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The Public Impact of Science in the Mass Media
A Report on a Nation-wide Survey for the National Association of Science Writers
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Suroey Research Center Institute for Social Research * The Um'oersi'tu of Michigan (958 THE PUBLIC IMPACT OF SCIENCE IN THE MASS MEDIA
A Report on a Nation-wide Survey
for the National Association of
Science Writers
Survey Research Center
Institute for Social Research University of Michigan 1958 Copyright 1958 by the National Association of Science Writers, Inc. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study was sponsored by the National Association of Science Writers and supported by a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. Assistance in administering the grant was provided by New York University. The research was conducted by the Survey Research Center as one of a series of studies in the (tanmunication and Influence Program, which is under the direction of Stephen B. Wit hey.
The survey was planned in cooperation with the Surveys Committee of the National Association of Science Writers, Members of the Committee were: Professor Hillier Krieghbaum, Department of Journalism, New York University (Chairman); Alton Blakeslee, Science Reporter, Associated Press; Roland Berg, Science and Medical Editor, Look magazine; Martin Mann, Senior Editor, Popular Science Monthly; and Earl Ubell, Science Editor, New York Herald Tribune.
Valuable comments and advice were offered by members of the Survey Research Center, including: Angus Campbell, Elizabeth Douvan, William A. Scott (now of the University of Colorado), Robert S. Weiss (now of the University of Chicago), and Stephen B. WIthey.
The sample was selected by the Sampling Section, headed by Leslie Kish; members of the section most closely associated with the project were Irene Hess, John Takeshita, and C. Edwin lean. The interviewing was per• formed by the interviewers of the Field Section, Charles F. Cannell, Head; working closely with the study were Morris Axelrod and Lois L. Davis. The coding of the interviews was supervised by Charlotte C. Winter, Head, Coding Section. The machine tabulation of the data was supervised by Laurence F. Weiner,
Assisting in the processing of the data were, successively, Kristine Rosenthal, Mary Ann Fisher, Phyllis Feldman, and Susan Blanchard. Throughout the study the secretarial work was performed by Joan Beatty.
The study was directed and the report written by Robert C. Davis.
April 1958 TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface 1
Chapter I The Mass Media and their Audiences 9 Chapter II Science Audiences of the Mass Media 39 Chapter III Science and the Newspaper Audience'..... 57 Chapter IV Science News and the Magazine, Radio and Television Audiences 86 Chapter 7 Science News: Forms and Channels 118 Chapter VI Science News: Skills 133 Chapter VII Science News: Motivations 157 Chapter VIII Science News and Attitudes about Science 179 Chapter IX In Conclusion 223
Appendix A Sampling Methods and Sampling Variability 226 Appendix B The Questionnaire 230 Appendix C Supplementary Tables •. 2li2 PREFACE
Science News: Supply and Demand
The scientific journals of the world pour forth research papers at the rate of twenty thousand a week. The science writer, as the middle man in the flow of communications, must select, condense, and translate from this fantastic deluge of information those items he is to transmit to the lay audiences of the mass media. In economic terms, it is not supply but demand that is the problem in the transaction. More precisely, it is demand that has been the unknown factor in the decision to market more or less of the science news commodity. Because demand has hitherto only been guessed at, other factors—some objective, like space limitations and financial considerations, some subjective, like an editor's feeling for "what people really want"—have played the major roles in determining. how much science has been presented in the mass media.*
One of the major functions of the present study will be to assess the demand side of the equation—to measure the size of the science audiences of the major media, and to point out some of the factors which contribute to the consumption of science news.
The amount of science news in the mass media has been infinitesimal in comparison to the volume of "raw" science information.
One study of the content of daily newspapers revealed the following facts on the percentages of non-advertising space devoted to science news. Among 97 dailies examined for the period 1939-51, the space devoted to "education, science and philanthropy" was 5.01 per cent and 5.55 per cent for competitive and non-competitive papers respectively.
Another sample of 26 dailies, taken in 1955? showed 7-3 per cent and 7*9 per cent of the space devoted to the same category of news for the two types of papers.
Considering that education and philanthropy were included in the category, it seems safe to assume that science news constituted certainly less than 5 per cent of the space in the papers sampled. Furthermore, in the interval between the two periods of time, science coverage probably has-increased only very slightly, if at all.**
# For the historical background of the problem see; H. Krieghbaum, American Newspaper Reporting of Science News (Kansas State College Bulletin, Vol. XXV, No. 5, I9hl), R. B. Nixon and R. L. Jones, "The content of non-competitive vs. competi• tive newspapers," Journalism Quarterly, 33 (1956), 299-3lii. 2
Another study of 29 papers made in 1938 found 1.2 per cent of the content was devoted to science primarily, but another k»S per cent dealt indirectly with science. A study of 130 papers for the period 1939-50 found only 0.6 per cent of the items were on science and inventions and 1.1 per cent on health and safety.* .
Another study which sampled three Wisconsin papers and the New York Times in 1900-05 and 1950-55 showed ithat front page space devoted to science (broadly defined) increased only slightly in the fifty-year period and that the "play" given science news was only slightly more prominent in the more recent period. Furthermore, the study noted only a slight increase in the level of reading difficulty in the half-century span."**
Some indication of the volume of. science news sent over a large news service trunk line and what happens to it before it reaches the reader may be infer• red from another study. Comparing sample weeks in 1950-51 with 1952-53, on AP news coming into Wisconsin, it was found that only 1.8 per cent and 0.9 per cent of the total trunk news concerned "science and inventions" during the two sample periods. This was cut for the state wire to 1.0 per cent and 0.06 per cent. The carry-over from the trunk to the Wisconsin AP wire was 37 per cent of the stories and 10 per cent of the wordage in 1950-5lj^and 9 per cent of the stories and 3 per cent of the wordage in 1952-53.*^
A study of fifty managing editors made in 1950 revealed generally positive attitudes toward science news. The editors reported that science coverage in their papers had increased during the preceding ten years. They reported that only limitation of space prevented them from using more science items.
It seems, despite the estimates of editors that they were using more science news, that science coverage has remained a small part of total news content. To be sure, all these studies were made before the American-Soviet science race was intensified by. the launching of the Sputniks. A series of content analysis studies following the Sputnik crisis will have to be made before we can assess the permanence of the changes that seem to have occurred in science coverage following this dramatic event.
Science news in magazines is harder to estimate. However, some inferences can be made from the general post-war trend .in this medium. A study of the period \9k6-$k found that magazine circulation increased, but more important, the circulation of "high-brow" magazines doubled while the "middle-brow" maga• zines increased by about half and the "low brow" magazines remained about the
* E. Ubell, "Covering the News of Science," American Scientist, h5 U957), 330A-35OA. J. M. Speiller, A comparative case study of science news coverage in selected newspapers, 1900-1905, 1950-55, (MA thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1956). S. M. Cutlip, "Content and flow of AP news: From trunk to TTS- to reader," Journalism Quarterly, 31 (19510* U3k~kk6* •s-JHr-s H. Krieghbaum, Report on the NASW survey of the attitudes of managing editors toward science writing (195l). 3 same. It was noted that educated, urban readership was up and that there was reason to believe that television was taking over the "low brow," audience. Changes in the content and function of magazines seemed to show that the recreation-entertainment function was taken over by television, while maga• zines tended to focus more on utilitarian functions, especially those related to leisure, food, health, children and even politics and business.*
If these trends are accurately assessed, the prospect of science in maga• zines seems rather bright, especially if the shift of the entertainment function to television, with the concomitant rise of information content in magazines, develops into a firm trend.
Television, both in terms of content and of listener response, is clearly the leader in the entertainment field. The available studies show that about three-quarters of program time is devoted to entertainment and we shall see later that about three-quarters of our sample name television as their main media source of entertainment. But what of science on television? One study of program content in New York showed that only 0.3 per cent of the time during a sample week in 1951 was devoted to science. A year later the sample week showed science at 0.2 per cent. A similar study made in the Los Angeles area in 1951 showed science constituted only 0,2lj per cent of program time.**
Content analysis of radio programming would probably show a similar picture.***
In summary, the available evidence indicates that a very small amount of science news is "marketed" by the mass media. Even making allowances for a possible post-Sputnik boom in science news, it is probably safe to say that the mass media are transmitting only a microscopic part of the mountainous supply of science information potentially available to them.
In contrast to the small amount of science news available in the mass media stands the relatively large number of people to consume this news. As we will see later in more detail, 76 per cent of the sample could recall one or more science items they had read or seen recently. Sixty-nine per cent could re• call a medical item and 52 per cent could recall a non-medical science item. In terms of the media, 61* per cent of the sample recalled at least one science item from the newspapers^, 3h per cent from magazines, 13 per cent from radio, and [J. per cent from television.
* L. Bogart, "Magazines since the rise of television," Journalism Quarterly, 33 (1956), 153-166. ** D. W. Smythe, New York Television, January q-10, 195l» 1952 (National Association of' Educational Broadcasters, Urbana, 1952), and D.W.Smythe and A. Campbell, Los Angeles Television, May 23-29. 1951, (NAEB, Urbana, 1951). A study of the content of newsreels from 1939-&8 reveals one more facet of the science news picture. During the period studied the highest percentage of newsreel content devoted to science was 1*1% in 1939- The low was reached in 19u2 when 0.1^ was devoted to science news. L.A. Handel, Hollywood Looks at Its Audience (university of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1950) p. 170. k
These overall figures, which constitute our best estimate of the size of the science audience, make one point clear - the number of science news consumers is much larger than one would infer from the proportion of media content devoted to science. Returning to the economic analogy: demand seems to have been drastically underestimated.
Objectives of the Survey
These striking contrasts between the huge" reservoir of potential science news, the email amount of it in the media, and the sizeable audience for science, set the context of problems to which the present study is oriented.
The survey of the public impact of science in the mass media is intended to serve two broad functions: to contribute to our understanding of the mass conmiuni cations process, and to provide an assessment of the current status of science writing which will be a base-line of facts useful to those interested in increasing the effectiveness of communications to the lay public regarding science.
The specific objectives of the research may be summarized as follows:
- to ascertain the size and composition of the major mass media audiences
- to determine the size and characteristics of the science audiences of the media
- to describe the content of science news which has been read, heard and seen
- to obtain the science audiences' evaluation of the way in which science news is presented
- to analyze the social and psychological factors—abilities, interests and motivations—that relate to the consumption of science news
- to see how science news fits into the news reading patterns of the news• paper audience
- to examine the effect of differential wording of science news items on the level of reader interest
- to estimate the distribution of science information among the public
- to ascertain the conceptions and attitudes of the public relating to science and scientists.
These objectives, guided the strategy of research employed in the survey. The translation of these objectives into research terms took place in two phases. The first step was a pilot study, conducted in 1955, on a non-random sample of two hundred respondents. There was a two-fold purpose to this preliminary phase: to explore the feasibility of an interview devoted almost entirely to the topic of science and to test the initial form and wording of the interview schedule. Analysis of the pilot study data led to the conclusion that a nation-wide survey would be both possible and fruitful.*
On the basis of the pilot study experience, plans for a national survey were developed. . The full scale study was based on an area-probability sample of the adult population.** More precisely, the sample universe is of adults living in private dwelling units. This excludes the armed forces, the insti• tutional population (people living in hospitals, dormitories, prisons, and the like) and the floating population of people in transit and in hotels. About 5 per cent of the adult population, in large-part consisting of males, is thus excluded from the universe to be sampled.
Interviews were conducted by the Center's permanent field staff of about 200 -interviewers located in the 66 sample points throughout the country.
The Interview schedule consisted of both open-ended and fixed alternative questions. On the basis of pretests and the pilot study the areas which were to be "open" or "closed" were determined. Questions permitting free, un• structured responses were used chiefly in those areas where it was important to get the respondent's frame of reference or his most salient responses. Check-lists and other fixed alternative questions' were used when the response categories"were known (on the basis of previous work), where a great deal of factual material had to be obtained in a short time, or for other methodo• logical reasons.***
The structure of the interview itself Is worth examining briefly, as it is closely keyed to the research objectives. Respondents were not aware that science would be the major focus of the questions. An introductory letter to potential respondents indicated only that questions about the mass media would be asked. The opening questions concerned newspaper reading habits and amcng the various types of news inquired about, science and medical news were included.
Following the opening questions came the revelation that science news would be a major topic of inquiry. Further, a statement of what we intended to include under the term of science was read. "It "includes everything scien• tists discover about nature—it could be the discoveries about the stars, or atoms, about the human body or the mind-rany basic discovery about how things work and why. But science also includes the way in which this information is
* Results of the pilot study are reported in R. C. Davis, Science Writing and the Public (Survey Research Center, Ann Arbor, 1955). A technical description of the type of sampling used is found in L. Kish, "Selection of the sample," in L. Festinger and D. Katz (eds.), Research Methods in the Behavioral Sciences (Dryden Press, New York, 1953), 175-
*** For a discussion of interviewing problems and techniques see: R. L. Kahn and C. F. Cannell, The Dynamics of Interviewing (John Wiley, New York, 1957) 6 used for practical uses—it might be a new way of curing a disease, or the invention of a new auto engine, or making a new fertilizer." Thus the defi• nition was given in non-technical terms, with illustrations, and included both basic and applied science.
After the definition was read a list of nine hypothetical science stories was presented. For half the sample these stories were listed simply as topics and for the other half they were presented as headlines. The purpose of the items was to study the relative interest expressed in the "stories" and to contrast the attractive power of the alternate wording. .
At this point two of the four items to be used as a test of science knowledge were presented. The four items were worded so as to appear to be questions about current science stories.
There followed a series of parallel questions for each of the four mass media to ascertain the content of recently read or heard science stories and the evaluation of their form of presentation. In addition, data on the types of magazine read and radio and television programs heard was gathered.
Following the sections on the media, overall questions about the major media sources of entertainment, science, and general news were presented together with a question oh the types and sources of science information found to be useful in everyday life. Here, too, was included a question on the reasons for interest in science news.
Concluding this part of the interview came a short series of questions on book-reading.
The focus then shifted to the topic of science in general. An open question on science and its effects on society was followed by others on the limi• tations of science (if any) and the respondent's view of just what scientific study means. Questions on the conceptions of causality were followed by a series of agree-disagree statements about the effects of science. An open question probed the conception of what scientists are like, followed by another series of short statements touching on specific attributes of scien• tists. Also included in this part of the questionnaire were questions on the freedom of scientists to engage in any kind of research they desire. Ending up the attitude section of the questionnaire were items on conceptions of human nature and on the sense of personal competence.
At the conclusion of the interview came a thorough inventory of personal history data including questions on science education.
On the average, the interview took upwards of an hour and a half to complete, but in some cases it ran over two hours. A total of 1919 respondents were interviewed. The interviewing period was March-April 19?7« From the point of view of the study it was a fairly "normal" period of science news. The earlier publicity about the polio vaccine and the smoking-and-cancer contro• versy had subsided. Although some attention was being given to the early phases of the International Geophysical Tear, the outstanding science story of the year—the launching of the first earth satellite by the Russians—was still six months In the future. 7
The Organization of the Report
The major task of this report is to select and condense those findings of the survey which shed light on the objectives of the study. This involves an attempt to find an optimum balance between presenting a welter of details on the one hand, and a summary of highlights on the other.
The report opens with a comparison of the four mass media audiences. It notes recent trends in media consumption, the size and composition of the audiences, and the functions served by the media as reflected in the types of content read, seen, and heard.
The science audiences of the media are then described, along with the con• tent of the science information derived from each source. Reactions and evaluations concerning this content are examined. Following this over-view of the science audiences, each medium is discussed separately in more detail.
The report then focuses on the "whys" of science news. This analysis examines factors related to the consumption of science news: the effects of different types of presentation, the skills and'abilities which the reader brings to bear for the understanding of science, the motivational states which orient a person toward science news, including general attitudes toward science.
Concluding the report is a general summary which draws together the facts and interpretations bearing on the objectives of the study.
Presented in appendices are information on sampling, the questionnaire, and supplementary tables.
A Note on Reading the Report
Throughout the report certain conventional symbols and abbreviations are used to keep the size of the tables within reasonable bounds.
Symbols which are used frequently in the tables are: -an asterisk to indicate that a cell contains less than one-half of 1 per cent; a dash to indicate there were no cases in the given category, and a dash enclosed in parentheses to indicate that no cases appear because the category is inapplicable. Abbreviations commonly used include NA for "not ascertained," DK for "don't know," and N to indicate "number of cases."
Most tables add to 100 per cent; those tables which combine several responses by respondents add to more than 100 per cent, and are designated by footnotes. In major tables the number of cases forming the base 'of the percentages are shown. In other tables the base is indicated by a descriptive phrase, such as "all newspaper readers," Where small numbers form the base, as is frequent in the "not ascertained" category, they will usually not be percentagized and their omission will be noted in a footnote. The slight variations in the numbers of cases are due to the omission of the "not ascertained" cases. ' 8
Short-hand designations, which are common throughout the report, include the heading "grade school" which includes the few who have had no formal education, and "college" which includes both graduates and non-graduates. Regional designations are comparable to the major Census divisions,*
Summary
The growth of science has resulted in a vast amount of potential science news. Available figures show that only a small proportion of media content concerns science. Yet there is a sizeable lay audience for science information. This is a brief statement of the objective conditions which form the context of the survey.
The major practical purpose of this report is to present the factual basis for evaluating the transmission of science news in the mass media. As a fact-finding study, it is not intended to supply neat, simple solutions for the problems that face the working journalist. It can, however, supply an empirical grounding for the discussion of solutions to the problems which face science writers.
. # The Northeast includes Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware. The Midwest includes Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, North and South Dakota, Nebraska and Kansas. The West includes Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Idaho, Utah, Arizona, Nevada, Washington, Oregon and California. The South includes Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas. Chapter I
THE MASS MEDIA AND THEIR AUDIENCES
A study of science news in the mass media must necessarily be set in the context of the overall mass media picture. Before narrowing our focus on science, therefore, we need to sketch briefly the size and composition of the newspaper, magazine, radio, and television audiences. The function of each medium for its -audience will be discussed in terms of impact of specific content areas.
The Size of the Mass Media Audiences, I9U7-1957
Of the total sample In 1957, 91 per cent read newspapers regularly, 66 per cent read magazines regularly, 61 per cent listened to radio, and 86 per cent watched television.
The greatest change in the post-war mass media picture has been the fantasti• cally rapid adoption of television. In 1950 only 12 per cent of the dwelling units in the country had a set, but by late 1956 the proportion, had risen to 76 per cent.*
However, even this figure does not tell the whole story, for the survey shows that 86 per cent of the sample reported that they watched television regularly either at home or elsewhere. As Table 1-1 shows, 81 per cent watch television at least one hour a day, and well over half (60#) watch from two up to six hours a day. In a little over ten years television has achieved almost saturation coverage and has captured a sizeable portion of the free time of the American people.
Compared with this phenomenal growth, how have the other mass media fared over the last decade? Table 1-1 shows the figures for newspaper and magazine readership and radio listening in 191*7 and 195.7?**
The size of the newspaper audience shows no appreciable change; about nine out of ten people still read a paper regularly* Furthermore, the old American custom of reading a paper every day remains strong. Eighty-two per cent of
* U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1955 (GPO: Washington, 1955), p. 788 and Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1957 (GFO: Washington, 1957), p. 520. The 191*7 data are from the Survey Research Center's public library study. See A. Campbell and C.A. Metzner, Public use of the Library (rev. ed., Institute for Social Research, Ann Arbor, 1952). 10 the adults in 19a7 reported they read at, least one paper a day, and ten years later the figure stood at 77 per cent. Some increase was shown in the proportion who read two or more papers a day: 27 per cent as compared with 13 per cent ten years earlier.* The remarkable stability of the news• paper habit is reflected throughout the survey; despite innovations in the mass media it is clear that the newspaper remains the prime source of news for most people.
The picture of the magazine audience remained practically identical from 19u7 to 1957 in terms of its size and the number of magazines read regularly. About two-thirds of the sample in both years reported reading one or more magazines.
Thus it seems that the mass media reading public has not changed much during the decade in which television made its greatest strides. On the other hand, radio has suffered. Whereas about nine out of ten were regular radio listen• ers in 19u7, by 1957. the proportion dropped to roughly eight in ten. This decrease in listening is particularly interesting in view of the fact that in 1957 about 96 per cent of the homes in the country contained radio sets.** Not only does radio have fewer regular listeners, but those who listen devote less time to radio than in 19u7.
Functions of the Media
The reason that the growth of television affected radio but not the written media may be found in the different kinds of functions the media serve for their audiences.
In ~L9kl9 while television was in its infancy, h$ per cent of the radio audi• ence said they would miss entertainment programs most if their radios were out of order. An almost equal number (li2#) said they would miss news and information programs most, while only 9 per cent said -they would miss both equally.*** A large part of the audience, then, was oriented to the enter• tainment aspect of radio; and it seems probable that it was here that tele• vision made its greatest inroads.
* This difference may be due in part to the differences in the questions used in the two studies. In 19hl the question read: "About how often do you read the paper?" In 1957 the question read: "What newspaper do you read?" A list of the actual papers was made and then this question was asked about each one: "About how often do you read ?" -a-* U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1957 (GPO: Washington, 1957), p. 832. C. A. Metzner, The Public Library and the People (Survey Research Center,
Ann Arbor, 19hQ)9 p. 2iw 11
Table
Extent of Exposure to the ] s Media, 19hl and 1957
Newspapers (frequency Magazines (number of regular reading) 19li7 1957 read regularly) 19U7 1957
Reads no paper 6* 9* Reads no magazines 31* 33%
Less than once a week 2 2 One 10 10 Once a week 5 5 Two 13 lh Several times a week 3 7 Three lh lh Every day 69 50 Four 11 ii Two papers' a day 10 21 Five 7 8 More than two a day 3 6 Six 3 h Not ascertained 2 -K Seven 2 2 Eight or more 2 3 100* 1005$ Some, number not specified 7 (-) Not ascertained -s 1
100* 100*
Radio (hours per day) 19U7 1957 Television (hours 191*7 1957 per day)
Listens to no radio 10* 19* "Watches no television 13*
Less than 1 hour , 7 19 Less than 1 hour 5 1-2 hours 18 2k 1-2 hours 13 2-3 hours 21 16 2-3 hours 22 3 - Ii hours Hi' 6 3 - ii hours 21 ii - 6 hours 13 7 h - 6 hours 17 6-8 hours 5 3 6-8 hours h 8 or more hours 8 h 8 or more hours 3 Listens, NA how much (-) 2 Watches, NA how much 1 Not ascertained __h * Not ascertained 1 100* 100* 100*
** Number of cases in 191*7 - ll5l, number of cases .in 1957 c 1919 #*# No data available. 12
By 1957, lh per cent of the people said television was their primary source of entertainment among the mass media; Radio was cited by only Ii* per cent, while magazines and newspapers trailed with 6 per cent and 5 per cent respectively.
In terms of general news, newspapers were the primary media source for 57 per cent, while television was claimed by 22 per cent and radio by 16 per cent, and magazines were cited least often (h%).
In short, television has clearly taken over as the chief entertainment medium, and-has made some inroads as a primary source of news as well. Radio has lost a great deal of its function as a source of entertainment and retains only part of its news-giving role.
Although television has achieved primacy in the entertainment field, and although the newspaper has retained its lead in the news sector, all media play some part in a secondary way in these areas. Table 1-2 shows that radio, for instance, is cited by 20 per cent as a secondary source of general news, and by 28 per cent as the second greatest source of enter• tainment. Television shows up well as a secondary source of general news; over a third (36*) of the people cite it as such. Newspapers and magazines show surprising strength as secondary sources of entertainment; 28 per cent and 25 per cent, respectively, cite them as serving this function.
Table 1-2
Primary and Secondary Media Sources of Entertainment and General News
Primary Source Secondary Source Entertainment
Newspapers 5* 28* Magazines 6 25 Radio lu 28 Television 71 9 Not ascertained, don't know 1 1 No secondary source 9 100* 100* General News
Newspapers 57* 26* Magazines h 10 Radio 16 20 Television 22 36 Not ascertained, don't know 1 2 No secondary source 6 100* 100*
N = (1919) (1919) 13
Coverage of the Mass Media
The lives of nearly everyone in the sample are touched by one or more of the mass media. Only a minute proportion, 1 per cent, reported that they, had no regular contact with any of the four mass media. Half the sample paid attention to all the four media (Table 1-3).
Table 1-3
The Overlap of Mass Media Audiences
Patterns of Media Audience Overlap Total Sample
N M R TV h9% N - R TV 17 N M - TV 10 N M R — 6 N - - TV 6 N - R - 3 N M - - # N - - •1 - - R T-V 3 - M R TV 1 -MR # - M - T-V - M - - - - R - 2 - - - TV 1 - - - - 1 100*
N = (1919)
Newspapers, of course, dominate the picture. Newspapers and television in combination cover 82 per cent of the sample, newspapers and radio cover 75 per cent, and newspapers and magazines 55 per cent. Ill
Summarizing these data we see that the following proportions are covered by the media: Total Sample
Four media h9% Three media Two media 3h One medium 12 No media h 1 100*
From these data we see that 83 per cent of the total sample are in .the over• lapping audience of at least three media.
In summary, these figures show the degree to which the mass media have achieved almost saturation coverage. The roughly one-tenth of the sample that the papers do not touch is covered almost entirely by the other media, but mainly by radio and television.*
Social Characteristics of the Multiple Media Audience
Table I-h shows who is included in the overlapping media audience.
In terms of exposure to all four media, the sexes are roughly the same, with the women having a slight edge. Age shows no clear cut relation to maximum media exposure; about half or more of all age groups up to age sixty use four media, and after that point the proportion drops sharply.'
Of the religious groups, the Jews are the highest consumers of the media (about two-thirds are in all four media audiences) and the Catholics and Protestants follow in that order.
The Midwest leads, the other regions in media exposure with 56 per cent in the four-media category and the South trails with 38 per cent. The metro^ poll tan suburbs stand out in the media consumption and the rural areas and metropolitan centers are tied for last place.
All these differences are minor compared to the strong relationship between media consumption and income and education. Of those with incomes of less than $1000 only 19 per cent used all four media; but for those making $7500 or more, 69 per cent were in the high category. Thirty per cent of the
* Illiteracy is probably a factor in the use of the non-written media. In 1952, 2.5 per cent of all those in the civilian non-institutional popula• tion fourteen years or older could not read or write any language. The illiterates were concentrated among the older people, in the Negro popula• tion, and in the rural areas. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1957 (GPO: Washington, 1957), p. 113- 15
grade school group compared with 70 per cent of the college group used four media.
But perhaps the most striking finding in the table is that at least one- quarter or one-third of every social category uses three media. These data on the social profiles of overlapping media audiences serve mainly to re• inforce the impression of the thoroughness of the coverage of the population by ihe mass media.
Table I-li
Social Characteristics of the Multiple Media Audiences
Uses Uses Uses Uses Uses Number four three two one no of media media media medium media Total cases Sex
Male hi 36 12 1* 1 100* (828) Female 51 32 12 5 100* (1091)
Age
21 - 21* 58 • 29 11 2 _ 100* (128) 25 - 29 50 31* 12 . 1* 100* (213) 30 - 3k U8- 31* 13 h 1 100* (21*1*) 35 - 39 58 30 8 h 100* (226.) ko - hk 50 37 10 3 _ 100* (252) kS - 1*9 1*8 31* 16 2 •H- 100* (187) 50 - 51* 56 31 9 h — 100* (188) 55 - 59 h9 3li 12 5 # 100* (131*) 60 - 6h . kk 37 12 6 1 100* (107) 65 and over % 38 18 9 1 100* (229)
Region
Northeast • 53 31* 9 k •K- 100* (1*62)- Midwest 56 32 11 1 # 100* (585) West 51 31* 11 h -* 100* (=271*) South 38 36 17 8 1 100* (589)
Rural-urban Metropolitan centers 1*5 38 13 k * 100* (261) Metropolitan suburbs 61 28 8 3 •H- 100* (2U1) Cities 50,000 and over h9 35 13 2 1 100* (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 50 35 12 3 -Jf- 100* (1x32) Places under 2,500 55 35 9 1 _ 100* (91*) Rural -1x5 32 11* 8 1 100* (595)
(continued) 16
Table 1-1* continued. Uses Uses Uses Uses Uses Number four three two one no of media media media medium media Total cases Religion
Protestant 1x8 31* 13 5 100* (1381*) Catholic 51i 32 11 3 •a- 100* (Ul5) Jewish 67 29 2 2 - 100* (52) None 10 31* 21 2 - 100* (1*7)
Education .
Grade school 30 38 21 10 1 100* (691) Some high school 1*8 39 11 2 - 100* (1*60) Completed high school 61* 28 7 1 - 100* (1*83) College 70 27 2 1 - 100* (339)
Income
Less than $1,000 19 ho 13 22 6 100* (11*5) $1,000 - 1,999 33 29 2h H* 100* . (171*) $2,000 - 2,999 1*1 ho li* 5 100* (215) $3,000 - 3,999 1*1* L2 11 3 - 100* (252) $li,000 - ii, 999 1*5 1*0 13 2 - 100* (268) $5,000 - 5,999 57 32 11 - - 100* (305) $6,000 - 7,1*99 65 27 8 - - 100* (223) $7,500 and over 69 28 3 •it- - 100* (280)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The Newspaper Audience
We have already noted that nine out of ten people in our sample read news• papers, and about three quarters read the papers daily.
Many in the newspaper audience read more than one paper, as this tabulation shows: Number of papers read Newspaper readers
One 1*0* Two 1*0 Three 13 Four 5 Five 2 Six or more 100* 17
Some of these papers are dailies, some are weeklies, some are general news• papers, some are specialty papers. Of all the kinds of newspapers mentioned, the proportion of different types are shown in Table 1-5. It is clear that most of the papers reported were daily papers (85*). These figures may under-represent the size of the weekly newspaper audience, but they demon• strate the dominance of the daily in the fare of newspaper readers.
Table 1-5
Types of Papers Read by Newspaper Audience
Total papers Type of paper reported
Dailies
General 85* Foreign language # Specialty #
Weeklies^ and Semi-weeklies
Rural' 10 Suburban; community 1 Foreign language 1 Religious 1 Other 1
Less than weekly 1
Not ascertained *
100*
Number of papers reported (3332)
The newspaper is the mass' medium with the largest audience, but there still remains some portion of the population untouched by the papers. What kinds of people are they?
Table 1-6 compares the social characteristics of the non-readers and readers of papers with each other and with the total sample. The non-readers are older, have less education and lower incomes, and tend to live in rural areas 18 and in the South, Because newspapers demand a certain level of functional literacy it is not surprising that the educational factor dominates the picture of the non-readers. The proportion of hon-readers in the older age brackets reflects not only lower educational attainment but physical disability and low income as well. Furthermore, the concentration of non- readers in the South reflects the educational, income and rural factors.
It seems probable that the newspaper has reached almost its maximum audi• ence; further expansion seems to be contingent on general social changes such as broadening of education.
Table 1-6
Social Characteristics of Newspaper Readers,
Non-hewspaper Readers, and Total Sample
Newspaper Non-newspaper Readers Readers Total Sample Sex
Male 1*3* 1*2* 1*3* Female Jl _58 Jl 100% 100* 100* Agi:e 21 - 2a 1% k% 7* 25 - 29 11 11 11 30 - 3l* 13 11 13 35 - 39 12 13 12 Uo - 1*1* 13 10 13 1*5 - 1*9 10 8 10 50 - 51* 10 8 10 55-59 7 8 7 60 - 61* 5 6 5 65 and over 11 20 12 Not ascertained .1 1 #
10O% 100* 100* Region
Northeast 25* 20* 21** Midwest 32 13 31 West lh Ik ll* South _2£ _53 31 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 19
Table 1-6 continued. Newspaper Non-newspaper Readers Readers Total Sample Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers Hi* 13* Metropolitan suburbs 13 11 13 Cities 50,000 and over 16 15 Cities 2,500 - 50,000 23 12 22 Places under 2,500 5 2 5 Rural 29 Jk 31 100* 100* 100* Religion
Protestant 72* 77* 72* Catholi c 22 20 22 Jewish 3 1 3 Other 1 1 None 2 2 Not ascertained •»
100* 100* 100* Education
Grade school 32* 80* 36* Some high school 22 11 21 Completed high school 27 6 25 College 19 2 18 Not ascertained 1
100* 100* 100*
Income
Less than $1,000 6* 28* 7* $1,000 - 1,999 7 26 9 $2,000 - 2,999 11 13 11 $3,000 - 3,999 13 10 13 $U,000 - li,999 la 8 lh $5,000 - 5,999 17 9 16 $6,000 - 7,u99 13 1 12 $7,500 and over 16 2 15 Not ascertained 3 3 3 100* 100* 100%
N = (175D (168) (1919) 20
Social Characteristics and Frequency of Newspaper Reading
Because newspapers play such a prominent role in transmitting news to a wide audience, it is important to examine the audience carefully.
