of Australia and Asia. The collection is conserved in the Berndt Museum of Anthropology, founded by the couple in 1976 (University of Western Australia).

She died in 1994.

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"The Aboriginal Australians: The first pioneers". Pitman. Retrieved 25 September 2012. (co-author)

Arnhem Land: Its history and its people (co-author)

"Monsoon and Honey Wind". 1970. (about the Wawalag myth)

References

 "Women Anthropologists". The University of Illinois press. Retrieved 22 March 2017.  "The Berndt Museum". The University of Western Australia Berndt Museum of Anthropology. Archived from the original on 17 March 2012. Retrieved 25 September 2012.  "Women Anthropologists". The University of Illinois press. Retrieved 22 March 2017.  White, Isobel (1 September 1994), "Catherine Helen Berndt. (Obituary)", Oceania, University of Sydney, 65 (1): 1, ISSN 0029-8077  Stanton, John (1994), "Catherine Helen Berndt, 1918/1994. [Obituary]", Australian Aboriginal Studies (Canberra) (1): 93–96, ISSN 0729-4352  Sutton, Peter John (2001), Ronald and Catherine Berndt: An appreciation, Carfax, retrieved 7 July 2014

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21. Catherine L. Besteman

Catherine Lowe Besteman is an anthropologist and holds the position of Francis F. Bartlett and Ruth K. Bartlett Professor of Anthropology at Colby College in Waterville, Maine. She has taught at that institution since 1994.[1] She is known for her work with Somali Bantu refugees who have migrated from East Africa to Lewiston, Maine since 2005.

Besteman received her BA from Amherst College and her MA and PhD from the University of Arizona.

Besteman’s areas of expertise include refugees; southern Somalia, South Africa, and, more generally; insecurity and violence;[2] and inequality and racism. She also specializes in studying humanitarianism and activism. She writes in support of an engaged approach to anthropology, which involves advocacy, teaching, and collaboration with the people who are the focus of study.[3] Besteman has studied Southern Somalia extensively, and has written a number of books and papers about this area.[4] She has criticized traditional anthropological and media portrayals of Somalis and of the Somalian civil war since it began in the early 1990s,[5] and her opinions and methods are considered to be controversial by some anthropologists.

Research and work

Besteman began working in southern Somalia in the late eighties before the outbreak of civil war in 1991.[8][9] Many refugees from the

139 communities where she had worked in Somalia have resettled in Lewiston, Maine.[10] Under her direction, members of the local Bantu community and Colby College students have produced a wiki-type website about the Somali Bantus of Lewiston. A museum exhibition, "Rivers of Immigration: Peoples of the Androscoggin" was mounted at the Museum L-A, in conjunction with the wiki project, from 2009 to 2010.

During the 2000s, Besteman studied Cape Town, South Africa, focusing on the work of grassroots organizations in the city after the end of apartheid. Her book Transforming Cape Town (2008) describes several of these organizations and contrasts incidents of traditionalism with those of innovation.

Besteman received a Guggenheim Foundation grant and an American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS) Fellowship in 2012 to work on a book project.[13][14] In late 2013, the Rockefeller Foundation awarded a residency to Catherine Besteman for spring 2014.

Besteman has co-edited two books for general readership: Why America’s Top Pundits are Wrong: Anthropologists Talk Back (2005), and The Insecure American: How We Got Here and What We Should Do About It (2009).

Books

Besteman, C. (2016). Making Refuge: Somali Bantu Refugees and Lewiston, Maine. Duke University Press

Gusterson, H. & Besteman, C.L. (Eds.). (2009). The Insecure American: How We Got Here and What We Should Do About It. University of California Press.

Besteman, C. (2008). Transforming Cape Town. University of California Press.

Besteman, C. L., & Gusterson, H. (Eds.). (2005). Why America's Top Pundits Are Wrong: Anthropologists Talk Back. University of California Press.

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Besteman, C. L. (Ed.). (2002). Violence: A Reader. New York University Press.

Besteman, C. (1999). Unraveling Somalia: Race, Violence, and the Legacy of Slavery. University of Pennsylvania Press.

Besteman, C., & Cassanelli, L. V. (1996). The Struggle for Land in Southern Somalia: the War Behind the War. Westview Press.

Papers

Besteman, C. (2010). In and Out of the Academy: Policy and the Case for a Strategic Anthropology. Human Organization, 69(4), 407-417.

Besteman, C. (1998). Primordialist blinders: A reply to IM Lewis. Cultural Anthropology, 13(1), 109-120.

Besteman, C. (1996). Representing violence and "othering" Somalia. Cultural Anthropology, 11(1), 120-133.

Besteman, C. (1996). Violent politics and the politics of violence: the dissolution of the Somali nation‐state. American Ethnologist, 23(3), 579- 596.[16]

Besteman, C. (1994). Individualisation and the assault on customary tenure in Africa: title registration programmes and the case of Somalia. Africa-London-International African Institute, 64, 484-484.

References

 "Catherine L. Besteman · College Directory". Colby College.  Martin Shaw (19 September 2013). Genocide and International Relations: Changing Patterns in the Transitions of the Late Modern World. Cambridge University Press. pp. 176–. ISBN 978-1-107-46910-5.  Low, S. M., & Merry, S. E. (2010). Engaged anthropology: diversity and dilemmas. Current Anthropology, 51(S2), S203-S226.  Mohamed Haji Mukhtar (25 February 2003). Historical Dictionary of Somalia. Scarecrow Press. pp. 332–. ISBN 978-0-8108-6604-1.

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 Abdi Kusow (2004). Putting the cart before the horse: contested nationalism and the crisis of the nation-state in Somalia. Red Sea Press. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-56902-202-3.  Jonny Steinberg (6 January 2015). A Man of Good Hope. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. pp. 343–. ISBN 978-0-385-35273-4.  Richard Alqaq (28 February 2009). Managing World Order: United Nations Peace Operations and the Security Agenda. I.B.Tauris. pp. 202–. ISBN 978-0-85771-459-6.  "Catherine Besteman". Global Experts.  Aline Gubrium; Krista Harper (30 April 2013). Participatory Visual and Digital Methods. Left Coast Press. pp. 137–. ISBN 978-1-61132-711-3.  William Haviland; Harald Prins; Dana Walrath; Bunny McBride (21 February 2013). Anthropology: The Human Challenge. Cengage Learning. pp. 398–. ISBN 1-133-94132-X.  Androscoggin Bank. "Rivers of Immigration: Peoples of the Androscoggin" Archived 2013-10-29 at the Wayback Machine. museumla.org.  Denis-Constant Martin (June 2013). Sounding the Cape Music, Identity and Politics in South Africa. African Minds. pp. 368–. ISBN 978-1-920489- 82-3.  "Catherine Besteman" Archived 2013-09-21 at the Wayback Machine. gf.org.  "Catherine Besteman F'12". acls.org. Retrieved 2018-05-18.  "Besteman receives Rockefeller Foundation grant" Archived 2016-01-05 at the Wayback Machine. thecolbyecho.com.  Hannah Whittaker (13 October 2014). Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in Kenya: A Social History of the Shifta Conflict, C. 1963-1968. BRILL. pp. 70–. ISBN 978-90-04-28308-4.

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22. Theodore C. Bestor

Theodore C. Bestor (born 1951) is a Professor of Anthropology and Japanese Studies at Harvard University. He was the President for the Association for Asian Studies in 2012.

Theodore C. Bestor was born on August 7, 1951, in Urbana, Illinois. His father, Arthur Bestor, was a historian of American 19th century communitarian settlements and of the origins and development of the American constitution. His mother, Dorothy Alden Koch Bestor, was a professor of English literature. Bestor lived in Champaign-Urbana until he was eleven, when his parents moved to Seattle. He first visited Japan in 1967, when his father received a Fulbright Fellowship to teach at the University of Tokyo, Rikkyo University, and Doshisha University.

He attended secondary school in Seattle and graduated from Fairhaven College of Western Washington University in 1973. His graduate education was at Stanford University, where he received master's degrees in East Asian Studies (1976) and Anthropology (1977), and a PhD in Anthropology in 1983. During his graduate studies, he spent two years at the Inter-University Center for Japanese Language Studies in Tokyo.

He started his career as program director for Japanese and Korean studies at the Social Science Research Council. He then taught at Columbia University and Cornell University, and was a visiting professor at the Kyoto Consortium for Japanese Studies. He became a Professor of

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Anthropology at Harvard University in 2001. He served as the Chair of the Department of Anthropology from 2007 to 2012. During 2012-13, he was President of the Association for Asian Studies. He was also president of the American Anthropological Association's Society for Urban Anthropology and the Society for East Asian Anthropology (of which he was the founding president). During 2012-18 he was the Director of Harvard's Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies.

He has written widely on the culture and society of Japan. Much of his research has focused on contemporary Tokyo, including an ethnography of daily life in an ordinary neighborhood, Miyamoto-cho. Since the early 1990s, his primary research has concerned Tokyo's Tsukiji fish market where he has studied the economic anthropology of institutions, and has focused also on food culture, globalization, and Japan's fishing industry.

In 2013, he received an award from Japan's Agency for Cultural Affairs for his contributions to international understanding of Japan. In 2017, he was awarded the Order of the Rising Sun by the Government of Japan.

His wife, with whom he has co-edited and co-authored many publications, is Victoria Lyon Bestor. She is the Executive Director of the North America Coordinating Council on Japanese Library Resources. They have a son, Nicholas, born in 1986.

Publications

 Doing Fieldwork in Japan, Theodore C. Bestor, Patricia G. Steinhoff, and Victoria Lyon Bestor (co-editors), University of Hawai'i Press, 2003 (ISBN 978-0-8248-2734-2)  Neighborhood Tokyo, Theodore C. Bestor, Stanford University Press 1989 and Kodansha International 1990 (ISBN 978-0-8047-1797-7)  Tsukiji: The Fish Market at the Center of the World, Theodore C. Bestor, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2004 (ISBN 978-0-520-22024- 9)

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 Routledge Handbook of Japanese Culture and Society, Victoria Lyon Bestor and Theodore C. Bestor, with Akiko Yamagata (co-editors), Routledge, 2011 (ISBN 978-0-415-86334-6)

Awards

 1990 Choice Outstanding Academic Book Award.  1990 Hiromi Arisawa Memorial Award, given by the American Association of University Presses.  1990 Robert Park Award, given by the American Sociological Association.  1993 Abe Fellowship, given by the Social Science Research Council.

