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Women's Lives and Offending in Victorian Liverpool and London

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Women's Lives and Offending in Victorian Liverpool and London “At Large”: Women’s Lives and Offending in Victorian Liverpool and London Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy Lucy Elizabeth Williams April 2014 1 Abstract This thesis focuses on serious female offenders living in Liverpool and London during the Victorian period. In contrast to much existing historical research on women and crime, the interest here is not solely on the offences women committed, nor their offending patterns; but instead on their lives, experiences, and identities. One of the key objectives of this research is to add new information on women and offending to a historiography which continues to be dominated by the male offender and the male experience or crime. Similarly, this research moves away from histories of female offenders as shoplifters, prostitutes, and child-killers, and considers the wider involvement of women in crimes of theft and violence in Victorian cities. The findings demonstrate that female offences were diverse, and patterns of offending were heavily influenced by local, environmental, and personal factors. Analysis of women’s experiences shows that limited opportunities for employment, difficult living conditions, and poor prospects for social mobility and stability all impacted upon the probability of offending. The research also shows that women who were part of the lowest sections of the working class, members of an ethnic minority, the oldest female child in their families, and unmarried, were most likely to become serious female offenders. Local differences in employment opportunities, housing patterns, and policing practices could impact upon the kind of crimes undertaken by women, the period of the life-cycle in which offending was most likely to begin, the length of offending careers, and the number of convictions women gained. Yet the biggest contribution to serious female offending was made by experiences which transcended both location and environment, namely the issues of poverty, and social and economic exclusion. 2 Acknowledgements At the end of a process which has proved rewarding and challenging in equal measure I have a number of debts of gratitude to acknowledge. The first is to my supervisors. I am grateful to Dr Andrew Davies for the wealth of time, support, and patience he has offered at every stage of my study, for his continued encouragement, and constructive and helpful criticisms as my thesis developed. Professor Barry Godfrey has provided crucial direction since the half-way point. His continued encouragement, advice, and friendship have proved essential in shaping my work into what it should be. The wider community of crime historians have been a source of inspiration and support. In particular my thanks go to Dr Helen Rogers, Dr Heather Shore, Dr Helen Johnston, and Dr Jo Turner. I also owe thanks to Dr Mark Towsey and Dr Martin Heale for their support and assistance in all matters postgraduate. I am grateful to the University of Liverpool for funding my postdoctoral studies, and the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire for their generous contribution to research materials. My fellow PhD students; Angel O’Donnell, Harry Wood, Wendy Asquith, Emily Trafford, Simon Moody and Nick Bubak have made this process sociable, enjoyable, and infinitely easier. Thank you all for the encouragement, helpful suggestions, and cheerful support you have offered throughout my study. You’ve been great colleagues, and even better friends. Thanks for helping me celebrate when things went well, and commiserate when things went wrong. Thanks for making me a better historian, and for helping me waste my time in the most enjoyable ways. Some of my longest standing, and longest suffering, friends also deserve acknowledgement. Kate Hales, thank you for everything, from helping me get to school on time, to providing me with home and family when I was a stranger in a new city. You’ll never know how vital your contributions have been. Donna Bird, thanks for encouraging my university aspirations from the word go, for patiently listening to my latest dramas, and for helping me remember that my PhD and I are not the centre of the universe. Mike McGibney, thank you for letting me and my 3 progress dominate too many of our conversations for the past three or four years. Thanks for encouraging me to feel like an impressive person - even when I’m sat in the Ivory Peg on a Tuesday night. Most of all, thanks for your words of wisdom, constant friendship, and drunken antics, which have kept me smiling throughout. My family contribute to everything I achieve. Thank you to them, for the ceaseless love, encouragement, and support offered to me throughout my life. The women in my family have provided such strong role models, and taught me that anything is possible. My Grandmother in particular, has always provided inspiration, and the stories she has shared of things long since passed are responsible for first sparking my interest in history. My dad has always believed I have a way with words, and has encouraged me to think the same. He never fails to be proud of even my smallest achievements. For this and more, I thank him. It is impossible for me to sufficiently acknowledge the debt of gratitude I owe to my mum. Her sacrifices are responsible for my opportunities. Her love and guidance are the reason I made it this far. Finally, to Lorin, who encouraged my doctoral ambitions as soon as I shared them, and who in the past years has been a constant source of love, emotional support, and companionship. For acting as housekeeper, sounding-board, and therapist, thank you. I would never have finished this without you. 4 Contents ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................... 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................................................................................... 3 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... 9 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 11 CHAPTER ONE: EXPLORING FEMALE CRIMINAL CAREERS USING HISTORICAL DATA ......... 17 A history of crime, a history of criminals ........................................................................ 17 History of women and offending .................................................................................... 28 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 36 CHAPTER TWO: THE CRIMES OF VICTORIAN WOMEN ...................................................... 50 Property crime ................................................................................................................ 55 Crimes of Theft ...................................................................................................................................... 56 Currency Offences ................................................................................................................................. 66 Violent Offences .............................................................................................................. 74 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................... 82 CHAPTER THREE: VICTORIAN WOMEN AND OFFENDING ................................................. 83 Indictable offences .......................................................................................................... 83 Summary Convictions ...................................................................................................... 84 5 Recidivism ....................................................................................................................... 88 Offending, the life cycle, and age at first conviction ...................................................... 93 Accomplices and Victims ............................................................................................... 106 Aliases............................................................................................................................ 109 Offending and Mobility ................................................................................................. 112 Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 118 CHAPTER FOUR: FEMALE OFFENDERS AND SOCIAL CLASS ............................................. 121 Class of Offenders ......................................................................................................... 125 Social Mobility of Offenders.......................................................................................... 147 Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 157 CHAPTER FIVE: NATIONALITY AND ETHNICITY OF FEMALE OFFENDERS ......................... 159 Nationality ..................................................................................................................... 163 Ethnicity ......................................................................................................................... 166 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................
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