Reading a daily paper every day is the national norm. But who exceeds and who falls short of this norm? Table 1-7 shows the social characteristics as related to. the frequency of newspaper reading in the sample.
Table 1-7
Social Characteristics and Frequency of Newspaper Reading
More than Less Reads twice Twice Semi- than no daily daily Daily weekly Weekly weekly paper NA Total N Sex
Male 6 21 50 6 5 3 8 1 100* (828) Female 6 20 50 8 5 2 9 100* (1091)
21 - 2h h 11 57 13 8 3 ii' _ 100* (128) 25 - 29 h 18 52 9 5 3 8 1 100* (213) 30-31 • 5 20 53 8 h 2 8 # 100* (2iiii) 35 - 39 5 22 h9 . 7 5 2 10 •it 100* (226) ho - hh 5 28 h9 h h 2 7 1 100* (252) hS - h9 8 23 .1*8 5 5 3 7 1 100* (187) 50 - Sh h 25 52 6 3 3 7 - 100* (188) 55 - 59 1 20 50 7 li 1 10 1 100* (13« 60 - 61 15 19 1*2 6 h 2 10 2 100* (107) 65 and over h 15 1*8 ' 7 7 3 15 1 100* (229) Region
Northeast 9 27 hi 9 5 # 8 1 100* (1*62) Midwest 5 23 57 6- 3 2 ii # 100* (585) West 5 10 62 7 ii 3 8 1 100* (271*) South h 19 hh 7 7 3 15 1 100* (598)
(continued) 21
Table 1-7 continued.
More than Less Reads twice Twice Send- than no daily daily Daily weekly Weekly weekly paper NA Total N Rural-urban
Metro, centers 6 23 li2 12 1* 3 9 1 100* (261) Metro, suburbs 10 27 1*7 1* 3 •» 8 1 100* (21*1) Cities 50,000 and over 5 23 57 6 2 2 1* 1 100* (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 9 23 ' 51 8 3 1 5 100* (1*32) Places under 2,500 5 23 57 3 1* 3 1* 1 100* (91*) Rural 2 11* 1*9 6 9 1* 15 1 100* (595)
Religion
Protestant ' 5 19 51 7 5 • 3 9 1 100* (1381*) Catholic 9 23 1*7 8 3 1 8 1 100* (1*15) Jewish 8 38 1*8 2 2 - 2 - 100* (52) None 2 9 55 11 11 1* 8 - 100* (1*7) Education
Grade school 1* 11 bh 8 7 5 20 1 100* (693) Some high school 5 23 5o 9 7 1 1* 1 100* (398) Completed high school 6 27 57 5 3 •M- 2 # 100* (1*83) College 10 28 52 . 7 1 1 1 100* (339)
Income
Less than $1,000 1* 8 23 8 16 8 32 1 100* (11*5) $1,000 ~ 1,999 h 11 1*0 9 6 6 21* - 100* (171*) $2,000 - 2,999 1* H* 53 10 5 3 11 - 100* (215) $3,000 - 3,999 5 17 56 8 li 2 7 1 100* (252) $1,000 - U,999 5 21 55 8 1* •* 6 1 100* (268) $5,000 - 5,999 5 26 50 7 5 1 5 1 100* (305) $6,000 - 7,1*99 7 23 61 3 3 1 1 1 100* (223) $7,500 and over 10 36 1*7 U 1 1 1 •* 100* (280)
Mote: Not ascertained cases omitted. 22
We have already noted that not reading a paper at all is most common among older people, rural residents, the less -well educated, and southern inhabitants.
Turning to those who read a paper less often than daily we see that the youngest age category (21-2b) shows the highest proportion: 21; per cent. Aside from this exception the infrequent paper readers have the same general characteristics of the non-paper readers.
The data on those who exceed the national norm by reading two or more papers a day shows that the age curve starts low with the youngest group (15%) and rises steadily "through middle-age, levels off at around 30 per cent, reaches a peak with the 60-Sli age bracket (with then drops abruptly to 19 per cent among the oldest groups. It is interesting to note that the 60-61t age bracket contains the highest proportion of those who read three or more papers daily. Although this may be an artifact, it may also reflect the sudden increase of leisure time among retired people.
The Northeast which ranks lowest in once-a-day reading of papers shows the highest proportion of those who exceed this norm. The reverse is true of the West; apparently the single daily paper habit is the norm in the West.
Metropolitan suburbs and places under 2500 population show the largest pro• portion of multiple paper readers. The rural areas rank lowest.
Reading more than one paper a day is closely related to both income and edu• cation. Among those making less than $1000 only 12 per cent exceed the norm, but among those making $7500 or more nearly half (h6%) read more than one paper daily. The figures for education show almost as much spread: 15 per cent for the grade school group and 38 per cent for the college category.
What was Read in the Papers
Because of the complexity of the problem, a complete inventory of the con• tents of the paper read by our sample was not possible. It was decided therefore, to cover two main areas: how people go about reading the paper and the extent to which they usually read ten selected news areas.
These questions were asked: "When you read the paper, what sort of item do you usually read first? What do you usually read next? And after that?" Table 1-8 shows the array of answers to these open-ended questions. Clearly the major mode of approach to the newspaper is in terms of orienting oneself to the general news content first, rather than going directly to the more specialized sections and features. This finding reinforces the data reported earlier that the newspaper is the chief source of general news. 23
Table 1-8
Parts of Newspaper Read First, Second and /Third
by the Newspaper Audience
Read first Read second Read third Total
Local news 7* 12* 7* 26* National, international news h 5 2 11 General statements, i.e., "front page," "headlines," "current events," etc. 59 12 5 76 Sports 6 9 6 21 Society, women's page, women's features 3 7 6 16 Comics 6 10 12 28 A dvertisements 2 5 7 . lh Features, i.e., columns, TV-radio page, etc. h 13 8 25 No particular order, reads everything, reads straight through h 13 10 27 Miscellaneous items 5 8 5 18 No second or third part mentioned (-) 6 32 (-) Not ascertained * •H- •* 100* 100* 100* N « (1751) #* Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
Turning to the' topic of the extent to which various content areas are read, we see in Table 1-9 the data for the ten selected areas: sports, society, local events, national politics, medicine and health, non-medical science, foreign events, crime, comics, and people in the news. The top three areas are local events, people in the news, and medicine; 1*0 per cent or more of the newspaper readers read all the news in these areas. Next in popularity come comics, science, crime and national politics, each with 25 per cent or more readers reading all of the stories in these areas. Foreign events, sports and society trail the list.
Considering the competition, medicine in third place with hi per cent, and science in fifth place with 30 per cent, do remarkably well. These measures were obtained at the beginning of the interview before the focus on science 2h was made apparent to the respondents. It should be noted as well that only 10 per cent of the readers said they usually skipped over medical stories and 18 per cent skipped science stories. The two science areas thus showed up very well as compared to the other "intellectual" areas such as national politics and foreign affairs.
Table 1-9
Extent of Reading Selected Types of News by the Newspaper Audience'
Types of News Read all Read some Glance at Skip over _NA Total
Sports 16 2h 21 39 -* 100* Society 13 21 25 ho 1 100* Local events 53 32 9 5 1 100* National politics 25 39 19 16 1 100* Medicine and health al 35 13 10 1 100% Science 30 32 18 18 2 100* Foreign events 22 ho 21 16 1 100* Crime 30 36 21 12 1 100* Comics 33 25 11 30 1 100* People in the news hh 38 12 5 1 100* N = (1751) Note: Based on newspaper readers only.
There are sex differences in reading behavior, of course, as Table 1-10 shows. Men read more sports, science, national politics, and foreign affairs, and women read more medical and society news. In terms of the remaining categories, men and women are much more similar in reading habits. Science is third in rank for men, but sixth for women. Medical news is eighth in rank for men, but second for women. These sex differences in reading behavior will be discussed more fully later in the report. 25
Table I-10
Extent of Reading Selected Types of News by Men and Women
of the Newspaper Audience
Types of News Read all Read some Glance at Skip over NA Total
Sports Male 32 31 17 19 1 10O% Female ii 19 23 51* - 100%
Society Male 2 10 22 66 10O% Female 21 30 28 21 10O%
Local events Male 51 32 10 6 1 100% Female 55 31 8 5 1 10O%
National politics Male 33 37 17 12 1 100% Female 19 1*0 20 20 1 "100%
Medicine and health Male 27 38 20 11* 1 10O% Female 51 33 8 7 1 100%
Science Male 39 . 31 16 12 2 100% Female 23 31* 20 22 1 10C%
Foreign events Male 29 39 20 11 1 100% Female 17 ia 22 19 1 100%
Crime Male 30 38 21 10, 1 100* Female 29 35 21 H* 1 100%
Comics Male 38 27 12 21 2 100* • Female 30 23 10 36 1 100*
People in the news Male 1*0 37 16 7 1DO* Female 1*7 • 39 9 1* 1 100*
Note: Percentages based on 759 male readers and 992 female readers. 26
The Magazine Audience
About two-thirds of the sample read magazines regularly. The numbers of magazines read and subscribed to are shown below:
Magazines Magazines Number Read Subscribed to
None (-) 28* One 1$% 19 Two 21 16 Three 21 lh - Four 17 11 Five 12 6 Six 5 2 Seven 3 1 Eight 1 Nine 1 •M- Ten or more 2 1 NA 2 2
100* 100* N = (1286)
About two-fifths of the magazine audience reported reading more than three magazines regularly; only 15 per cent of the audience stated they read only one magazine. Most of the magazine readers were subscribers, indicating a rather stable audience.
Comparing the social characteristics of the magazine audience with non- readers it appears that there is a slight tendency for more women to read magazines than men (Table I-11). The differences in the age, religion, and place of residence show only negligible variations. In terms of region, however, the South shows up more prominently in the non-reading group.
In contrast, education and income are strongly related to magazine reading. The magazine audience tends to be an elite audience in terms of education and income. 27
Table 1-11
Social Characteristics of Magazine Readers, Non-magazine Readers, and Total Sample
Magazine Non-magazine Readers Readers Total Sa Sex
Male ill* kl% h% Female _59 Jl .il
100* 100* 100* Age
21 - 2h 7* 6* 7* 25 - 29 12 10 11 30 - 314 13 13 13 35 - 39 13 10 12 iiO - hh 13 13 13 hS - 5o 9 11 • 10 50 - Sh 10 9 • 10 55 - 59 8 6 7 60 - 6k 5 6 5 65 and over 10 16 12 Not ascertained •» #
100* 100* 100* Region
Northeast 25* 22* 2h% Midwest 32 27 31 West 15 13' 111 South 28 _38 31
100* 100* 100* Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 17* Hi* Metropolitan suburbs lh 10 13 Cities 50,000 and over 16 15 15 Cities 2,500 - 50,000 23 21 22 Places under 2,500 5 h 5 Rural 33 31 30 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 26
Table 1-11 continued. Magazine Non-magazine Readers Readers Total Sample Religion
Protestant 72* 73* 72* Catholic 22 22 22 Jewish 3 1 3 Other 1 1 1 None 2 3' 2 Not ascertained •it- •a- •it- 100* 100* 100* Education
Grade school 25* 60* 36* Some high school 20 21 21 Completed high school 31 15 25 College 21* 1* 18 Not ascertained -H-
100* 100* 100* Income
Less than $1,000 1** 15* 7* $1,000 - 1,999 7 13 9 $2,000 - 2,999 10 13 11 $3,000 - 3,999 13 11* 13 $i*,000 - kt999 13 17 11* $5,000 - 5,999 17 13 16 $6,000 - 7,L99 13 8 12 $7,500 and over 20 1* 15 Not ascertained 3 3 3
100* 100* 100*
N = (1286) (633) (1919)
What Kinds of Magazines are Read
A detailed breakdown of the types of magazines mentioned by the members of the magazine audience is presented in Table 1-12. It was not feasible, of course, to list each magazine separately so the classification system was worked out to express the variety of types of magazines mentioned. The per• centages, therefore, indicate the proportion of magazine readers who read one or more of a given type of magazine. 29
Table 1-12
Types of Magazines Read by Magazine Audience
Magazine Total Sample Readers only General Magazines
News-picture magazines (Life, Look, etc.) 25 37 General interest, fiction and features (Sat. Eve. Post, Colliers) 16 23 Digests (not Science Digest) 25 38 News (Time, Newsweek, U.S. News and World Report) 10 15 Commentary and background (Harper's, The Reporter, Atlantic) 1 2
Science Magazines
Technical journals 2 2 General, high level (Scientific American, etc.) # # General, popular level (Popular Science, Science Digest) 7 11 Magazines for laymen with particular technological interest (e.g., hi-fi building) Other science magazines
Business, Financial, Industrial Magazines
Business, financial (Business Week, Fortune, etc.) Trade (Automotive News, Iron Age) Other
Women-oriented Magazines
Fashions, glamour (Vogue, Charm) 1 2 House and garden (Better Homes and Gardens, House Beautiful) 12 18 General (Ladies' Home Journal, Woman's Day) 20 29 Other 3 5
Men-oriented Magazines
General (F^quire, True)
(continued) 30
Table 1-12 continued Magazine Total Sample Readers only- Other Specific Interest Magazines
Religious, church magazines 8 11 Hobby magazines (not classified elsewhere) 2 2 Organizational magazines. (Elk's, American Legion) 2 2 Sports (non-fiction) 5 7 Consumer's magazines 1 2 Professional magazines other than science 1 2 Nature lore, conservation 1 2' Race-oriented, especially Negro 1 2 Farm and ranch 10 15> Expose* magazines 1 1 TV and radio guides 1 2 Fan magazines 2 2
Fiction Magazines
Science fiction (Galaxy, etc.) •it- Detective •* 1 Love, confession, romance 3 5 Action, adventure, western 1 2 "Serious" fiction, poetry, art 1 1 Other fiction, comics, children's 1 2
Miscellaneous 3 h
Reads no magazines 33 (-)
Not ascertained 1 1
N = (1919) (1286)
In terms of frequency, the digests, news-picture, and general women's maga• zines were mentioned by more magazine readers than any other type. Following these were general interest magazines of the Saturday Evening Post type, the "shelter" magazines, the farm and ranch journals, and the news magazines. Beyond these major types, there was a wide scattering of others. 31
Science magazines deserve special mention. Eleven per cent of the magazine audience reported reading the Popular Science type, while less than one- half of 1 per cent read the Scientific American level of magazine. Techni• cal journals were cited by 2 per cent and layman-oriented magazines with a technical angle, such as hi-fi magazines, contributed another 2 per cent. A scattering of other science magazines accounted for 1 per cent. Nature magazines, which may be counted as relevant to science, if not strictly science, were mentioned by 2 per cent.
The Radio Audience
Eighty-one per cent of the sample reported regular radio listening, as we have seen.
Comparing the radio audience with the non-users of radio we note that there are no meaningful sex, age, or religious differences (Table 1-13). .The South is over-represented among the non-users, and the Midwest under-represented. Rural-urban differences are slight, and even income and education do not distinguish between users and non-users.
Table 1-13
Social Characteristics of Radio Users, Radio Non-users, and Total Sample
Radio Radio users non-users Total Sample Sex
Male h3% 12% 1x3% Female 57 • 58 57
10C# 100% • 100*
Age
21 - 2lx 1% 5* 7* 25 - 29 10 lh 11 30 - 3h 12 16 13 35 - 39 12 10 12 ho - hh 13 13 13 hS - h9 10 10 10 50 - 51i 10. 8 10 55 - 59 7 6 7 60-61; 6 5 5 65 and over • 12 12 12 Not ascertained 1 1 •>
100?, 100* 100*
(continued) 32
Table 1-13 continued. Radio Radio users non-users Total Sample Region
Northeast 2h% 22% . 2li* Midwest 33 21 31 West lit 11* H* South 29 1+3 31 100* 100* 100* Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers Hi* 13* - H** Metropolitan suburbs 13 10 13 Cities 50,000 and over 15 16 15 Cities 2,500 - 50,000 21 28 22 Places under -2,500 5 It 5 Rural 32 29 31 100* 100* 100* Religion
Protestant 72* 7li* 72* Catholic 22 20 22 Jewish 3 2 3 Other 1 1 .1 None 2 3 2 Not ascertained * - # 100* 100* 100* Education
Grade school 36* 36* 36* Some high school 20 22 , 21 Completed high school 25 28 • 25 College 19 13 18 Not ascertained * 1 » 100* 100* 100* Income
Less than $1,000 7* 9* 7* $1,000 - 1,999 10 7 9 $2,000 - 2,999 11 12 11 $3,000 - 3,999 13 15 13 $li,000 - 1*,999 13 16 H* $5,000 - 5,999 16 16 16 $6,000 - 7,199 12 9 12 $7,500 and over 15 Hi 15 Not ascertained 3 2 3 100* 100* 100*
N (1562) (357) (1919) 33
The similarity between users and non-users, with the exception of the regional factors, is striking because both the magazines and newspaper audiences are differentially distributed in the population. The lack of correlation of radio listening with income and education suggests the factors which may account for the finding. Radio does not involve the level of literacy and condition of eye-sight demanded by the written media. And, on the other hand, it is relatively inexpensive. We have already noted that the one person in ten who does not read a paper is' served by the audio-visual media. Putting these facts and interpretations together, it appears that radio serves two important functions in the communication picture: it covers a broad audience and it supplements the written media. Radio overcomes both the educational and income barriers to contact every part of the social fabric.
The functions of radio may be inferred from the data presented in Table I-lit. When asked what kinds of programs they usually listened to on radio, the audience stressed news programs (72%) and music programs (65*). Drama and sports programs, the next most often mentioned, trailed far behind with only 12 per cent and 9 per cent respectively.
Table I-llj
Types of Radio Programs Listened to by Radio Audience Radio Audience Total Sample Total Male Female
News, politics, documentary 59% 12% lh% 71* Sports news, sports events 8 9 16 h Music, disc jockey 53 ' 65 60 69 Drama, serials, soap opera 10 12 7 16 Comedy 2 2 2 2 Variety shows 2 3 • 1 ii Quiz, give-away, audience participation 2 3 2 3 Science fiction # # - Science or' medical programs # # 1 * Other; vague or general statements 20 25 21 27 No radio 19 (-) (-) (-) Not ascertained 1 1 1
-»•# •SHt **
N * (1919) (1562) (679) (883)
** Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given. 3h
Earlier in this chapter it was noted that television appeared to have usurped some of the entertainment function of radio. The present data indicate that perhaps the greatest inroads were made in the sports, drama, quiz, and. variety- areas. Music, on the other hand, is the strongest entertainment feature of radio and it seems reasonable to infer that it has not lost ground as much as the categories mentioned above.
It is not difficult to understand that straight musical programs, whether popular or classical, should hold their audiences on radio. Music can be easily presented on radio; television demands visual impact in addition to the music itself. Straight musical programs on television tend to remain static unless music is accompanied by elaborate sets and action, or unless the personality of the performers can be the focus of visual attention. Long familiarity with music as a disembodied thing has probably saved much of the radio audience. The need for only aural attention also frees the audi• ence to do other things simultaneously. And, finally, the comparatively greater amount of music on radio helps establish the expectation of a steady supply of the desired entertainment.
Turning to the information function, we see that 72 per cent of the audience mentions news programs as part of their usual radio fare. In this category radio has the advantage of being more up to date than the papers and more ubiquitous than television. The quality of radio news which seems most important is the timeliness, rather than the extent of detailed coverage. Newspapers, of course, serve the latter end.
In passing, it is of interest to note that science and medical programs combined are mentioned by less than one-half of 1 per cent of the radio audi• ence. Even science fiction plays an equally microscopic part in the radio listener's life.
Men and women differ in their attention to the programs heard on the radio. Women listen more to dramatic and music programs, but less to sports.
The Television Audience
Only 13 per cent of the sample stated that they did not watch television.
The non-users of television exceed the users in the following ways: they are more concentrated in the older age groups, there are more Protestants, Southerners and rural residents among them. Furthermore, there is a strong positive relationship between television watching and income, and non-users are also concentrated in the low education groups (Table 1-1?).
Although the' television watchers have roughly the same profile of social characteristics as the whole sample, it is clear that non-users tend to be concentrated in the more underprivileged. Despite the popular conception, television is clearly not found in every tenement and hovel. The fact that over half the non-users make less than $2000 a year should help put that stereotype to rest. And furthermore, the fact that 63 per cent of the 35
non-users have grade school education or less should help correct the idea that the television audience is overloaded with viewers of less education than the national average.
Although television has a remarkably large and widespread audience, the income and education barriers still are important factors inhibiting its uniform adoption. In this respect the television audience has a social profile similar to the written media and unlike radio. However, it must De remembered that television and radio jointly cover most of that remaining tenth of the population not covered by newspapers.
Table . -15
Social Characteristics of Television Users,
Television Non-users and Total Sample
Television Television users non-users Total Sample Sex
Male hh% kC% k3% Female 56 60 57
100* 100* 100* • Age
21 - 2h 7* k% 7* 25 - 29 12 8 11 30 - 3k 13 -9 13 35 - 39 13 7 12 kO - hh lit 9 13 hS - U9 10 7 10 50 - Sh 10 9 10 55 - 59 6 11 7 60 - 6h 5.8 5 65 and 1 10 27 12 Not ascertained * 1 * 100* 100* 100* Region
Northeast 26* 15* 2h% Midwest 31 25 31 West lh lh lh South 29 U6 31
100* 100* 100*
(continued) 36
Table I-l5 continued. Television Television users non-users Total Sample Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers Hi* 10* la* Metropolitan suburbs la 3 13 Cities 50,000 and over 15 16 15 Cities 2,500 - 50,000 23 18 22 Places under 2,500 5 ii 5 Rural 29 h9 31
100* 100* • 100* Religion
Protestant 70* 85* 72* Catholic 23 10 22 Jewish 3 13 Other 111 None 2 3 2 Not ascertained * * #
100* 100* 100* Education
Grade school 32* 63* 36* Some high school 22 15 21 Completed high school 28 7 25 College 18 13 18 Not ascertained * 2 #
100* 100* 100* Income
Less than $1,000 ii 28 7 $1,000 - 1,999 7 2ii 9 $2,000 - 2,999 10 16 11 $3,000 - 3,999 Hi 10 13 $1,000 - h,999 15 6 Hi $5,000 - 5,999 18 ii 16 $6,000 - 7,499 13 ii 12 $7,500 and over 16 5 15 Not ascertained —2 _i _i 100* 100* 100*
N - (1679) (2U0) (1919) 37
The television audience is attuned to a wider variety of programs than the radio audience (Table 1-16). News and music, the outstanding components of radio listening, rank much lower in the television fare. Dramatic programs, ranging from serious presentations to the more ephemeral soap operas, are cited by 70 per cent of the television watchers. It is safe to assume that this is one category in which radio has definitely lost ground to television. Quiz programs and similar shows are mentioned prominently (38%), followed closely by news (32%). Music, variety, comedy and sports are cited by about one out of five television watchers. Both science and science fiction programs are more prominent for television viewers than for radio listeners.
Women usually watch more drama, music, and quiz-type shows than men, but men greatly overshadow women in their attention to sports.
In general, we can say that radio has not uniformly lost ground to television. The greatest inroads have been made in the areas where visual presentations enhance or supplement aural presentations.
Table 1-16
Types of Television Programs Watched by Television Audience
Television Audience
Total Sample Total Male Female
News, politics, commentary 28* 32* 31* 32* Sports news, sports events 16 18 33 7 Music, disc jockey 20 23 19 25 Drama, serials, soap opera 61 70 66 73 Comedy 20 23 2k 23 Variety shows 20 23 21 25 Quiz, give-away, audience participation 3k 38 33 k3 Science fiction 3 k k 3 Science or medical programs 5 6 8 k Other; vague or general statements 19 22 20 2k No television 13 (-) (-) (-) Not ascertained 1 1 1 1
-s-a- ** •«-«- -*#
N « (1919) (1679) (733) (9k6)
#* Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given 38
Summary
We have sketched the size and composition of the media audiences and noted the functions the media perform.
The following highlights stand out:
The mass media, singly or jointly, cover all but 1 per cent of the private dwelling units in the sample. Half the sample falls in the over• lapping audiences of all four mass media. The use of multiple media in• creases with education and income.
Newspapers cover nine out of ten people, television almost as many, radio about four out of five, and magazines about two-thirds.
The greatest change in the media picture during the last decade has been the rapid spread of television. Radio appears to have lost ground to tele• vision, but the written media have held their audiences well.
Most people name the papers as their primary source of general news, and television as' their main source of entertainment. Television has apparently made inroads in the radio audience in terms of every area except news and music.
For newspapers, magazines, and television, the non-users are character• ized chiefly by low income and low education. Radio, in contrast, has over• come these two barriers and is the most evenly distributed of the media. Radio and television cover most of the people the newspapers miss.
In short, the mass media of communication touch almost everyone; it remains to be seen how much science is received by means of these open channels. Chapter H
SCIENCE AUDIENCES OF THE MASS MEDIA
Before examining the science audiences of each medium in detail, it seems advisable to scan briefly the picture of science news consumption. In this chapter the task will be to present simultaneously the science audiences of the four media, and to compare their characteristics.
The Size of the Combined Science Audience
The first step is to determine how many people are involved in the con• sumption of science news.
The approach to describing this group involves a "conservative" measure, that is, a technique which makes the greatest demands on the respondent. Respondents were asked to recall actual science items from the media. It. must be stated that this approach may produce an underestimate of the pro• portion of people who have read or heard something about science. But it was felt that to be considered a member of a science audience, the respondent should be interested and aware enough to be able to remember, without prompt• ing, science items he had recently seen.
It will be recalled that the questionnaire distinguished between medical and nonmedical science news. Here we are concerned with the number of people who can recall either or both kinds of Items. Hence we may call this the measure of the combined science audience.
Table II-l shows that of all of the sample, 76 per cent can recall at least one kind of science from at least one mediura. About one-quarter of the sample (2h%) recall nothing at all about science or medicine in the mass media. At the other end of the continuum, one-tenth of 1 per cent recall something about both science and medicine in all four media. The main point of the table is the fact that, using the conservative measure of recalled science, three-fourths of the sample can be defined as in the combined science audience.
Science Versus Medical Audiences
Taking the measures of science and medical recall separately, we find that 5>2 per cent of the sample recall science and 69 per cent recall medical items. More than half of the adult population is enough attuned to science in the media to be able to recall one or more items recently seen or heard. Uo
Table II-l
The Combined Science Audience
Recalls no science 2k.k%
Recalls some science 75.6
Recall score
One 20.0 Two 18.2 Three 17.7 Four 12.2 Five 5.3 Six 1.7 Seven . O.k Eight 0.1 100.0*
N «= (1919)
** Scoring is based on the following system. One point was assigned for each kind of item (science or medical) recalled from any of the four media. Therefore' a maximum of eight points is possible (two types of science times four media). A score of one means one kind of science recalled from one medium; a score of eight means both kinds of science recalled from all four media.
The sources of the science and medical items are shown in Table II-2. Note that newspapers,usually in combination with other media, dominate the scene for both kinds of science news.
A condensed version of the data is seen in Table II-3. About one-quarter of the people in the sample recall science from only one medium, but over one- third recall medicine from only one source. hi
Table II-2
Media Sources of Recalled Items
Media Sources Recalls Recalls of Recall Science Medicine
N M R TV 0.9% 1.3* N M R - 1.6 0.9 N M - TV 5.2 5.2 N - R TV 0.9 1.7 - M R TV 0.1 0.1 N M - - 6.5 8.7 N - R - 1.7 1.8 R TV 0.7 o.h -Mfi - 0.5 0.2 N - - TV 5.7 11.7 - M - TV 1.7 0.7 N lii.l 28.9 - M - - ii.O 2.1 - - R - 1.9 1.0 TV 6.3 3.9 - - - - U8.2- 31.U 100.0* 100.0*
N - (1919)
Table II-3
Multiple Media Sources of Science and Medical News
Recalls items from; Science Medical
Four media 1* 1* Three media 8 8 Two media 17 2li One medium 26 36 No medium ' 1*8 31
100* 100*
N - (1919) 1*2
Social Characteristics and Multiple Media Sources of Science
What kinds of people recall science or medical stories from how many media sources? Tables II-l* and li-5 give the answer. Two factors are highly related to recalling science and medicine from more than one source: edu• cation and income. These two factors probably represent an indirect measure• ment of a number of things: ability to understand science, a higher level of interest in science, and finally, access to the media sources of science.
Table II-l*
Recall of Science Stories from Multiple Media
by Social Characteristics
Number Four Three Two One No of media media media medium media Total cases Sex
Male 2 12 20 27 39 100* (826) Female # 5 Hi 26 55 100* (1091)
Age
21 - 21* 2 12 29 ' 31 36 100* (128) 25 - 29 .X- 9 2h 29 38 100* (213) 30 - 31* 1 7 17 28 1*7 100* (21*1*) 35 - 39 2 12 21 21 1*1* 100* (226) 1*0 - 1*1* 1 8 18 29 1*1* 100* (252) 1*5 - 1*9 # 7 17 29 1*7 100* (187) 50-51* 1 8 13 23 55 100* (188) 55 - 59 - 6 13 29 52 100* (131*) 60 - 61* 5 15 26 51* 100* (107) 65 and over 1 ii 10 21 61* 100* (229)
Region
Northeast 1 7 12 26 51* 100* ^(1*62) Midwest 1 10 19 27 1*3 100* (585) West •K- 8 26 30 36 100* (271*) South 1 6 11* 25 51* 100* (598)
(continued) 1*3
Table II-l* continued. Number Four Three Two One No of media media media medium media Total cases Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 1 ii 15 25 55 100* (261) Metropolitan suburbs 11 22 27 39 100* (2U1) Cities 50,000 and over * 9 15 28 hi 100* (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 1 8 17 26 ho 100* (1*32) Places under 2,500 1 Hi Hi 29 h2 100* (910 Rural 1 6 17 25 51 100* (595)
Religion
Protestant 1 8 17 27 hi 100* (1381*) Catholic 1 7 17 23 52 100* (1*15) Jewish - 15 10 27 1*8 100* (52) None 2 6 13 36 1*3 100* (17)
Education
Grade school # 3 7 19 IT 100* (693) Some high school 1 it 17 27 51 100* (398) Completed high school 2 10 22 33 33 100* (1*86) College 2 19 28 32 19 100* (336)
Income
Less than $1,000 1 3 3 Hi 79 100* (H*5) $1,000 - 1,999 - • 1 12 16 71 100* (171*) $2,000 - 2,999 •a 3 10 27 60 100* (215) $3,000 - 3,999 1 7 16 25 51 100* (252) $1*,000 - h,999 * 7 17 33 li3 100* (268) $5,000 - 5,999 1 11 19 28 iil 100* (305)
$6,000 - 7fh99 1 8 22 3ii 35 100* (223) $7,500 and over 2 16 27 26 29 100* (280)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Other social characteristics play their part: men are more attentive to science, women to medicine. Suburbanites are good consumers of science and medical news, and of the media. The South is deficient in both media con• sumption and recall of science and medicine.