References

 Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies Archived 2014-10-21 at the Wayback Machine  Theodore C. Bestor Homepage at Harvard  Global Sushi: Soft Power and Hard Realities. Bestor lectures at Boston University's Center for the Study of Asia.  Social Science Research Council

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23. Lewis Binford

Lewis Roberts Binford (November 21, 1931 – April 11, 2011) was an American archaeologist known for his influential work in archaeological theory, ethnoarchaeology and the Paleolithic period. He is widely considered among the most influential archaeologists of the later 20th century, and is credited with fundamentally changing the field with the introduction of processual archaeology (or the "New Archaeology") in the 1960s.[1][2]

Binford's influence was controversial, however, and most theoretical work in archaeology in the late 1980s and 1990s was explicitly construed as either a reaction to or in support of the processual paradigm.[3] Recent appraisals have judged that his approach owed more to prior work in the 1940s and 50s than suggested by Binford's strong criticism of his predecessors.[4]

Binford was born in Norfolk, Virginia on November 21, 1931. As a child he was interested in animals, and after finishing high school studied wildlife biology at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute. Previously a mediocre student, Binford excelled in college and considered pursuing an academic career in biology until he was put off the idea when a professor suggested that there were "still a few species of blind cave salamanders" that he could be the first to study.[5] It was during his time in the

146 military that Binford first became interested in anthropology and archaeology.

After graduating he was drafted as an interpreter and assigned to a group of anthropologists tasked with resettling people on the Pacific islands occupied by the United States during World War II. He also became involved with the recovery of archaeological material from tombs on Okinawa that were to be removed to make way for a military base. Though he had no training in archaeology, Binford found himself excavating and identifying these artifacts, which were then used to restock the destroyed museum in Shuri.

After leaving the military Binford went to study anthropology at the University of North Carolina (UNC). The military subsidy he received was not enough to fund his study completely, so Binford used the skills in construction he learned from his father (a carpenter) to start a modest contracting business. He gained a second BA at UNC and then in 1957 transferred to the University of Michigan to complete a combined MA and PhD. His thesis was the interaction between Native Americans and the first English colonists in Virginia, a subject he became interested in while still at UNC.[7]

New Archaeology

Binford first became dissatisfied with the present state of archaeology while an undergraduate at UNC. He felt that culture history reflected the same 'stamp collecting' mentality that had turned him away from biology. At Michigan, he saw a sharp contrast between the "excitement" of the anthropology department's cultural anthropologists (which included Leslie White) and the "people in white coats counting their potsherds" in the Museum of Anthropology.[8] His first academic position was as an assistant professor at the University of Chicago, where he taught New World archaeology and statistical methods in archaeology. Shortly after his appointment he wrote his first major article, Archaeology as Anthropology (1962),

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which was stimulated by problems in archaeological methodology that had become apparent with the use of radiocarbon dating to verify the dates and cultural typologies generated with relative dating techniques such as seriation.[9] Binford criticised what he saw as a tendency to treat artifacts as undifferentiated traits,[10] and to explain variations in these traits only in terms of cultural diffusion. He proposed that the goal of archaeology was exactly the same as that of anthropology more generally, viz. to "explicate and explain the total range of physical and cultural similarities and differences characteristic of the entire spatio-temporal span of man's existence."[10] This would be achieved by relating artifacts to human behavior, and behavior to cultural systems (as understood by his mentor, cultural anthropologist Leslie White).[11]

Several other archaeologists at Chicago shared Binford's ideas, a group their critics began calling the "New Archaeologists".[12] In 1966 they presented a set of papers at a meeting of the Society for American Archaeology which were later collected in the landmark New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968), edited by Binford and his then wife Sally, also an archaeologist.[13] By the time this volume was published he had left Chicago – dismissed, according to Binford, because of increasing tension between himself and the senior archaeologists in the faculty, particularly Robert Braidwood.[14] He moved to the University of California, Santa Barbara for a year and then on to UCLA. He did not like the atmosphere at UCLA's large faculty, and so took the opportunity to relocate to the University of New Mexico in 1969.

Ethnoarchaeology

Binford withdrew from the theoretical debates that followed the rapid adoption[15] of New Archaeology (by then also called processual archaeology) in the 1960s and 70s, instead focusing on his work on the Mousterian, a Middle Palaeolithic lithic industry found in Europe, North Africa and the Near East.[16] In 1969 he decided to undertake

148 ethnographic fieldwork among the Nunamiut in Alaska, in order to better understand the periglacial environment that Mousterian hominins occupied, and to see first hand how hunter-gatherer behavior is reflected in material remains.[17] This methodology—conducting ethnographic fieldwork to establish firm correlations between behavior and material culture—is known as ethnoarchaeology and is credited to Binford.[18] Most of Binford's later work was focused on the Palaeolithic and hunter-gatherers in the archaeological record.

Binford joined the Southern Methodist University faculty in 1991, after teaching for 23 years as a distinguished professor at the University of New Mexico.[citation needed]

Binford's last published book, Constructing Frames of Reference (2001), was edited by his then wife, Nancy Medaris Stone. His wife at the time of his death, Amber Johnson, has said that she and a colleague will finish editing a book Binford had in progress at the time of his death.[19]

He died on April 11, 2011 in Kirksville, Missouri, at the age of 79.[20]

Binford was married six times. His first marriage was to Jean Riley Mock, with whom he had his only daughter, Martha. Binford also had a son, Clinton, who died in a car accident in 1976. He frequently collaborated with his third wife, Sally Binford, who was also an archaeologist; the couple married while they were graduate students at the University of Chicago, and co-edited New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968), among other works. After his marriage to Sally ended, Binford married Mary Ann, an elementary school teacher. His fifth wife was Nancy Medaris Stone, an archaeologist. At the time of his death he was married to Amber Johnson, professor and chair of sociology and anthropology at Truman State University who had worked with Binford as a research student at Southern Methodist University.

Influence

Binford is mainly known for his contributions to archaeological theory and his promotion of ethnoarchaeological research. As a leading

149 advocate of the "New Archaeology" movement of the 1960s, he proposed a number of ideas that became central to processual archaeology. Binford and other New Archaeologists argued that there should be a greater application of scientific methodologies and the hypothetico-deductive method in archaeology. He placed a strong emphasis on generalities and the way in which human beings interact with their ecological niche, defining culture as the extrasomatic means of adaptation. This view reflects the influence of his Ph.D supervisor, Leslie White. Binford's work can largely be seen as a reaction to the earlier culture history approach to archaeology. New Archaeology was considered a revolution in archaeological theory.

Binford was involved in several high-profile debates including arguments with James Sackett on the nature and function of style and on symbolism and methodology with Ian Hodder. Binford has spoken out and reacted to a number of schools of thought, particularly the post- processual school, the behavioural school, and symbolic and postmodern anthropologies. Binford was also known for a friendlier rivalry with French archaeologist François Bordes, with whom he argued over the interpretation of Mousterian sites. Binford's disagreement with Bordes over the interpretation of Mousterian stone artifacts provided the impetus for much of Binford's theoretical work. Bordes interpreted variability in Mousterian assemblages as evidence of different tribes, while Binford felt that a functional interpretation of the different assemblages would be more appropriate. His subsequent inability to explain the Mousterian facies using a functional approach led to his ethnoarchaeological work among the Nunamiut and the development of his middle-range theory.

Awards and recognition

Binford was elected to the National Academy of Sciences in 2001.[24] He also received a Lifetime Achievement Award in 2008 from the Society for American Archaeology[25] and an honorary doctorate

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from Leiden University.[citation needed] There is an asteroid named Binford in his honor.[26]

Works

 Constructing frames of reference:an analytical method for archaeological theory building using hunter-gatherer and environmental data sets Berkeley: University of California Press, (2001) ISBN 0-520-22393-4  Debating Archaeology San Diego: Academic Press, (1989) ISBN 0-12- 100045-1  Faunal Remains from Klasies River Mouth (1984) ISBN 0-12-100070-2  Working at Archaeology (Studies in Archaeology) (1983) ISBN 978-0-12- 100060-8  In Pursuit of the Past: Decoding the Archaeological Record (1983) ISBN 0-520-23339-5  Bones, Ancient Men and Modern Myths (1981) ISBN 0-12-100035-4  Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology (1978) ISBN 0-12-100040-0  An archaeological perspective New York: Seminar Press, (1972) ISBN 0- 12-807750-6  New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2  Archaeology as Anthropology (1962)

References

 Binford, L. R. (1962). "Archaeology as Anthropology". American Antiquity. 28 (2): 217–225. doi:10.2307/278380. JSTOR 278380.  Binford, L. R. (1972). An Archaeological Perspective. New York: Seminar Press.  Gamble, C. (17 May 2011). "Lewis Binford obituary". The Guardian. Retrieved 17 May 2011.  International Astronomical Union (21 April 2011). "Minor Planet Names: Alphabetical List". IAU Minor Planet Center. Missing or empty |url= (help)  Jojola, L. (16 April 2011). "Lewis Binford: Prof Changed Archaeology". Albuquerque Journal. Retrieved 17 May 2011.  Lekson, S (November–December 2001). "The Legacy of Lewis Binford". American Scientist. Retrieved 8 May 2011.

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 Mayou, E. (1 May 2001). "SMU Anthropology Professor Elected to National Academy of Sciences". SMU News. Archived from the original on 28 September 2011. Retrieved 17 May 2011.  Miller, S. (15 April 2011). "Archaeologist Binford Dug Beyond Artifacts". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 17 May 2011.  Renfrew, C. (1987). "An Interview With Lewis Binford". Current Anthropology. 28 (5): 683–694. doi:10.1086/203611. JSTOR 2743367.  Renfrew, C.; Houston, S.; Raczynski Henk, Y.; Leone, M.; McNutt, C.; Watson, P. J. (2011). "Tributes to Lewis Binford". Antiquity. Retrieved 8 May 2011.  Southern Methodist University (2011). "SMU's Lewis Binford left legacy of change, innovation". Retrieved 19 April 2011.  Thurman, M. D. (1998). "Conversations with Lewis R. Binford on Historical Archaeology". Historical Archaeology. 32 (2): 28–55. JSTOR 25616603.  Trigger, B. (2006). A History of Archaeological Thought (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-60049-1.  Wilford, J. N. (22 April 2011). "Lewis Binford, Leading Archaeologist, Dies at 79". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 May 2011.

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24. Evelyn Blackwood

Evelyn Blackwood is an American anthropologist whose research focuses on gender, sexuality, identity, and kinship. She was awarded the Ruth Benedict Prize in 1999, 2007 and 2011. Blackwood is an Emerita Professor of Anthropology at Purdue University.