Looking at the media separately, on the basis of the whole sample, 61* per cent of the sample recall science and/or medicine from the papers, 3l* per cent from magazines, 13 per cent from radio, and 1*1 per cent from television. hh
Table II-5
Recall of Medical Stories from Multiple Media by Social Characteristics
Number Four Three Two One No of media media media medium media Total cases Sex
Male 1 6 18 1*1 3h 100* (827) Female 2 9 28 32 29 100* (1091)
Age
21 - 2h 3 10 23 32 32 100* (128) 25 - 29 2 9 2h ho 25 100* (213) 30 - 31* 1 11 28 35 25 ' 100* (2hh) 35 - 39 3 7 25 37 28 100* (226) UO - hh 1 10 27 31 31 100* (252) 1*5 - h9 3 5 26 35 31 100* (187) 50 - Sh 1 - 5 25 38 31 100* (188) 55 - 59 - 13 19 37 31 IOC* (1310 60 - 6h - 6 20 1*9 25 100* (107) 65 and over - 3 16 31 50 100* (230)
Region
Northeast 2 7 22 33 36 100* (1*62) Midwest 1 10 28 37. 2h 100* (585) West 1 7 28 h2 22 100* (271*) South 1 7 18 35 39 100* (598)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers # 7 21 3a 38 100* '(261) Metropolitan suburbs 2 12 31 3h 21 100* (21*1) Cities 50,000 and over 6 27 39 27 100* (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 1 10 21* 36 . 29 100* (1*32) Places under 2,500 5 3 2h 37 31 100*- (91*) Rural 1 7 19 36 37 100* (595)
Religion
Protestant 1 8 23 36 32 100* (1385) Catholic 2 ' 9 2h 35 30 100* (1*15) Jewish h 11 31 27 27 100* (52) None 2 h 21 hi 30 100* (1*7)
(continued) u5
Table II-5 continued. Number Four Three Two One No of media media media medium media Total cases Education
Grade school •» 2 13 30 Sh 100% (691) Some high school 1 8 23 ho 28 100% U00) Completed high school 2 9 28 hh 17 100% (U83) College 3 16 39 32 10 100% (339)
Income
Less than $1,000 — 3 6 25 66 100% (H*5) $1,000'- 1,999 2 2 11 29 56 100% (1710 $2,000 - 2,999 ' 1 8 18 33 ho 100% (215) $3,000 - 3,999 1 7 26 33 33 100% (252) $1,000 - h,999 1 . 6 26 36 31 100% (268) $5,000 - 5,999 1 10 26 hi 22 100% (305) $6,000 - 7,u99 2 9 33 39 17 100% (223) $7,500 and over 3 13 31 JJO 13 100% (280)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
On the basis not of the whole sample but of each media audience separately, we see that seven out of ten of the newspaper audience, about half of the maga• zine and television audiences, and three out of twenty in the radio audience recall science and/or medical items (Table II-6).
Table II-6
Proportion of Media Audiences who Recall Science
and/or Medical Stories
Recall Recall Medical Science Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Yes Yes 36% 8% 3% 7% Yes No 30 21 6 22 No Yes 5 23 7 18 No No 29 J48 Jk _53 100% 100% 100* 100%
N = - (UhO) (1281) (1561) (1670)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted h6
A more detailed breakdown of the kind of recall for each media audience is found in Table H-7- Here we see the types of science news shown separately. The notable findings of this table are: that kO per cent of the news• paper audience can recall a non-medical science- story and 66 per cent can recall a medical story, whereas for the, other media there is virtually no difference in recall between the two types of science. Roughly three out of ten of the magazine readers, one-tenth of the radio listeners, and around one-quarter of the television viewers, recall either kind of science news.*
Table II-7
Recall of Science and Msdical News from the Four Media
Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Sci. Med. Sci. Med. Sci. Med. Sci. Med.
I Recalls one or more specific items hot 66* 31* 29* 10* 9* 2it* 28*
Claims memory of specific item but can't recall content k 3 7 8 k 5 8 8
Reports pseudo-science •* (-) - (-) •a- (-) •th (-)
Reports science fiction 1 (-) (-) (-) 8 (-)
Reports other fiction - C-) # (-) C-) 1 (-)
II Recalls no specific items 5u 31 62 63 85 86 59 63
III Not ascertained i •» •# * •H- •K- 1
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - • (1751) (1286) (1562) (1679)
* To some extent the differences in recall between the two types of science for newspaper readers may have been due to the fact that two questions— one about medical and one about non-medical science—were asked. For the other media both kinds of science news were inquired about in a single question. However, the relative salience of medical or non-medical science news can still be presumed to have determined the answers. u7
In general, then, more of the newspaper audience recalls both kinds of science news, as compared to the other media audiences. However, it must be kept in mind that probably more science stories appear in the newspapers than in the other media.
However, it is not the availability of science news alone that is the sole factor. The preference for one medium as a source of science plays an important part. Newspapers are named by more people as their primary media source of science news. Of all those people who claimed to have read or heard something about science, hi per cent named newspapers as their primary source of science. Papers led, too, as the second source of science for those who mentioned other media first (Table II-8). Magazines and television were mentioned first by about one-quarter each, and second by 20 per cent and 26 per cent respectively. Radio trailed far behind the other media with only a handful of people reporting it in first or second position.
Table II-8
Primary and Secondary Media Sources of Science News
Total Sample Mentioned Science"
Primary Secondary Primary Secondary
Newspaper 3h% 26* lil* 32% Magazines 21 17 2? 20 Radio 3 7 ii 8 Television 22 21 27 26
More than one medium mentioned * 1 11
No second choice . - 11 - 13
Mo science news mentioned 17 17 -
Don't know * * * * Not ascertained 2 * 2_ #
100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (1919) (1593)
Based on those who reported seeing or hearing some science; it includes those who could not remember a specific science item. 1*8
Before examining the way in which the media supplement each other as sources of science news, let us see how the preference for one mediujn over another links in with the pattern of exposure to the four media. Table 11-9 indi• cates that those who prefer to read their science in 'the magazines are the most widely touched by the mass media. About three-quarters of them use all four media. Around half of those who get most of their science from the news• papers and television are in this high media consumption group. But only 29 per cent of the group relying on radio are equally high consumers of the media.
Table II-9
Primary Source of Science News and Overlapping r-fedia Audiences
Media Audiences of Primary Source of Science which Respondent Member Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Four 55* 71*56 29* 1*8* Three 35 21* 31* 38 Two 10 2 21* 13- One # 13 1
• 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (651*) (1*01) (62) (1*25)
Note: Table based on all those who named a primary source of science news.
To determine the way in which the media supplement each other as sources of science we must turn to Table 11-10. People who choose newspapers first, name television (1*0*) and magazines (35*) most often as secondary sources of science. Radio is named by only 10 per cent as a supplementary source.
Those who name magazines as a primary source select newspapers twice as often as television as a second source (60* compared to 31*). Radio again trails far behind.
People who report radio as a primary source point to newspapers (31**) and television (29*), but not to magazines (5*) as a second source. It is striking that the largest proportion of any group reporting no supplementary source of science is 'among those who prefer radio (32*). h9
Those who rely first on television report they supplement it primarily with newspapers (59%) and to a much lesser extent with magazines (22%) and radio (11%).
Table 11-10
Primary by Secondary Media Source of Science News
Primary Source
Secondary Source Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Newspapers 60* 3a* 59* Magazines 35* 5 22 Radio 10 h 11 Television ao 31 29
No second choice 13 5 32 NA, DK, ties 2 #
100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (65U) (aoi) (62) (U25)
Note: Table based on all those who named a primary source of science news.
Another way of looking at the supplementation process is to examine the pattern of recalled items.
Tables 11-11 and 11-12 are arranged in the following way: Reading, down the columns the percentages show the proportion of people who recall science or medical items from the given medium who also recall items from the other media. The underlined percentage is, of course, the proportion who recall only from the one given medium.
The central point of both tables is this: All the media except radio are supplementary sources of recalled items for the four media. Newspapers are the most frequently mentioned medium supplementing the others, and a greater' proportion of newspaper readers recall solely from that medium than any other media group.
The general pattern is clear: newspapers are supplemented mainly by television and magazines; magazines and.television are supplemented mainly by newspapers; radio is a poor relation. Not only are those who primarily rely on radio few in number, but radio is also a weak secondary source. 50
Table 11-11
Supplementary Sources of Recalled Science, by Media
Supplementary Source Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Newspapers 39 69 62 59
Magazines 39 20 37 37
Radio lit 15 23 12
Television 35 39 32 29
N « (703) (392) (161) (1*13)
Table 11-12
Supplementary Sources of Recalled Medicine, by Media
Supplementary Source Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Newspapers 8U 77 80
Magazines 27 11 33 29
Radio 10 13 ia
Television 33 37 16 16
N = (1155)- (366) CH.3) (1*76)
Note: In both tables the percentages show the proportion of people recalling items from the given medium (column headings) who also recall items from the supplementary media (row headings). The underlined per• centages are the proportion who recall items from only one medium. 51
Content of Recalled Science and Medical Stories
In this section we turn from the description of the science audiences and from media preference to glance briefly at the content of science items re• called by the sample. "While the detailed examination of content will be taken up in the appropriate places of the following chapters, the general findings may be anticipated here.
Tables 11-13 and II-lii show, respectively, what types of science and medical stories were recalled by the four media audiences* We already know that the newspaper audience takes first place in the amount of science news recalled. But it is interesting to note that it also leads in each of the major content categories shown in Tables 11-13 and II-llj. Not surprisingly, the non• medical science picture is dominated by the recall of applied science news. The technology category and much of the content of the other categories is devoted to applied science. Aeronautic news is so prominent that it even deserves its own heading.
Table 11-13
Types of Science News Recalled by Each Media Audience
Recall Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Atomic energy 22% 8* ii* Q% Aeronautics li; 8 3 6 Technology 25 15 11 7 Miscellaneous sciences and research areas 10 10 •* 10
Pseudo-science # •* •s Science fiction 1 * & 8 Other fiction - 1 Other - - 3 Non-recall
Claims to recall science, but cannot remember content 7 . li 8
Recalled no science item 5U 62 ' 85 59
Not ascertained I •H- # 1
-*# •a-tf- •fBf-
N = (1751) (1286) (1562) (1679)
-** Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given. 52
Table XL-lk
Types of Medical News Recalled by Each Media Audience
Recall Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Heart 32* 10% 2% 11% Cancer 31 6 2 3 Polio 20 6 4 1 Mental illness 5 3 # k Other psychological items 2 3 # 2 Other diseases 22 6 1 7 Other medical information 22 10 2 13
Non-recall
Claims to recall medicine, but cannot remember content 3 . 8 5 8
Recalled no medical item 31 63 ' 86 63
Not ascertained •a •a •* 1
•a-M- •*#
N - (1751) (1286) (1562) (1679)
Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
In general the statements for newspapers hold true for the other media as well, though fewer members of the other media audiences recall as much science news.
Television is notable, however, for one unique item: 8 per cent of.the tele• vision viewers mentioned only science fiction when asked about science news. It was found necessary to distinguish carefully between fiction and fact, especially in view of the advent of the space age. As far as we were able to determine from a careful scrutiny of a number of sections of the interviews, perhaps 8 per cent of the total sample gave evidence of a full or partial confusion of science and science fiction. Such a judgment was difficult to make, and no absolute reliance should be placed on the figure. It would be safest to say that 8 per cent of the sample gave answers which seemed to indicate at least a partial inability to tell where science news ended and science fiction began.
Turning to the content of medical stories, it is clear that the picture is dominated by the topics of heart disease, cancer and polio. Mental illness, which alone accounts for about half of the hospital beds in the country, ran 53 very poorly with only 5 per cent or less of the media audiences recalling stories about it. In addition to the three major disease areas already mentioned, a wide variety of other diseases were mentioned, but since no single one accounted for more than a few cases, they have been lumped to• gether under the general category of "other diseases."
In terms of content, then, the major focus is on applied science and on the best publicized diseases. Ve may infer that this emphasis reflects actual media content to a large extent but it reflects also the fact that these areas are perhaps closest to the everyday life of people.
Evaluations of Science News Presentation
An overall evaluation of science news (both medical and non-medical) was obtained from all those who reported having seen or heard some sort of science news in the various media. Science news was evaluated in terms of how difficult It was to understand, how complete it was, how interesting was its presentation, and how accurate it was perceived to be (Table II-15).
The television and magazine groups felt science in those media to be very easy to understand. This does not mean, of course, that the science items were equally easy in the two media, but rather that satisfaction is high in both groups. The. newspaper group showed the largest percentage of people who found science items relatively hard to understand.
In terms of satisfaction with completeness the magazine and television groups lead again with over 1:0 per cent stating the items were "very complete." Newspaper and radio science were rated somewhat less complete with about one- fifth of the groups expressing full satisfaction.
Science presentation was found most interesting on television (71%). The magazine group also rated their medium high on this, aspect of presentation. The radio and newspaper groups were less enthusiastic about their media, but still, about two-fifths gave a top rating.
Perception of the accuracy of science news is the final evaluation. To be sure, the ability to judge the accuracy of the news varies with knowledge* But what is crucial in this evaluation is not the objective judgment but the degree of trust it implies in the given medium. The television group expresses the most confidence in the accuracy of the science on their medium. Magazines come next, followed by radio. The newspaper group expresses the most doubt about the accuracy, with l\Q per cent stating that science news is "rather accurate."
In general, the evaluation of science presentation in the media is mainly positive. The television and magazine groups express the most satisfaction with their media. 5U
Table II-l? Evaluations of the Media
Newspapers Magazines Radio Television Difficulty of science news
Very easy 30* 50* hh% 59* Rather easy 39 35 35 25 Half-and-half 3 2 1 1 Rather difficult 17 9 8 8 Very difficult 3 1 2 3
Don11 know * -* 2 1 Not ascertained 8 3 8 3 100* 100* 100* 100*
Interest value of science news
Very interesting iiO* 61* U3* 71* Rather interesting U3 32 39 23 Half-and-half 1 1 -» * Rather dull 6 2 5 2 Very dull 1 — # 1
Don't know 1 •a- 2 # Not ascertained 8 3 10 3 100* 100* 100* 100*
Completeness of science news
Very complete 21* 12% 21* U3* Rather complete Ii3 hh 38 38 Half-and-half 2 1 1 * Rather incomplete 20 8 22 9 Very incomplete 3 1 h • 2
DonTt know 3 1 3 3 Not ascertained 8 3 11 _5 100* 100* 100* 100*
C continued) 55
Table II-15 continued.
Newspapers Magazines Radio Television Perceived accuracy of science news
Very accurate 27% ho% 33% 51% Rather accurate u8 hh ho 33 Half-and-half 1 •* l 1 Rather inaccurate ii 2 3 2 Very inaccurate 1 •» •H- 1
Feels unqualified to judge 7 5 5 u
Don't know h 3 6 ii Not ascertained 8 12 _a
100% 100% 100% 100% N - (1289) (819) (33h) (995) Note: Table based on all those who reported reading or hearing science news.
Summary
The combined science audience, using the criterion of recall, includes three out of four adults.
About half the sample recall at least one science item and about seven out of ten recall at least one medical item.
Sixty-four per cent of the total sample recall either or both kinds of science from the papers, 3ii per cent from magazines, 13 per cent from the radio and Ijl per cent from television.
In terms of each media audience, seven out of ten newspaper readers, about half the magazine and television audience, and three out of twenty radio listeners, recall either or both science and medical items.
Newspapers are the most important source of science, radio the least. Papers, magazines and television are mutually supplementary as sources of science news, but radio is weak both as a primary and secondary source.
Non-medical science news recalled from the various media is mainly applied science; the medical content recalled centers around a few well-publicized diseases. 1 56
Evaluations of science news in terms of completeness, interest, difficulty and accuracy, are generally positive for all media. The magazine and tele• vision groups, however, are relatively more satisfied with their media than the newspaper and radio groups.
In short, the science audience is large, with newspapers playing a key role in transmitting both science and medical news. And there is a generally positive reaction toward science as it is presented in the mass media. Chapter IH
SCIENCE AND THE NEWSPAPER AUDIENCE
In this chapter the focus is on the newspaper audience. Because of the importance of the newspaper in transmitting science news, somewhat more detailed information about it was gathered in the interviews. As has been pointed out earlier, the size of the science audiences of each medium was determined by the recall of science items. For the newspapers an additional measure was employed. Early in the interview, before the focus on science news was made apparent, respondents were asked to estimate the extent to which they usually read ten types of news. Medical and non-medical science were included on this list.
In this chapter both measures, recall of news and extent of reading, will be employed to assay the newspaper audience's attention to medical and science news • The analysis will also focus on the content of the news recalled and on the evaluations made of the presentation of science news.
Extent of Science and Medical Reading
Newspaper readers were asked to estimate the extent to which they usually read stories about: sports, society news, local events, national politics, foreign affairs, crime, comics, people in the news,- medicine and health, and non-medical science news. They were asked to report whether they generally read all, read some, glanced at, or skipped over these ten types of news.
We have already seen that hi per cent of the newspaper audience report they read all the medical news, and that 30 per cent read all the news about other kinds of science. Furthermore, it was noted that men read more of tte latter category, but women read more medical news.
Several points stand out in the pattern of reading associated with science news. Extensive readers of science tend to be extensive readers in most other areas (Table. Ill-1). There is a strong relationship between the extent of reading about science and the extent of reading about medicine, national politics, local news, and foreign affairs. But the relationship between science and sports, society, crime, and comics is weak. The cluster of topics associated with extensive science reading has a cosmopolitan and an intellectual flavor. Science readers are very much interested in the world around them; they are attuned to a broad range of events. Their vista is not limited to,local events, but reaches out to the national and inter• national level. 58
Table III-l
Extent of Science Reading in the Newspapers
by Extent of Reading Other Subjects in the Newspaper
Reads Science
Reads Reads Glances Skips all some at over
Reads all 6h% 36% 32% 22% Reads Reads some 25 li9 33 32 Medical Glances at 7 9 26 16 News Skips over h 6 8 29 Not ascertained •H- 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 23% 15% 17% 8% Reads Reads some 27 27 2h 15 Sports Glances at 20 22 2h 17 News Skips over 30 36 35 60 Not ascertained # * 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 13% 11% 16% 11% Reads Reads some 1? 25 2h 18 Society Glances at 25 29 2h 21 News Skips over hi 35 36 k9 Not ascertained -> •K- 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 72% 51% 16% 33% Reads Reads some 22 39 35 30 Local Glances at 3 7 lli 18 News Skips over 2 ' 2 h 18 Not ascertained -w- 1 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
(continued) 59
Table III-l continued. Reads Science
Reads Reads Glances Skips all some at over
Reads all 1*5* 21% 18% 6% Reads Reads some 35 51 38 26 National Glances at 12 17 28 21 Politics Skips over 7 10 15 1*6 Not ascertained # 1 . 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 1*3% 18% 1)4% 6% Reads Reads some 38 51 36 27 Foreign Glances at lh 22 31 21 Affairs Skips over h 9 18 1*6 Not ascertained 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 1*1% ' 22% 2li% 29% Reads Reads some 32 hh 37 30 Crime Glances at 18 2h 27 16 News Skips over 9 9 12 21* Not ascertained - 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 1*0% 30% 31% 33% Reads Reads some 20 31 27 20 Comics Glances at 12 12 11 7 Skips over 27 26 31 39 Not ascertained 1 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all 57% 1*1% 39% • 32% Reads Reads some 28 1*7 39 38 People in Glances at 10 10 17 li* the News Skips over h 2 5 15 Not ascertained 1 •» 1 100% 100% 100% 100%
N (529) (568) (319) (309)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted 60
Extensive readers of medical news show a somewhat different picture; they tend to be less extensive readers of other news (Table III-2). Associated with medical reading is reading about science, local news, and people in the news. Moderately associated are the areas of foreign affairs, and national politics. Unrelated reading topics are sports and crime.
The contrast between the reading patterns of avid science and medical readers may be summarized as the difference between a cosmopolitan, out-reaching range of interest and a more personalized and local perspective. In part these different viewpoints reflect the concentration of male readers in science and female readers in medicine. However, note that this overly simple dichotomy must be qualified. Science readers, in particular, tend to lean to the more intellectual side of the news. Simply to interpret the two groups by contrasting masculine and feminine interests is not an adequate explanation.
Table in-2 •
Extent of Medical Reading in Newspapers by Extent of Science Reading
Reads Medicine
Reads Reads Glances Skips all some at over
Reads all kl% 21% 16% 12% Reads Reads some 28 ii? 23 20 Science Glances at lh 17 37 15 News Skips over 10 16 22 51 Not ascertained ' 1 1 2 2
100% 100% 100% 100%
Reads all . 12% 17% 25% 17% Reads Reacts some 2h 2k 27 2k Sports Glances at 23 20 19 15 News Skips over ill 38 29 Jiv Not ascertained #
.100% 100% " 100% 100% •{• i. f1 Reads all 21% 8% 6% il% Reads Reads some • 2$ 22 15 12 Society Glances at 26 28 2k 13 News Skips over 27 ii2 55 70 Not ascertained # •M- 1
100% 100% 100% 100% (continued) 61
Table III-2 continued. Reads Medicine
Reads Reads Glances Skips all some at over
Reads all 66* 52* 33* 35* Reads Reads some 26 33 1*1* 33 Local Glances at 5 8 17 19 News Skips over 2 6 li 13 Not ascertained 1 1 2 - 100* 100* 100* 100*
Reads all 3h% 20* 21* 11* Reads Reads some 38 1*6 39 22 National Glances at 16 19 2li 21 Politics Skips over 11 15 16 1*1* Not ascertained 1 # # 2 100* 100* 100* 100*
Reads all 32* 18* 18* 8* Reads Reads some ho 1*5 31* 27 Foreign Glances at 18 22 31 18 Affairs Skips over 10 11* 16 1*6 Not ascertained * 1 # 1 100* 100* 100* 100*
Reads all 38* 25* 19* 21** Reads Reads some 32 1*1 1*3 32 Crime Glances at 18 23 28 17 News Skips over 11 11 10 26 Not ascertained 1 # * 1 100* 100* 100* 100*
Reads all 31* 35* 35* 35* Reads Reads some 21* 26 25 21* Comics Glances at 11 12 10 7 Skips over 33 25 30 33 Not ascertained 1 2 1 100* 100* 100* 100*
Reads all 58* 36* 32* 28* Reads Reads some 29 50 1*0 35 People in Glances at 9 10 21* 16 the News Skips over 1* li 3 20 Not ascertained # # •» 1 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (717) (617) (229) (176)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 62
Social Characteristics and Extent of Science Reading
We have already seen that, within the newspaper audience, science news is more extensively read by men than women. Table III-3 shows that education, is -also an important factor; 1*1 per cent of the college-educated newspaper readers state they read all the science news, as compared with only 21 per cent of those with a grade school education.
Table III-3
Extent of Science Reading for the Newspaper Audience
by Social Characteristics
Number Reads Reads Glances Skips of all some at over NA Total cases Sex
Male 39 31 16 12 2 100* (758) Female 23 31* 20 22 1 100* (993)
Age
21 - 2k 2li 38 17 19 2 100* (121) 25-29 32 31 19 18 # 100* (195) 30 - 31* 28 33 21 17 1 100* (225) 35 - 39 36 . 36 13 13 2 100* (205) ho - hk 30 30 20 19 1 100* (236) 1*5 - h9 28 31* 19 18 1 100* (173) 50-51* 37 28 18 15 2 100* (175) 55 - 59 31 35 13 19 2 100* (120) 60 - 61* 29 31* 18 16 3 100* (96) 65 and over 26 29 22 22 1 100* (195)
Region
Northeast 27 31 20 20 2 100* (1*28) Midwest 33 3h 15 16 2 100* (563) West 36 31* 19 10 1 100* (251) South 27 31 20 21 1 100* (509) Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 23 29 23 21 1* 100* (239) Metropolitan suburbs 30 38 15 17 - 100* (223) Cities 50,000 and over - 33 28 20 18 1 100* (283) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 31 33 17 18 1 100* (1*12) Places under 2,500 37 37 16 10 - 100* (90) Rural 30 33 18 17 2 100* (5010
(continued) 63
Table III-3 continued. Number Reads Reads Glances Skips of all some at over NA Total cases Religion
Protestant 30 33 19 17 1 100* (1255) Catholic 32 30 17 20 1 100* (381) Jewish 24 31 27 16 2 100* (51) None 30 33 lh 23 - 100* (43)
Education
Grade school 21 26 21 29 3 100* (558) Some high school 31 31 18 19 1 100* (379) Completed high school 33 37 17 12 1 100* (1*76) College hi 39 15 5 # 100* (333)
Income
Less than $1,000 15 26 lii 1*3 2 100* (98) $1,000 - 1,999 2h 2ii 22 28 2 100* (131) $2,000 - 2,999 26 31 16 25 2 100* (193) $3,000 - 3,999 28 30 23 17 2 100* (235) $4,000 - 4',999 29 36 19 15 1 100* (2510 $5,000 - 5,999 32 36 17 ii* 1 100* (2-90) $6,000 - 7,199 3l* 35 18 12 1 100* (221) $7,500 and over ill 34 17 7 1 100* (277)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Age is only mildly related to science reading; there is a plateau of fairly constant reading from the late twenties into the sixties with the young and very old showing slightly lower reading* It must be remembered, of course, that people who do not read the papers at all are'excluded from this table.
Southern and northeastern newspaper readers are the lowest in science reading, while the western audience leads in their attention to science in the papers. The newspaper audience in the metropolitan centers ranks lowest, and rural small town audience highest, in science reading. But it must be kept in mind that fewer rural people read papers. -
Protestants and Catholics in the newspaper audience read science to about the same extent, but Jews are slightly less extensive readers.
Income bears a strong positive relation to science reading. Of newspaper readers with less then $1000 annual income, only 15 per cent 'read all science, but of those with $7500 or more per year, hi per cent read all science. 6h
In short, education, sex, and economic status are the social factors most strikingly correlated with the consumption of science news in the news• paper audience. In a rough way these factors may correspond to ability, interest, and opportunity to read about science, although the cluster of skills and motivations necessary for science reading is, of course, more complex than that.
One very important finding revealed by the data in Table III-3 is the remarkably extensive audience for science among newspaper readers. In only a very few cases does the percentage reading all science news fall below one-quarter of the newspaper readers in a given social category. Generally the percentage varies around 30 per cent. The inescapable conclusion is that the newspaper audience contains a large and receptive group oriented toward science.
The joint relationship of sex and education to science reading is shown in Table III-J4. Science reading rises with each educational level for both men and women. However, men exceed women at every degree of educational attainment in reading science.
Table III-4
Extent of Science Reading in the Newspapers
by Men and Women of Varying Educational Levels
Men Women
Some Comp • Some Comp. Science Grade high high Grade high high reading school school school College school school school College
Reads all 26% h2% 16% 53% 16% 23% 26% 29% Reads some 28 29 32 35 2u 32 1*0 1*3 Glances at 19 17 17 9 23 19 17 21 "Skips over 22 12 5 2 35 25 16 7 Not ascertained 5 # 1 2 1 1 - 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N * (263) (156) (175) (162) (295) (223) (301) (171)
Note: Table based on newspaper audience; not ascertained cases omitted. 65
Turning to regional differences in the newspaper audience (Table III-5) we see that controlling on education, regional variation in science reading remains fairly clear. Although within each region education is correlated with extent of science reading, the West leads and the South trails the country. Regional differences are more marked for the grade school and college groups, with the high school group showing the smallest range of variation.
Table II1-5
Regional Differences in Science Reading, Controlling on Education
Grade School High School College SciencReadinge NE MW W S NE MW w s NE MW w s Reads all 17* 2h% 26% 17* 31* 3U% 35* 30* 39* bk% 5o* 36* Reads some 26 28 35 20 30 35 36 35 hh U2 27 UO Glances at 27 18 19 19 19 16 18 18 9 9 21 20 Skip over 26 26 17 h2 19 1U 10 17 8 5 2 ' 3 NA h h 3 2 1 1 1 - - - - 1 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* N = (1U7)(176) (72)(163) (2l5)(289)(127)(22J,) (66) (97) (52)(ll8)
Note: Table based on newspaper audience; not ascertained cases omitted.
The relation of age to science reading, controlling on sex, reveals no dramatic pattern. Men read more than women and there is a tendency for the difference to narrow in the older age brackets, but for most of the age range men and women both tend to maintain a fairly constant reading level with only a few peaks here and there (Table IH-6). 66
Table III-6
Extent of Science Reading in the Newspapers by Sex and Age
Men Science Reading 21-21* 25-29 30-31* 35-39 hO-hh 1*5-1*9 SO-Sh 55-59 60-61* 65 up
Reads all l*o* 51* 1*0* 1*2* 1*0* 35* 1*5* 38* 37* 21** Reads some 32 25 27 38 30 37 29 35 33 28 Glances at 15 16 26 8 lu 11* 12 10 11 28 Skips over 11 8 6 8 15 13 llx 13 12 18 NA 2 - 1 1* 1 1 - U 7 2 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* •100* 100*
N = (1*7) (81) (82) (91) (116) (77) (76) (1*8) (1*3) (92)
Women
Reads all 13* 17* 21* 31* 20* 22* 31* 26* 23* 27* Reads some 1*2 36 36 3h 31 32 27 35 36 29 Glances at 18 21 19 18 25 23 22 15 22 16 Skips over 2h 25 2b I? 22 23 16 2h 19 26 NA 3 1 - - 2 - 1* - - 1
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (714) (111) (113) (111*)- (120) (96) (99) (72). (53) (103)
Note: Table based on newspaper audience; not ascertained cases omitted.
Social Characteristics and Extent of Medical Reading
Medical reading is more prevalent among women than men (Table III-7). Medical reading increases with age (but note the sudden drop in the group sixty-five and over). It is also related to education, but in a strange way: the peak is in the group who completed high school. However, this is due to the large proportion of women in this group as we shall see.
The West again leads in the percentage who read all medicine, and the South arid Northeast trail. Residents of metropolitan suburbs are the most avid readers of medicine in the papers (1*7*) but except for the metropolitan centers (33*) the residents of other places favor medical news nearly as much. The religious groups cluster together pretty much, as do the income groups. 67
Table III-7
Extent of Medical Reading for the Newspaper Audience
by Social Characteristics
Number Reads Reads Glances Skips of all some at" over NA Total cases Sex
Male 28 38 19 111 1 100* (758) Female 51 33 8 7 1 100* (993)
Age 21 - 2h 31 1*2 13 13 1 100* (121) 25-29 37 35 16 12 - 100* (195) 30 - 3k 36 13 6 100* (225) 35 - 39 1*2 39 10 8 1 100* (205) ho - kk 39 31* 15 11 1 100* (236) kS - k9 li5 31* 31* 6 1 100* (173) So - Sk 1*6 33 10 11 - 100* (175) SS - 59 k9 30 10 11 _ 100* (120) 6o - Sk • k7 32 10 11 - 100* (96) 6S and over 33 36 16 12 3 100* (195)
Region
Northeast 37 37 H* 10 2 100* (1*28) Midwest 1*3 35 12 10 100* (563) West 1*6 35 11 6 2 100* (251) South 39 35 11* 12 •a 100* (509)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 33 31* 20 12 1 100* (239) Metropolitan suburbs 1*7 32 11 9 •s- 100* (223) Cities 50,000 and over 1*3 36 12 8 1 100* (283) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 1*1 38 11 10 -a- 100* (1*12) Places under 2,500 k2 1*2 8 8 — 100* (90) Rural 1*1 33 11* 11 1 100* (5oi*)
Religion •
Protestant 1*1 35 13 10 1 100* (1255) Catholic 1*3 35 13 9 - 100* (381) Jewish 37 1*1 12 10 - 100* (5D None 35 33 11 21 - 100* (1*3) (continued) 68
Table III-7 continued. Number Reads Reads Glances Skips of all some at over NA Total cases Education
Grade school 31 3k 16 18 1 100* (558) High school kh 32 13 10 1 100* (379) Completed high school h9 35 11 5 -K. 100* (h!6) College hh hi 11 h -* 100* (333)
Income
Less than $1,000 hi 31 8 13 1 100* (98) $1,000 - 1,999 31 26 13 21 • 3 100* (131) $2,000 - 2,999 38 31 19 12 - 100* (193) $3,000 - 3,999 iiO 39 10 10 1 100* (235) $ii,000 - ii,999 36 ho Ik 10 - 100* (&k) $5,000 - 5,999 h2 36 13' 8 1 100* (290) $6,000 - 7,ii99 hh 36 13 6 100* (221) $7,500 and over hh 36 13 6 100* (277)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted*
When we examine the relation of education to medical reading for men and women, we observe two interesting findings (Table III-8). Medical reading is not as markedly related to education for men as it is for women. Women read more medical news at every level of education than men do. And, comparing the sexes across all levels of education, men read more science than women and women read more medicine than men. But men read more medicine than women read science.
Medical reading increases with age for both sexes (Table III-9), although it drops off at the very oldest group for both sexes. The highest reading level for men is the plateau from about h5 to 65 and for women from about 30 to 65. In other words, women not only read more medicine than men, but read it intensively over a somewhat longer span of age.
The' high degree of interest in medicine and health among women probably reflects both a concern with the body and its functions and a person-oriented focus of interest. Both tendencies have been noted by other investigators. Certainly the feminine orientation to interpersonal processes, which develops early among women in our culture, and the involvement with family health and child-rearing reinforce the interest in medical topics. These broad effects of character and culture, shaping the women's view of the world, are mani• fested in many ways, one of which appears to be reading behavior. 69
Table III-8
Extent of Medical Reading in the Newspapers
by Men and Women of varying Educational Levels
Men ' Women
Some Comp. Some Comp. Medical Grade high high Grade high high Reading school school school College school school school Collef
Reads all 22* 30% 32% 30% 1*0% 53% 58% 56* Reads some 32 33 39 50 36 32 32 33 Glances at 20 21 22 15 12 6 5 7 Skips over 2h 16 7 il 11 6 ii ii Not ascertained 2 - - 1 1 1 # - 100% 100%. 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (263) (156) (175) (162) (295) (223) (301) (171)
Note: Table based on newspaper audience; not ascertained cases omitted.
'Table III-9
Extent of Medical Reading in the Newspapers by Sex and Age
Men Medical Reading 21-21* 25-29 30-31* 35-39 hO-bh ii5-ii9 50-51* 55-59 60-61* 65 up Reads all 15% 21% 28% 32% 23% 36% 32% 35% 35% 21* Reads some h5 1*2 36 1*2 1*1 31* 30 33 1*2 35 Glances at 17 23 28 16 20 21 16 15 12 23 Skips over 21 11* 7 9 15 8 22 17 11 20 NA 2 - 1 1 l 1 - - - 1 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100*
N - (li7) (81*) (82) (91) (116) (76) (76) (1*8) (1*3) (92)
Women Reads all liO% 1*8% 52% • 51% 51*% 52% 57% 58% 57% 1*1** Reads some la 30 37 36 28 31* 31* 28 25 37 Glances at n 11 5 1* 9 9 6 7 9 10 Skips over 8 11 6 8 8 5 3 7 9 5 NA - - - 1 1 - - - - 1* 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100*
N = (7li) (111) (11*3) (111*) (120) (97) (99) (72) (53) (103)
Note: Table based on newspaper audience; not ascertained cases omitted. 70
Science and Medical Hews Read and Recalled
Let us turn from the respondents' reports on reading behavior to the topic of recalled science and medical stories.
It is more difficult, of course, to recall items one has read than to give a general report on the extent to which one reads science* The two kinds of reports are correlated, as we shall see, but the recall.measure tends to give us a more stringent test of the impact of science news precisely because it makes more of a demand on the respondent's abilities. The sali- * ence of recently read stories enters into the recall measure, but there is no reason to believe that the content of news reported is not representative of the usual reading behavior of the respondents.
Table III-10 shows the proportion of respondents who recalled science and medical stories from the papers. The data are shown for the entire sample as well as the newspaper audience.
"Table III-10
Recall of Science-and Medical Items from Newspapers
Newspaper Audience Total Sample
Science Medicine Science Medicine
Recalls one or more items iiO* 66* 36* 60*
Claims recall, cannot remember item ii 3 3
Reports pseudo-science •a- (-) -a- (-) Reports science fiction 1 (-) 1 (-) Reports other fiction - (-) - (-) Recalls no science (or medicine) 31 ii9 28
Reads no paper (-) (-) 9 9
Not ascertained 1 *• 1 * 100* 100* 100* 100* N - (175D (1919)
Forty per cent of the newspaper audience recall one or more legitimate science stories. A few (ii*) readers claim they read science, but when asked could not come up with an actual story. 71
In terms of medical reading, 66 per cent recalled one or more legitimate medical stories and only 3 per cent claimed they had read, but could not recall, a story.
The larger proportion of newspaper readers who recall medical stories cor• responds to the reports of extent of reading showing the higher proportion of medical readers.
Before examining the social characteristics of the newspaper readers who recall science and medical stories, let us look at the content of the stories they recall.
Content of Recalled Science and Medical Stories
Turning to the actual content of stories (Table III-ll) we see recalled science items classified by major content areas. The base is the total number of newspaper readers.
Table III-ll
Types of Science Stories Recalled from Newspapers
Based on Newspaper Audience
Atomic energy Technology
-Atomic weapons, e.g., bombs, -Industrial uses, technical missiles, cannons 9% processes 3% -Other military uses, atomic -Consumer uses, automotive 6 submarines, etc. 3 -Consumer uses, non-automotive, -Peaceful uses, medical 1 inventions and gadgets h -Peaceful uses, non-medical h -Agricultural uses 5 -Radiation danger and related -Purely military uses, problems 1 armaments, weapons -Other aspects of atomic energy, -Electronics, radar, vague mentions of atoms h electrical brain -Other aspects of technology Aeronatutic
-Airplanes and related 1% -Space travel and related h -Space satellites 3
(continued) 72
Table IH-11 continued.
Sciences and research areas Other
-Physics -Pseudo-science, occult, -Chemistry 1 numerology -Astronomy, related matters 2 -Science fiction 1 -Meteorology and weather 1 -Other fiction -Geology 1 -Specific column (program) -Biology, botany, physiology 1 NA content -Social sciences 1 -Claims to have seen stories, -Archaeology 1 but doesn't know or not -Exploration 1 ascertained what h -Science as a profession, -Has seen no science stories Sh biography, history of science •a- -Not ascertained 1 -Other science fields 1
N « 1751
Of the newspaper audience only a handful had read only science fiction or pseudo-science items. Four per cent claimed to have read science items but could not recall any specific stories. The largest single content area of actual stories recalled was technology; 25 per cent of the newspaper readers recalled something in this area. Stories relating to atomic energy were recalled by the next largest number, 22 per cent. It is notable that peace• time uses of atomic energy were mentioned by only 5 per cent compared to 12 per cent who recalled specifically military uses.
Stories about airplanes and space-related items were recalled by lU per cent. Space travel consituted h per cent and space satellites 3 per cent. The salience of space-related topics was much lower during this survey, made in pre-Sputnik days, than it would have been six months later.
Miscellaneous science areas were mentioned by 10 per cent, but no single category was dominant.
In summary, most of the science stories recalled could be classified as technological. This emphasis on applied science reflects, of course, not only the interests of the readers, but the actual content of newspaper science.
The content of the medical stories is presented in Table 111-12. Of all the newspaper readers only 3 per cent, were unable to recall at least one concrete item. Stories about heart disease and cancer were each recalled by 31 per cent. Items relating to polio were next most often cited (20%). These three areas dominated the medical news; other diseases and topics received compara• tively infrequent mention. Mental illness, for instance, was mentioned by 5 per cent and other psychological items by 2 per cent. Among the miscellaneous diseases, arthritis and rheumatism stood out with 5 per cent, while a wide variety of other illnesses garnered only a scattering of attention. 73
Table III-12
Types of Medical Stories Recalled from Newspapers
Based on Newspaper Audience
Heart Cancer
-Heart disease, cause, -Cause, prevention, cure prevention 2 0* -Cancer fund -Heart fund 1 -Vague, no specifics -Vague information, no specifics 8 -Other information -Other specific information 2
Polio Mental illness
-Salk vaccine only mentioned 9% -General aspects, causes, -Cause, prevention, cure treatment, diagnosis (other than vaccine only) li -Psychotherapy -Polio fund * -Drug therapy, excluding -Vague, not specific 6 tranquilizers -Other information 1 -Other therapy -Vague, not specific -Other information
Other diseases Other medical Information
-Arthritis and rheumatism $% -Routine health care, diet -Child health and related 1 sleep, etc, -Common cold 1 -Mentions specific health -Tuberculosis 3 column -Other diseases 12 -Fluoridation -Radiation dangers Other psychological items -Accidents -Tranquilizers -General stresses and strains -Public health of life 1% -History of medicine, -Child psychology 1 biography -Adult psychological life, -Reads "everything" on family, marriage, work- medicine related" problems * -Other miscellaneous -Anti-social behavior, crimes, information drug addiction, etc, # -Psychosomatic illnesses # -Mentions information but -Other psychological or not from medium sociological information # -Read something but doesn1 know or NA what -No, read nothing -Not ascertained
N= 1751 lh
Heart disease and cancer are, of course, top-ranking medical problems, so the widespread interest in them is hardly surprising. The attention to polio, which affects a much smaller number of people, is doubtless the consequence of the long-standing publicity and the recent research break-through of the polio vaccine. Mental illness, a problem so extensive that it accounts for half the hospital beds in the country, has been relatively unpublicized. Only recently have fund-raising activities been started in this area. Even now, however, rarer diseases are publicized with more vigor and success. It is obvious from our data that the incidence of a problem is no guarantee of mass media attention and public concern.
Evaluations of Science News by Newspaper Readers
All newspaper readers who said they read science or medicine recently, were asked to evaluate these stories in terms of four qualities: difficulty, completeness, interesting news, and accuracy. Table 111-13 shows these evaluations related to the extent of science reading in the papers.
Thirty per cent of the group saw science stories (both medical and non-medical considered together) as very easy, but 20 per cent said newspaper science was rather difficult or very difficult.
In terms of completeness, 21 per cent said they were very complete, whereas 23 per cent said rather incomplete or very incomplete. Although this evaluation leaned toward the positive side the largest group gave the qualified reaction - rather complete (1*3%) •
Science was considered to be written in an interesting fashion: I4O per cent said newspaper science was very interesting, and 1*3 per cent said rather interesting; only 7 per cent said rather dull or very dull.
Newspaper science was considered by 1*8 per cent to be rather accurate but fewer, 27 per cent, felt it was very accurate. A small proportion, 5 per cent, felt the stories were rather inaccurate or very inaccurate. However, 11 per cent said they didn't know or were not qualified to judge the accuracy. Although this is a small group, it shows a certain hesitancy to accept the accuracy of newspaper science.
It is rather important to note that the interest value of the stories leads the qualities attributed to newspaper science, but incompleteness and diffi• culty are attributed to it by about one out of five.*
The evaluations do vary somewhat with the extent of science reading (Table 111-13). There is a tendency to be less satisfied with the completeness of science stories among the higher levels of science reading. •
* Furthermore, those who say newspapers are their major source of science do not differ markedly in their evaluations from those who report having read some science in the papers. Because readers who depend on the paper as their main source of science voice the same comments as the more casual newspaper readers of science, it would seem that there is a rather firm consensus about the way science is presented in the papers. 75
Those who read a lot of science find the stories easier to read than those who read less. However, a sizeable minority (16* to 37*) find the science stories to be on the difficult side.
Those who read a lot of science tend to find the stories to be more interesting although most readers at every level think the newspaper science to be interest• ing.
There is no difference across the levels of reading in the perceived accuracy of newspaper science. This evaluation is the most homogeneous of all the qualities under examination. The fixity of this attitude probably reflects a larger evaluation of newspapers in general. This is particularly unfortunate for science writers as the dominant reaction is that the science stories are only rather accurate. This qualified acceptance is especially unfortunate because the newspaper is the most heavily relied upon medium for science news.
Table 111-13
Evaluations of Science News in the Newspapers
by Extent of Science Reading
Read Read Glance Skip all some at over Total
Very easy 37* 28* 22* 25* 30* Rather easy 36 ai ai 39 39 Half-and-half h 2 6 1 3 Rather difficult lh 19 19 20 17 Very difficult 2 3 2 7 3
Don't know _ 1 «. _ •a Not ascertained 7 6 10 8 8 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Very Interesting 51* 37* 30* 30* ao* Rather interesting 36 a6 a7 50 a3 Half-and-half 1 2 2 1 i Rather dull 5 6 9 7 6 Very dull l 1 1 3 1
Don't know •H- 1 1 _ 1 Not ascertained 6 7 10 9 8 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 76
Table 111-13 continued. Read Read Glance Skip all some at over Total
Very complete 19* 22* 23* 25* 21* Rather complete h2 hS h$ hi 43 Half-and-half 3 1 3 - 2 Rather incomplete 25 18 15 19 20 Very incomplete 3 3 1 1 3 Don't know 2 h h 5 3 Hot ascertained 6 7 9 9 8 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Very accurate 27% 26* 25* 27* 27* Rather accurate ho 48 47 49 48 Half-and-half 1 1 2 1 1 Rather inaccurate . 5 3 • 5 1 h Very inaccurate 2 # 2 1 Not qualified to judge 6 9 7 7 7
Don't know 3 5 4 i* 4 Not ascertained 8 7 10 9 8 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* N - (hh2) (U57) (225) (151) Note: Table based on those newspaper readers who gave evaluations.
Recall of Science News: Social Profile
Of the newspaper audience, itO per cent recalled one or more science items recently read in the paper.
In terms of social characteristics of the newspaper audience, science recall follows a now familiar pattern (Table III-Hi). About half the men, in contrast to about one-third of the women recall science stories. Age shows a slight relation to recall; the proportion of newspaper readers recalling science tends to decline with age, especially after the late forties. The West is highest and the South and Northeast are lowest in recall. In terms of urbanization, metropolitan suburbs lead in science recall, with the metropolitan centers and the rural areas at- the low end of the list. Protestants and Jews recall the most science followed closely by Catholics.
The most striking relationships are between income and education and recall. Only 12 per cent of those newspaper readers making under $1000 yearly, recall 77 science, compared with 59 per cent of those making $7500 or more a year. Only 19 per cent of the grade school group compared with 68 per cent of the college group recall some science; in fact, 13 per cent of the high school group and 20 per cent of the college group recall three or more stories.
In summary, sex, education and income show the strongest relationship to science recall among newspaper readers. But it should also be noted that, with few exceptions, at least one-third of each social category can recall one or more science stories read recently.
Table III-ll*
Recall of Science from Newspapers by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two three ~ of science recall story stories or more NA Total cases Sex ~~
Male 1*1* 5 20 18 13 100* (758) Female 6h h 17 10 5 100* (993)
fl r7A
21-21! 56 3 17 16 7 1 100* (121) 25-29 h6 1* 15 22 13 _ 100* (195) 20-21* 57 1- 19 13 10 •a- 100* (225) 35-39 i*e 6 17 11* 15 100* C205) ho-hh h9 6 22 12 li * 100* (236) .1*5-1*9 57 5 19 11* 5 100* (173) 50-5U 60 5 19 10 6 * 100* (175) 55-59 60 1* 15 16 5 100* (120) 60-61* 57 3 23 11 l* 2 100* (96) 65 and over 66 5 16 8 5 100* (195)
Region
Northeast 58 1* 17 13 7 1 100* (1*28) Midwest 55 3 20 13 9 # 100* (563) West 1*7 2 17 17 16 1 100* (251) South 55 7 18 13 7 _M_ 100* (509)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 61 3 16 11 8 - 1 100* (239) Metropolitan suburbs 1*7 2 19 19 13 - 100* (223) Cities 50,000 and over 55 2 21 13 9 100* (283) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 56 5 18 13 8 _ 100* (a2) Places under 2,500 1*7 1* 18 19 10 2 100* (90) Rural 57 6 17 12 7 1 100* (501*)
(continued) 78
Table III-ll* continued.
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two three of science recall story stories or more NA Total cases Religion
Protestant 51* h 18 lh 9 1 loo* (1255) Catholic S9 h 21 10 6 _ 100* (381) Jewish SS 2 15 18 10 100* (51) None hh 7 lh 21 lit — 100* (1*3)
Education
Grade school 77 3 12 6 1 1 100* (558) Some high school 60 5 19 12 h. _ 100* (379) Completed high school 1*6 h 21 16 13 -* 100* (1*76) College 27 S 21* 2h 20 ™ 100* (333)
Income
Less than $1,000 '. 85 3 9 3 100* (98) $1,000 - 1,999 73 6 9 6 5 1 100* (131) $2,000 - 2,999 66 5 16 8 5 # 100* (193) $3,000 - 3,999 58 h 18 12 7 •H- 100* (235) $l*,000 - U,999 53 3 20 16 8 * 100* (251*) $5,000 - 5,999 1*8 6 20 lh 11 1 100* (290) $6,000 - 7,1*99 h9 h 21 17 9 - 100* (221) $7,500 and over 38 3 22 21 16 - 100* (277)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Recall of Medical News: Social Profile
Stories about inedicine were recalled by 66 per cent of newspaper readers - demonstrating once again the popularity of this type of science news. The pattern' of medical recall, in most respects, follows the social profile' of the science recall group, but there are some differences of note (Table HI-l5)«
For instance, men and women are very much more similar in medical recall; 63 per cent of the men and 68 per cent of the women recall medical items. Among newspaper readers, then, the sex differences in reading (as reflected in re• call) stand out most markedly for non-medical science stories.
Age bears no clear cut relation to medical recall; the relationship is practi• cally flat except that it drops off sharply for the 65 and over group. 79
People living in the metropolitan suburbs recall the most and the metro• politan centers and rural areas the least. Westerners are high and the Northeast and South low. Religious differences are minor; the Jewish group tends to recall slightly more medical news.
In contrast to these minor differences," education and income show marked positive correlation with medical recall. Forty-one per cent of those readers with incomes of less than $1000 recall one or more stories, as compared with 86 per cent of those making $7500 or more. Arri k9 per cent of those with grade school education recalled medicine in contrast with 91 per cent of the college group.
In nearly every social category, one-half or more of the newspaper readers recall at least one medical story, attesting to the wide impact of medical news.
Table IH-15
Recall of Medicine from Newspapers by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two three of medicine recall story stories or more NA Total cases Sex
Male 33 3 20 23 20 1 100% (758) Female 29 3 • 20 2k 2k 100% (993)
Age
21 - 2k 31 3 2k 25 16 - 1 100% (121) 25 - 29 27 3 25 27 18 — 100% (195) 30 - 3li 25 3 22 25 25 - 100% (225) 35 - 39 28 2 23 23 2k 100% (205) ko - kk 31 2 13 26 28 — 100% (236) U5 - k9 29 3 20 25 23 - 100% (173) 5o - 5u 36 2 18 25 19 - 100% (175) 55 - 59 30 3 19 23 25' - 100% CL20) 60 - 61i 25 6 18 26 2k 1 100% (96) 65 and over u3 7 20 15 15 # 100% (195)
Region
Northeast 37 3 19 23 18 •St- 100% (U28) Midwest 27 3 22 25 22 1 100% (563) West 22 3 17 29 28 1 100% (251) South 33 k 20 21 22 — 100% (509)
(continued) 80
Table HI-15 continued.
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two three of medicine recall story stories or more NA Total cases Rural-urban
Metro, centers 37 - 1* 21 19 19 100* (239) Metro, suburbs 20 li 17 28 31 - 100* (223) Cities 50,000 and over 25 3 18 30 ' 23 100* (283) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 30 3 20 22 25 - 100* (1*12) Places under 2,500 36 2 13 27 21 • 1 100* (90) Rural 31* 3 21* 22 16 1 100* {SOU)
Religion
Protestant 31 3 20 21* 22 100* (1255) Catholic 30 3 20 27 20 - 100* (381) Jewish 25 I* 22 20 29 - 100* (51) None 33 2 19 16 30 - 100* (1*3)
Education
Grade school 50 h 16 17 12 1 100* (558) Some high school 31 h 22 21* 19. - 100* (379) Completed high school 21 2 21 31 21* 100* (1*76) College 9 1* 23 26 38 - 100* (333)
Income
Less than $1,000 59 3 15 13 10 100* (98) $1,000 - 1,999 1*7 6 15 19 12* 1 100* (131) $2,000 - 2,999 37 7 22 19 11* 1 100* (193) $3,000 - 3,999 35 3 19 26 17 100* (235) $lj,000 - U,999 33 2 17 25 23 - 100* (25h) $5,000 - 5,999 21* 3 23 23 26 100* (290) $6,000 - 7,1*99 21 2 21* 29 21* - 100* (221) $7,500 and over Hi 2 20 28 36 - 100* (277)
Note:- Not ascertained cases omitted.
Extent of Reading versus Recall of Science
It has been already stated that asking the respondent to recall an actual story read in the paper is more difficult than obtaining from him a statement of his usual reading behavior. The two measures should be correlated, of 81 course, but a discrepancy need not necessarily imply one measure is more accurate than the other. However, since recall is a more difficult task we can safely assume that it represents a more stringent measure of the science audience.
Along these lines, it is worth noting the cross-tabulation presented in Table 111-16. Of the newspaper readers who state they read all the science news, 59 per cent can recall a recently read science item. Of those who habitually skip over science stories, only 13 per cent recall a science story. The positive correlation between the measures is clear.
Table in-16
Extent of Science Reading and Recall of Science Items
Reads Reads Glances Skips all some at over
Recalls no science 37* 1*8* 67* 85% Claims recall li 7 3 2 Recalls one item 23 21 16 8 Recalls two items 21 15 9 3 ' Recalls three or more items 15 9 1* 2 Not ascertained —_ •* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (529) (568) (319) (309)
Note: Table based on newspaper audience,* not ascertained cases omitted.
What reasons are there for the people who say they read all the science news, yet cannot remember a single item? Part of the group probably has simply overstated their science reading for prestige or other reasons. Part were doubtless superficial readers who skim everything, but retain little. Part probably blocked when suddenly asked about specific stories. Most of the group may be assumed to have read some science.
That such a discrepancy cannot be written off as lying is suggested by an examination of the other end of the scale. Of the people who said they habitually skipped science, 13 per cent could recall a science item read recently. Of those who normally just glance at science news, 29 per cent recalled an item. Such findings do not necessarily suggest that these people were lying when they answered the first question. There are a number of factors at work, not the least of which may be the shift in the frame of reference from general reports on newspaper reading habits, to a direct question focused on a specific topic. 82
Recall of Science versus Recall of Medicine
We saw earlier that reports on the extent of science and medical reading showed a strong correlation between the two types of news. Table III-17 shows that a strong relationship exists between recall of the two as well. In brief, the finding is this: the more medical items recalled from the newspaper, the more science items are also recalled.
Table 111-17
Relationship between the Recall of Science and Medical Items
from Newspapers
Recall of Medical Items
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls no Claims one two three Recall of Science medicine recall story stories or more
Recalls no science 85% 59% 55% 38% 3k% Claims recall 2 23 6 5 3 Recalls one story 9 5 21 21* 21* Recalls two stories 3 11 11 20 23 Recalls three or more 1 2 7 Ik 17 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (530) (56) (351) (kl9) (381*)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Newspaper Science Readers and the Other Media
Tc what extent do those who recall science stories from the papers also re• call science from the other mass media?
Almost two-thirds recall science from other media as well as newspapers. The data below, taken from Chapter II, Indicate the actual media involved.
Recalls science from: Newspapers alone 39% Newspapers and magazines 39% Newspapers and radio U*% Newspapers and television 35% 83
Science in the newspapers is supplemented about equally by magazines and television, but radio is a less prominent source.
The information on science recall by the newspapers is shown in more detail in Table HI-18. Although the data are complex, several findings stand out. As the number of science items recalled by newspaper readers increases, the number of items from magazines and television increases. However, this cor• relation does not exist for items recalled from radio. No matter how we look at the data this central fact remains: science intake, as measured by recall, between newspapers, magazines and television, is correlated even though the proportion of readers who recall science varies from medium to medium.
Table III-18
Recall of Science from Newspapers by Recall of Science from Other Media
Recall from Newspapers
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Reads no Claims one two three no science recall story stories or more paper Recall from Magazines
Recalls no science 14856 1*6* liO* li2* 3li* 16* Claims recall h 11 6 5 5 - Recalls science 10 25 30 lil S3 3 Recalls one story 8 13 22 27 26 2 Recalls two or more 2 12 8 lli 27 1 Reads no magazines 38 18 2li 12 8 81 Not ascertained * - - - - 100* 100* . 100* 100* 100* 100*
Recall from Radio
Recalls no science 72* 69* 67* 68* 63* 67* Claims recall 3 13 2 3 8 2 Recalls science 5 li lli 13 15 9 Recalls one story li 3 12 10 12 8 Recalls two stories 1 1 1 2 3 - Recalls three or more - 1 1 - 1 Does not listen to radio 20 lli 17 16 13 22 Not ascertained - - - - - 1 - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 8U
Table 111-18 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Reads no Claims one two three no science recall story stories or more paper Recall from Television
Recalls no science 67% 51% 58% hh% . hh% U9% Claims recall 6 11 6 10 10 h Recalls science lh 28 27 Ul U2 7 Recalls one story 11 20 19 30 26 Recalls two stories 2 8 7 10 11 Recalls three or more 1 - 1 1 5 Does not watch television 13. 10 8 U h 39 Not ascertained •St - 1 - 1
100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (710 (316) (231*) (153) (9610 (168)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Summary
Newspapers are the major primary and a strong supplementary source of science news for the public.
The reading of non-medical science news is associated with a cosmopolitan and rather intellectual orientation toward news content. The reading of medical news, on the other hand, tends to be associated with a more personal• ized, local point of view. This reflects, in some degree, the fact that men tend to read more science and women more medical news. The sex differences show up at all levels of education.
Education and income are positively related to science news reading of both types. Regional differences, which reflect educational differences to some extent, still remain, although in an attenuated.form, when education is controlled.
Whether measured by reports of extent of science reading, or by recall of actual science items, income and education are related to attention to science news.
Most of the non-medical science recalled is of an applied nature and the medical news centers around a few major diseases.
Evaluations of science news rate newspapers on the positive side of the scale, but qualifications about the perceived accuracy indicate that science in the papers is not entirely trusted. 85
Although most of the newspaper readers who recall science also recall it from other media, the radio is the least often mentioned source.
The newspaper audience, which includes nine out of ten adults, carries the greatest load in transmitting science information. Furthermore, even in the social categories least prone to read science news, a sizeable minority is reached by the paper's presentation of science. This finding is perhaps the most important one of all, for it demonstrates that science news is not read solely by the "elite." Two percentages summarize the power of the paper to transmit science news to an unusually broad audience: 71 per cent of news• paper readers can recall some type of science story read recently, and this is equivalent to 6I4 per cent of the nation's adults. Chapter IV
SCIENCE NEWS AND THE MAGAZINE, RADIO AND TELEVISION AUDIENCES
Although the newspaper dominates the mass media scene in terms of trans• mitting science news, the other media play their parts in varying ways. Each medium fits into the overall pattern: it may serve a particular audience or it may supplement the other media in its own way.
The Science Audience of Magazines
About two-thirds of the sample fall into the magazine audience. Of these ' readers, 31 per cent recall science and 29 per cent recall medical items they have read recently (Table IV-l). In terms of the whole sample, about one-fifth of the adult population recall science stories and an equal pro• portion recall medical-items.
Table IV-l
Recall of Science and Medical Items from Magazines
Magazine Audience Total Sample
Science Medicine Science Medicine
Recalls one or more items 31% 29% 21% 20%
Claims recall, but cannot remember item 7 8 5 6
Reports pseudo-science _ (-) _ (-) Reports science fiction # (-) •if- C-) Reports other fiction •H- C-) (-)
Recalls no science (or medicine) 62 63 ho ho
Reads no magazines (-) (-) 33 33
Not ascertained # 1 1
100% 100% 100% 100%
N (1286) (1919) 87
Social Characteristics of the Science Audience
Twice as many men magazine readers recall science stories as women readers (Table IV-2). The relationship of science recall to age is a little erratic, but the tendency is a general decrease with age.
Regional variations show a somewhat unusual pattern: the West and Midwest are high, but the Northeast and not the South, trails the list. The relation of science recall to place of residence is fairly homogeneous across the rural-urban spectrum, although metropolitan centers rank lowest in recall. It is interesting to note that rural areas and towns, middle sized cities and metropolitan suburbs are about equal; the character of the magazine audi• ence is probably a contributing factor to this homogeneity. Magazine readers, wherever they are found, appear to constitute an elite group in comparison to the other media audiences.
Table 17-2
Recall of Science from Magazines, by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of science recall story or more NA Total cases Sex
Male 50 6 28 15 -K- 100% (532) Female 72 7 15 6 •a- 100% (751*)
Age
21 - 2l* 55 3 32 10 100% (90) 2? - 29 59 5 25 11 w 100% (11*9) 30 - 31* 66 6 21 7 — 100% (163) 35 - 39 57 3 21* 16 -a- 100% (165) 1*0 - 1*1* 66 8 17 9 _ 100% (171) 1*5 - 1*9 59 9 22 9 1 100% (117) 50 - 51* 62 8 18 11 1 100% (132) 55 - 59 69 7 17 7 100% (98) 60 - 61* 63 10 18 9 _ 100% (67) 65 and over 71 8 13 8 - 100% (126)
Region
Northeast 72 8 13 7 100% (319) Midwest 60 1* 21* 12 * 100% (1*15) West 56 6 21* li* 100% (193) South 62 7 21 10 # 100% (359)
(continued) 88
Table IV-2 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of science recall story or more NA Total cases Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 69 il 22 k 1 100* (151) Metropolitan suburbs 58 10 18 lli — 100* (179) Cities 50,000 and over 63 6 19 12 — 100* (200) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 67 ii 19 9 100* (300) Places under 2,500 61* 3 25 7 1 100* (71) Rural 59 8 22 10 100* (385)
Religion
Protestant 62 6 20 11 100* (920) Catholic 61* 7 23 6 - 100* (279) Jewish 68 7 16 9 - 100* (li3) None 53 11 29 7 100* (28)
Education
Grade school 75 il 111 7 # 100* (316) Some high school 68 7 18 6 1 100* (263) Completed high school 58 7 2k 11 - 100* (393) College 52 8 25 15 — 100* (311)
Income
Less than $1,000 77 6 9 8 100* (52) $1,000 - 1,999 78 5 8 9 _ 100* (88) $2,000 - 2,9°9 71 10 15 3 1 100* (131*) $3,000 - 3,999 71 2 18 8 1 100* (166)
$1,000 - k9999 60 il 26 10 100* (162) $5,000 - 5,999 59 6 25 10 — 100* (222) $6,000 - 7,1*9? 60 8 23 9 — 100* (171) $7,500 and over 51 9 • 23 17 - 100* (25D
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Religious differences are slight, but there is a strong relationship of education and income to recall of science among magazine readers.
The social profile of medical news readers differs in a number of ways from the above profile (Table IV-3). Recall of medical items is more prevalent among women than men and there is no clear cut relationship to age. 89
Table IV-3
Recall of Medicine from Magazines, by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of medicine recall story or more NA Total cases Sex
Male 71 8 11* 7 •a 100* (532) Female 57 9 18 16 •M- 100* (751*)
Age
21 - 2/4 66 7 13 11* _ 100* (90) 25 - 29 63 5 20 12 - 100* (11*9) 30 - 31* 56 9 21 13 1 100* (163) 35 - 39 68 5 16 11 - 100* (165) 1*0 - 1*1* 55 12 12 21 - 100* (171) 1*5 - 1*9 62 9 19 . 9 1 100* (117) 50 - 51* •73 8 U 7 1 100* (132) 55 - 59 60 8 19 13 — 100* (98) 60 - 61* 6ii 8 13 15 - 100* (67) 65 and over 67 11 11* 8 - 100* (126)
Region
Northeast 61* 10 15 11 100* (319) Midwest 67 6 15 12 100* (1*15) West 53 8 18 21 - 100* (193) South 63 • 9 17 10 1 100* (359)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 66 h 21 8 1 100* (151) Metropolitan suburbs 51* 12 15 19 - 100* (179) Cities 50,000 and over 61* 7 11* 15 - 100* (200) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 63 8 19 10 100* (300) Places under 2,500 73 1* 9 11* - 100* (71) Rural 61* 10 15 11 100* (385)
Religion
Protestant 63 9 16 12 * 100* (920) Catholic 61* 7 16 13 - 100* (279) Jewish 53 9 26 12 - 100* (li3) None 57 7 22 11* - 100* (28)
(continued) 90
Table IV-3 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of medicine recall story stories NA Total cases Education
Grade school 76 li 12 7 l 100* (316) Some high school 65 8 16 11 100* (263) Completed high school 61* 9 15 12 100* (393) College U7 12 21 20 loo* (311)
Income
Less than $1,000 79 . 6 7 8 100* (52) $1,000 - 1,999 69 9 15 7 - 100* (88) $2,000 - 2,999 61 10 13 15 i 100* (131*) $3,000 - 3,999 67 3 16 13 i 100* (166) $li,000 - JU,999 66 6 16 12 100* (162) $5,000 - 5,999 58 9 19 Hi - 100* (222) $6,000 - 7,1*99 6h 9 17 10 - 100* (171) $7,500 and over 57 11 17 15 - 100* (25D
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The West leads the regions in medical recall; the other regions cluster to• gether at a somewhat lower level. The rural-urban picture shows metropolitan suburbs highest on recall, with small towns in last place in the distribution.