Blackwood graduated from The King's College, New York with a BA in psychology. She earned an MA in anthropology at San Francisco State University, and a PhD from Stanford University in 1993.[1] Blackwood was an assistant professor at Purdue University from 1994 to 2000, associate professor from 2000 to 2010 and professor from 2010 to 2017. She is currently an emerita professor at the university.[2] Blackwood, a lesbian,[3] works on gender, sexuality, identity and kinship as it relates to different cultural societies in West Sumatra, Indonesia and the United States.[2]

Blackwood was the recipient of a Fulbright Senior Scholarship in 2001[4] and a 2007 Martin Duberman Fellowship (Center for Lesbian and Gay Studies, City University of New York) for her research on sexuality and identity in Indonesia and Southeast Asia.[5] The research resulted in several publications, including the monograph, Falling into the Lesbi World: Desire and Difference in Indonesia (2010) which won the 2011 Ruth Benedict Prize."[2]

Her current research combines anthropology and history to "explore the construction and negotiation of identity, selfhood, and sexuality among baby boomers in the U.S., focusing on women in the first

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generation of 'out' lesbians in the San Francisco Bay Area in the 1970s."[2]

Awards

 Ruth Benedict Prize, Female Desires: Same Sex Relations and Transgender Practices Across Cultures, (1999)[6]  Fulbright Senior Scholarship, (2001)[4]  Martin Duberman Fellowship, (2007)[5]

References

 "Evelyn Blackwood". Evelyn Blackwood. Retrieved 2 September 2019.  "Evelyn Blackwood". Purdue University. Retrieved 2 September 2019.  Blackwood, Evelyn (2003). "Falling in Love with an-Other Lesbian: Reflections on Identity in Fieldwork". In Kulick, Don; Willson, Margaret (eds.). Taboo: Sex, Identity and Erotic Subjectivity in Anthropological Fieldwork. Routledge.  Pepinsky, Thomas. "US Fulbright Scholar Granatees" (PDF). Fulbright in Indonesia. Retrieved 2 September 2019.  Sinanovic, Jasmina. "Fellowships and Awards (CLAGS Reports)". Center for LGBT Studies. Retrieved 2 September 2019.  "The Ruth Benedict Prize". Association for Queer Anthology. Retrieved 2 September 2019. Ruth Benedict Prize, co-editor, Women’s Sexualities and Masculinities in a Globalizing Asia, (2007)[6]  Ruth Benedict Prize, Falling into the Lesbi World: Desire and Difference in Indonesia, (2011),[6]  Blackwood, Evelyn (1998). "Tombois in West Sumatra: Constructing Masculinity and Erotic Desire". Cultural Anthropology. 64 (4): 491–521. JSTOR 656570.  Blackwood, Evelyn (2005). "Gender Transgression in Colonial and Postcolonial Indonesia". The Journal of Asian Studies. 64 (4): 849–879. doi:10.1017/S0021911805002251. JSTOR 25075902.  Blackwood, Evelyn (2005). "Wedding Bell Blues: Marriage, Missing Men, and Matrifocal Follies". American Ethnologist. 32 (1): 3–19. doi:10.1525/ae.2005.32.1.3. JSTOR 3805140.

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 Blackwood, E. (2007). "Regulation of sexuality in Indonesian discourse: Normative gender, criminal law and shifting strategies of control". Culture, Health and Sexuality. 9 (3): 293–307. doi:10.1080/13691050601120589. PMID 17457732.  Blackwood, Evelyn (2009). "Trans identities and contingent masculinities: Being tombois in everyday practice". Feminist Studies. 35 (3): 454–480. JSTOR 40608385.  Books  Webs of Power: Women, Kin, and Community in a Sumatran Village. Rowman & Littlefield Publishing. 2000. ISBN 978-0847699117.  Falling into the Lesbi World: Desire and Difference in Indonesia. University of Hawaii Press. 2010. ISBN 978-0824834425.  Blackwood, Evelyn; Wieringa, Saskia, eds. (1999). Female Desires: Transgender Practices Across Cultures. Columbia University. ISBN 978- 0231112604.  Blackwood, Evelyn; et al., eds. (2007). Women's Sexualities and Masculinities in a Globalizing Asia (Comparative Feminist Studies). Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1403977687.  Blackwood (2017). Blackwood, Evelyn; Stockard, Janice E. (eds.). Cultural Anthropology: Mapping Cultures across Time and Space. San Francisco: Wadsworth Publishing. ISBN 978-1305863026.

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25. Wilhelm Bleek

Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel Bleek (8 March 1827 – 17 August 1875) was a German linguist. His work included A Comparative Grammar of South African Languages and his great project jointly executed with Lucy Lloyd: The Bleek and Lloyd Archive of ǀxam and !kun texts. A short form of this eventually reached press with Specimens of Bushman Folklore, which Laurens van der Post drew on heavily.

Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel Bleek was born in Berlin on 8 March 1827. He was the eldest son of Friedrich Bleek, Professor of Theology at Berlin University and then at the University of Bonn, and Augusta Charlotte Marianne Henriette Sethe. He graduated from the University of Bonn in 1851 with a doctorate in linguistics, after a period in Berlin where he went to study Hebrew and where he first became interested in African languages. Bleek's thesis featured an attempt to link North African and Khoikhoi (or what were then called Hottentot) languages – the thinking at the time being that all African languages were connected.

After graduating in Bonn, Bleek returned to Berlin and worked with a zoologist, Dr Wilhelm K H Peters, editing vocabularies of East African languages. His interest in African languages was further developed during 1852 and 1853 by learning Egyptian Arabic from Professor Karl Richard Lepsius, whom he met in Berlin in 1852.

Bleek was appointed official linguist to Dr William Balfour Baikie's Niger Tshadda Expedition in 1854. Ill-health (a tropical fever) forced his return to England where he met George Grey and John William Colenso, the Anglican Bishop of Natal, who invited Bleek to join him in Natal in 1855 to help compile a Zulu grammar. After completing Colenso's project, Bleek travelled to Cape Town in 1856 to become Sir George Grey's

156 official interpreter as well as to catalogue his private library. Grey had philological interests and was Bleek's patron during his time as Governor of the Cape. The two had a good professional and personal relationship based on an admiration that appears to have been mutual. Bleek was widely respected as a philologist, particularly in the Cape. While working for Grey he continued with his philological research and contributed to various publications during the late 1850s. Bleek requested examples of African literature from missionaries and travellers, such as the Revd W Kronlein who provided Bleek with Namaqua texts in 1861.

In 1859 Bleek briefly returned to Europe in an effort to improve his poor health but returned to the Cape and his research soon after. In 1861 Bleek met his future wife, Jemima Lloyd, at the boarding house where he lived in Cape Town (run by a Mrs Roesch), while she was waiting for a passage to England, and they developed a relationship through correspondence. She returned to Cape Town from England the following year.

Bleek married Jemima Lloyd on 22 November 1862. The Bleeks first lived at The Hill in Mowbray but moved in 1875 to Charlton House. Jemima's sister, Lucy Lloyd, joined the household, became his colleague, and carried on his work after his death.

When Grey was appointed Governor of New Zealand, he presented his collection to the National Library of South Africa on condition that Bleek be its curator, a position he occupied from 1862 until his death in 1875. In addition to this work, Bleek supported himself and his family by writing regularly for Het Volksblad throughout the 1860s and publishing the first part of his A Comparative Grammar of South African Languages in London in 1862. The second part was also published in London in 1869 with the first chapter appearing in manuscript form in Cape Town in 1865. Unfortunately, much of Bleek's working life in the Cape, like that of his sister-in-law after him, was characterised by extreme financial hardship which made his research even more difficult to continue with.

San people (Bushmen)

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Bleek's first contact with San people (Bushmen) was with prisoners at Robben Island and the Cape Town Gaol and House of Correction, in 1857. He conducted interviews with a few of these prisoners, which he used in later publications. These people all came from the Burgersdorp and Colesberg regions and variations of one similar-sounding "Bushman" language. Bleek was particularly keen to learn more about this "Bushman" language and compare it to examples of "Bushman" vocabulary and language earlier noted by Hinrich Lichtenstein and obtained from missionaries at the turn of the 19th century.

In 1863 resident magistrate Louis Anthing introduced the first ǀXam-speakers to Bleek. He brought three men to Cape Town from the Kenhardt district to stand trial for attacks on farmers (the prosecution was eventually waived by the Attorney General). In 1866 two San prisoners from the Achterveldt near Calvinia were transferred from the Breakwater prison to the Cape Town prison, making it easier for Bleek to meet them. With their help, Bleek compiled a list of words and sentences and an alphabetical vocabulary. Most of these words and sentences were provided by Adam Kleinhardt (see Bleek I-1, UCT A1.4.1).

In 1870 Bleek and Lloyd, by now working together on the project to learn "Bushman" language and record personal narratives and folklore, became aware of the presence of a group of 28 ǀXam prisoners (San from the central interior of southern Africa) at the Breakwater Convict Station and received permission to relocate one prisoner to their home in Mowbray so as to learn his language. The prison chaplain, Revd Fisk, was in charge of the selection of this individual – a young man named |a!kunta. But because of his youth, |a!kunta was unfamiliar with much of his people's folklore and an older man named ||kabbo was then permitted to accompany him. ||kabbo became Bleek and Lloyd's first real teacher, a title by which he later regarded himself. Over time, members of ||kabbo's family and other families lived with Bleek and Lloyd in Mowbray, and were interviewed by them. Many of the |xam-speakers interviewed by Bleek and Lloyd were related to one another. Bleek and Lloyd learned and wrote down their language, first as lists of words and

158 phrases and then as stories and narratives about their lives, history, folklore and remembered beliefs and customs.

Bleek, along with Lloyd, made an effort to record as much anthropological and ethnographic information as possible. This included genealogies, places of origin, and the customs and daily life of the informants. Photographs and measurements (some as specified by Thomas Huxley's global ethnographic project, see Godby 1996) were also taken of all their informants in accordance with the norms of scientific research of the time in those fields. More intimate and personal painted portraits were also commissioned of some of the xam teachers.

Although Bleek and Lloyd interviewed other individuals during 1875 and 1876 (Lloyd doing this alone after Bleek's death), most of their time was spent interviewing only six individual |xam contributors. Bleek wrote a series of reports on the language and the literature and folklore of the |xam-speakers he interviewed, which he sent to the Cape Secretary for Native Affairs. This was first in an attempt to gain funding to continue with his studies and then also to make Her Majesty's Colonial Government aware of the need to preserve San folklore as an important part of the nation's heritage and traditions. In this endeavour Bleek must surely have been influenced by Louis Anthing.