The Jews outrank the Catholics and Protestants. There is a firm positive relationship between recall of medical items and both income and education.
Content of Recalled Science and Medicine
Of the science recalled by magazine readers, the technological area stands out most prominently (15%). Add to this the readers who recalled aeronautic items (8%) and atomic energy (8*) and the emphasis on applied science stands out even more clearly. Ten per cent recalled items which fall under the heading of various other sciences and research areas (Table IV-l*).
No one specific topic under any of -these headings consisted of more than li per cent of those in the magazine audience; agricultural application of science and automotive technology were the two topics recalled by h per cent. 91
Table IV-li
Types of Science Stories Recalled from Magazines
Atomic energy Technology
-Atomic weapons, e.g., bombs -Industrial uses, technical missiles, cannons 3% processes 2% -Other military uses, atomic -Consumer uses, automotive h submarines, etc. 1 -Consumer uses, non-automotive, -Peaceful uses, medical # inventions and gadgets 2 -Peaceful uses, non-medical 1 '-Agricultural uses h -Radiation danger and -Purely military uses, related problems 1 armaments, weapons -Other aspects of atomic -Electronics, radar, energy, vague mentions electrical brain of atoms 2 -Other aspects of technology
Sciences and research areas Other
-Physi cs * -Pseudo-science, occult, -Chemistry # numerology -Astronomy, related matters 2 -Science fiction •K- -Meteorology and weather 1 -Other fiction -Geology 1 -Specific column (program) -Biology, botany, physiology 3 .NA content -Social sciences 1 -Archaeology 1 -Exploration 1 -Science as a profession, biography, history of science •> -Other science fields 1
Aeronautic -Claims to have seen stories, but doesn't know or not • -Airplanes and related 3% ascertained what 7% -Space travel and related 2 -Has seen no science stories 62 -Space satellites 3 -Not ascertained
N 1286
The picture for medical stories recalled by magazine readers shows the same scattering of topics (Table IV-5). Heart disease (10%) and cancer (6%) lead the list with polio and mental illness following. Beyond these areas a large number of items make up the reading pattern of the magazine audience. It is interesting to note that 9 per cent of the readers could not recall the sub• stance of their medical reading although they said they remembered reading something. 92
Table IV-S "
Types of Medical Stories Recalled from Magazines
Heart Cancer
-Heart disease, cause, -Cause, prevention, cure 3% prevention, cure -Cancer fund -Heart fund -Vague, not specific 3 -Vague information, not -Other information •M- specific -Other specific information 1 •!
Folio Mental illness
-Salk vaccine only mentioned 2% -General aspects, causes, -Cause, prevention, cure treatment, diagnosis 2$ (other than vaccine only) •«• -Psychotherapy -Polio fund **• -Drug therapy, excluding -Vague, not specific 2 tranquilizers -Other information 2 -Other therapy •M- -Vague, not specific 2 -Other information
Other diseases Other medical information
-Arthritis and rheumatism 1% -Routine health care,, diet, -Child health and related 1 sleep, etc. 2% -Common cold * -Mentions specific column 1 -Tuberculosis * -Fluoridation * -Other diseases h -Radiation dangers 1 -Accidents * Other psychological items -Tranquiliz e rs * -Public health * -General stresses and strains -History of medicine, of life 1* biography 1 -Child psychology 1 -Reads "everything" on medicine # -Adult psychological life, -Other miscellaneous family, marriage, work- information 5 related problems * -Anti-social behavior, crimes, -Mentions information but drug addiction, etc. * not from medium -Psychosomatic illnesses # -Read something but doesn't -Other psychological or know or NA what 9 sociological information - 1 -No, read nothing 63 -Wot ascertained *
N - 1286 93
Evaluation of Science in Magazines
Magazine readers who have read science are highly satisfied with the presen• tation of science in their medium.
As Table II-15 showed, half find the writing very easy to understand, and three out of five feel science is presented in a very interesting fashion. The completeness and the accuracy of the stories are rated somewhat lower with about two out of five expressing the highest satisfaction about these aspects of science writing.
This is a generally positive picture in comparison with newspapers and radio. Only the television group is as satisfied with its medium.
Recall of Science and Medicine
Most of the magazine readers who. recall medicine also recall science stories. However, there is no more likelihood of recalling a great deal .of science (two or more items) if one recalls a great deal of medicine than if one re• calls only one medical item.
Table IV-6
Relationship between Recall of Science and Medicine from Magazines
Recall of Medicine
Recalls Recalls Recalls no Claims one two Recall of Science medicine recall story or more
Recalls no science 6h% 19* 72* 73* Claims recall # 72 1 1 Recalls one story 2h 8 19 17 Recalls two or more 12 1. 8 9
100* 100* 100* 100*
•N - (.810) (105). (206) (160)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 9k
Magazine Science and the Other Media
Do those who recall science from magazines also recall science from the other media?
Of all those who recall science from the magazines, 80 per cent also recall science from other media. The percentages are shown below:
Recalls science from: Magazines alone 20* Magazines and newspapers 69% Magazines and radio 15% Magazines and television 39%
Newspapers are the outstanding additional source of recalled science for the magazine group. Television is less prominent and radio is a minor additional science source.
The data on the patterns of science information are shown in more detail in Table IV-7. The essence of this table is that the more science items that are recalled from magazines,- the more readers tend to recall science from newspapers and television. But there is no relationship between recall from magazines and from radio.
Table IV-7
Recall of Science from Magazines by Recall of Science from Other. Media
Recalls Recalls Recalls Reads Claims one two no no recall story or more science magazines Recall from Newspapers
Claims recall 10* k% 1% k% 2% Recalls one story 2k 21 18 16 12 Recalls two stories 1k 2k 26 12 5 Recalls three or more 10 15 32 6 2 Recalls no science k2 29 15 58 57 Reads no paper - 1 1 3 21 Not ascertained _ 1 1 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 95
Table IV-7 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls Reads Claims one two no no recall story or more science magazines Recall from Radio
Claims recall 2* 6* 5* ii* 2* Recalls one story 5 12 13 6 ii Recalls two stories 1 1 5 1' •* Recalls three or more «• * 1 * 1 Recalls no science 70 68 66 71 69 Listens to no radio 22 12 9 18 2ii Not ascertained 1
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Recall from Television
Claims recall 6 12 8 6 5 Recalls one story 23 28 27 15 9 Recalls two stories 6 8 10 h 3 Recalls three or more 1 1 5 1 •a Recalls no science 59 u3 hh 63 6ii Watches no television h 8 5 11 19 Not ascertained 1 l *
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (83) (263) (129) (807) (633)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted
Science and Medical Recall from Radio
Although the radio is listened to by about eight out of ten adults, it has the smallest science audience of any of the four mass media. Only one out of ten radio listeners can recall a science or medical item they have heard recently (Table IV-8). 96
Table IV-8
Recall of Science and Jfecttcal Items from Radio
Radio Audience Total Sample
Science Medicine Science Medicine
Recalls one or more items 10$ 9* 8* 7*
Claims recall but cannot remember item h 5 k h
Reports pseudo-science (-) -ss- (-) Reports science fiction •Sf- (-) (-) Reports other fiction # (-) •M- (-)
Recalls no science (or medicine) ' 85 86 69 70 Heard no radio (-) (-) 19 19
Not ascertained •H- -* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (1562) (1919f
Social Characteristics of the Radio Science Audience
One of the most startling things about the kinds of people who recall science from the radio is that they are spread almost uniformly throughout the popu• lation. No one social factor is more than mildly associated with recall of science (Table IV-9).
There are no appreciable differences in recall by sex, religion, region, rural- urban, or place of residence. Age shows an erratic, but not striking pattern, and the same is true for income. Only education shows any consistent relation• ship and that is only a mild positive correlation. 97
Table IV-9
Recall of Science from Radio, by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of science recall story or more NA Total cases Sex
Male Bh ii 9 2 100% (679) Female 86 1; 8 2 100% (883)
Age
21 - 2h 77 ii 15 3 1 100% (109) 25 - 29 86 ii 8 2 100% (162) 30 - 3k 85 6- 7 2 - 100% (187) 35 - 39 85 5 8 2 - 100% (191) ho - kk 83 h 11 2 _ 100% (206) h5 - k9 89 3 ii ii - 100% (151) 50 - Sh 89 1 8 2 - 100% (161) SS - 59 85 3 10 2 - 100% (112) 60 - 6k 90 7 3 - - 100% (8?) 65 and over 85 7 8 - 100% (185) Region
Northeast 86 3 8 2 1 100% (383) Midwest 86 ii 8 2 - 100% (509) West 83 ii 9 ii 100% (22U) South Bh 6 8 2 - 100% (iiU6)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 86 2 10 1 1 100% (21L) Metroplitan suburbs 85 5 7 3 - 100% (20li) Cities 50,000 and over 89 2 6 2 * 100% (2ii0) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 85 6 8 1 - 100% (333) Places under 2,500 ' Bh ii 11 1 — 100% (79) Rural 83 6 9 2 - 100% (h92) Religion
Protestant Bh 5 9 2 •w- 100% (1118) Catholic 89 3 7 1 - 100% (3ii5) Jewish 89 h 7 — _ 100% (16) None 86 6 8 - - 100% (36)
(continued) 98
Table IV-9 continued. 'Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of science recall story or more NA Total cases Education
Grade school 89 3 7 1 * 100* (563) Some high school 87 ii 7 2 ' - 100* (319) Completed high school 83 ii 10 3 - 100* (387) College 79 7 11 2 # 100* (289)
Income
Less than $1,000 85 6 7 2 - 100* (113) $1,000 - 1,999 83 6 8 3 - ioo* (i5o) $2,000 - 2,999 92 2 6 - - 100* (173) $3,000 - 3,999 80 3 13 - 100* (197) $4,000 - 4,999 86 6 8 - 100* (209) $5,000 - 5,999 8U 5 9 2- - 100* (2ii8) $6,000 - 7,499 84 ii. 9 3 - 100* (191) $7,500 and over 86 3 7 ii * 100* (231)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Social Characteristics of Medical Recall in Radio Audience
The recall pattern of medical news is similar, in many respects, to the recall of science. No large relationships appear (Table IV-10). Education is cor• related to extent of medical recall in a positive way, but the differences are not striking. Westerners tend to recall somewhat less medical news than those living in other parts of the country, but this is a small difference. ' Jewish respondents tend to recall more medical stories, but exceed Protestants and Catholics by only a few percentage points.
As with most of the findings about the radio audience, both medical and non• medical recall do not display the strong relationships evident in the news• paper audience. 99
Table IV-10
Recall of Medical Stories from Radio, by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of medicine recall story or more NA Total cases Sex
Male 88 5 5 2 100% (679) Female 85 5 6 1* - 100% (883)
Age
21 - 2h 80 1* 7 8 1 100% (109) 25-29 81* 5 • 7 1* 100% (162) 30 - 3Jj 81* 6 8 2 - 100% (187) 35 - 39 89 k 3 1* - 100% (191) 1*0 - lil* 87 5 5 3 — 100% (206) 1*5 - 1*9 85 5 7 3 - 100% (151) 50-51* • 88 • 3 6 3 - 100% (161) 55 - 59 86 3 5 6 - 100% (112) 60 - 6k 88 8 3 1 - 100% (89) 65 and over 88 6 3 3 - 100% (185)
Region
Northeast • 86 1* 7 3 * 100% (383) Midwest 85 1* 6 5 - 100% (509) West 90 5 3 2 - 100% (221;) South 85 7 5 3 - 100% (1*1*6)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan cities 89 . -3 8 _ 100% (211*) Metropolitan suburbs 83 5 7 5 100% (201;) Cities 50,000 and over 91 2 3 1* - 100% (21*0) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 81* 7 6 3 - 100% (333) Places under 2,500 83 1* 9 1* - 100% (79) Rural 85 6 5 1* - 100% (1*92)
Religion
Protestant 85 6 5 1* 100% (1118) Catholic 89 3 5 3 100% (31*5) Jewish 82 1* 9 5 - 100% (1*5) None 89 6- 5 - - 100% (36)
(continued) 100
Table IV-10 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of medicine recall story stories NA Total cases Education
Grade school 90 h ii 2 - 100* (561) Some high school 88 h 5 3 - 100* (391) Completed high school 85 6 5 ii - 100* (385) College 77 7 10 6 * 100* (291) Income Less than $1,000 83 8 5 ii - 100* (113) $1,000 - 1,999 87 7 3 3 - 100* (150) $2,000 - 2,999 88 5 h 3 - 100* (173) $3,000 - 3,999 83 3 9 5 - 100* (197) $li,000 - h, 999 87 6 6 l - 100* (209) $5,000 - 5,999 89 5 3 3 - 100* (21*8) $6,000 - 7,U99 85 5 5 5 - 100* (191) $7,500 and over 81t 2 8 6 -* 100* (231)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Content of Recalled Science and Medical Stories
Radio listeners recall so little science and medicine that the categories of content have .but a few scattered entries (Table IV-11 and IV-12). Science content falls almost entirely under the heading of applied science. Medical content is as sparse' even the most publicized diseases show up very poorly.
Table IV-11
Types of Science Stories Recalled from Radio
Atomic energy Technology
-Atomic weapons, e.g., bombs, -Industrial uses, technical missiles, cannons 2* processes -Other military uses, atomic -Consumer uses, automotive submarines, etc. -Consumer uses, non-automotive, -Peaceful uses, medical inventions, gadgets -Peaceful uses, non-medical * -Agricultural uses -Radiation danger and related -Purely military uses, problems 1 armaments, weapons -Other aspects of atomic energy, -Electronics, radar, . vague mentions of atoms 1 electrical brain •H- -Other aspects of technology 7
(continued) 101
Table IV-11 continued.
Aeronautic Other
-Airplanes and related % -Pseudo-science, occult, -Space travel and related 1 numerology •a- -Space satellites 1 -Science fiction -a -Other fiction Sciences and research areas -Specific column (program) NA content -Physics -Chemistry -Astronomy, related matters -Meteorology and weather -Geology -Biology, botany, physiology * -Claims to have heard stories, -Social sciences but doesn't know or not -Archaeology •8- ascertained what -Exploration -Has heard no science stories 85 -Science as a profession, -Not ascertained biography, history of science -Other science fields •ft
N = 1562
Table IV-12
Types of Medical Stories Recalled from Radio
Heart Cancer
-Heart disease, cause^ -Cause, prevention, cure 1% prevention 1% -Cancer fund -Heart fund •* -Vague, not specific 1 -Vague information, not specific 1 -Other information •H- -Other specific information #
Polio Mental illness
-Salk vaccine only mentioned 2% -General aspects, causes, -Cause, prevention, cure treatment, diagnosis (other than vaccine only) 1 -Psychotherapy -Polio fund # -Drug therapy, excluding -Vague, not specific 1 tranquilizers -Other information * -Other therapy -Vague, not specific -Other information
(continued) 102
Table IV-12 continued.
Other psychological items Other medical information
-General stresses and strains -Routine health care, diet, of life sleep, etc. -Child psychology -Mentions specific program -Adult psychological life, -Fluoridation 1 family, marriage, work- -Radiation dangers related problems -Accidents -Anti-social behavior, crimes, -Tranquilizers • drug addiction, etc, -Public health -Psychosomatic illnesses -History of medicine, -Other psychological or biography sociological information' -Hears "everything" on medicine -Other miscellaneous Other diseases information
-Arthritis and rheumatism # -Mentions information but -Child health and related •h- not from medium -Common cold # -Heard something but doesn't -Tuberculosis # know or NA what 5 -Other diseases 1 -No, heard nothing 86 -Not ascertained
N = 1562
Evaluation of Science in Radio
Those radio listeners who reported hearing something about science were relatively satisfied with the science in terms of ease of understanding and the degree to which the programs were interesting (Table II-15). Forty-four per cent and 1*3 per cent, respectively, said the science was very easy and very interesting. However, only half as many (21%) felt it to be very complete. One third felt that the science presented was very accurate, but UO per cent said it was only "rather accurate."
The evaluations, while largely on the positive side, indicate that complete• ness and perceived accuracy are the two weakest aspects as far as science on the radio is concerned. 103
Recall of Science Versus Recall of Medicine
The recall of medical and science items from the radio go hand in hand. Those able to recall more medical stories are also more likely to recall science stories (Table IV-13).
Table IV-13
Recall of Science and Medicine from Radio
Recall of Medicine
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls no Claims one two three medicine recall story stories or more
Recalls no science 11*% 6/4% ' 71*% 58% . Claims recall 83 1 _ - Recalls one story 7 1 29 18 37 Recalls two stories 1 1 h 8 5 Recalls three or more 1 2 - -
100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (13U3) (75) (85) (38) (19) '
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Radio Science and the Other Media
Those who recall science from the radio do not rely on It exclusively. About three-quarters recall science from other media as well. The figures are shown below: Recalls science from: Radio alone 23% Radio and newspapers 62% Radio and magazines 37% Radio and television 32%
The newspapers play the major part in providing additional science information and the magazines and television are about equally supplementary, although less prominent than the papers. 10h
The pattern of science recall for the radio group may be seen in detail in Table IV-Hn It is interesting to note that there is no relationship between the .amount of science recalled from radio and that recalled from newspapers and television. There is, however, a slight positive association between extent of recall from radio and magazines.
Table IV-L4
Recall of Science from Radio by Recall of Science from Other Madia
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Listens Claims one two three no to no recall story stories or more science radio Recall from Newspapers
Claims recall 15* 2% h% - li* 3% Recalls one story 10 28 17 36 16 ' 15 Recalls two stories 9 18 22 25 12 11 Recalls three or more 17 15 22 - 7 6 Recalls no science 1*5 27 35 12 52 51i Reads no newspaper h 10 - 25 8 11 Not ascertained - - - - 1 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Recall from Magazines
Claims recall 3* 3* h% „ 11% 5* Recalls one story 23 25 9 12 lh 9 Recalls two or more 9 13 31 12 6 3 Recalls no science he 38 . 52 38 k3 ho Reads no magazines 19 21 h 38 - 33 h3 Not ascertained - - - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Recall from Television
Claims recall 15* li* 9* 13* 6* 7* Recalls one story 16 25 22 12 15 15 Recalls two stories 7 8 h - ii li Recalls three or more 1 - 9 - 1 - Recalls no science h9 hS h3 50 60 6h Watches no television 12 16 13 25 13 9 Not ascertained - - - - * 1 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 105
In summary, the radio has the smallest science audience of the mass media. Although this audience is almost uniformly spread over the entire population, it seems to be the most isolated. This isolation is expressed in two ways. Relatively few of the members of the other science audiences recall science from radio and there is practically no relationship between the extent of science recall from radio and from other media.
Science and the Television Audience
The television audience is second only to the newspaper audience in size; more than seventeen out of twenty adults watch television regularly. Twenty- four per cent of the viewers recall science and 28 per cent recall medical items from their medium (Table IV-15).
Table IV-15
Recall of Science and Medical Items from Television
Television Audience Total Sample
Science Medicine Science Medicine
Recalls one or more items 2l& 28% 22% 25%
Claims recall, cannot remember item 8 8 5 7
Reports pseudo-science * (-) # <-) Reports science fiction 8 <-) 8 (-) Reports other fiction 1 (-) 1 (-)
Recalls no science (or medicine) 59 63 51 55
Watches no television (-) (-) 12 12
Not ascertained # 1 1 1 100% 100% 100% 100% N = * (1679) (1919) 106
Social Characteristics and Science and Medical Recall
Men recall more science from television than women (Table IV-16). The rela• tionship of science recall and age is a little erratic, but there is a trend of decreasing science recall with age. It is interesting to note that science transmitted by television is having its greatest impact in the younger age groups. There are no significant differences among the major religious groups and only slight regional variations occur—the Midwest leads and the Northeast and South trail.
The rural-urban spectrum shows that science on television has its least impact in metropolitan centers and its greatest impact in the metropolitan suburbs and the rural areas, although the other urbanized areas are close behind.
Income shows a strange relationship: the lowest income bracket.shows rela• tively high recall, but after that, there is a drop which gradually builds back up with increasing income. Education shows the clearest relationship: a strong positive correlation with science recall.
Table IV-16
Recall of Science from Television, by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two of science recall story or more NA Total cases Sex
Male 62 8 22 8 * 100* (733) Female 71 7 15 6 1 100* (9U6)
Age
21 - 2k 65 3 25 I - 100* (119) 2$ - 29 61 8 21 9 1 100* (193) 30 - 3k 68 6 18 7 1 100* (221) 35 - 39 63 7 21 9 100* (210) ko - kh 66 9 20 5 - 100* (231) bS - k9 67 6 21 5 1 100* (170) 50 - 5u 71 11 13 5 - 100* (167) 55 - 59 79 it 11 5 1 100* (108) 60 - 6k 69 10 lit 7 - 100* (88) 11 65 and over 70 12 5 2 100* (165)
(continued) 107
Table IV-16 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls' Number no Claims one two of science recall story or more NA Total cases Region
Northeast 71 6 17 6 * 100% (1*26) Midwest 65 7 22 6 * 100% (525) West 65 8 21 5 1 100% (21*0) South 68 10 ll* • 6 * 100%. (1*88)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 73 7 11* 1* 2 100% (237) Metropolitan suburbs 67 5 21 6 1 100% (233) Cities 50,000 and over 71 6 17 5 1 100% (259) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 66 9 18 7 — 100% (388) Places under 2,500 63 12 20 5 _ 100% (810 Rural 61* / 9 18 9 - 100% (u78)
Religion
Protestant 66 9 18 7 * 100% (1180) Catholic 70 7 17 6 -H- 100% (392) Jewish 72 1* 22 2 — 100% (1*9) None 75 3 15 5 2 100% (1*0)
Education
Grade school 79 7 11 3 100% (51*1) Some high school 69 7 17 6 1 100% (362) Completed high school 62 9 22 7 100% (1*70) College 53 8 27 12 - 100% (301*)
Income
Less than $1,000 73 5 11 • 10 1 100% (78) $1,000 - 1,999 77 7 11 1* 1 100% (117) $2,000 - 2,999 7U 7 15 3 1 100% (178) $3,000 - 3,999 73 8 13 6 10O% (228) - 100% $h9OO0 - 1(,999 67 10 18 5 (253) $5,000 - 5,999 61* 7 20 9 100% (296) $6,000 - 7,1*99 63 8 23 6 - 100% (213) $7,500 and over 5.8 7 25 10 - 100% (267)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted 108
In terms of medical recall, the women lead the men slightly (Table IV-17). Age shows no particular trend; Catholics lead by a slight margin. The Mid• west shows seme superiority; residents of metropolitan centers and large cities recall the least, while, the metropolitan suburbanites and dwellers in the smaller cities tend to recall more.
Income and education, again, are the two variables most strongly related to medical recall from television.
Table IV-17
Recall of Medical Stories from Television by Social Characteristics
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two three of medicine recall story stories or more NA Total cases Sex
Male 67 8 18 5 2 100% (733) Female 61 7 21 8 2 1 100% (9u6)
Age
21 - 2k 66 6 21 k 3 100% (119) 25-29 63 6 21 7 3 100% (193) 30 - 31* 59 7 23 8 2 1 100% (221) 35 - 39 6k 5 18 10 3 — 100% (210) ho - 1*1* 6k 7 23 h 2 - 100% (231) 1*5 - Ii9 66 8 19 k • 3 — 100% (170) 50 - Sk 61 10 20 8 1 100% (167) SS - 59 65 7 17 8 2 1 100% (108) 60 - 6k 63 7 20 6 k — 100% (88) 65 and over 67 111 11 k 2 2 100% (165)
Region
Northeast 6U 8 19 8 1 100% (1*26) Midwest 56 9 23 9 3' 100% (525) West 65 7 18 5 3 2 100% (21*0) South 69 7 18 k 2 •ft 100% (1*88)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan cities 67 8 17 h 3 1 100% (237) Metropolitan suburbs' 59 5 25 7 . 3 1 100% (233) Cities 50,000 and over 70 6 15 6 , 2 1 100% (259) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 61 8 21 - 7 3 - 100% (367) Places under 2,500 58 10 2li 7 1 _ 100% (81*) Rural 63 9 19 7 2 - 100% (U78)
(continued) 109
Table IV-17 continued.
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Number no Claims one two three of medicine recall story stories or more NA Total cases Religion Protestant 65 8 20 5 2 - 100% (117li) Catholic 59 8 21 9 3 - 100% (391) Jewish 61* 8 12 10 6 - 100% (1*9) None 67 5 20 5 — 3 100% (1*0)
Education
Grade school 72 7 13 5 2 1 100% (539) Some high school 61 8 22 7 1 1 100% (361*) Completed high school 60 9 20 8 3 # 100% (1*68) College 56 7 26 6 5 ** 100% (306)
Income
Less than $1,000 77 6 13 3 1 100% (78) $1,000 - 1,999 73 9 1U 3 1 100% (117) #2,000 - 2,999 62 8 20 7 2 1 100% (178) $3,000 - 3,999 61* 9 19 7 1 - 100% (228) $1*,000 - 1,999 62 - 9 18 6 ii 1 100% (253) $5,000 - 5,999 63 7 22 5 3 100% (296) $6,000 - 7,1*99 57 8 22 11 2 - 100% (213) $7,500 and over 61 8 21 6 ii - 100% (267)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Content of Science and Medicine Seen on Television
The science recalled by the television audience has no major focus. No single category is mentioned by more than 3 per cent of the viewers (Table IV-18). . As with science recalled in the other media, the technological theme runs through most of the items.
Science fiction, as was pointed out earlier, was mentioned by 8 per cent of the viewers as if it were genuine science news. In part this confusion may have resulted from the desire to give an answer to the question, but most likely it reflects the growing fuzziness of the border between fantasy and possibility. One cannot assume that these people were all really confused by fiction and took it for fact. In the dawning space age possibilities are becoming probabilities, and probabilities are becoming realities very rapidly. And one need not be unduly alarmed to find the layman relying on fiction to foreshadow the future. 110
Table IV-18
Types of Science Stories Recalled from Television
Atomic energy Technology
-Atomic weapons, e.g., bombs, -Industrial uses, technical missiles, cannons 3% processes 1% -Other military uses, atomic -Consumer uses, automotive •ft- submarines, etc. 1 -Consumer uses, non-automotive, -Peaceful uses, medical •a inventions and gadgets 2 -Peaceful uses, non-medical 1 -Agricultural uses 1 -Radiation danger and related -Purely military uses, problems armaments, weapons 1 -Other aspects of atomic energy, -Electronics, radar, vague mentions of atoms 3 electrical brain 1 -Other aspects of technology 1 Aeronautic
-Airplanes and related 3%' Other -Space travel and related 2 -Space satellites 1 -Pseudo-science, occult, numerology •«• Sciences and research areas -Science fiction 8 -Other fiction 1 -Physics 1% -Specific column (program) -Chemistry NA content 3 -Astronomy, related matters 2 -Meteorology and weather •* -Geology # -Biology, botany, physiology 3 -Claims to have seen stories, -Social sciences 1 but doesn't know or not -Archaeology 1 ascertained what 8* -Exploration 1 -Has seen no science stories 59 -Science as a profession, -Not ascertained •a- biography, history of science 1 -Other science fields 1
N * 1679
Based on an overall judgment of the interviews it was estimated that perhaps 8 per cent of the respondents seemed to confuse science fiction for science fact. But this is largely an impressionistic rating. Undoubtedly, most people can discriminate between fiction and fact, but this does not mean that intelligent presentation of space-age science is unnecessary. Looking at the problem optimistically, science fiction may very well be stirring interests which can be utilized by science writers. Ill
The medical stories recalled by the television audience were almost as diverse as the science items (Table IV-19). Heart disease was the single topic that stood out at all (11% mentioned it), and mental illness and cancer (with h% and 3%) were the next most prominent-
In summary, the two types of science information recalled by television viewers included mentions of many scattered topics. It is difficult to assess how effective television is in science transmission, but it is clear that although the mediumtouches the lives of nearly as many people as the newspapers, markedly fewer are receiving science information from the new medium.
Table TV-19
Types of Medical Stories Recalled from Television
Heart Cancer
-Heart disease, cause, -Cause, prevention, cure 2% prevention " 1% -Cancer fund -Heart fund # -Vague, no specifics 1 -Vague information, no specifics 3 -Other information -Other specific information 1 Mental illness Polio -General aspects, causes, -Salk vaccine only mentioned # treatment, diagnosis 1% -Cause, prevention, cure -Psychotherapy (other than vaccine only) # -Drug therapy, excluding -Polio fund • * tranquilizers -Vague, no specifics 1 -Other therapy -Other information -> -Vague, no specifics -Other information
Other psychological items Other medical information
-General stresses and strains -Routine health care, diet, of life * sleep, etc. 1% -Child psychology 1 -Mentions specific program -Adult psychological life, family, -Fluoridation marriage, work-related problems # -Radiation dangers -Anti-social behavior, crimes, -Accidents drug addiction, etc. 1 -Tranquilizers -Psychosomatic illnesses * -Public health -Other psychological or -History of medicine, biography l sociological information # .-Reads "everything" on medicine -Other miscellaneous information
(continued) 112
Table IV-19 continued.
Other diseases -Mentions information but not from medium -Arthritis and rheumatism 1% -Saw something but doesn't -rChild health and related 1 know or not ascertained -Common cold what 8 -Tuberculosis -No, saw nothing 63 -Other diseases 5 -Not ascertained 1
N - 1679
A tally of the programs mentioned by name as sources of science reveals another aspect of science on television (Table IV-20). There were 5ul re• spondents who could name a program on which they claimed to have seen science information. Not all the alleged science news was considered legitimate science recall. For instance, of the programs which have a fictional format, only "Medic" was considered sufficiently informational to be accepted as a source of science news. The list of programs, mentioned by 1 per cent or more of those who named a program, shows that fictional programs with medical trap• pings were considered by some viewers as sources of science. Science fiction, too, was mentioned frequently. This reveals the central problem in presenting science on .television.
The fact that television is conceived to be mainly a source of entertainment affects the way science news is perceived on the medium. The dramatized presentation is expected, and there appears to be some difficulty in dis• tinguishing between drama with science overtones and science information presented dramatically. Although this may be upsetting to those who wish to present straight informational content, it does indicate that television may . be able to build on this expectation of spectacle and drama in the presentation of science news.
It will take a great deal of care and caution to present science information without becoming side-tracked by gimmicks and exaggeration. But it seems reasonable to assume that television can become a much more important source of science news if the pictorial and dramatic potentialities of the medium are used to heighten the impact of information without being allowed to over• shadow it. 113
Table IV-20
Television Programs Named as a Source of Science News
Program named by 1 per cent or more • • 'I Medic ; :' 30.5% Science Fiction Theater 19.0 Disneyland 10.0 Medical Horizons 9.2 Mr. Wizard 8.5 Wide Wide World 7.9 General Electric commercials L.8 Dr. Hudson's Secret Journal 3.3 Omnibus 2.8 Science in Action 2.6 Telephone Hour 2.6 Mr. Hemo 2.6 Mr. Sun 2.2 March of Medicine 1.8 Dr. Christian 1.5 U. S. Steel Hour 1.3 Zoo Parade 1.3 University of Michigan program 1.1
Number who named a program « (Sal)
Note: Ninety-three iother programs were mentioned by less than 1 per cent of the group; many were named by only one respondent.