Death

Wilhelm Bleek's grave, Wynberg Cemetery, Cape Town

Bleek died in Mowbray on 17 August 1875, aged 48, and was buried in Wynberg Anglican cemetery in Cape Town along with his two infant children, who had died before him. His all-important work recording the |Xam language and literature was continued and expanded by Lucy Lloyd, fully supported by his wife Jemima. In his obituary in the South African Mail of 25 August 1875, he was lauded in the following terms: 'As a comparative philologist he stood in the foremost rank, and as an investigator and authority on the South African languages, he was without peer.

References

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 Lane-Poole, Stanley (1886). "Bleek, Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel" . In Stephen, Leslie (ed.). Dictionary of National Biography. 5. London: Smith, Elder & Co.  Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Bleek, Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel" . Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.  Bleek, Wilhelm (1858–1863). Handbook of African, Australian and Polynesian Philology. In 3 volumes. London: Trübner & Co.  A Comparative Grammar of South African Languages. Part I. London: Trübner & Co. 1862. Part II published in 1869.  Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel, Bleek (1864). Reynard the Fox in South Africa: Or, Hottentot Fables and Tales. London: Trübner and Company. (Chiefly translated from original manuscripts in the library of His Excellency Sir George Grey)  Über den Ursprung der Sprache. (Herausgegeben mit einem Vorwort von Dr. Ernst Haeckel.) Weimar, H. Böhlau (1868)  Specimens of Bushman Folklore. (by Wilhelm Bleek and Lucy Lloyd) London, G. Allen (1911)  Otto H. Spohr: Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel Bleek, a bio-bibliographical sketch. Cape Town, University of Cape Town Libraries (1962)  Walter Köppe: Philologie im südlichen Afrika: Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel Bleek (1827–1875). Zeitschrift für Germanistik, Neue Folge 3 (1998)  Konrad Körner: Linguistics and evolution theory. (Three essays by August Schleicher, Ernst Haeckel and Wilhelm Bleek) Amsterdam-Philadelphia, John Benjamins Publishing Company (1983)  Deacon, J and Dowson, T. (eds) 1996. Voices from the Past. Johannesburg: Wits University Press  Skotnes, Pippa (1996). Miscast: Negotiating the Presence of the Bushmen. University of Cape Town Press. ISBN 978-0-7992-1652-3.  Lewis-Williams, J. David (2000). Stories that Float from Afar: Ancestral Folklore of the San of Southern Africa. New Africa Books. ISBN 978-0- 86486-462-8.

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26. Anton Blok

Anton Blok (born 1935 in Amsterdam) is a Dutch anthropologist, famous for studying the Mafia in Sicily in 1960s. Anton Blok was a visiting professor at the University of Michigan (1972–73) and the University of California, Berkeley in 1988. From 1973 until 1986, he served as full professor of cultural anthropology at Radboud University, Nijmegen. He then accepted a chair at the University of Amsterdam, where he remained until his retirement.

For that occasion, thirty of his international colleagues and former students contributed essays in his honor, an edited volume titled as Miniature Etnografiche (SUN, 2000). Now a professor emeritus professor at U Amsterdam, Dr. Blok also spent one semester at Yale as a fellow.

Cultural anthropologist Anton Blok wrote a book about the origin of innovative ideas. His theory is fairly original, but he is exaggerating.

A lot is asked for and space and money is made available for it, but 'innovation' cannot be planned or predicted.

They would like it to be different, but everything depends on the odd person who is endlessly tinkering with his hands or brain. Coming up with something new is not teamwork, you cannot all put your shoulders to the wheel.

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his seemingly romantic view of the genesis of truly innovative ideas comes from the not at all romantic cultural anthropologist Anton Blok in his book, which is as professional as it is erudite, The Innovators . According to Blok, being able to be intelligent, be rich, belong to a privileged class, have talent, have erudition and have a high education, that is not enough to provide truly innovative ideas in science or art. What is missing are the blessings of the setback . Even the odd person comes to nothing special when he is not dealing with one or more formidable setbacks.

Call a great thinker or inventor or he is an illegitimate child, has lost a mother or father early, has been neglected or abused, lived in poverty, was sick, had physical defects, was banned or was in prison. The thinker or inventor did not get the innovative ideas despite these adversities, but thanks to these obstacles. That is Blok's claim after comparing the biographies of countless great minds. Radically new ideas, in the category of Newton's gravity, Einstein's theory of relativity, Flaubert's Madame Bovary , Prousts Back to lost time, Darwin's theory of evolution, Erasmus 'humanism, Descartes' 'I think, so I am', Beethoven's Ninth or Spinoza's God = nature, arose in response to misery, obstacles, pitfalls, conflicts.

Blok calls the "lonely genius" a fiction

One of the conditions for radically new ideas is that people are lonely or excluded. One must be 'banned' from ordinary life in one way or another, forced or voluntary. This creates the necessary distance from existing ideas, habits and patterns. This 'exile' must at the same time be accompanied by the presence of a mentor, a guardian angel, friend, mediator or sympathizer. Blok calls the "lonely genius" a fiction. The radical innovator may be 'banned', but it has its place in social relationships and in a certain social context. He must also use 'passing opportunities', the so-called 'windows of opportunity'.

In his book, Blok polemicises everything with a number of people who have previously written about the emergence of great ideas, such as

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Frank J. Sulloway in Born to Rebel , Bernard Cohen in Revolution in Science and Arthur Koestler in The Sleepwalkers. Sulloway claims that an engine for new ideas is the rivalry between brothers. The last-born has the best chance of becoming the innovator. The preborn is much too solidarity with the status quo for that. Blok blames Sulloway for "manipulation of evidence" and calls it "poor scholarship" that, in connection with Darwin, he does not mention the generous role that his brother played in his life. There was no rivalry at all here. Bernard Cohen believes that all innovation comes from teamwork. Koestler sees a skeptical attitude towards traditional ideas and open-mindedness as conditions. In the light of these predecessors, Blok's setback theory can be called rather original. But he is exaggerating.

That setbacks, a certain social setting and a specific social context, are the only conditions for innovative ideas, is of course doubtful. Then the unique qualities or characteristics of an individual would hardly matter, if at all. The great spirit would then bring nothing of its own apart from its handicaps. It is said to consist of mere context.

One aspect always returns in the many short biographies that Blok gives to prove his claims: the necessary mental or physical 'banishment' of the great mind. They distanced themselves, were more observers than participants. They looked for the loneliness of their office, such as Hieronymus or Montaigne, or they were vagrants such as Erasmus, Dante, Descartes, Van Gogh or Rimbaud. Or they were on the periphery, far from the big city life. This distance seems familiar to Blok: it belongs to the habitat of the cultural anthropologist, summarized in aphorism: "You need a different culture to understand a different culture."

Books by Anton Blok

 The Mafia of a Sicilian Village, 1860-1960: A Study of Violent Peasant Entrepreneurs. Harper & Row, 1974. ISBN 0-631-19960-8  De Bokkerijders: Roversbenden en geheime genootschappen in de Landen van Overmaas (1730–1774). Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1991.  Honour and Violence. Cambridge: Polity, 2001. ISBN 0-7456-0449-8

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 Anthropologische Perspektiven: Einführung, Kritik und Plädoyer. With Klaus Schomburg. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1995. ISBN 3-608-91725-X  De Vernieuwers: De Zegeningen van Tegenslag in Wetenschap en Kunst, 1500–2000. Amsterdam: Prometheus, 2013.[1]

References

 https://www.vn.nl/gezegende-tegenslagen/ (Text Carel Peeters)  "Boek - De vernieuwers - Letterenfonds". www.letterenfonds.nl.  Organized Crime (2003), Michael D. Lyman, Gary W. Potter. Waveland Press: Upper Sadle River, New Jersey. ISBN 0-13-112286-X  Biography at University of Amsterdam .

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27. Franz Boas

Franz Uri Boas[a] (1858–1942) was a German-born American[21] anthropologist and a pioneer of modern anthropology who has been called the "Father of American Anthropology". His work is associated with the movements known as Historical Particularism and Cultural Relativism.

Studying in Germany, Boas was awarded a doctorate in 1881 in physics while also studying geography. He then participated in a geographical expedition to northern Canada, where he became fascinated with the culture and language of the Baffin Island Inuit. He went on to do field work with the indigenous cultures and languages of the Pacific Northwest. In 1887 he emigrated to the United States, where he first worked as a museum curator at the Smithsonian, and in 1899 became a professor of anthropology at Columbia University, where he remained for the rest of his career.

Through his students, many of whom went on to found anthropology departments and research programmes inspired by their mentor, Boas profoundly influenced the development of American anthropology. Among his most significant students were A. L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict, Edward Sapir, Margaret Mead, Zora Neale Hurston, Gilberto Freyre and many others.[25]

Boas was one of the most prominent opponents of the then-popular ideologies of scientific racism, the idea that race is a biological concept and that human behavior is best understood through the typology of biological characteristics.[26] In a series of groundbreaking studies of skeletal anatomy he showed that cranial shape and size was highly

165 malleable depending on environmental factors such as health and nutrition, in contrast to the claims by racial anthropologists of the day that held head shape to be a stable racial trait. Boas also worked to demonstrate that differences in human behavior are not primarily determined by innate biological dispositions but are largely the result of cultural differences acquired through social learning. In this way, Boas introduced culture as the primary concept for describing differences in behavior between human groups, and as the central analytical concept of anthropology.

Among Boas's main contributions to anthropological thought was his rejection of the then-popular evolutionary approaches to the study of culture, which saw all societies progressing through a set of hierarchic technological and cultural stages, with Western European culture at the summit. Boas argued that culture developed historically through the interactions of groups of people and the diffusion of ideas and that consequently there was no process towards continuously "higher" cultural forms. This insight led Boas to reject the "stage"-based organization of ethnological museums, instead preferring to order items on display based on the affinity and proximity of the cultural groups in question.

Boas also introduced the ideology of cultural relativism, which holds that cultures cannot be objectively ranked as higher or lower, or better or more correct, but that all humans see the world through the lens of their own culture, and judge it according to their own culturally acquired norms. For Boas, the object of anthropology was to understand the way in which culture conditioned people to understand and interact with the world in different ways and to do this it was necessary to gain an understanding of the language and cultural practices of the people studied. By uniting the disciplines of archaeology, the study of material culture and history, and physical anthropology, the study of variation in human anatomy, with ethnology, the study of cultural variation of customs, and descriptive linguistics, the study of unwritten indigenous languages, Boas created the four-field subdivision of anthropology which became prominent in American anthropology in the 20th century.