Science and Medical Recall
Most of those who recall medical items also recall science stories, but an increase in the one is not related to an increase in recall for the other (Table IV-21). Ilk
Table IV-21
Relationship of Medical and Science Recall on Television
Medical Recall
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls no Claims one two three Science Recall medicine recall story stories or more
Recalls no science 71% 19% 73* 77* 77* Claims :recal l 2 69 h 2 3 Recalls one story- 20 11 17 16 15 • Recalls two stories 6 1 5 3 - Recalls three or more 1 - • 1 2 5 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (1065) (219) (329) (108) (39)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The Evaluation of Science News
Those who reported seeing science on television expressed more satisfaction with their medium than did the other media groups (Table II-15). About three-fifths said science was very easy. Seven out of ten thought it very interesting. Half perceived television science as very accurate and 1*3 per cent felt the presentation to be very complete. Although satisfaction is high, the standards by which the science was judged may not be as stringent as in the other—especially the written—media. The high measure of satis• faction with the interesting manner of presentation gives a clue, possibly, to the generally positive reaction. The impact of pictorial presentation certainly must be reflected in the evaluation. This unique aspect of tele• vision probably has not been exploited in the presentation of science as much as it could be. Like the possibility of dramatic presentation, more imaginative use of the pictorial element could become a very valuable vehicle for science news presentation. 115
Recall of Science from Other Media
Of all those who recall science items from television, 71 per cent also re• call science from other media.
Recall science from: Television alone 29* Television and newspapers 59* Television and magazines 37* Television and radio 12*
Table IV-22 shows these relationships in terms of the extent of recall of items. The more science the television audience recalls, the more likely they are to recall science from newspapers and magazines. This relation• ship also holds in a mild manner for recall from radio, which is rather unusual since previous data have shown the relative isolation of radio from the other media. Television, it will be recalled, fits into the pattern as a source of science supplementing the written media.
The general impression left by the data on television is that, while the medium has risen quickly among the mass media,' its position in science news transmission is not yet stabilized. The aspects of television which are most helpful in serving its entertainment role, pose some unresolved prob• lems in terms of handling science information.
Table IV-22-
Recall of Science from Television
by Recall of Science from Other Media
Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Claims one two three no Saw no recall story stories or more science television Recall from Newspapers
Claims recall 6* 5* 7* 3* 3* Recalls one story 15 19 26 15 16 11 Recalls two stories 18 23 27 10 9 ii Recalls three or more 12 13 18 iiO 6 3 Recalls no science hh 36 21 35 57 52 Reads no newspaper 5 1 - 8 27 Not ascertained - - - - 1 •K- 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 116
Table IV-22 continued. Recalls Recalls Recalls Recalls Claims one two three no Saw no recall story stories or more science television Recall from Magazines
Claims recall It* 6* 5* 5* It* 1* Recalls one story 25 21* 2i* 10 10 9 Recalls two or more 8 12 15 35 5 3 Recalls no science 38 1*0 38 . 35 1*5 38 Reads no magazines 25 18 18 15 36 1*9 Not ascertained - - - - - •it 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Recall from Radio
Claims recall 8* It* 6* 5* 3* 3* Recalls one story h il 11 5 10 Recalls two stories l 2 1 10- 1 • 1 Recalls three or more l •it 1 Recalls no science 65 66 65- 85- 70 72 Heard no radio 21 17 17 - 20 13 Not ascertained - •if - - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (130) (301*) (89) (20) (1128) (21*0)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Summary
About one out of three in the magazine audience recall science items and about the same proportion recall medical stories. Science readers are more likely to be men while medical readers tend to be women. Education and income play a strong role in relation to recall from magazines. The magazine audience tends to be a relatively elite audience compared to the other media. In general, the magazine readers of science are highly satisfied with the way their medium presents science. In terms of supplementary media, the news• paper plays the largest supporting role.
The radio audience of science is scanty; only one out of ten listeners can recall Items they have heard. In terms of social characteristics, the science audience is unique in that it is spread very evenly throughout the population. Although reactions to science on the radio are generally favorable, com• pleteness and accuracy are its weakest aspects. The radio group derives a 117 great deal of supplementary science information from the papers. The radio is the weakest medium in terms of science.
Ground one out of four television viewers recall science and medical items. Education and income are the social factors most strongly related to science and medical recall from television. Science recall is greatest among the younger age brackets. Evaluations of science on television are very positive. Science fiction is strong on television and there is some confusion between it and legitimate science. Dramatic presentations of science, such as "Medic," have had the greatest impact.
In general, magazines, radio, and television are the sources of less science and medicine for the adult population than the newspapers. Most of the content of the recalled stories centers around technology and the major diseases. From the data it appears that the magazine science audience is somewhat more select than those of the other media. Television, which has unexplored potentialities for science news transmission, does not yet challenge the lead of the newspapers in this area. Chapter V
SCIENCE NEWS: FORMS AND CHANNELS
In the previous chapters, the size and distribution of the science audiences has been described and set within the general context of the mass media. In this chapter the focus begins to shift to the "whys" of science news con• sumption.
Like any complex behavior, science news consumption is the result of many factors operating together. The process may be analyzed under four general categories. We will consider (a) the channels of communication, (b) the forms in which the information is presented, (c) the skills necessary for understanding the communications, and (d) the motivations and interests which orient the individual to science news.
These factors are not, of course, as neatly separable as the categories might imply. The motivational heading, for instance, includes interests, beliefs, and general attitudes as well as the function served by science in the indi• vidual's life. Also, skills, which include both past education and current information, have very definite attitudinal and motivational aspects.
Access to Communication
In Chapters I and II, two important facts about access to science communi• cations were established. First, science news constitutes only a very small part of the total media content. Second, all but about 1 per cent of the sample is in one or more media audiences; about half are in all four major media audiences. It is true that certain objective factors, notably income, limit the access to the media, but even so the coverage is remarkable. There• fore, even though science news is a small part of media fare, nearly everyone has access to some channel on which it may be presented.
The fact that each medium transmits science to some portion of the public was established by figures on recall of medical and other science from the various media. Further, it was found that no single medium entirely mono• polizes the process of science news transmission, for people usually recall science news from a number of media, just as they usually report being in more than one media audience. The media supplement each other in various degrees with respect to science news, just as they do with news in general.
In short, whatever science news that appears in the mass media is available to nearly all the public in the sense that the channels of communication reach nearly everyone. 119
The Form of Science Presentation
Another facet of the communication process is the actual form of the presen• tation of news and the response it evokes. As we saw earlier, satisfaction is, in general, relatively high with regard to the form of science news as now presented on the various media.
But let us examine the problem of the presentation more closely to see.if it is possible to evoke differences in interest regarding science news by vari• ations in the way it is presented.
To study this problem a simple experiment was introduced into the survey - nine hypothetical science news stories were each presented in two ways: in a descriptive, topical fashion, and in a headline form. The two kinds of wordings were randomly presented to respondents so that roughly half reacted to one set and the- rest to the other. Respondents were asked to react to the hypothetical stories in terms of how interested they would be in such a story.
The nine topics were chosen to reflect two major kinds of interest value: those of more personal and utilitarian interest and those of more impersonal and abstract interest. In terms of motivation one may think of the two types of stories as evoking a practical, utilitarian orientation as contrasted to an intellectual, curiosity orientation.
The kinds of wordings were intended to contrast a general topical presen• tation with a more concrete and vivid presentation.
The reactions to the two sets of wordings may be seen in detail in Table V-l. A glance down the rank ordered list of topics reveals that decreasing interest is associated with decreasing personal relevance. Treatment of diseases, which has the highest personal impact, tops the list in terms of interest. Other topics concerned with personal safety and family survival—atomic war• fare and depressions—rank high. Family care and family relations, as reflected in food preparation and child psychology, stand next in line. Trailing the list come the four topics with more impersonal connotations. The space travel and rocket category is rated relatively low in interest value. Even though the survey was pre-Sputnik, the appeal of this almost "science fiction" category is surprisingly not much different from the topics of astronomy and archaeology. 120
Table V-l
Expressions of Interest in Nine Hypothetical Science Stories
Presented in Two Contrasting Forms
Very. Some- Not Don't much what very know NA Total Form A
New ways of treating diseases- 72 20 7 •ft 1 100* The effects of atomic bombs on human beings 63 21 15 •tt- 1 100* The cause of depressions and hard times in the United States 61 25 13 * 1 100* New scientific ways to prepare food hh 28 27 1 100* The psychology of how to raise children ho 25 3u •ft 1 100* The discovery of an ancient civilization 25 25 h9 1 100* Rockets ships and space travel 18 20 • 61 1 100* How molecules are held together 15 23 60 •* 2 100* The discovery of a new star li* 25 60 1 lob*
Form B
Can science protect you against heart disease 69 21 9 1 100* How you can protect your family against hard times 65 21 13 1 100* Foods that won't ever spoil 60 2k 15 l 100* Will atom bomb tests affect your health 58 26 li* 2 100* Will today's children be smarter than their parents hi 31 21 1 100* New chemical doubles mileage of gasoline h2 23 3h 1 100* Discovery of ruins confirms Biblical story of Ruth 28 32 39 1 100* Test of new rocket for first flight to moon announced 26 22 51 1 100* Newly discovered star gives clue to how world began 2l* 25 1*9 2 100* 121
The overall picture of the impact of the stories in these two forms may be seen in'Table V-2. The stories are ranked by the percentage of the sub- sample who said they would be "very much interested" in reading them. The lines connect the two versions of the stories and the differences between the percentages are shown to indicate the relative "pulling power" of the version.
Table V-2
Comparison of Two Forms of Science News Presentation
Form A Form B
New ways of treating diseases Can science protect you against 69 heart disease How you can protect your family 65 against hard times The effects of atomic bombs on human beings The causes of depressions and hard times in the United States .60 Foods that von't ever spoil Will atom bomb tests affect your 58 health Will today's children be smarter 1*7 than their parents New scientific ways to prepare food New chemical theory doubles The psychology of how 1*2 mileage of gasoline to raise children Discovery of ruins confirms 28 Biblical story of Ruth Test of new rocket for first 26 flight to moon announced The discovery of an ancient civilization 25 Newly discovered star gives ,2h clue to how world began Rocket ships and space travel How molecules are held together The discovery of a new star
Note: Percentages refer to those who said they would be "very much interested" in the stories. 122
Two generalizations stand out in the findings. In both wordings, the more personal, utilitarian stories attract more interest than the impersonal stories; personal relevance wins over curiosity value. Second, the more concrete and vivid "headlines," in Form B, in general, attract more interest.
These findings document the long-standing assumptions on which many journal• istic presentations are based. They do not necessarily imply that any kind of science content can be made more interesting to the public, but they indicate that fairly abstract topics can be infused with more interest value.
The "Power" of the Two Presentations
In order to assess the "pulling power" or attractiveness of the two types of science presentations, it was necessary to construct an overall score for the A and B forms. This was done by arbitrarily assigning a weight of one for "not very interested," two for "somewhat interested," and three for "very much interested" responses. The sum of these weights constitutes the science interest score for each of the two wordings. The scores, which could range from one to twenty-seven, were then collapsed into nine categories. The distributions of the scores for the two wordings were almost identical in shape.
In order to simplify and condense the presentation of the comparative data, only the percentage of those scoring high (22-27) on the interest scores is presented for inspection.
Table V-3 shows the percentage of each social category expressing high interest on the two types of wording. The essential findings of this table may be quickly seen by comparing differences across social categories and between the two forms for each social category. For instance, we see that men evidence more interest in the stories than women in both forms of presentation, but the form of the wording has an equal effect for both men and women in Increasing the level of interest.
The interest level varies erratically with age for both wordings although in every age bracket the B wording "pulls" more interest. The West shows the highest interest level under both wordings, but in all regions the B form produces an increase in interest which has only minor variations from region to region.
Rural-urban differences range from low pulling power in the metropolitan sub• urbs to relatively high power in the larger cities.
Interest in the stories in both forms increases with educational level. The most marked effect of the headline wording is on high school graduates, although all education groups are also affected. When we consider science courses as well as educational attainment, we see that high school graduates with no science training are most influenced by the headline wordings. 123
Table V-3
Percentages of Selected Social Categories Expressing High Interest
in the Two Presentations of Science Stories
Form A Form B Difference Sex
Male 2h- ho 16 Female 19 35 16
Age
21 - 2li 23 ii5 22 25 - 29 27 35 8 30 - 3k 2h 39 15 35 - 39 23 ii8 25 ho - hh 25 37 12 hS - h9 18 i*2 2h 50 - Sh 20 38 18 SS - 59 21 36 15 60 - 6h li! 36 22 65 and over 12 21 9
^ion
Northeast 2h 35 11 Midwest 20 39 . 19 West 29 ii2 13 South 17 35 18
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 22 35 13 Metropolitan suburbs 30 ho 10 Cities 50,000 and over 20 h3 23 Cities 2,500 - 50,000 26 39 13 Places under 2,500 23 ill 18 Rural 16 33 17 Education
Grade school 10 26 16 Some high school 19 31 12 Completed high school 28 5o 22 College 38 51 13
(continued) 12k
Table V-3 continued.
Form A Form B Difference
Science Education
Grade school - no science 10 26 16 Some high school - no science IS 30 15 - science 2k 3k 10 Completed high school - no science 20 hk 2k - science 30 51 21 College - high school science only 35 U7 12 - science in high school and college 39 55 16
Science information is positively related to science interest in both forms. It is noteworthy that the effect of the B wording also increases with higher information level (Table V-ii).
Two further relationships round out our picture of the effects of wording. The effect of the headline wording increases with the extent of science reading reported by the newspaper audience and also with the degree to which this audience wants more science in the papers.
These findings may be summarized as follows: the headline-type wordings produce an increase in interest level across most social groups; the degree of the effect increases with science information, the extent of current science reading, and desire for more science news. The skills, motivations, and current habits that support science news consumption also are, in general, the conditions under which the headline wordings have the greatest effect. Put another way, we can say that a high degree of current involvement with science makes it possible to stimulate an even greater interest. 125
Table V-l*
Percentage of Selected Groups Expressing High Interest
in the Two Presentations of Science Stories
Form A Form B Difference Science Information Score
0 (Low) 11 22 11 1 15 21* 9 2 17 31* 17 3 27 1*1* 17 1* (High) 35 60 25
Extent of Science Reading in Papers
Reads all 1*0 62 22 Reads some 21 1*3 22 Glances at 11 26 15 Skips over 9 12 3
Desire for Science in Papers
Wants more 38 59 21 Wants same 17 31* 17 Wants less 11 15 1*
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted,
Evaluations of Presentation
Earlier in the report it was pointed out that in terms of ease of under• standing, completeness, interest value, and accuracy, most consumers of science news rate the media toward the positive side of the scale. This picture of general satisfaction did show some variations between media: the magazine and television groups rated their media higher.
This finding leaves two questions unanswered. Do differences in evaluation also show up among those who name one of the media as their primary source of science? Are differences in evaluations mainly the result of differences in science information level?
To answer the first question on the relation of usage to evaluation, only those respondents were tabulated who named one medium as their main source 126 and who recalled non-medical science items from that medium. The results are shown in Table V-5. The magazine and television groups are generally the most satisfied on all counts, with the newspaper and radio groups ranking somewhat lower. Essentially,•then, those who are more than casual users of a particular medium react to it very much as-those who are in the broader- consuming group of that medium.
Table V-5
Evaluation of Science News by Primary Media Source of Science
Newspapers Magazines Radio Television Difficulty
Very easy 28* 53* 35* 5ii* Rather easy ho 35 u5 30 Half easy, half hard h ' 2 - 2 Rather hard 20 7 10 9 Very hard 3 1 2 ii
Don't know # _ _ Not ascertained _S 2 8 1 100* 100* 100* 100*
Completeness
Very complete 2l& hh% . 25* ' h6% Rather complete ii5 hh 31 37- Half complete, half incomplete 1 1 2 1 Rather incomplete 19 8 22 8 Very incomplete 2 # 2 2
Don't know h 1 ii 3 Not ascertained _i 2 Jk 3 100* 100* 100* 100*
Interest value
Very interesting h% 66* li9* 72* Rather interesting hh 31 33 22 Half interesting, half dull i 1 - 1 Rather dull 7 * 2 2 Very dull 1 - - 1
Don't know # ii •* Not ascertained _b 2 12 2 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 127
Table V-5 continued. Newspapers Magazines Radio Television Accuracy
Very accurate 29% h3% Ll% 5U% Rather accurate h9 h2 31 31 Half accurate, half inaccurate 1 # Rather inaccurate 3 2 - 1 Very inaccurate 1 - - 1
Feels unqualified to judge 8 7 •ii 6
Don't know k 2 ii ii Not ascertained __5 h 16 3
100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (598) (357) (li9) (382)
Note: Table does not include those cases who claim some medium as their major source of science news, but do not remember any article or program well enough to evaluate the science news.
Table V-6 summarizes the findings on the relation of science information to evaluations of the media. The table presents percentages of those at each information level reporting science from the given medium who gave the highest positive ratings. The percentages in the lowest information group (which scores zero on the scale) are based on a very small number of cases and are shown only for the sake of completeness; con elusions should be drawn only from data on groups scoring one to four.
With increasing information, science in newspapers, magazines, and television is evaluated as increasingly easy to understand. But radio science is seen about the same across information levels.
In terms of how interesting the science news presentation is perceived to be, television and newspaper science are evaluated as somewhat more interesting to the more informed groups, but the relationship is only mildly positive. Radio, science is somewhat less interesting to the informed groups and maga• zine science is seen about the same across all information levels.
The rating of completeness shows a tendency to decline with increasing information for newspapers and radio, but a mild increase for television. Magazines are again evaluated at about the same across .the spectrum of information. 128
Table V-6
Science Information and Evaluation of Science News
Science Information Score
Low High Science News Evaluation ,0 1 2 3 h
Very easy
Newspapers 2l* 19 25 30 1*2 Magazines 50 36 1*3 51 58 Radio 20 53 li6 1*6 55 Television 35 1*0 58 60 70
ry interesting
Newspapers 33 39 35 1*1 31 Magazines 60 60 59 63 61 Radio 20 1*5 1*7 50 31* Television 50 62 69 78 71*
Very complete
Newspapers 11* 21* 21 23 18 Magazines 5o 1*1* 1*2 1*0 1*1* Radio 20 21* 12 29 17 Television 27 35 1*5 1*6 1*3
Very accurate
Newspapers 21* 31 23 29 21* Magazines 10 1*1* 35 1*1 1*2 Radio 13 33 38 31 33 Television 38 1*1* 51* 51 53
Note: The percentages express the proportion of each information level giving a high rating to the science news of each medium.
Evaluated accuracy of newspaper science tends to decline with increasing information, but television science tends to'be perceived as somewhat more accurate. Accuracy of magazines and radio shows no distinct trend, but varies up and down in an inconclusive manner. 129
Generally the relations, if any, of evaluation to information level are only mild trendsj the positive reactions to newspaper, magazine and television ease of understanding are the only striking exceptions. Furthermore, of the highly informed group television is the most highly rated medium on compre- hensibility; magazines and television get top billing on interest value and again on completeness. The high score of television on accuracy is the major unexpected finding of the table.
Realizing that magazines and television may be satisfying different levels of science information, it is rather clear that the impact of television science is strong even for the most informed group. Doubtless selectivity in viewing is part of the explanation, for the more informed are also less avid television watchers. But, in spite of all disclaimers, the impression remains that television can be a powerful medium for transmitting science news.
Primary Source of Science News
To round out the discussion of the forms and channels of science news, Table V-7 shows the media sources of the reported science news. The primary source of science refers to the medium by which those who have reported any type of science get most of their information.
Men and women use about the same sources; newspapers dominate the picture, as they do for most social categories. With age, reliance on the various media varies in an erratic fashion showing no consistent trend. Regional differences are slight. Rural residents place the lowest reliance on news• papers, and the peak reliance is in the larger cities, exclusive of the metropolitan areas. Magazines are most often cited as sources of science in the metropolitan suburbs, and least often cited by residents of small towns. Radio is infrequently cited by everyone. Residents of the cities 50,000 and over name television least often, and small town dwellers most often, as a source of science.
Religious groups differ only slightly in the use of newspapers as the major source, but Jews more frequently cite magazines, and less often mention, tele• vision than Catholics or Protestants. Increasing education goes along with increasing reliance- on magazines and decreasing use of television. The higher income is, the more likely magazines are to be cited and the less likely radio is to be named. With income there is a curved relationship; reliance on news• papers hits a peak in the $2000-1*000 range and subsides somewhat in the higher brackets. Television reliance maintains its level across income levels, but drops in the highest bracket. 130
Table V-7
Primary Source of Science News by Social Characteristics
Number of Newspapers Magazines Radio Television NA Total cases Sex
Male 111 28 2 26 3 100% (695) Female ill 23 5 28 3 100% (898)
A . . _ Age 21 - 2l* 3k . 23 6 35 2 100% (113) 25 - 29 k3 2k 2 28 3 100% (187) 30 - 3k k3 25 3 27 2 100% (210) 35 - 39 ko 28 1 29 2 100% (190) 1*0 - hh k3 28 2 21 6 100% (211) h5 - h9 39 21* 5 30 2 100% (158) 50 - 5h k5 22 6 21* 3 100% (157) 55-59 •1*2 31 1* 20 3 100% (108) 60 - 6k 1*0 26 3 30 1 100% (91) 65 and over 39 20 9 25 7 100% (160)
Region
Northeast 1*0 27- 3 26 1* 100% (361*) Midwest 1*2 21* 3 28 3 100% (511*0 West 1*3 29 1* 23 1 100% (21*9) South 39 21* 5 28 1* 100% (1*66)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 1*1* 23 3 28 2 100% (199) Metropolitan suburbs 1*3 32 . 2 22 1 100% (208) Cities 50,000 and over 51 23 2 20 1* 100%. (261*) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 1*2 22 1* 29 3 100%, (379) Places under 2,500 1*2 • 19 1* 31 1* 100% (78) Rural 33 28 5 30 1* 100% (1*65)
Religion
Protestant 1*1 21* 1* 27 1* 100% (1151*) Catholic 38 27 3 30 2 100% (338) Jewish 1*2 1*0 5 13 - 100% (1*5) None 1*9 26 3 20 2 100% (39)
(continued) 131
Table V-7 continued. Number *» of Newspapers Magazines Radio Television NA Total cases Education
Grade school 1*2 13 6 31* 5 100% (U*7) Some high school 1*3 19 6 30 2 100% (352) Completed high school 1*0 . 28 2 26 li 100% (1*58) College 39 hk 1 15 1 100% (333)
Income
Less than $1,000 30 li* 26 29 1 100% (70) $1,000 - 1,999 32 21 12 26 9 100% (111) $2,000 - 2,999 1*8 19 2 27 1* 100% (167) $3,000 - 3,999 1*7 20 li • 26 3 100% (209) $1*,000 - 1*,999 1*1 23 1 32 3 100% (233) $5,000 - 5,999 38 28 2 29 3 100% (282) $6,000 --7,1*99 1*2 27 1 27 3 100% (213) $7,500 and over 39 37 2 19 3 100% (266)
NA category includes NA, DK, and those who chose more than one primary source. Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. Table^excludes those not reporting science news.
Summary
The discussion of the forms and channels of science news lays the ground work for probing the "whys" of science news consumption.
It has been established that nearly every adult is touched by one or more of the mass media. The media channels are open, but they transmit science in widely differing ways to different groups. The newspapers carry the major load for everyone, but magazines take over more of the function in the higher educational groups and television plays a less prominent role in these groups.
Reactions to media differ; magazines and television are rated by their groups more positively than the other two media. Those who are well informed in matters of science rate magazine, newspaper and television presentation as easier to understand than less informed members of those audiences. But beyond this, the level of information has very little to do with the evaluations of the media.
The reactions, to the form of science news presentation show more distinct differences across groups. Science stories which have personal relevance draw more interest than those which are more abstract. Concrete and vivid presentations attract more interest than the more general and bland presen• tations. These findings document the working assumptions of journalists, and of themselves are not particularly striking. The more interesting question 132 relates to the differential impact of the two presentations—the degree to which one "out-pulls" the other in various groups.
This generalization emerges from the analysis: although the vivid and con• crete wording attracts more attention across all groups, it has more effect among those groups which are most strongly disposed toward science news. The evidence may be summarized as follows: the stimulating wording has more impact on those who have more science information, those who now read science extensively, and those who want more science. In other words, the more interested in science a person is, the more additional interest can be stimulated.
To the practicing journalist this generalization may seem discouraging if his hope is to encourage interest in science in the groups not already consuming it. However, the picture is not as discouraging as it may seem at first glance. First of all, he must keep in mind that the concrete and vivid wording increased interest in every social category to some extent. Second, it should not be assumed that antecedent and unchangeable factors, such as formal education, stand in the way. A glance at the data reveals that it is the high school graduate who is most affected by the form of presentation. In fact, the high school graduate who has had no science is the one who expresses the greatest increase of interest in the-test situation.
While it is true that it is easiest to stimulate interest among those who are already interested, the effectiveness of the form of science presentation is not confined to this group. Chapter VI
SCIENCE NEWS: SKILLS
The reservoir of skills—education and information—the public can draw upon vhen confronted with science news is a crucial factor in assessing the science writing picture.
This chapter will sketch the distribution of those skills throughout the society and relate them to science news consumption.
The Science Information Scale
The Science Information Scale was evolved during the preliminary phases of the study. Various items were tried and refined during the pilot study and the pretests in order to arrive at a short (four-item) test of information.
A number of criteria governed the selection of the items for the scale. First, they had to be few in number because of the time limitations of the interview. Second,' although they could not possibly sample all the fields of science, they had to be distinct from one another in content. Third, they had to be relatively current items so that they would be perceived as questions about science news rather than as a test. Fourth, they had to range from easy to difficult* I«lfth, they had to-be scalable by the Outtman technique.
After several pretests the following four topics were selected: polio vaccine, fluoridation, radiation and space satellites. These items were found to meet the five criteria satisfactorily:
Have you heard anything about radioactive fall-out or dust from atomic bombs? (If Yes) As you understand it, what is radioactivity like?
In some places around the country fluorides are now being added to the drinking water. Have you heard anything about that? (If Yes) What do you think is the purpose of adding fluorides to the drinking water?
Do you recall hearing anything about the vaccine for pre• venting polio (infantile paralysis)? (If Yes) What was it that you heard?
Have you heard anything about plans to launch a space satel• lite, sometimes called a mannnade moon? (If Yes) From what you've heard, what is the purpose of launching these space satellites? 131
Table VI-1 shows the distribution of answers to the four questions classified by their accuracy and level of information.
The polio vaccine is the most widely known of the four topics; only ii per cent of the respondents had never heard of it. The level of the information, how• ever, is not particularly high, for less than half (1*0%) gave any details beyond the general fact that the vaccine had worked.
Fluoridation of drinking water was unknown to 26 per cent of the sample. There was more misinformation about fluoridation than any other of the'four topics. Twelve per cent of the sample confused fluoridation with chlorin- ation; another 3 per cent had other misinformation; and 5 per cent reported information which could only be classified as half correct and half incorrect.
There were, however, few answers which included comments that could be classi• fied as anti-fluoridation responses. Only h per cent of the sample made these comments and most of them were not the wild, crackpot opinions that have figured in the anti-fluoridation fights. It would seem that the strength of the anti-fluoridation campaigners is not in numbers but in organization, pressure, and propaganda.*
Thirty-three per cent of the sample said they had never heard of radioactive fall-out.** But about half were able to give some fairly accurate information as to the effects of radioactivity. Of this informed group, about half gave only vague responses, while the remainder were able to be more specific as to the nature of radioactivity and its effects.
The question relating to space satellites revealed that Sh per cent of the public had never heard of them, and of those who stated they had heard of them only about half were able to give any explanation of the purpose of launching the satellites.***
The interviewing on this survey was conducted during March and April 1957 when preliminary publicity for the International Geophysical Year was appearing. There had been, at that time, no publicity approximating the later coverage accorded the launching of the Russian space satellites.
There are so many parallels between the space satellite story and familiar science fiction themes that it is not surprising that some people tended to confuse the two. However, a careful examination of the answers reveals that only 6 per cent of the sample could be said definitely to have confused the two areas. The general impression created by the answers is
* D. R. McNeil, The fight for fluoridation, N.Y.: Oxford Univ. Press, 1957. •JHi- See the previous findings cited in S. B. Witney, Fifth Survey of the U.S. Public's Information and Knowledge Concerning Civil Defense (Survey Research Center, Ann Arbor, 1956), Fart I, p. 11. By November, with the launching of the first space satellite by the Russians, only h per cent of the adult population had not heard of Sputnik; another 2 per cent were not ascertained. See S. B. Withey, Sputnik: Some Consequences, Expectations and Attitudes (Survey Research Center, Ann Arbor, 195W), p.l. 135 that while, many people were fascinated hy the idea of sending up artificial satellites, many of them had no idea of the scientific reasons for launching them as part of the IGY research program.
As interesting as the answers to the four questions are individually, the chief purpose of obtaining these responses was to form a scale of scientific information. Accordingly, responses to each question were divided into a category of some information and a category of little or no information. The pattern of the four sets of responses was examined to see if the four items formed a cumulative scale of increasing difficulty. The appropriate statistical operation disclosed that the items did in fact form a scale with a reproducibility coefficient of .95, which exceeds Guttman's criterion of scalability. The non-scale patterns were entered according to the number of correct items, hence the scale is labeled in terms of the number of items on which the respondents evidenced information.
The sample is distributed in the following way:
Number of items known: None 8.7* One 23.8 Two 23.9 Three 26.3 Four 16.7 NA 0.6
100.0*
In terms of the Science Information Scale, then, about half of the people could give at least some information on half the items.
But the question now arises: Which segments of the public are informed?
Table VI-1
Level of Information on Four Science Areas
Polio
-Never heard of polio vaccine li* -Reports only, or mainly, misinformation 2 -Heard of it, doesn't know any details -Mentions only that it exists, it works, is available, 5 and other general statements -Mentions specific non-technical details, e.g., Ii8 reduced polio rates, the experimental trials, etc. 37 -Mentions several specific non-technical details, or some technical explanation 3 -Expresses negative opinions, "crack-pot" answers, etc 1 -Not ascertained *
100* (continued) 136
Table VI-1 continued.
Fluoridation
-Never heard of fluoridation 26% -Confuses fluoridation with chlorination of water 12 -Reports only, or mainly, misinformation 3 -Heard of it, doesn't know any details 3 -Reports half correct information, half misinformation ? -Vague answers like "it helps teeth," but no mention of preventing tooth decay 11 -Prevents- tooth decay; strengthens teeth ILO -Expresses opinions only * -Not ascertained * 100%
Radioactivity
-Never heard of radioactivity 33% -Reports only, or mainly misinformation 2 -Heard of it, doesn't know any details 11 -Vague statements; it's dangerous, it kills, it's like dust or fog from the bomb, etc. 25 -Non-technical statements of its effects, how fall-out occurs, comparisons to radium, or to rays, etc. 21 ^ore or less technical facts relating to the production and effects of radioactivity; energy concepts; specific effects on human beings, etc, 7 -Not ascertained 1 100%
Space Satellites
-Never heard of space satellites 5li% -Reports only, or largely, misinformation -Reports only, or largely, misinformation of a science fiction nature 6 -Heard of it, doesn't know any details 11 -Vague statements; it's to be shot up, it'll go around the earth, etc. 3 -General statements about data gathering, nothing specific 8 -Specific functions mentioned; e.g., measurements of earth, atmosphere, radiation, tie-in with IGX, etc. 12 -Expresses opinion only 1 -Not ascertained -ft- 100%
N = (1919) 137
Social Characteristics and Science Information
Table VT-2 shows the way in which science information is distributed through• out the population.