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Franz Boas was born on July 9, 1858,[27] in Minden, Westphalia, the son of Sophie Meyer and Meier Boas. Although his grandparents were observant Jews, his parents embraced Enlightenment values, including their assimilation into modern German society. Boas's parents were educated, well-to-do, and liberal; they did not like dogma of any kind. Due to this, Boas was granted the independence to think for himself and pursue his own interests. Early in life, he displayed a penchant for both nature and natural sciences. Boas vocally opposed antisemitism and refused to convert to Christianity, but he did not identify himself as a Jew.[28] This is disputed however by Ruth Bunzel, a protégée of Boas, who called him "the essential protestant; he valued autonomy above all things."[29] According to his biographer, "He was an 'ethnic' German, preserving and promoting German culture and values in America."[30] In an autobiographical sketch, Boas wrote:

The background of my early thinking was a German home in which the ideals of the revolution of 1848 were a living force. My father, liberal, but not active in public affairs; my mother, idealistic, with a lively interest in public matters; the founder about 1854 of the kindergarten in my hometown, devoted to science. My parents had broken through the shackles of dogma. My father had retained an emotional affection for the ceremonial of his parental home, without allowing it to influence his intellectual freedom.

From kindergarten on, Boas was educated in natural history, a subject he enjoyed. In gymnasium, he was most proud of his research on the geographic distribution of plants.

When he started his university studies, Boas first attended Heidelberg University for a semester followed by four terms at Bonn University, studying physics, geography, and mathematics at these schools. In 1879, he hoped to transfer to Berlin University to study physics under Hermann von Helmholtz, but ended up transferring to the University of Kiel instead due to family reasons. At Kiel, Boas studied under Theobald Fischer and received a doctorate in physics in 1881 for his dissertation entitled Contributions to the Understanding of the Color of Water, which examined the absorption, reflection, and the polarization

167 of light in seawater. Although technically Boas' doctorate degree was in physics, his advisor Fischer, a student of Carl Ritter, was primarily a geographer and thus some biographers view Boas as more of a geographer than a physicist at this stage. The combination of physics and geography also may have been accomplished through a major in physics and a minor in geography.[45] For his part Boas self-identified as a geographer by this time,[35] prompting his sister, Toni, to write in 1883 "After long years of infidelity, my brother was re-conquered by geography, the first love of his boyhood.

In his dissertation research, Boas' methodology included investigating how different intensities of light created different colors when interacting with different types of water, however, he encountered difficulty in being able to objectively perceive slight differences in the color of water and as a result became intrigued by this problem of perception and its influence on quantitative measurements. Boas, due to tone deafness, encountered difficulties studying tonal languages such as Laguna. Boas had already been interested in Kantian philosophy since taking a course on aesthetics with Kuno Fischer at Heidelberg. These factors led Boas to consider pursuing research in psychophysics, which explores the relationship between the psychological and the physical, after completing his doctorate, but he had no training in psychology. Boas did publish six articles on psychophysics during his year of military service (1882–1883), but ultimately he decided to focus on geography, primarily so he could receive sponsorship for his planned Baffin Island expedition.

Boas took up geography as a way to explore his growing interest in the relationship between subjective experience and the objective world. At the time, German geographers were divided over the causes of cultural variation.[54]:11 Many argued that the physical environment was the principal determining factor, but others (notably Friedrich Ratzel) argued that the diffusion of ideas through human migration is more important. In 1883, encouraged by Theobald Fischer, Boas went to Baffin Island to conduct geographic research on the impact of the physical environment on native Inuit migrations. The first of many ethnographic field trips, Boas culled his notes to write his first monograph titled The

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Central Eskimo, which was published in 1888 in the 6th Annual Report from the Bureau of American Ethnology. Boas lived and worked closely with the Inuit peoples on Baffin Island, and he developed an abiding interest in the way people lived.

In the perpetual darkness of the Arctic winter, Boas reported, he and his traveling companion became lost and were forced to keep sledding for twenty-six hours through ice, soft snow, and temperatures that dropped below −46 °C. The following day, Boas penciled in his diary,

I often ask myself what advantages our 'good society' possesses over that of the 'savages' and find, the more I see of their customs, that we have no right to look down upon them ... We have no right to blame them for their forms and superstitions which may seem ridiculous to us. We 'highly educated people' are much worse, relatively speaking ...

Boas went on to explain in the same entry that "all service, therefore, which a man can perform for humanity must serve to promote truth." Boas was forced to depend on various Inuit groups for everything from directions and food to shelter and companionship. It was a difficult year filled with tremendous hardships that included frequent bouts of disease, mistrust, pestilence, and danger. Boas successfully searched for areas not yet surveyed and found unique ethnographic objects, but the long winter and the lonely treks across perilous terrain forced him to search his soul to find a direction for his life as a scientist and a citizen.

Boas's interest in indigenous communities grew as he worked at the Royal Ethnological Museum in Berlin, where he was introduced to members of the Nuxalk Nation of British Columbia, which sparked a lifelong relationship with the First Nations of the Pacific Northwest.

He returned to Berlin to complete his studies. In 1886, Boas defended (with Helmholtz's support) his habilitation thesis, Baffin Land, and was named privatdozent in geography.

While on Baffin Island he began to develop his interest in studying non-Western cultures (resulting in his book, The Central Eskimo, published in 1888). In 1885, Boas went to work with physical anthropologist Rudolf Virchow and ethnologist Adolf Bastian at the Royal

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Ethnological Museum in Berlin. Boas had studied anatomy with Virchow two years earlier while preparing for the Baffin Island expedition. At the time, Virchow was involved in a vociferous debate over evolution with his former student, Ernst Haeckel. Haeckel had abandoned his medical practice to study comparative anatomy after reading Charles Darwin's The Origin of Species, and vigorously promoted Darwin's ideas in Germany.

However, like most other natural scientists prior to the rediscovery of Mendelian genetics in 1900 and the development of the modern synthesis, Virchow felt that Darwin's theories were weak because they lacked a theory of cellular mutability.

Accordingly, Virchow favored Lamarckian models of evolution. This debate resonated with debates among geographers. Lamarckians believed that environmental forces could precipitate rapid and enduring changes in organisms that had no inherited source; thus, Lamarckians and environmental determinists often found themselves on the same side of debates.

But Boas worked more closely with Bastian, who was noted for his antipathy to environmental determinism. Instead, he argued for the "psychic unity of mankind", a belief that all humans had the same intellectual capacity, and that all cultures were based on the same basic mental principles. Variations in custom and belief, he argued, were the products of historical accidents. This view resonated with Boas's experiences on Baffin Island and drew him towards anthropology.

While at the Royal Ethnological Museum Boas became interested in the Native Americans in the Pacific Northwest, and after defending his habilitation thesis, he left for a three-month trip to British Columbia via New York. In January 1887, he was offered a job as assistant editor of the journal Science. Alienated by growing antisemitism and nationalism as well as the very limited academic opportunities for a geographer in Germany, Boas decided to stay in the United States. Possibly he received additional motivation for this decision from his romance with Marie Krackowizer, whom he married in the same year.

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Aside from his editorial work at Science, Boas secured an appointment as docent in anthropology at Clark University, in 1888. Boas was concerned about university president G. Stanley Hall's interference in his research, yet in 1889 he was appointed as the head of a newly created department of anthropology at Clark University. In the early 1890s, he went on a series of expeditions which were referred to as the Morris K. Jesup Expedition. The primary goal of these expeditions was to illuminate Asiatic-American relations. In 1892 Boas, along with another member of the Clark faculty, resigned in protest of the alleged infringement by Hall on academic freedom.

Early career: museum studies

In the late 19th century anthropology in the United States was dominated by the Bureau of American Ethnology, directed by John Wesley Powell, a geologist who favored Lewis Henry Morgan's theory of cultural evolution. The BAE was housed at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, and the Smithsonian's curator for ethnology, Otis T. Mason, shared Powell's commitment to cultural evolution. (The Peabody Museum at Harvard University was an important, though lesser, center of anthropological research.)

"Franz Boas posing for figure in US Natural History Museum exhibit entitled "Hamats'a coming out of secret room" 1895 or before. Courtesy of National Anthropology Archives. (Kwakiutl culture)

It was while working on museum collections and exhibitions that Boas formulated his basic approach to culture, which led him to break with museums and seek to establish anthropology as an academic discipline.

During this period Boas made five more trips to the Pacific Northwest. His continuing field research led him to think of culture as a local context for human action. His emphasis on local context and history led him to oppose the dominant model at the time, cultural evolution.

Boas initially broke with evolutionary theory over the issue of kinship. Lewis Henry Morgan had argued that all human societies move

171 from an initial form of matrilineal organization to patrilineal organization. First Nations groups on the northern coast of British Columbia, like the Tsimshian, and Tlingit, were organized into matrilineal clans. First Nations on the southern coast, like the Nootka and the Salish, however, were organized into patrilineal groups. Boas focused on the Kwakiutl, who lived between the two clusters. The Kwakiutl seemed to have a mix of features. Prior to marriage, a man would assume his wife's father's name and crest. His children took on these names and crests as well, although his sons would lose them when they got married. Names and crests thus stayed in the mother's line. At first, Boas—like Morgan before him— suggested that the Kwakiutl had been matrilineal like their neighbors to the north, but that they were beginning to evolve patrilineal groups. In 1897, however, he repudiated himself, and argued that the Kwakiutl were changing from a prior patrilineal organization to a matrilineal one, as they learned about matrilineal principles from their northern neighbors.

Boas's rejection of Morgan's theories led him, in an 1887 article, to challenge Mason's principles of museum display. At stake, however, were more basic issues of causality and classification. The evolutionary approach to material culture led museum curators to organize objects on display according to function or level of technological development. Curators assumed that changes in the forms of artifacts reflect some natural process of progressive evolution. Boas, however, felt that the form an artifact took reflected the circumstances under which it was produced and used. Arguing that "[t]hough like causes have like effects like effects have not like causes", Boas realized that even artifacts that were similar in form might have developed in very different contexts, for different reasons. Mason's museum displays, organized along evolutionary lines, mistakenly juxtapose like effects; those organized along contextual lines would reveal like causes.

Later career: academic anthropology

Boas was appointed a lecturer in physical anthropology at Columbia University in 1896, and promoted to professor of anthropology in 1899. However, the various anthropologists teaching at Columbia had been

172 assigned to different departments. When Boas left the Museum of Natural History, he negotiated with Columbia University to consolidate the various professors into one department, of which Boas would take charge. Boas's program at Columbia was the first Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) program in anthropology in America.

During this time Boas played a key role in organizing the American Anthropological Association (AAA) as an umbrella organization for the emerging field. Boas originally wanted the AAA to be limited to professional anthropologists, but W. J. McGee (another geologist who had joined the BAE under Powell's leadership) argued that the organization should have an open membership. McGee's position prevailed and he was elected the organization's first president in 1902; Boas was elected a vice-president, along with Putnam, Powell, and Holmes.

At both Columbia and the AAA, Boas encouraged the "four-field" concept of anthropology; he personally contributed to physical anthropology, linguistics, archaeology, as well as cultural anthropology. His work in these fields was pioneering: in physical anthropology he led scholars away from static taxonomical classifications of race, to an emphasis on human biology and evolution; in linguistics he broke through the limitations of classic philology and established some of the central problems in modern linguistics and cognitive anthropology; in cultural anthropology he (along with the Polish-English anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski) established the contextualist approach to culture, cultural relativism, and the participant observation method of fieldwork.

The four-field approach understood not merely as bringing together different kinds of anthropologists into one department, but as reconceiving anthropology through the integration of different objects of anthropological research into one overarching object, was one of Boas's fundamental contributions to the discipline, and came to characterize American anthropology against that of England, France, or Germany. This approach defines as its object the human species as a totality. This focus did not lead Boas to seek to reduce all forms of humanity and human activity to some lowest common denominator; rather, he understood the essence of the human species to be the tremendous

173 variation in human form and activity (an approach that parallels Charles Darwin's approach to species in general).

In his 1907 essay, "Anthropology", Boas identified two basic questions for anthropologists: "Why are the tribes and nations of the world different, and how have the present differences developed?" Amplifying these questions, he explained the object of anthropological study thus:

We do not discuss the anatomical, physiological, and mental characteristics of a man considered as an individual; but we are interested in the diversity of these traits in groups of men found in different geographical areas and in different social classes. It is our task to inquire into the causes that have brought about the observed differentiation and to investigate the sequence of events that have led to the establishment of the multifarious forms of human life. In other words, we are interested in the anatomical and mental characteristics of men living under the same biological, geographical, and social environment, and as determined by their past.

These questions signal a marked break from then-current ideas about human diversity, which assumed that some people have a history, evident in a historical (or written) record, while other people, lacking writing, also lack history. For some, this distinction between two different kinds of societies explained the difference between history, sociology, economics and other disciplines that focus on people with writing, and anthropology, which was supposed to focus on people without writing. Boas rejected this distinction between kinds of societies, and this division of labor in the academy. He understood all societies to have a history, and all societies to be proper objects of the anthropological society. In order to approach literate and non-literate societies the same way, he emphasized the importance of studying human history through the analysis of other things besides written texts. Thus, in his 1904 article, "The History of Anthropology", Boas wrote that

The historical development of the work of anthropologists seems to single out clearly a domain of knowledge that heretofore has not been treated by any other science. It is the biological history of mankind in all

174 its varieties; linguistics applied to people without written languages; the ethnology of people without historical records; and prehistoric archeology.

Historians and social theorists in the 18th and 19th centuries had speculated as to the causes of this differentiation, but Boas dismissed these theories, especially the dominant theories of social evolution and cultural evolution as speculative. He endeavored to establish a discipline that would base its claims on a rigorous empirical study.

One of Boas's most important books, The Mind of Primitive Man (1911), integrated his theories concerning the history and development of cultures and established a program that would dominate American anthropology for the next fifteen years. In this study, he established that in any given population, biology, language, material, and symbolic culture, are autonomous; that each is an equally important dimension of human nature, but that no one of these dimensions is reducible to another. In other words, he established that culture does not depend on any independent variables. He emphasized that the biological, linguistic, and cultural traits of any group of people are the product of historical developments involving both cultural and non-cultural forces. He established that cultural plurality is a fundamental feature of humankind and that the specific cultural environment structures much individual behavior.

Boas also presented himself as a role model for the citizen- scientist, who understand that even were the truth pursued as its own end, all knowledge has moral consequences. The Mind of Primitive Man ends with an appeal to humanism:

I hope the discussions outlined in these pages have shown that the data of anthropology teach us a greater tolerance of forms of civilization different from our own, that we should learn to look on foreign races with greater sympathy and with a conviction that, as all races have contributed in the past to cultural progress in one way or another, so they will be capable of advancing the interests of mankind if we are only willing to give them a fair opportunity.

Physical anthropology

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Boas's work in physical anthropology brought together his interest in Darwinian evolution with his interest in migration as a cause of change. His most important research in this field was his study of changes in the body from among children of immigrants in New York. Other researchers had already noted differences in height, cranial measurements, and other physical features between Americans and people from different parts of Europe. Many used these differences to argue that there is an innate biological difference between races. Boas's primary interest—in symbolic and material culture and in language—was the study of processes of change; he, therefore, set out to determine whether bodily forms are also subject to processes of change. Boas studied 17,821 people, divided into seven ethno-national groups. Boas found that average measures of the cranial size of immigrants were significantly different from members of these groups who were born in the United States. Moreover, he discovered that average measures of the cranial size of children born within ten years of their mothers' arrival were significantly different from those of children born more than ten years after their mothers' arrival. Boas did not deny that physical features such as height or cranial size were inherited; he did, however, argue that the environment has an influence on these features, which is expressed through change over time. This work was central to his influential argument that differences between races were not immutable. Boas observed:

The head form, which has always been one of the most stable and permanent characteristics of human races, undergoes far-reaching changes due to the transfer of European races to American soil. The East European Hebrew, who has a round head, becomes more long-headed; the South Italian, who in Italy has an exceedingly long head, becomes more short-headed; so that both approach a uniform type in this country, so far as the head is concerned.

These findings were radical at the time and continue to be debated. In 2002, the anthropologists Corey S. Sparks and Richard L. Jantz claimed that differences between children born to the same parents in Europe and America were very small and insignificant and that there was no detectable effect of exposure to the American environment on the cranial index in children. They argued that their

176 results contradicted Boas's original findings and demonstrated that they may no longer be used to support arguments of plasticity in cranial morphology. However, Jonathan Marks—a well-known physical anthropologist and former president of the General Anthropology section of the American Anthropological Association—has remarked that this revisionist study of Boas's work "has the ring of desperation to it (if not obfuscation), and has been quickly rebutted by more mainstream biological anthropology".

In 2003 anthropologists Clarence C. Gravlee, H. Russell Bernard, and William R. Leonard reanalyzed Boas's data and concluded that most of Boas's original findings were correct. Moreover, they applied new statistical, computer-assisted methods to Boas's data and discovered more evidence for cranial plasticity. In a later publication, Gravlee, Bernard and Leonard reviewed Sparks and Jantz's analysis. They argue that Sparks and Jantz misrepresented Boas's claims and that Sparks's and Jantz's data actually support Boas. For example, they point out that Sparks and Jantz look at changes in cranial size in relation to how long an individual has been in the United States in order to test the influence of the environment. Boas, however, looked at changes in cranial size in relation to how long the mother had been in the United States. They argue that Boas's method is more useful because the prenatal environment is a crucial developmental factor.

A further publication by Jantz based on Gravlee et al. claims that Boas had cherry picked two groups of immigrants (Sicilians and Hebrews) which had varied most towards the same mean, and discarded other groups which had varied in the opposite direction. He commented, "Using the recent reanalysis by Gravlee et al. (2003), we can observe in Figure 2 that the maximum difference in the cranial index due to immigration (in Hebrews) is much smaller than the maximum ethnic difference, between Sicilians and Bohemians. It shows that long-headed parents produce long headed offspring and vice versa. To make the argument that children of immigrants converge onto an "American type" required Boas to use the two groups that changed the most."

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Although some sociobiologists and evolutionary psychologists have suggested that Boas was opposed to Darwinian evolution, Boas, in fact, was a committed proponent of Darwinian evolutionary thought. In 1888, he declared that "the development of ethnology is largely due to the general recognition of the principle of biological evolution"; since Boas's times, physical anthropologists have established that the human capacity for culture is a product of human evolution. In fact, Boas's research on changes in body form played an important role in the rise of Darwinian theory.[citation needed] Boas was trained at a time when biologists had no understanding of genetics; Mendelian genetics became widely known only after 1900. Prior to that time biologists relied on the measurement of physical traits as empirical data for any theory of evolution. Boas's biometric studies, however, led him to question the use of this method and kind of data. In a speech to anthropologists in Berlin in 1912, Boas argued that at best such statistics could only raise biological questions, and not answer them. It was in this context that anthropologists began turning to genetics as a basis for any understanding of biological variation.

Cultural anthropology Drawing of a “Kwakiutl “ mask, from Boas's The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians (1897). Wooden skulls hang from below the mask, which represents one of the cannibal bird helpers of Bakbakwalinooksiwey.

The essence of Boas's approach to ethnography is found in his early essay on "The Study of Geography". There he argued for an approach that considers every phenomenon as worthy of being studied for its own sake. Its mere existence entitles it to a full share of our attention, and the knowledge of its existence and evolution in space and time fully satisfies the student.

When Boas's student Ruth Benedict gave her presidential address to the American Anthropological Association in 1947, she reminded

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anthropologists of the importance of this idiographic stance by quoting literary critic A. C. Bradley: "We watch 'what is', seeing that so it happened and must have happened".

This orientation led Boas to promote a cultural anthropology characterized by a strong commitment to

 Empiricism (with a resulting skepticism of attempts to formulate "scientific laws" of culture)  A notion of culture as fluid and dynamic  Ethnographic fieldwork, in which the anthropologist resides for an extended period among the people being researched, conducts research in the native language, and collaborates with native researchers, as a method of collecting data, and  Cultural relativism as a methodological tool while conducting fieldwork, and as a heuristic tool while analyzing data.

Boas argued that in order to understand "what is"—in cultural anthropology, the specific cultural traits (behaviors, beliefs, and symbols)—one had to examine them in their local context. He also understood that as people migrate from one place to another, and as the cultural context changes over time, the elements of a culture, and their meanings, will change, which led him to emphasize the importance of local histories for an analysis of cultures.

Although other anthropologists at the time, such as Bronisław Malinowski and Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown focused on the study of societies, which they understood to be clearly bounded, Boas's attention to history, which reveals the extent to which traits diffuse from one place to another, led him to view cultural boundaries as multiple and overlapping, and as highly permeable. Thus, Boas's student Robert Lowie once described culture as a thing of "shreds and patches". Boas and his students understood that as people try to make sense of their world they seek to integrate its disparate elements, with the result that different cultures could be characterized as having different configurations or patterns. But Boasians also understood that such

179 integration was always in tensions with diffusion, and any appearance of a stable configuration is contingent (see Bashkow 2004: 445).