Table VI-2
Social Characteristics and Science Information
Science Information Score Number Low High of 0 1 2 3 j HA Total cases Sex
Hale • 8 20 22 21* 25 1 100* (826) Female 9 26 26 28 11 •it- 100* (1091)
Age
21-21* 6 23 31 ' 21* 16 _ • 100* (128) 25 - 29 7 - 21 25 21* 23 100* (213) 30 - 31* 1* 16 28 33 18 _ 100* (21*1*) 35 - 39 5 23 22 27 23 _ 100* (226) 1*0 - hh 5 19 22 31* 20 •H- 100* (252) 1*5 - 1*9 7 22 21 32 18 •if 100* (187) 50 - 51* 13 29 21* 23 11 # 100* (188) 55 - 59 10 29 25 23 12 1 100* (131*) 60-61* 9 31 22 21* H* — 100* (107) 65 and over 21 31 22 16 8 2 100* (229)
Region
Northeast 7 25 21* 29 15 •tf 100* (1*62) Midwest 8 22 23 27 19 1 100* (585) West 5 15 26 29 23 2 100* (271*) South 13 29 21* 21 13 - 100* (598)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 11 29 19 26 H* • 1 100* (261) Metropolitan suburbs 3 16 20 27 33 1 100* (22*1) Cities 50,000 and over 7 17 26 30 20 # 100* (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 10 25 22 28 H* 1 100* (1*32) Places under 2,500 8 23 29 22 18 100* (91*) Rural 10 27 28 2h 11 - 100* (595)
(continued) 138
Table VI-2 continued. Number Low High of 0_ 1 2 3 1* NA Total cases Religion
Protestant 9 25 2U 21* 17 1 100* (1381*) Catholic 7 23 21* 32 13 1 100* (U5) Jewish. 1* 17 19 33 27 - 100* (52) None 13 17 26 21 23 100* (1*7)
Education
Grade school 19 1*0 22 13 5 1 100* (693) Some high school " 5 25 28 01 10 1 100* (398) Completed high school 1 13 26 37 23 - 100* (1*85) College 2 6 20 33 39 ft 100* (336)
Income
Less than $1,000 28 1*7. 16 5 3 1 100* (11*5) $1,000 - 1,999 23 1*0 23 11 3 - 100* (171*) $2,000 - 2,999 13 33 26 19 8 1 100* (215) $3,000 - 3,999 7 26 33 23 11 - 100* (252) $1*,000 - h,999 6 21 27 31* 11 1 100* (268) $5,000 - 5,999 1 3 17 21 38 20 1 100* (305) $6,000 - 7,1*99 3 11* 25 30 28 _ 100* (223) $7,500 and over 2 8 18 33 38 1 100* (280)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted
Men score higher on information than women. In terms of age, the information level rises quickly to a plateau and remains very constant from the late twenties to the late forties, then declines to the lowest point in the group, sixty-five and beyond. Age as such is not to be taken as an "explanation" of this distribution as we know that educational attainment follows roughly the same curve. However, the relatively low score of the people in their early twenties does not fit the educational explanation.
There is a strong positive relationship between education and information, as one would expect. Only 5 per cent of the grade school group could answer the four test questions, as compared with 39 per cent of the college group. - Income,too, shows a strong correlation with information, reflecting, of course, differences in educational attainment in a large parti
Protestants and Catholics do not differ markedly in information level. More of the Jews in the sample, on the other hand, are better informed than either of the two major religious groups. 139
The regions of the country are ranked in terms of information in the same order as with education - the West at the top and the South at the bottom.
Rural-urban differences show up as well; the central metropolitan areas and the rural areas both are lower in information level than the metropolitan suburbs, and the larger cities.
The strong correlation between educational attainment and present information level is further underscored when science education is taken into account. Table VT-3 shows this most strikingly. In the highest information group 78 per cent have had at least one high school science course, but in the lowest- information group only 12 per cent have had such an education. In terms of college science "the correlation is strong, though not as dramatic. Of course both tables include people who had not attended high school or college so a more detailed scrutiny of the relationship is desirable.
Table VI-3
Science Information Score and Science Courses
No items One item Two items Three items Four items High school courses
None 88* 75* 1*8* 3U* 18* One or more 12 22 1*8 62 • 78 Not ascertained - 3 ' 1* 1* 1* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
College courses -
None 99* 98* 91* 85* . 69* One or more 1 2 7 11* 30
Not ascertained • 2 1 1
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N =- (166) (W7) (1*60) (501*) (321)
• Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. The category "None" also includes non-attenders of high school or college. Table Vl-lt shows the Science Information Scores for each level of schooling and science education. Several findings stand out. For those who did not complete high school having had science makes only a slight difference in information score. In fact, those who completed high school but had no science were slightly more informed than those who had had science but did not complete their schooling. Those who completed high school with science, scored about as high as those who went to college, but took no more science there. The very small and deviant group with college, but no science courses at all at either stage in their schooling, scored at the level of those who had neither completed high school nor had science. The highest scoring group of all had science in both high school and college.
Table VI-it
Science Information and Science Courses
Science Information Score Number Low High of 0 1 2 3 h NA Total cases
Grade school 19 39 22 13 6 1 100* (691) Some high school - no science 6 25 28 30 10 1 100* (223) - science 3 25 28 32 11 1 100* (177) Completed high school - no science 31 21 3it lit - 100* (71) - science • -1 10 27 37 25 - 100* (itl2) College - no high school or college science 9 18 27 36 5 5 100* (22) - high school science only 3 7 25 33 32 100* (108) - both high school and - college science ' 1 it 17 33 k5 - 100* (207)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The general point made by these findings is this: exposure to science courses makes a difference in science information scores at every level of education. In short, science courses are crucial in providing a background for and sensitivity to science information in later life. 11*1
Media Consumption and Science Information
The media consumption of the highly informed is prodigious* Table VI-5 shows that 71 per cent of the top information group used the four media compared with only 18 per cent of those who could give no information on the test items. This 53 per cent difference underscores the degree to which the highly informed are at the center of multiple channels of information.
Table VI-5
Membership in Multiple Media Audiences and Science Information
Low High 0 1 2 3 1*
Uses all four media 18% 32% 5o% 60% 71% Uses three media 38 39 35 30 28 Uses two media 25 19 12 9 1 Uses one medium 15 9 2 1 - Uses no media 1* ft ft - -
100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N - (166) (1*57) (1*60) (501*) (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted*
Not only do they have access to the media, but they use the channels to a large degree. Table VI-6 shows that reading more than one paper a day is not unusual among the highly informed; more than one third of the high- scoring group read more than one paper a day.
Even more striking is the relationship between magazine reading and science information level. Sixty-five per cent of the uninformed read no magazine at all, but only 11 per cent of the highest scoring group are non-readers. In fact, about four out of five of the latter group read more than one magazine regularly.
Radio listening behavior bears very little on information level. Although being in the radio audience is mildly related to information, the more informed tend to listen
Being a member of the television audience is more common among the more informed, but this group also watches television less extensively than the poorly informed groups. Ib2
Table VT-6
Media Usage and Science Information
Science Information Score
Low High 0 1 2 3 ii Newspapers
More than twice daily 3* 5* 3* 8* 8* Twice daily 10 17 20 2ii 28 Daily 3k k2 57 55 Sk Semi-weekly 9 9 7 - 6 5 Weekly 6 8 5 2 3 Less than weekly 6 5 1 1 1 Reads no paper 31 LL 6 3 1 Not ascertained 1 ft 1 ft
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Magazines
One 12* 13* 12* 8* 8* Two 11 lli 15 16 13 Three 5 11 lli 19 16 Four 3 5 13 13 20 Five 2 3 6 10 16 Six # 1 k It 8 Seven - 2 3 3 Eight - - 1 1 1 Nine - - 1 1 1 Ten or more - - # 2 • 3 No magazines 65 51 30 23 11 Not ascertained 2 2 2 * # 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Radio
Less than one hour 19* 16* 17* 19* 29* One to two hours 2li 2li 23 26 26 Two to three hours lli 16 15 17 13 Three to four hours 6 5 8 6 7 Four to five hours 2 6 5 5 3 Five to six hours li . 2 2 1 1 Six to seven hours 2 2 2 3 1 Seven to eight hours 1 1 ft * 1 Eight or more 3 li 5 3 2 Can't estimate hours 2 2 . 3 2 3 No radio 22 22 19 18 13 Not ascertained 1 ft ft 1
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 11*3
Table VI-6 continued. Low High 0 1 2 3 k Television
Less than one hour 7* 3* 5* 5* 6* One to two hours 11 12 10 ii 20 Two to three hours 17 19 23 26 23 Three to four hours 11 18 25 23 21* Four to five hours 11 12 10 13 11 Five to six hours 5 6 8 6 Six to seven hours 3 1* 1* 3 2s Seven to- eight hours - 1 1 2 ft Eight or more 2 1* 2 2 3 Can't estimate hours 1 1 1 2 1 No television 31 19 10 7 5 Not ascertained 1 1 * •» 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Books
One to four 9* 12* 11** 17* 20* Five to nine 1 1 5, 6 7 Ten or more 1* 5 13 19 31 Can't estimate - - ft 1 1 No books 81* • 80 66 Sk 36 Not ascertained 2 2 2 3 2
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* N - (166) (1*57) (1*60) (501*) (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Book readership is also shown in Table VI-6 to illustrate the degree to which written communication ties in with information. Thirty-six per cent of the highly informed had not read a book within the last year, but 81* per cent of the poorly informed had not read one; further, 31* per cent of the high scoring group had read ten or more books. Like magazine reading, book reading is highly correlated with science information.
In short, the more informed have more access to the media, read more extensively, but watch and listen less extensively than the less informed in science. mi*
Another way of looking at the relation between information and media is to examine which medium provides the major source of science news (Table VI-7). For those people at the low end of the information scale, 61 per cent report no science news via the mass media, compared with only 1 per cent who make this report among the highly informed. The largest difference across information levels is in the reliance on magazines as a source of science; the next most prominent difference is in reliance on newspapers. The relation of reliance on' radio and television to information is less clear. Radio is scarcely relied on by anyone. Television finds its peak reliance in the middle information levels.
Table VI-7
Science Information and Primary Source of Science News
Science Information Score
Low High Source 0 1 2 3 I Newspapers 17* 31* 37* 38* 38* Magazines 1* 8 18 27 1*1* Radio 3 h 5 2 1 Television 9 23 27 26 16
No science from media 61 32 10 I* 1 NA, DK, ties 6 2 3 3 - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N «= (166) (157) (1*60) (SOU) (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
It Is interesting to compare the major source of science news with the major source of general news (Table VI-8), With increasing levels of science information, newspapers play an increasing part as the major source. Reliance on radio and television declines. Magazines play only a small part as sources of general news, and reliance on them does tend to increase with increasing information level. But compared to their large role in science news, magazines are practically insignificant in the general news picture.
The central point in the comparison of sources of science and general news is this: the more informed groups seem to be acknowledging the fact that science news is a distinctive kind of news. It appears to be one for which timeliness is much less important than detailed and careful presentation. With in• creasing science information, this perception of science news as a special category of news seems to increase, hence the reliance on a source other than that for general news also increases.
Across the two kinds of news there is one common factor: the more informed use the written media much more frequently than the less informed.
Table VI-8
Science Information and Primary Media Source
of General News
Science Information Score
Low High Source 0 1 2 3 h Newspapers 3b% 50* 53* 61* 70* Magazines 1 2 5 6 6 Radio 32 23 16 10 8 Television 25 2b 2h 19 15 NA, DK, ties 8 1 2 1 1 ; •• 1 ' 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (166) (U57) (U6o) (501) (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Information Levels of the Media Audiences
If information level is one factor conducive to science news consumption, the working science writer will want to know the state of information in the media for which he plans to write. Table VT-9 compares the levels of science information of each media audience. Although the magazine audience is slightly more informed than the others, the central point of the table is that about one out of five in each audience scores in the top rank of infor• mation, and hh to 52 per cent of each audience is in the top two ranks of information. 11*6
In other words, the science writer—no matter for which medium he writes— has an audience almost half of which is already pretty well informed on matters of science. In this sense, at least, the media audiences are equally fertile grounds for the transmission of science news.
Table VT-9
Science Information Levels of the Mass Media Audiences
Science Newspaper Magazine Radio Television Information Score audience audience audience audience
0 (Low) 6% 5% 8% 7% 1 23 17 23 22 2 25 25 2k 2k 3 28 30 • 26 28 h (High) 18 22 18 18 • Not ascertained 1 1 1 .100% 100% 100% 100% N » (1751) (1679) (1286) (1562)
Science Information and Recall of Science
The more informed groups recall all types of science news from more media than the less informed groups.
Considering first the simple division of those who recall either science or medicine and those who do not, we see in Table VI-10 the strong correlation between recall and information. In the highest information category 98 per cent of the group recalled some kind of science item, but in the lowest information group 71 per cent could recall no item at all. 11*7
Table VI-10
Science Information and Combined Recall
of Science and Medicine from the Media
Science Information Score
Low High 0 1 2 3 U
Recalls science or medicine 29% 55% 82% 90% 98% Recalls no science or medicine 71 US 18 10 2 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (166) (157) (1*60) (Soh) (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Now, taking non-medical and medical items separately, we see in Table VT-11 that the same correlation between information and recall for both kinds of science news exists. Eighty-seven per cent of the low information group recall no science, but only 12 per cent of the high information end of the scale recall nothing. For medical items, the figures are 78 per cent and 8 per cent, respectively.
For both types of news, the high information groups recall items from more media than the low groups.
Turning from the overall relationship between recall and information to a medium-by-medium examination we find that recall of science increases with information level for all media (Table VT-12). The increase is greatest for newspapers, less marked for magazines and television, and lowest for radio, A more detailed version of these data is found in Table VI-13.- (The picture for medical news, though not shown, reveals the same general pattern.)
The relationship between recall and information raises the question of which factor is causal. The most reasonable answer is that there is an interactive relationship. Certainly an adequate level of information must be present for science news to be understood, but it is equally true that reading and seeing science information builds a store of information. We know that science edu• cation is strongly related to current science information level so we may infer that information in some degree precedes current attention patterns. But ve also know that some people who had no formal science education at all scored high on the information test. Most likely both information level and recall are aspects of a pattern of interest in science, which derives impetus in part from early science education. 118
Table VI-11
Science Information and Recall of Science and Medicine from Multiple Media
Science Information Score
Low High 0 1 2 3 li Recalls science from:
Four media _ 1% i% 1% 2% Three media 2 1 li 10 21 Two media 2 6 15 22 35 One medium 9 20 30 33 30 No media 87 72 5o 31 12 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Us medicine from:
Four media _ ft 1% 2% 3% Three media - 3 7 10 17 Two media 6 12 25 33 33 One medium 16 32 39 ill 39 No media _78 Jl 28 8 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (166) (161) (160) (50u) (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Table VI-12
Per Cent of Information Groups Recalling Science from each of the Four Media
Science Information Score
Low High Recalls science from: 0 1 2 3 h
Newspapers 7% 12% 32% h9% 16% Magazines h 7 15 25 hi Radio 3 6 7 8 "15 Television 5 13 21 29 3h
N = (166) (1*57) (h60) (5010 (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 11*9
Table VI-13
Science Information Scale and Recall of Science from the Media.
No items One item Two items Three items Four items Recall from Newspapers
Claims recall 2* 3* 1** 6* 2* Recalls one story- 5 8 18 22 22 Recalls two stories 2 3 11 17 27 Recalls three or more - 1 3 10 27 Recalls no science 60 70 56 1*2 21 Reads no newspaper 31 11* 7 3 1 Not ascertained - 1 1 - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Recall from Magazines
Claims recall * 3* 5* . 5* 7* Recalls one story- h 5 13 17 26 Recalls two or more •H- 2 2 8 21 .Recalls no science 31 39 50 1*7 35 Reads no magazines 65 51 30 23 11 Not ascertained - ft ft - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Recall from Television
Claims recall 3* 6* 6* 8* 9* Recalls one story • 1* 9 16 21 21* Recalls two stories 1 3 1* 6 8 Recalls three or more - 1 1 2 2 Recalls no science 61 62 62 56 51 Saw no television 31 19 10 7 5 Not ascertained •a - 1 ft 1 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Recall from Radio
Claims recall 6* 3* 3* li* 5* Recalls one story- 2 6 6 7 n Recalls two stories 1 ft 1 1 3 Recalls three or more - ft ft ft 1 Recalls no science 69 69 71 70 67 Heard no radio 22 22 19 18 13 Not ascertained - - - - ft 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* N = (166) («7) (h60) (Sol) (-321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 150
Science Education
The extent of formal science education is an important factor in stimulating science interest and in providing a base line of information. Data were collected on science courses taken in high school and college by the members of the sample. The tally below shows the proportion of the sample who took physical and biological science courses.
Grade school 36* Some high school - no science 12 <" - science 9 Completed high school - no science l± - science 21 College - no high school or college science 1 7 high school science only ' 6 - both high school and college science 11 Not ascertained ft
100*
N - (1919)
Of the whole sample hi per cent.reported taking science in high school, 11 per cent reported science in college. Of those who attained some high school or more, lh per cent had high school science. Of those who graduated from high school or went beyond, 89 per cent had high school science. Of those who attended college 93. per cent had taken science previously. Of those who attended or completed college, 61 per cent had science in college.
The relation of social characteristics to science education follows the " pattern of education in general (Table VI-lit). The same proportion of men and women have had science in high school, though somewhat more men have had college science.
In terms of age, there is a strong, clear decline of the frequency of high school and college science as one goes up the age ladder. Of course, the fact that fewer older people went to high school and college must be kept in mind.
Protestants and Catholics report about the same amount of science education, but Jews report more science in both high school and college.
Regional differences are slight, rural-urban differences range over fifteen percentage points: from a high in the metropolitan suburbs-to a low in metro• politan centers. College science follows the same pattern. 151
Income differences are the most striking: only 10 per cent of the group making less than $1000 a year had science in high school compared with 80 per cent in the top income group. College science ranges widely in the same manner.
In suinmary, nearly half the adults have had some science in high school and about one out of ten have had college science. The younger, more educated group are more likely to have had science education, as are those with higher incomes.
Table VI-lli
Science Courses in High School and College
by Social Characteristics
Number High school College of science courses science courses cases Sex
Male a? 13 (828) Female a? 9 (1091)
Age
21 - 2a 75 18 (128) 25 - 29 68 13 (213) 30 - 3li 6a 16 (2aa) 35 - 39 62 16 (226) ao - ai 55 10 (252) a5 - a9 39 8 (187) 5o - 5a 35 8 (188) 55 - 59- 2a 7 (131) 60 - 6a 21 6 (107) 65 and over 12 3 (229)
Region
Northeast a5 9 (a62) Midwest 50 10 (585) West 50 12 (27U) South a5 13 (598)
(continued) 152
Table VT-li* continued. Number High school College of science courses science courses cases Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 1*0 7 (261) Metropolitan suburbs 55 16 (21*1) Cities 50,000 and over 52 13 (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 5o 12 (1*32) Places under 2,500 h9 12 (91*) Rural 1*2 8 (595)
Religion
Protestant 1*6 11 (1381*) Catholic 1*7 8 (1*15) Jewish 59 25 (52) None 15 (1*7)
Income
Less than $1,000 10 1 (11*5) $1,000 - 1,999 17 3 (171*) $2,000 - 2,999 28 6 (215) $3,000 - 3,999 1*2 6 (252) $1,000 - 1,999 51* 6 (268) $5,000 - 5,999 52 10 (305) $6,000 - 7,1*99 65 18 (223.) $7,500 and over 80 29 (280)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Science Education and Science Recall
We have already seen that those with science education score higher on the science information scale than those without science courses. If science courses, not just level of formal education, are related to science news consumption, recall of science material should be higher for those who have had science courses than those of the same educational attainment who have not had science.
Table VI-15 shows non-medical science recall related to science education. In terms of science recalled from newspapers, those with science education are more likely to recall science than those without it. The same pattern is repeated for recall from magazines and television. Radio, as usual, is another question. So few people recall science from radio that not much variation is possible and where it does occur, variation does not follow a pattern consistent with newspapers, magazines, and television. 153
Table VI-15
Science Education and Recall of Science
Some high Compv high Both high school school College school and Grade no no no h.s .sci. college school sci. sci. sci. sci. sci. only science
Newspapers
Recalls no science. 61* 60% $k% 51i* hh% 55* 32* 19* Claims science 3 5 5 k k k 6 5 Recalls science 15 29 38 39 50 hi 61 ?5 Reads no paper 20 6332-1 1 NA 1 ------100* 100^ 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Magazines
Recalls no science 3ii* U6% kk% h9% kl% 68* 50* ' h3% Claims science 2 5 i 7 5 5 11 6 Recalls science 9 12 21 20 30 18 28 kS Reads no magazines Sk 37 30 2k 18 9 11 6 NA ft ^ 1 - - - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Radio
Recalls no science 72* 71* 68* 62* 67* 73* 68* 67* Claims science 33563 ill 7 Recalls science 6 6 8 li* 10 ii li* 11 Hears.no radio 19 20 19 18 20 9 lli 15 NA * 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Television
Recalls no science 61* 69* 55* 65* 59* 59* 51* 1*5* Claims science 5 li 10 10 8 9 11 6 Recalls science 11 17 25 21 29 23 29 liO Watches no TV 22 9 9 k 3 9 9 9 NA _JL 1 _JL - ft - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (691) (223) (177) (71)(1|12) (22) (108) - (207)
Note: The base of the sixth column is only 22 cases} but percentages are shown for the sake of completeness. Not ascertained cases omitted. 15U
The .relationship of science education and medical recall follows much the same pattern as recall of science (Table VI-16). But there are differences worth noting. Recall from newspapers shows that previous science education makes a difference, but for magazines the pattern does not hold for the "some high school" level. The radio pattern is erratic, as before. Tele• vision follows the science recall pattern except that the college group with no science shows up as well as the college group with both high school and college science. But it should be kept In mind that the college group with no science consists of but twenty-two cases, and any conclusion based on such a small group is very dubious at best.
Perhaps the best summary of the relationship of science education to science recalled from the media may be found in a combined science recall measure. The data are shown below.
Recalls sci. or med. from some medium
Grade school $h% Some high school - no science 75 - science 85 Completed high school - no science 80 - science 91 College - no science 86 - high school science only 92 - both high school and college science 99
At each level of education those who have had science recall more science items from the media. It is interesting to note that high school graduates who have had science, recall science as often as those who have attended college, but who have taken no additional science there.
What lies behind these relationships? First,, science education gives the reader the necessary background to understand science. Second, it probably stimulates interest in science, although there is doubtless some self- selection in taking science courses in the first place because of an interest in science. However, self-selection is probably not as great in relation to high school science as there is less choice in curricula in high school. 155
Table VI-16 Science Education and Recall of Medicine
Some high Comp. high Both high school school College school and Gra de no no no h.s-sci. college school sci. sci. sci. sci. sci. only science Newspapers
Recalls no medicine ao* 31* 28* 3a* 18* 18* 15* ' 5* Claims medicine 3 5 3 i 2 ia 5 2 Recalls medicine 37 58 66 61 78 68 79 91 Reads no paper 19 6 3 3 2 - 1 2 NA 1 - - 1 - - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Magazines
Recalls no medicine 35* ao* a6* hs% 52* 68* 39* a3* Claims medicine 2 5 5 10 7 5 15 10 Recalls medicine 9 18 18 16 23 18 35 ai Reads no magazines 5a 37 30 2a 18 9 . 11 6 NA - 1 1 - - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Radio
Recalls no medicine 73* 72* 69* 68* 68* 68* 67* 66* Claims medicine 3 2 a 10 3 ia 3 6 Recalls medicine 5 6 8 a 8 9 16 13 Hears no radio 19 20 19 18 21 9 ia 15 NA ------. ft 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Television
Recalls no medicine 56* 62* a6* 62* 58* 5o* 5a* 5o* Claims medicine 5 6 10 11 8 5 8 6 Recalls medicine 16 22 3a •23 • 31 36 29 35 Watches no TV 22 9 o a 3 9 9 9 NA 1 1 1 - ft - - - 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (691) (223) (177) (71)(ai2) (22) (108) (207)
Note: The base of the sixth column is only 22 cases, but percentages are shown for the sake of completeness. Not ascertained cases omitted. 156
Summary
We have approached the skills which form a basis for science news consumption from two angles. First, current science information level was assessed, and then previous science education was considered.
Science information was assessed by a four item test. The items referred to polio vaccine, radioactivity, space satellites, and fluoridation. These items formed a scale, in the Guttman sense, of increasing difficulty. Science information is differentially distributed in- the population, and is strongly related to education and income.
Science education, as one would expect is also strongly related to information and furthermore, controlling on the extent of education, information level is higher at each level for those who have had science courses.
Science information, in turn, is associated with access to multiple media. In terms of the extent of use of media, information is related to newspaper, magazine, and book reading, but not to extensive radio or television attention. Reliance on newspapers and magazines as primary sources of science increases with information level, but radio is scarcely relied upon at all. Television hits its peak reliance at the middle information levels.
Those more informed about sciehce tend to rely more on newspapers for their general news, and less on television and radio.
The four mass media audiences do not vary appreciably in information level.
Science information level Is positively related to the recall of science and medicine, and to the extent of recall from multiple media.
Science education accounts in part for current information level. Nearly half (hl%) of the sample had science in high school and with increasing levels of education the proportion with science education increases.
The proportion of those having had science courses decreases with age, but increases with income.
The recall of science and medicine is greater, at every education level, for those who had science courses. Of those who have had science in high school and college, 99 per cent recall either science or medicine.
In terms of the skills which underlie science news consumption, it is clear that science education is important as it appears to provide both the neces• sary background and a sensitivity to science topics. Particularly important is the role of science in high school. With the increase in high school graduates who have had science, the future of science in the mass media is bright; the potential audience with the requisite skills is growing daily. Chapter VII
SCIENCE NEWS: MOTIVATIONS
The forms and channels of science news encompass the way science comes to the individual. The skills of education and information represent the intellectual tools with which the individual confronts the news. Now, in considering the motivations involved in attention to science, we will examine some of the other forces that orient the individual toward science.
First, this chapter describes the individuals who want more science and medical news; then it moves on to examine the kinds of news which might be sacrificed to make space for more science. Finally, the chapter discusses the reasons people give for paying attention to science, and the functions that science news appears to play in everyday life.
Desire for More Science in the Newspapers
Because the newspaper has the largest media and science audience it was selected for a question on the desire for more science news. It will be granted that simply to ask people if they want more, less or the same amount of science news may lead some to exaggerate their desire for science. In order to hedge against this possibility the question was asked before the respondent was made aware that the interview was to be devoted mainly to science. Furthermore, the question was asked about both medical and non• medical science so that it could be compared to the statements about the extent of science reading. Then, too, the responses could be compared to the data on recall of both kinds of science news. And, finally, respondents were also asked a supplementary question on how they would react to a news• paper cutting down on other news to get in more science and what they would be willing to give up to get more science news.
When these questions are compared and analyzed, the problem of getting at the desire for science is seen from a number of angles and the possibility of being misled by exaggerated reports is greatly reduced.
Almost one-third of the newspaper audience want more science news, and almost one-half want more medical news (Table VII-1). Most of the rest would be satisfied by the same amount now appearing in the papers. Only a handful (7 per cent for science, k per Cent for medicine) want less in the papers. 158
Table VII-1
Desire for Science and Medical News in Newspapers
Newspaper Total Science news audience sample
Wants more 30* 28* Wants same 59 53 Wants less 7 6 Reads no paper (-) 9 Not ascertained _h h 100* 100*
Medical news
Wants more 1+6* 1*2* Wants same 1*7 1*3 Wants less h 3 Reads no paper (-) 9 Not ascertained 3 3 100* 100*
N - (1751) (1919)
Men want more science than women (Table VII-2). Age bears an erratic relationship to desire for more science and religious preference shows no appreciable variation.
Place of residence and region, too, show only slight variation. However, desire for more science mounts with increasing education and income.
No more than 10 per cent of any social category expresses a desire for less science news; the weight of the responses falls almost entirely on the side of wanting as much (or more) science as already is appearing. 159
Table VI1-2 Desire for Science News in Newspapers by Social Characteristics
Number Wants Wants Wants of more same less NA Total cases Sex
Male 36 55 5 1* 100* (757) Female 25 62 8 5 100* (995)
Age
21-21* 29 60 7 1* 100* (121) 25 - 29 35 56 7 2 100* (195) 30 - 31* 28 62 1* 6 100* (225) 35 - 39 35 58 1* 3 100* (205) Uo - 1*1* 36 56 5 3 100* (236) 1*5 - h9 25 59 • 10 6 100* (171*) 50 - 51* 31 60 5 1* 100* (175) 55 - 59 32 58 6 1* 100* (120) 60 - 61* 30 55 9 6 100* (96) 65 and over 19 61 13 7 100* (191*)
Region
Northeast 27 • 61 6 6 . 100* (1x27) Midwest 33 55 6" 6 100* (563) West 30 61 1* 5 100* (251) South 30 • 56 8 6 100* (510)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 27 60 7 6 100* (239) Metropolitan suburbs 29 59 8 h 100* (226) Cities 50,000 and over 33 57 5 5 100* (281) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 32 56 8 1* 100* (1*12) Places under 2,500 32 61 5 2 100* (90) Rural 28 61 6 5 100* (503)
Religion
Protestant 30 59 7 L 100* (1256) Catholic 30 60 - 6 " 1* 100* (381) Jewish 27 61 6 6 100* (51) None 35 51 9 5 100* (1*3)
(continued) 160
Table VIM continued. Number Wants Wants Wants of more same less NA Total cases Education
Grade school 21 63 9 1 100* (556) Some high school 27 61 8 h 100* (381) Completed high school 3k 59 li 3 300* (1*71*) College 1*5 1*9 3 3 100* (335)
Income
Less than $1,000 21 6h 8 7 100* (99) $1,000 - 1,999 21 58 10 11 100* (130) $2,000 - 2,999 28 59 10 3 100* (193) $3,000 - 3,999 29 61 7 3 100* (235) $i,,000 - I*, 999 27 62 6 5 100* (251*) $5,000 - 5,999 30 62 1* 1* 100* (290) $6,000 - 7,1*99 36 55 6 3 100* (221) $7,500 and over ho 53 h 3 100* (277)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The social patterns associated with the desire for more medical news in the papers differ somewhat from the desire for science patterns (Table VII-3). Women v;ant more medical news than men. Age, religion, and region vary some• what in the extent of desire for medical news, as does place of residence. The ma.ior point of difference is found in the income and education figures." Income bears no simple relationship to desire for more medical news. Edu• cation shows some positive relationship, but the main point is that there is little difference between those with some high school, those who graduated and those who went to college.
In short, desire for medical news is more widespread across all social categories; it is not as much an expression of intellectual interests as is desire for science news. 161
Table VII-3
Desire for Medical News in Newspapers by Social Characteristics
Number Wants Wants Wants of more same less NA Total cases Sex
Male 39 52 5 1* 100* (759) Female 50 1*1* 3 3 100* (992)
Age
21 21* 1*8 1*2 7 3 100* (122) 25 - 29 55 1*1 1* 100* (195) 30 - 31* 50 1*6 2 2 100* (225) 35 - 39 1*7 1*8 2 3 100* (205) ho - hh 1*6 1*6 1* 1* 100* (236) 1*5 - h9 1*3 50 3 li 100* (171*) 50 - 51* 1*5 1*8 1j 3 100* (175) 55 - 59 1*6 1*3 5 6 100* (120) 60 - 61* 1*1 51 3 5 100* (96) 65 and over 32 58 5 5 100* (191*) Region
Northeast 1*2 52 3 3 100* (1*27) Midwest 1*8 1*1* 1* 1* 100* (563) West 1*2 51 1* 3 100* (251) South 1*8 1*5 1* 3 100* (510)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 1*3 5o 3 1* 100* (239) Metropolitan suburbs 1*6 1*7 5 2 100* (223) Cities 50,000 and over 1*6 1*8 3 3 100* (283) Cities' 2,500 - 50,000 1*6 1*7 3 1* 100* ' (1*12) Places under 2,500 1*8 1*9 3 .. 100* (90) ' Rural 1*6 1*6 1* 1* 100* (501*)
Religion
Protestant 1*5 1*8 1* 3 100* (1255) . Catholic 1*8 1*6 2 1* 100* (381) Jewish 1*7 1*5 6 2 100* (51) None 39 1*8 9 1* 100* W
(continued) 162
.Table VTI-3 continued. Number Wants Wants Wants of more same less NA Total cases Education
Grade school 37 52 h 7 100* (556) Some high school kl 17 h 2 100* (381) Completed high school 51 li5 3 1 100* (klk) College 51 U3 h 2 100* (335)
Income
Less than $1,000 ho h9 6 5 100* (99) $1,000 - 1,999 hi hs 3 8 100* (130) $2,000 - 2,999 h6 hh h 6 100* (193) $3,000 - 3,999 hi 50 2 1 100* (235) $2i,000 - i*,999 h2 52 3 3 100* (25u) $5,000 - 5,999 51 hk 2 3 100* (290) $6,000 - l,k99 hS kk 6 2 100* (221) $7,500 and over h$ k9 h 2 100* (277)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Motivational Typology
The desire for science is closely related to the extent of current science reading (Table VII-ii). To estimate the extent of "science proneness" of the newspaper audience a typology was developed from the two measures. The rationale behind the typology is simple. The "science proneness" of an indi• vidual is conceived of as the resultant of his current science reading behavior and the level of desire for science news. The indicator of a favorable disposition toward science is thus a combination of the current behavior patterns and the current motivational state.