During Boas's lifetime, as today, many Westerners saw a fundamental difference between modern societies, which are characterized by dynamism and individualism, and traditional societies which are stable and homogeneous. Boas's empirical field research, however, led him to argue against this comparison. For example, his 1903 essay, "Decorative Designs of Alaskan Needlecases: A History of Conventional Designs, Based on Materials in a U.S. Museum", provides another example of how Boas made broad theoretical claims based on a detailed analysis of empirical data. After establishing formal similarities among the needlecases, Boas shows how certain formal features provide a vocabulary out of which individual artisans could create variations in design. Thus, his emphasis on culture as a context for meaningful action made him sensitive to individual variation within a society (William Henry Holmes suggested a similar point in an 1886 paper, "Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art", although unlike Boas he did not develop the ethnographic and theoretical implications).

In a programmatic essay in 1920, "The Methods of Ethnology", Boas argued that instead of "the systematic enumeration of standardized beliefs and customs of a tribe", anthropology needs to document "the way in which the individual reacts to his whole social environment, and to the difference of opinion and of mode of action that occur in primitive society and which are the causes of far-reaching changes". Boas argued that attention to individual agency reveals that "the activities of the individual are determined to a great extent by his social environment, but in turn, his own activities influence the society in which he lives and may bring about modifications in a form". Consequently, Boas thought of culture as fundamentally dynamic: "As soon as these methods are applied, primitive society loses the appearance of absolute stability ... All cultural forms rather appear in a constant state of flux ..." (see Lewis 2001b)

Having argued against the relevance of the distinction between literate and non-literate societies as a way of defining anthropology's object of study, Boas argued that non-literate and literate societies

180 should be analyzed in the same way. Nineteenth-century historians had been applying the techniques of philology to reconstruct the histories of, and relationships between, literate societies. In order to apply these methods to non-literate societies, Boas argued that the task of fieldworkers is to produce and collect texts in non-literate societies. This took the form not only of compiling lexicons and grammars of the local language, but of recording myths, folktales, beliefs about social relationships and institutions, and even recipes for local cuisine. In order to do this, Boas relied heavily on the collaboration of literate native ethnographers (among the Kwakiutl, most often George Hunt), and he urged his students to consider such people valuable partners, inferior in their standing in Western society, but superior in their understanding of their own culture. (see Bunzl 2004: 438–439)

Using these methods, Boas published another article in 1920, in which he revisited his earlier research on Kwakiutl kinship. In the late 1890s, Boas had tried to reconstruct transformation in the organization of Kwakiutl clans, by comparing them to the organization of clans in other societies neighboring the Kwakiutl to the north and south. Now, however, he argued against translating the Kwakiutl principle of kin groups into an English word. Instead of trying to fit the Kwakiutl into some larger model, he tried to understand their beliefs and practices in their own terms. For example, whereas he had earlier translated the Kwakiutl word numaym as "clan", he now argued that the word is best understood as referring to a bundle of privileges, for which there is no English word. Men secured claims to these privileges through their parents or wives, and there were a variety of ways these privileges could be acquired, used, and transmitted from one generation to the next. As in his work on alternating sounds, Boas had come to realize that different ethnological interpretations of Kwakiutl kinship were the result of the limitations of Western categories. As in his work on Alaskan needlecases, he now saw variation among Kwakiutl practices as the result of the play between social norms and individual creativity.

Before his death in 1942, he appointed Helen Codere to edit and publish his manuscripts about the culture of the Kwakiutl people.

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Legacy

Nevertheless, Boas has had an enduring influence on anthropology. Virtually all anthropologists today accept Boas's commitment to empiricism and his methodological cultural relativism. Moreover, virtually all cultural anthropologists today share Boas's commitment to field research involving extended residence, learning the local language, and developing social relationships with informants. Finally, anthropologists continue to honor his critique of racial ideologies. In his 1963 book, Race: The History of an Idea in America, Thomas Gossett wrote that "It is possible that Boas did more to combat race prejudice than any other person in history."

Leadership roles and honors

 1887—Accepted a position as Assistant Editor of Science in New York.  1889—Appointed as the head of a newly created department of anthropology. His adjunct was L. Farrand.  1896—Became assistant curator at the American Museum of Natural History, under F. W. Putnam. This was combined with a lecturing position at Columbia University.  1900—Elected to the National Academy of Sciences in April.  1901—Appointed Honorary Philologist of Bureau of American Ethnology.  1908—Became editor of The Journal of American Folklore.  1908—Elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society.  1910—Helped create the International School of American Archeology and Ethnology in Mexico.  1910—Elected president of the New York Academy of Sciences.  1917—Founded the International Journal of American Linguistics.  1917—Edited the Publications of the American Ethnological Society.  1931—Elected president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.  1936—Became "emeritus in residence" at Columbia University in 1936. Became "emeritus" in 1938.

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References

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20. ^ Gesteland McShane, Becky Jo (2003). "Underhill, Ruth Murray (1883– 1984)". In Bakken, Gordon Morris; Farrington, Brenda (eds.). Encyclopedia of Women in the American West. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publishing. pp. 272–273. doi:10.4135/9781412950626.n146. ISBN 978-1- 4129-5062-6. 21. ^ Boas, Franz. A Franz Boas reader: the shaping of American anthropology, 1883–1911. University of Chicago Press, 1989. p. 308 22. ^ Holloway, M. (1997) The Paradoxical Legacy of Franz Boas—father of American anthropology. Natural History. November 1997.[1] 23. ^ Stocking. George W., Jr. 1960. "Franz Boas and the Founding of the American Anthropological Association". American Anthropologist 62: 1–17. 24. ^ "The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Marvin Harris". Current Anthropology. 9 (5, Part 2): 519–533. December 1968. doi:10.1086/200949. ISSN 0011-3204. 25. ^ Jump up to:a b c Moore, Jerry D. (2009). "Franz Boas: Culture in Context". Visions of Culture: an Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. Walnut Creek, California: Altamira. pp. 33–46. 26. ^ Gossett, Thomas (1997) [1963]. Race: The History of an Idea in America. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 418. It is possible that Boas did more to combat race prejudice than any other person in history. 27. ^ Norman F. Boas, 2004, p. 291 (photo of the graveyard marker of Franz and Marie Boas, Dale Cemetery, Ossining, N.Y.) 28. ^ Glick, L. B. (1982). "Types Distinct from Our Own: Franz Boas on Jewish Identity and Assimilation". American Anthropologist. 84 (3): 545– 565. doi:10.1525/aa.1982.84.3.02a00020. 29. ^ Boas, Franz (1962) [1928]. Anthropology & Modern Life, with an Introduction by Ruth Bunzel. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 6. ISBN 978-0- 486-25245-2. OCLC 490354. Retrieved 2019-07-19. 30. ^ Douglas Cole 1999 Franz Boas: The Early Years, 1858–1906 p. 280. Washington: Douglas and MacIntyre. 31. ^ Boas, Franz. 1938. An Anthropologist's Credo. The Nation 147:201– 204. part 1, part 2 Archived 2014-07-27 at the Wayback Machine (PDF). 32. ^ Koelsch, 2004, p. 1

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33. ^ Lowie, Robert H (1947). "Franz Boas, 1858–1942". National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoirs. 24 (303–322): 303. 34. ^ Harris, 1968, p. 253. 35. ^ Jump up to:a b c Koelsch, 2004, p. 1. 36. ^ Lowie, 1947, p. 303. 37. ^ Harris, 1968, p. 265. 38. ^ Bohannan, Paul, and Mark Glazer (eds.). 1988. High Points in Anthropology (2nd Ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. p. 81 39. ^ Speth, William W. 1999. How It Came to Be: Carl O. Sauer, Franz Boas and the Meanings of AnthropogographyEllensburg: Ephemera Press. p. 128. 40. ^ Kroeber, A. L. (1943). "Franz Boas: The Man. American Anthropological Association". Memoirs. 61 (5–26): 5. 41. ^ Bohannan and Glazer, 1988, p. 81 42. ^ Murray, Stephen O. 1993. Theory Groups and the Study of Language in North America: A Social History. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 47 43. ^ Williams, Vernon J., Jr. 1998. Franz Boas Paradox and the African American Intelligentsia. In V.P. Franklin (ed.) African Americans and Jews in the Twentieth Century: Studies in Convergence and Conflict. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. 54–86. p. 57. 44. ^ Kroeber, 1943, p. 5. 45. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Williams, 1998, p. 57. 46. ^ Harris, 1968, 265 47. ^ Bohannan and Glaser, 1988, p. 81. 48. ^ quoted in Koelsch, 2004, p. 1. 49. ^ Murray, 1993, p. 47. 50. ^ Marmon Silko, Leslie (1981). Storyteller, p. 254. Arcade. ISBN 978-1- 55970-005-4. His student Parsons stayed behind and documented Laguna language and stories. 51. ^ Liss, Julia E. 1995 Patterns of Strangeness: Franz Boas, Modernism, and the Origins of Anthropology. In Prehistories of the Future: The Primitivist Project and the Culture of Modernism. E. Barkan and R. Bush, eds. pp. 114–130. Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press.

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52. ^ Liss, Julia E. 1996. "German Culture and German Science in the Bildung of Franz Boas". In History of Anthropology, vol. 8. Volksgeist as Method and Ethic. G. W. Stocking Jr., ed. pp. 155–184. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 53. ^ Harris, 1968, p. 264. 54. ^ Smith, W. D. (1991), Politics and the sciences of culture in Germany, 1840–1920, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-536227- 5 55. ^ Boas, Franz (1888), "The Central Eskimo", Smithsonian Institution via Gutenberg, Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1884–1885, Government Printing Office, Washington, pp. 399–670, retrieved 13 January2015 56. ^ Cole, Herbert, ed. (1983), Franz Boas' Baffin Island Letter-Diary, 1883–1884 57. ^ "Franz Uri Boas". geni_family_tree. Retrieved 2019-02-25. 58. ^ Cole, Douglas 1983 "The Value of a Person Lies in His Herzensbildung": Franz Boas's Baffin Island Letter-Diay, 1883–1884. In Observers Observed: Essays on Ethnographic Fieldwork. George W. Stocking Jr., ed. pp. 13–52. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 59. ^ Cole, Douglas. 1999/ Franz Boas: The Early Years. 1858–1906. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 60. ^ Truman, Benjamin (1893). History of the World's Fair: Being a Complete and Authentic Description of the Columbian Exposition From Its Inception. Philadelphia, PA: J. W. Keller & Co. 61. ^ "Bird's-Eye View of the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893". World Digital Library. 1893. Retrieved 2013-07-17. 62. ^ Lorini, Alessandra (2003), "Alice Fletcher and the Search for Women's Public Recognition in Professionalizing American Anthropology", Cromohs, Florence, Italy, 8, pp. 1–25, archived from the original on 2016-01-27 63. ^ Boas, Franz (1945), "Race and Democratic Society", J. J. Augustin (1 ed.), New YorkA collection of 33 public addresses by the late Boas 64. ^ Boas, Franz (1969), Race and Democratic Society A collection of 33 public addresses by the late Boas

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65. ^ Stocking, Jr., George W. (1982), "A Franz Boas Reader: The Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883–1911", University of Chicago Press, Chicago, p. 354 66. ^ Michael Forster (2007-09-27). "Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Johann Gottfried von Herder". Retrieved 2016-05-20. 67. ^ A Franz Boas Reader: The Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883– 1911, University of Chicago Press, 1989, p. 11. 68. ^ Darnell, Regna; Smith, Joshua; Hamilton, Michelle; Hancock, Robert L. A. (2015). The Franz Boas Papers, Volume 1: Franz Boas as Public Intellectual – Theory, Ethnography, Activism. U of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-6984-2. 69. ^ Boas and Stocking 1989. 70. ^ Stocking, George W., Jr. I968. Race, culture, and evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. New York: Free Press. 264 71. ^ Alexander Lesser, 1981 "Franz Boas" p. 25 in Sydel Silverman, ed. From Totems to Teachers New York: Columbia University Press 72. ^ Boas, 1909 lecture; see Lewis 2001b. 73. ^ Smith, Dinitia (15 March 2000). "An Eskimo Boy And Injustice In Old New York; A Campaigning Writer Indicts An Explorer and a Museum" – via NYTimes.com. 74. ^ "American Experience . Minik, The Lost Eskimo - PBS". 75. ^ Pöhl, Friedrich (1 January 2008). "Assessing Franz Boas' ethics in his Arctic and later anthropological fieldwork". Etudinuit. 32 (2): 35– 52. doi:10.7202/038214ar. 76. ^ Harper, Kenn. (1986/2000) Give Me My Father's Body: The Life of Minik, the New York Eskimo. South Royalton, VT: Steerforth Press. 77. ^ (The first American PhD in anthropology was actually granted from Clark University, though still under the leadership of Boas.) Moore, Jerry D. (2009). "Franz Boas: Culture in Context". Visions of Culture: an Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. Walnut Creek, California: Altamira. pp. 33. 78. ^ Lynda, Leavitt; Sherrie, Wisdom; Kelly, Leavitt (2017). Cultural Awareness and Competency Development in Higher Education. IGI Global. p. 5. ISBN 978-1-5225-2146-4. Retrieved 3 February 2020.

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79. ^ Allen, John S. (1989). "Franz Boas's Physical Anthropology: The Critique of Racial Formalism Revisited". Current Anthropology. 30 (1): 79– 84. doi:10.1086/203716. 80. ^ Jackson, John P. (2005). Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case against Brown v. Board of Education. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147- 4271-6. Lay summary (30 August 2010). 81. ^ Spiro, Jonathan P. (2009). Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant. Univ. of Vermont Press. ISBN 978-1-58465-715-6. Lay summary (29 September 2010). 82. ^ Abbott, Karen, Sin in the Second City, Random House, 2008, p. 206 83. ^ Sparks, Corey S.; Jantz, Richard L. (2002). "A reassessment of human cranial plasticity: Boas revisited". PNAS. 99 (23): 14636– 14639. doi:10.1073/pnas.222389599. PMC 137471. PMID 12374854. 84. ^ Marks, Jonathan What It Means to Be 98% Chimpanzee: Apes, People, and Their Genes, University of California Press, 2003 ISBN 978-0-520- 24064-3 p. xviii [2] 85. ^ [3] 86. ^ [4] 87. ^ Richard L. Jantz. "The Meaning and Consequences of Morphological Variation" (PDF). Understandingrace.org. Retrieved 2017-03-04. 88. ^ Jakobson, Roman; Boas, Franz (1944). "Franz Boas' Approach to Language". International Journal of American Linguistics. 10 (4): 188– 195. doi:10.1086/463841.

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28. Tom Boellstorff

Tom Boellstorff Born: 21 April 1969 (age 50 years) is an anthropologist based at the University of California, Irvine. In his career to date, his interests have included the anthropology of sexuality, the anthropology of globalization, digital anthropology, Southeast Asian studies, the anthropology of HIV/AIDS, and linguistic anthropology.

Tom Boellstorff earned his Ph.D. in Anthropology at Stanford University in 2000. He joined the Department of Anthropology at the University of California, Irvine in 2002, receiving tenure in 2006. He is the winner of the Ruth Benedict Prize given by the Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists. From 2007–2012 he was Editor-in-Chief of American Anthropologist, the flagship journal of the American Anthropological Association, and coedits the Princeton University Press book series "Princeton Studies in Culture and Technology." He has been Co-chair of the Association for Queer Anthropology (formerly the Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists).

He has received a fellowship from the American Council of Learned Societies and research support from the National Science Foundation and the Social Science Research Council. In 2016 he was made a Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. He has conducted research on LGBT sexualities in Indonesia and on culture in

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virtual worlds, including disability experience in Second Life (see the documentary Our Digital Selves: My Avatar Is Me).

He raised in Nebraska, then moved to California to obtain bachelor's degrees in linguistics and music from Stanford University. He engaged in HIV/AIDS and LGBT activism in the United States, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Russia, at times with the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (now Outright International) and the Institute for Community Health Outreach, where he worked as Regional Coordinator before entering graduate school in anthropology. His husband, Bill Maurer, is Professor in the Department of Anthropology and Dean of Social Sciences at the University of California, Irvine.

Publications o Coming of Age in Second Life: An Anthropologist Explores the Virtually Human (Princeton University Press, 2008, Second Edition 2015) o Ethnography and Virtual Worlds: A Handbook of Method (Princeton University Press, 2012; coauthored with Bonnie Nardi, Celia Pearce, and T.L. Taylor) o A Coincidence of Desires: Anthropology, Queer Studies, Indonesia (Duke University Press, 2007) o The Gay Archipelago: Sexuality and Nation in Indonesia (Princeton University Press, 2005) o He is also the co-editor of Data, Now Bigger and Better! (Prickly Paradigm Press, 2015) and Speaking in Queer Tongues: Globalization and Gay Language (University of Illinois Press, 2004). o His work has been published in American Anthropologist; American Ethnologist; Annual Review of Anthropology, Cultural Anthropology; Current Anthropology, Environment and Planning D; Ethnos, Games and Culture, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies; Information, Communication, and Society; International Journal of Communication; Journal of Linguistic Anthropology; Journal of Asian Studies; and Media, Culture, and Society.

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References

 https://faculty.sites.uci.edu/boellstorff/publications/  https://faculty.sites.uci.edu/boellstorff/  https://www.e-ir.info/author/tom-boellstorff/

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29. Paul Bohannan

Paul James Bohannan (March 5, 1920 – July 13, 2007) was an American anthropologist known for his research on the Tiv people of Nigeria, spheres of exchange and divorce in the United States.

Bohannan was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, to Hillory Bohannan and Hazel Truex Bohannan. During the dust bowl his family moved to Benson, Arizona. World War II interrupted his college education, and he served in the U.S. Army Quartermaster Corps from 1941 to 1945 reaching the rank of captain. In 1947 he graduated Phi Beta Kappa[2] with his bachelor's degree in German[3] from the University of Arizona. He attended Queen's College, Oxford, thereafter as a Rhodes scholar,[4] receiving a Bachelor of Science in 1949 and his doctor of philosophy degree in 1951, both in anthropology.[1]

Bohannan remained in England and was a lecturer in social anthropology at Oxford University until 1956 when he returned to the States taking up an assistant professorship in anthropology at Princeton University. In 1959, Bohannan left Princeton for a full professorship at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. From 1975 to 1982 he taught at the University of California, Santa Barbara. In 1982 he became dean of the social science and communications department at the University of Southern California (U.S.C.).[4] He retired from full-time teaching in 1987, but remained at U.S.C. as professor emeritus until his death.

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From 1962 to 1964 Bohannan was a director on the Social Science Research Council. He was a director of American Ethnological Society from 1963 to 1966. Bohannan was president of the African Studies Association in 1964. In 1979–1980, he was president of the American Anthropological Association.

Bohannan married Laura Marie Smith, an anthropologist with whom he collaborated on Tiv Economy, on 15 May 1943. They had one son, Denis, and were divorced in 1975. He remained married to his second wife, Adelyse D'Arcy, from 1981 until his death.[1] Bohannan died on 13 July 2007, in Visalia, California.[1] He was a connoisseur of Scotch whisky and a ballet enthusiast.

Awards

1944 Legion of Merit. 1969 Herskovitz Prize for Tiv Economy, shared with his wife Laura Bohannan.

References

 Justice and Judgment among the Tiv. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1957. OCLC 67530323.  Social Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1963. OCLC 230074.  Africa and Africans. Garden City, NY: Natural History Press. 1964. OCLC 413202. (Fourth Edition [with Philip Curtin] published Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1995)  With Bohannan, Laura (1968). Tiv Economy. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. OCLC 7394758.  With Bernard, Jessie (1970). Divorce and After. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. OCLC 87758.  We, the Alien: An introduction to cultural anthropology. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press. 1991. ISBN 978-0-88133-637-5.  How Culture Works. New York: Free Press. 1995. ISBN 978-0-02- 904505-3.  With van der Elst, Dirk (1998). Asking and Listening: Ethnography as Personal Adaptation. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press. ISBN 978-0- 88133-987-1.

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 Thomas H. Maugh II (August 2, 2007). "Obituary: Paul Bohannan, 87; USC anthropologist researched Nigerian culture and American divorce". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved December 4, 2009.  Staff (1947) "Phi Beta Kappa to Accept 16" Tucson Daily Citizen 4 April 1947, p. 3, col. 6  Staff (1946) "3 Chosen for Rhodes Honor" Tucson Daily Citizen 13 December 1946, p. 18, col. 3  Johnson, Pamela J. (2007) "Pioneering Anthropologist was Authority on the Tiv Tribe" USC College News, July 2007.

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