Table VTI-it
Extent of Science News Reading in 'Newspapers and Desire for More Science News
Reads all Reads some Glances at Skips over
Wants more 58* 28* 12* 6* Wants same amount 39 67 76 59 Wants less 1 3 7 23 ' Not ascertained 2 2 • 5 12 100* ' 100* 100* 100*
N= (529) (568) (319) - (309) 163
These motivational types are the result":
Newspaper Total audience sample
I. Enthusiastic 27* 2\S II. Active 33 31 III. Occasional 16 15 IV. Uninterested 18 16 Not ascertained . 6 5 Reads no paper J~) 9 100% 100%
N = (175D (191?)
Men are more "science prone" than women (Table VII-5). Age shows no con• sistent relationship to the motivational types. Regionally, the more apathetic are found in the South and Northeast. Rural or urban residence relates somewhat to the measure, with the metropolitan centers and the rural regions a bit less-enthusiastic. The major religions are remarkably similar. It is when education and income are considered that appreciable . differences show up.
The most important finding concerns the table as a whole. Note that in nearly every social category at least one out of five people fall into the enthusiastic group. Even among those with grade school education 19 per cent are enthusiasts. In short, science writers can count on a solid section of enthusiastic and active science readers at every social level.
* Enthusiasts are defined as those who read all or some and want more science; activists are those who read all or some and want the same amount; occasional types are those who glance at science and want the same or more; and the uninterested group includes all those who either skip science or want less of it. 161*
Table VTI-5
Motivational Types and Social Characteristics
Number I. II. in. IV. of Enthusiastic Active Occasional Uninterested Total cases Sex
Male 36 36 15 13 100* (711*) Female 23 35 18 21* 100* (935)
Age - 21 - 2l* 26 39 11* 21 100* (111*) 25-29' 33 30 18 19 100* (189) 30 - 3JU 26 36 21 17 100* (210) 35 - 39 33 1*1 11 15 100* (195) 1*0 - hh 31 30 20 19 100* (226) h5 - h9 23 38 17 22 100* (162) 5o - 5h 30 37 16 17 100* (161*) 55 - 59 UX 36 13 20 100* (113) •60 - 6h 31 35 16 18 100* (88) 65 and over 18 37 19 26 100* (179)
Region
Northeast 25 35 19 21 100* (1*03) Midwest 31 38 11* 16 100* (528) West 29 ia 19 11 100* (239) South 28 30 18 25 100* (1*79)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 26 28 23 23 100* (215) Metropolitan suburbs 28 1*0 11* • 18 100* (215) Cities 50,000 and over 30 31* 19 17 .100* (267) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 30 31* 15 21 . • 100* (392) Places under 2,500 32 ia 16 11 100* (88) Rural 27 38 16 19 100* (1*72)
Religion
Protestant 28 36 17 19 100* (1183) Catholic 28 36 17 19 100* (360) Jewish 28 30 23 19 100* (1*7) None 32 29 15 21* 100* (1*1)
(continued) 165
Table VTI-5 continued. Number I. II. • III. IV. of Enthusiastic Active Occasional Uninterested Total cases Education
Grade school 19 30 20 31 100* (SOU) Some high school 23 38 17 22 • 100* (360) Completed high school 33 38 16 13 100* (u59) College h2 37. Ik 7 100* (321)
Income
Less than $1,000 18 2k 13 kk 100* (90) £1,000 - 1,999 23 29 20 28 100* (113) $2,000 - 2,999 2ii 33 16 27 100* (18U) $3,000 - 3,999 25 -35 21 19 100* (222) $1,000 - 1«,999 27 ko 17 16 100* (2ii0) $5,000 - 5,999 28 kl 15 16 " 100* (276) $6,000 - 1,199 3k 35 18 13 100* (212) $7,500 and over 39 35 17 9 100* (266)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. Table based on those newspaper readers for which information was available for the typology.
The fact that education is strongly related to the motivational typology emphasizes the skill component of the types. Further demonstration of this point is found in Table VII-6 where science information is related to the types. The table is very clear; high information goes along with high motivation.
Table VTI-6
Motivational Types and Science Information
Science Information Score Enthusiastic Active Occasional Uninterested 0 (low) ii* 3* 7* 13* 1 13 17 27 39 2 21 26 31 25 3 32 35 23 18 k (high) 30 19 12 _5 100* 100* 100* 100* N - (k6l) (583) (277) (315) Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 166
Although the motivational typology is based on reactions of the newspaper audience about science in the papers, the types relate to recall of science from other media (Table VII-7). The fact that the four-fold category system relates in the same pattern for all the media strengthens the assumption that it is a fairly general measure of science proneness.
Table VII-7
Motivational Types and Recall of Science from Media
Types Number of cases Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
I. (1*67) 61* 31** 12* 32* II. (583) 1*5* 26* ' 9* 26*
III. (277) 30* 15* 8* 20* IV. (315) 15* 6* 3* 10*
Note: The cells show the percentage of each type recalling science from the various media.
The four motivational types receive not only differing amounts of science news, but tend to use somewhat different media. Table VTI-8 is based on those who reported their major source of science. While all types lean heaviest on news• papers, and to about the same extent, the more science prone tend to favor magazines and the less science prone tend to favor television. This confirms earlier observations about the rather "elite" quality which is associated with magazines. It also sheds light to some extent on quite another matter. It will be recalled that the magazine and television groups expressed the most satisfaction with their respective media. It was suggested that perhaps this was the result in part of differing expectations and standards which were none• theless met by the media at about the same level of satisfaction. This interpr tation is supported by the finding that the magazines and television are differentially used by the four types—the enthusiastic favoring magazines and the more uninterested favoring television. 167
Table VH-8
Motivational Types and their Primary Sources of Science News
Source Enthusiastic Active Occasional Uninterested
Newspapers 1*2% 1*3% 1*5% 1:5% Magazines 33 28 20 10 Radio 2 2 3 5 Television 21 25 30 33 NA., DK, ties 2 .3 2 7 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (167) (537) (21*1) (2210
Note: Table based on those who name a major source of science. Not ascertained cases omitted.
In summary, the motivational typology appears to indicate "science proneness." According to this typology, 27 per cent of the newspaper audience (2l* per cent of the total sample) are science enthusiasts. If we combine the enthusiasts with the "active" type, 60 per cent of the newspaper audience (or 55 per cent of the whole sample) fall into this group which is strongly oriented toward science. On the other hand, only 18 per cent (16 per cent of the entire sample) are uninterested in science. The present motivational status of the public in regard to reading more science is, then, very positive.
News Cut for Science
In addition to the motivations to consume more science, another approach to the problem is to ascertain what people would be willing to give up to get more science news. Everyone in the sample was asked: "Suppose a newspaper wanted to put in more stories about science, but had to cut down on something else to get them in. Are there any sorts of items you would be willing to have less of in order to get in more about science? (If Yes) What sorts of items might be cut down? (If ads only mentioned) What besides ads?"
As Table VII-8 shows, about two-thirds of the sample would be willing to sacrifice some portion of the news to get more science. Society, sports news, crime news and comics head the list of expendables. Advertisements are also mentioned, but because they are financially indispensable, we may pass over them. Men are willing to cut society news and women are willing to cut sports. Women suggest cutting crime news somewhat more frequently than men. Each sex prefers to have the other make the sacrifices. 168
In terms of education, the more educated are more willing to have something cut for science news. The more educated groups nominate society and crime news, and, to some extent, comics as the items to be cut down. Sports news, it is interesting to note, has roughly the same proportion of defenders in each educational level.
Table VLT-8 Suggested Items to be Cut for Science, by Sex and Education
Some Comp. Total Grade high high sample Male Female school school school College
Cut nothing 32% 31% 33% i|8% 30% 22% 16%
Society 21 32 13 lii 21 25 30 Sports 17 12 20 15 18 17 19 Crime 19 15 22 10 17 26 32 Comics 10 9 11 8 10 10 lli A dverti s ement s 13 15 11 11 15 Hi Hi Politics 6 7 6 5 7 8 5 Scandal 5 ii 5 3 li 8 6 Miscellaneous features 3 ii 2 2 3 2 5 Other 6 6 6 li 8 5 9 Not ascertained 2 2 2 5 2. ft 1
ftft ftft ftft ftft ft*
N = (1919) (828)(1091) (691) (1*00) (U83) (337)
•ftft Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
The willingness to cut down on other news increases with the extent of science reading in the papers (Table VII-9). The more extensive the science reading, the more often society, crime, and comics are suggested as expendable. Sports news is named somewhat more frequently by the extensive science readers.
In general, at each level of science reading men are more likely than women to suggest society news be cut down. And women are more likely to nominate sports and crime. 169
Table VTI-9
Suggested "Items to be Cut for Science, by Extent of Science Reading
Read all Read some Glance at Skip over
M F Total M F Total M F Total M F Total
Cut nothing 17* 20% 18% 31% 19% 2k% 32% 1x1% 38% 52% it 7%
Society 1*2 18 31 3k 16 2k 36 7 18 11 11 11 Sports 17 25 21 9 26 19 12 16 lit 10 18 16 Crime 18 25 21 19 29 25 12 23 19 8 15 13 Comics 12 17 15 9 13 11 7 11 10 3 it It Advertisements 18 16 17 17 lh 15 19 8 12 6 9 8 Politics 8 5 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 S candal k h k 5 9 7 3 7 '5 3 3 3 Miscellaneous features k 3 k 3 2 3 3 3 3 5 1 2 Other 7 7 7 5 8 7 5 i* it 7 6 6 Not ascertained ft 1 • 1 # 1 1 1 1 1 5 2 3 ftft ftft ft* ftft ftft ft-» ft* ft* ftft ftft N = (299X230) ,(529)(235>(332) (568)(120)(198) (319) (89)(220) (309) ftft Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
Table VH-10 shows that desire for science goes along with willingness to cut society, crime and comics, and to some extent sports.
The higher the science information, the more willingness to cut other items for science is expressed (Table VII-ll). The high information groups are more likely to suggest cutting down on society news and crime. Comics and sports seem to have supporters at all levels of information.
To summarize, there is a readiness to give up some portion of newspaper content to get more science. Men suggest society news, women suggest sports and crime. The more educated nominate society and crime news. The extensive readers of science name society, crime, and comics. Those who want more science mention society, crime, and comics. The highly informed about science choose society and crime. If there is any generalization to be made it is that these groups are most likely to name newspaper content in which they are'not interested, or of which they disapprove. 170
Table VII-10 Suggested Items to be Cut for Science, by Desire for Science
Want more Want same Want less M F Total M F Total M F Total Cut nothing 12% lh% 13* 35* 33* 3k% 58* 52* $k% Society h2 18 31 31 13 20 21 8 12 Sports 20 2k 22 9 21 16 8 20 16 Crime 19 37 28 16 20 19 3 lh 10 Comics 11 18 15 10 10 10 3 h k Advertisements 16 16 16 17 11 Ik 11 13 12 Politics 11 7 9 5 6 5 8 7 7 Scandal 6 6 6 3 6 5 - h • 3 Miseel* features k k k k 2 3 - - - Other 8 3 5 5 6 6 5 - k Not ascertained - 1 ft- 1 1 1 - 1 1 •ft* ftft ftft ftft ftft ftft ftft ftft ** N = (275H255) (530) (Iai)(6l3)(l02u) (38) (77) (115) ftft Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
Table VII-11
Suggested Items to be Cut for Science, by Science Information Score Science Information Score Low High 0 1 2 3 k Cut nothing 58* 50* 30* 21* 15* Society 5 9 12 17 27 Sports 11 11 15 13 6 Crime k 7 15 18 21* Comics k 6 ii 5 1* Advertisements 6 7 7 12 10 Politics 2 3 • ii 5 3 Scandal - 1 5 3 3 Miscellaneous features 1 * 2 2 3 Other 2 2 ii ii k Not ascertained 7 k 2 * 1 100* " 100* 100* 100* 100* (166) (1*57) (1*60) (5oW (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 171
Reasons for Interest in Science
It is difficult to probe the motivations that lie behind attention to science news. Thus far we have had a number of pieces of evidence bearing on moti• vations. For instance, it was noted that the culturally derived sex roles tend to focus the attention of men and women on different kinds of science news. Skills and interests acquired through formal education have a strong bearing on the degree of interest in science. The mode of orientation to the world around us is tied in to the picture as well; science readers appear to have a broader vista in regard to the world and its events. Science news with personal relevance and with a certain concreteness commands more attention.
All these motivational strands are woven together with the patterns of behavior regarding the media and information in general. The complex of interests, on-going behavior, tastes, skills, and perceptions cannot be easily vntangled or neatly labeled.
To ask people why they pay attention to science is a deceptively simple approach to the problem of motivation, for it is unlikely that anyone can give a complete account of the factors at work. However, there is an ad• vantage in trying to get at the' motives for consuming science news as the individual himself sees them. Accordingly, a question was devised on the basis of pilot study experience, with the following five alternatives:
1. I like to keep up with things that are going on. 2. Science is interesting. 3. Science is helpful to me in everyday life. lj. Science is exciting. 5- Science may determine whether my family and I, and the world itself, will survive. Each of these motivational themes had appeared in response to questions in the pilot study and in the various pretests. The first reflects a highly generalized desire to seek information about the world; science, being part of that world, is included. The second question covers the reaction to science as an intrinsically interesting special area. The third touches the theme of utility—the highly pragmatic view of science as a helper. The fourth question taps a more emotional response to science. And the last question, which has a general aspect of another kind, gets at science as an aid or defense against fear-inspiring external events.
A glance at Table VII-12 reveals the relative frequency of the reasons people give to explain attention to science. Keeping up with things is the most frequently cited reason—a general orientation to the world around us. Science and survival is the second reason, closely followed by reactions to science as such: science is helpful and science is interesting. The excite• ment quality of science is named by very few. 172
Table VII-12
Reasons for Interest in Science
Combined Total Sample Science Group"" * Recall Group.•fMBt -
First Second First Second First Second Reason Reason Reason Reason Reason Reason
Keep up 3h% 18* 21* ia* 21* Science and survival 16 21 22 25 22 25 Science is helpful 13 15 15 18 16 19 Science is interesting 12 18 . 15 22 15 22 Science is exciting 2 3 2 h 2 h NA, DK, ties h 1 5 1 h 2 Claimed no science 17 17 (-) (-) (-)• (-) No.second reason (-) 7 (-) .9 C-) 7 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (1919) (1919) (1590) (1590) (lhh9) (2kh9) •** Those who claimed some science or medicine consumption recently:includes those who could not recall a specific item, -ft** Those who recalled a science or medical item. Note that the "science group" and the "combined recall" group show almost identical responses.
Note that more than half the responses are general, and that utility ("science is helpful") and intellectual curiosity ("science is interesting") account for somewhat less than half the responses. What generalization can be made from this observation? First, science is very much a part of the total range of things it is important to know about. Furthermore, science is tied in to concern with the problem of the survival of our culture. Finally, interest in science, as such, whether for intellectual or practical reasons, is only part of the motivational picture. The latter point reminds us that interest in science is not based entirely on a narrow pragmatism or on specialized intellectual tastes. True, the more informed and more educated consume more science, and true, the content of recalled science tends to be applied science. But it is also important to keep in mind that broad concerns and interests appear to lie behind this picture. In other words, it would be oversimplifi• cation to assume that only very practical science or very esoteric science will serve the "average" and the "elite" science consumer, respectively. It is the way science ties in to a total concern about the environment that seems to dominate the reasons for attention to science. 173
It would seem to follow that isolated bits and chunks of science news might satisfy some in the science audience, but that the bulk of the group would prefer science-in-context—science news that has meaning because it helps make sense, of the world, whether that world is seen as benign or fearful.
This is the overall picture. Now let us examine the factors which go along with the various reasons for consuming science news.
Men and women differ only slightly in the reasons they give for attention to science (Table VTI-13). Also, there is little variation across educational levels -, Keeping up with things is somewhat more prominent for the college group; the theme of science and survival is more important for the high school graduate than for the college group. But, on the whole, there is less vari• ation than one might expect. In other words, the reasons for attention to science are not strongly related to education. (It should be remembered that we are dealing here with those people who now pay some attention to science; one cannot assume anything from these data about the motivational state of those who pay no attention to science.)
In summary, sex and education, the variables which usually relate to science consumption, show little clear cut variation as to reasons for attention to science.
Table VH-13
Reasons for Interest in Science, by Sex and Education
. Some Comp. Grade high high Male Female school school school College
Keeping up ao* m la* 38* 39* Science and survival 22 23 21 22 27 18 Science is helpful lh 16 17 18 13 lli Science is interesting 17 13 13 16 16 16 Science is exciting 2 2 1 1 2 3 NA, DK, ties 5 h 7 5 3 3
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (695) (895) UU3) (355) (333)
Note: Table based on the primary reason given by those who claimed a science or medical item. Not ascertained cases omitted. Science information, on the other hand, shows trends (Table VTI-lli). The more informed are more likely to say keeping up with things when asked about reasons for attention to science. The "helpful quality of science news is cited somewhat more frequently by the less informed. The trend for science and survival is curved; the peak for this reason is at the middle information range. The reason, science is interesting, has the reverse shape; the peaks are at the high and low ends of the informational scale.
Comparing only the high and low groups, high information goes with more moti• vation to keep up, to see the linkage between science and survival, and with less emphasis on the utilitarian aspects of science.
Table VII-1U
Science Information and Reasons for Interest in Science
Science Information Score Low High 0 1 2 3 h
Keeping up 32* 31% 39* h5% h3% Science and survival 8 23 25 23 20 Science is helpful 20 18 17 lh 12 Science is interesting 18 lli 13 13 20 Science is exciting 5 1 1 2 3 NA, DK, ties 17 7 5 3 2
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (65) (309) (1x13) (1*81) (317)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The four-fold motivational typology links with the reasons in a less marked manner (Table VTI-15). Keeping up with things is most often cited by the occasional reader. Survival tends to be cited more often by the enthusiastic reader, as is science is interesting. Helpfulness is mentioned only slightly more often by the uninterested group. 175
Table VII-15
Motivational Typology and Reasons for Attention to Science
Enthusiastic Active Occasional Uninterested
Keeping up 39* 1*3* 1*8* 1*0* Science and survival 26 21 21 20 Science is helpful 15 15 13 20 Science is interesting 16 17' 12 10 Science is exciting 2 2 1 1 NA, DK, ties 2 3 _J* 9
100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (U56) (536) (239) (222)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The science audiences of the four media cite the reasons for interest in science to about the same extent (Table VII-16), Keeping up is named by slightly more in the magazine and radio group and survival by the newspaper group, but these minor variations are the only ones worth mentioning.
Table VTI-16
Recall of Science from Media and Reasons for Interest in Science
Newspapers Magazines Radio Television
Keeping up 1*2* 1*6* 1*7* 1*3* Science and survival 26 20 17 23 Science is helpful 12 11* 15 12 Science is interesting 15 16 16 16 Science is exciting • 3 • 3 2 3 NA, DK, ties 2 1 3 3
100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (703) (392) (161) (103)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 176
To summarize: reasons given for interest in science are not related to measures of skill and motivation in a simple manner. They cross-cut all levels of the measures in such a way as to indicate more independence than might have been predicted. The reasons which are most frequently mentioned reflect a desire for generalized orientation—what we have called science- in-context.
Uses of Science News in Everyday Life
Having noted that science news serves the general function of keeping up with the world, let us now narrow the focus to examine the way in which science news is used in everyday life for very concrete purposes.
Forty-five per cent of the.entire sample reported they actually utilized science news in everyday life (Table VII -17). Medical information is the most common useful science news. Medical items were cited as the.source of knowledge about symptoms and treatments. Other personal and family-related topics such as information on nutrition, new processes related to the care of the home, or psychological problems in raising children received the next most attention. Agricultural and other job-related information were mentioned next most often. Hobby-related information was surprisingly weak. A scattering of miscellaneous topics completed the list.
Table VTI-17
Science News Useful in Everyday Life
- No science news utilized 35% Some science news utilized 1*5 - Medical information 23% - Homemaking (nutrition, gadgets) 9 - Do-it-yourself k - Agricultural h - Occupationally-related 3 - Psychological information 2 - Hobby-related 1 - Miscellaneous 7 No science news seen 17 Not ascertained 3 100%
N = (1919)
Note: Details of science news utilized add to more than 1*5 per cent as some respondents mentioned more than one use. 177
The sources of utilized science show the heavy dominance of the written media (Table vTI-18). Newspapers and magazines are followed closely by television, with a handful of cases accounted for by professional advice, friends and other sources.
Table VII-18
Sources of Utilized Science Information
Newspapers L3% Magazines \x2 Television 37 Radio 10 Books 1 Professional advice 2 Friends 1 Other 3 Don't know 1 Not ascertained 7
•ft*
N = (909) •
Note: Table based on those who named useful science information. Totals to more than 100 per cent because respondents mentioned more than one source.
In summary, science utilized in everyday life is mentioned by \i$ per cent of the respondents. It is heavily weighted with medical items and applied science, with the latter verging in the direction cf popular mechanics. News- paoers, magazines and television are the chief media sources of this useful science. 178
Summary
Attention to science news is the product of a complex process. • No single * motivational factor can account for the behavior. Certain general themes, however, may be traced in the data which shed light on the question, of motivation.
In this chapter several approaches to the problem have been made. A measure of "science proneness" has been used to sketch the size and composition of the groups oriented to science news. The question of what people would give up for science news has been investigated. The reasons for science reading that people are able to verbalize have been examined. And the uses of science information in everyday life have been noted.
Several generalizations emerge from this multiple-perspective approach.
A good sized proportion of adults are anxious to have more science and medical news available to them. Of the newspaper audience, 30 per cent want more science, and U6 per cent want more medical news.
There is a widespread positive motivation regarding science news. About one- quarter of the sample may be called science enthusiasts—they are already consumers of science and want more. Over half the sample is actively oriented to science news. Only three out of twenty are apathetic about science. The "science prone" groups are found at every social level.
A majority would be willing to have other news cut to get more science in the papers. Two out of three suggest items that might be cut; however, most of the items named are those in which the person is probably not interested or of which he disapproves.
The reasons for interest in. science'most often cited are of a fairly broad nature. The desire to "keep up with things" and the theme of science and survival stand out. Specific reasons, such as intellectual curiosity or strictly utilitarian concerns, play a less prominent role. Orientation to science seems to serve the broader functions of making sense of the world and helping manage one's relations to it. The practical implication of this generalization for the science writer is to present science in its context, whether the topic be abstract or concrete, and not to present bits and chunks of facts in isolation. Chapter VIII
SCIENCE NEWS AND ATTITUDES ABOUT SCIENCE
In previous chapters the channels and forms of science news have been described together with the skills and motivations which orient an indi• vidual to science news. Now attention is turned to the larger context of perceptions and attitudes concerning science.
The Impact of Science on Society
Most people feel the net effect of science on the world has been beneficial. When asked "All things considered, would you say that the world is better off or worse off because of science?" 83 per cent say unequivocally that the world is better off (Table VTII-1). Only 2 per cent say, without quali• fication, that the world is worse off.
Table VIII-1
The Net Impact of Science on Society
The world is better off due to science 83% The world is better off, qualified £ Both better off and worse off; about fifty-fifty '3 The world is worse off, qualified 1 The world is worse off due to science 2
Don't know $ Not ascertained 1
100%
N = (1919)
When asked why they thought so, most people cited imoroved health conditions [h.9%) and a higher standard of living [h$%) as their reasons (Table VIII-2). Technological improvements ranked relatively high (19%), but emphasis on 180 knowledge (7%) and enrichment of life (3%) received fewer mentions. The good effects of science are seen mainly in terms of material well-being. The dominant theme may be summed up by paraphrasing the DuPont motto— better things for better living through science.
Table 7111-2
The Good Effects of Science on the World
Improved health, medical treatment, etc. h9% Higher standard of living U5 Industrial and technological improvements 19 "Progress" 8 Increase of knowledge 7 Solves our problems h Enrichment of life in the non-material sense 3 Other miscellaneous effects 5 No good effects mentioned 6
Don't know k Not ascertained h
N = (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
Along with the good effects of science a few Individuals volunteered some • bad effects (Table VTII-3). They were scattered comments; only one category— atomic warfare—was mentioned often enough (6%) to stand out at all. How• ever, a question specifically aimed at bad effects drew many more comments— some from people who had judged the net effect of science as good. Half the sample (52%) mentioned atomic warfare and related topics as bad effects of science. Only a scattering of respondents mentioned other effects, and 19 per cent could think of no bad consequences at all. This 19 per cent with the 13 per cent who said they "didn't know" adds to 32 per cent who were unable to think of a possible bad effect of science.
Put more simply: in answer to a direct question on the bad effects of science two-thirds of the sample mentioned one or more, most of them mentioned atomic warfare. 181
Table VIII-3 .
The Bad Effects of Science on the World
Volunteered Probed Responses Responses
Atomic annihilation, war, weapons, related atomic items 6% 52% Makes life change too fast* makes life too complicated , 1 2 Promotes materialism and materialistic values l' 2 Weakens or destroys religious faith ft 1 Produces, automation and its bad effects ft 1 Scientists themselves are bad ft ft Other specific bad effects 2 13 "Bad effects" - not clear what they are ft 1 No bad effects of science mentioned 86 19
Don't know 3 13 Not ascertained 2 2
ftft ftft
N = (1919) (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
The two-thirds of the sample who cited bad effects were asked who they believed to be responsible for these bad effects (Table VTII-u). Twelve per cent of the sample named scientists themselves;'another 12 per cent said domestic politicians; and an equal proportion responded in terms that could only be classified as "evil" people.
It is interesting to note that foreign powers were mentioned by only 8 per cent, and the military by only 3 per cent.
The overall impression, is that no one class of people is singled out as responsible. Scientists are no more used as scape-goats than other groups. The vague and uncertain attributions of responsibility indicate that the whole question is probably seen as very complex by the, public. At present scientists are not blamed by more than-a small minority, but one should bear 182 in mind that it is in precisely such unstructured situations that scape-goats are a handy target on -which to focus fears and anxieties.
Table VIII-Ii
The Responsibility for Bad Effects of Science
Scientists themselves 12* Domestic politicians 12 Foreign powers 8 Economically powerful people h Military people 3 "Evil" people, not otherwise identified 12 Miscellaneous people or forces 16 No one in particular 3 No bad effects of science mentioned, hence responsibility question not asked 30
Don't know 6 Not ascertained 3
•H-ft
N « (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
The Meaning of Science
What kind of an endeavor is science in the mind of the public? When asked what it means to study something scientifically, respondents stressed two qualities—thoroughness and analysis (Table VLTI-5). These two ideas were frequently couched in terms of "getting to the bottom of things" and "taking things apart to see what makes them tick." Perhaps these are only two ways of saying the same thing, although it was usually possible to ascertain an emphasis on thoroughness or analysis.
Method was stressed by 10 per cent. This response rarely involved a sophisti• cated discussion of the experimental method. Measurement—with an emphasis on precise measurement—was mentioned by only 2 per cent. 183
Table VIII-5
The Meaning of Scientific Study
Thoroughness; studying it deeply, getting to the bottom of it 33* Analysis; taking it apart to see what makes it tick 22 Method stressed; e.g., description of experimental method 10 Opennninded approach; skepticism; suspended judgment U Measurement stressed 2 Exploration of the unknown 2 Science is a collection of facts 2 Other, miscellaneous • 11 Misunderstood the question 5
• Don't know 27 Not ascertained 3
ft* N = (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
The scientific attitude of reserved judgment was noted by i* per cent. Science as a collection of facts was even less frequent (2*).
Twenty-seven per cent said they did not know what it meant to study something scientifically. Perhaps one should add to this group another 5 per cent who did not understand the question.
In summary, many people see science as an especially thorough and analytical way of studying something. But it seems there is no clear-cut picture of science as particularly unique in its methods or in its criteria about what is valid and reliable knowledge.
Are there any areas which are intrinsically impossible for science to study? About half (hl%) the sample believes science can study anything (Table VTII-6). Those who believe there are limits to the scientific approach are not very clear as to what areas are unapproachable. Thirteen per cent say there are some things, but don't-know what they are. A few ($%) mention religious areas; some cite human behavior and thought (lj%); and a scattering mention other items. A sizeable proportion (26*) confess they don't know. I81i
In general, about half the group are optimistic about the scope of scientific investigation and the rest are divided between uncertainty and reservations.
Table vlII-6
Limits to the Applicability of the Scientific Approach
Science cannot study: Some things, but don't know what they are 13% "Religion; faith, the Bible 5 Human behavior, thought h Spiritual realms and beings 2 Aesthetic things, art, beauty 1 Humanistic areas, history, philosophy 1 Other miscellaneous areas 3
Science can study anything hi
Don't know 26 Not ascertained 2
N - (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more then one response was given.
A follow-up question on the limits of science in the study of man was posed ".. ..do you think we can know how people think, why .they behave the way they do, by scientific study?" Half the sample answered an unqualified "Yes" (Table VIII-7). Thirteen per cent more said it would be possible to under• stand most things about human beings. Only lh per cent said that it is not possible to understand such things scientifically. The feasibility of behavioral science is accepted by a majority of the sample. 185
Table VIII-7
The Scientific Study of Human Behavior
We can understand human beings by scientific study 50* We can understand most things about human beings 13 Some things yes, and some things no 5 We cannot understand most things about human beings 2 We cannot understand human beings by scientific study lh
Don't know 13 Not ascertained 3
100*
N - (1919)
Let us turn from the question of the applicability of the scientific approach to the question of how successful science will be in understanding the world. People are somewhat less sanguine about the success of science: 35 per cent think science may understand most things, but 28 per cent feel that science will never understand a lot of things (Table VTII-8). Between these two extremes is a group (26*) which expresses varying degrees of doubt.
Table VTII-8
Perceptions of Scientific Success in Understanding the World
Science may understand most things 35* May understand some things but not others 8 Will not understand everything, but not clear how much it will understand 18 Science will never understand a lot of things 28
Don't know 9 Not ascertained 2 100*
N = (1919) 186
Specific Attitudes toward Science
There is very strong agreement that science is responsible for healthier, easier and more comfortable living and that science is the main reason for our rapid progress (Table VTII-9). About nine out of ten respondents agree with these generalizations.
Table VIII-9
Specific Attitudes toward Science Number Don't of Agree Disagree know NA Total cases. Science is making our lives healthier, easier and more comfortable 9h 1 100% (1919) One of the best things about science is that it is the main reason for our rapid progress 89 U 1 100% (1919) One trouble with science is that it makes our way of life change too fast 1*3 51 1 100% (1919) The growth of science means that a few people could control our lives 32 60 1 100% (1919) One of the bad effects of science is that it breaks down people's ideas of right and wrong 23 67 2 100% (1919) Science will solve our social problems like crime and mental, illness 1x7 1x5 2 100% (1919)
But there are side-effects of science, of a more negative tone, which must be taken into account. One of the by-products of "progress" is rapid change which disrupts social patterns and dethrones tradition. Forty-three per cent of the sample agrees that "one trouble with science is that it makes our way of life change too fast."
The possibility of manipulating people's lives worries one-third.of the re• spondents who say that "the growth of science means a few people could control our lives." About one-fourth (23%) believe that science tends to break down people's ideas of right and wrong. Nor is science seen as the universal panacea,for the sample is almost evenly split between those who believe science will solve our social problems (li7*) and those who do not (1*5%)• 187
The central point of these reactions is simply this: although science is generally seen as a good thing, it also is seen as having some negative side-effects. The image of science is mixed. Ambivalent or fearful reactions to science probably are associated with an increased saliency of one or more of the negative by-products in the minds of the public.
Scientists Themselves
One of the important components of the attitudes toward science is the way in which scientists themselves are viewed. To get at this image of the scientist an open-ended question was used: "Suppose all you knew about a Mr, Smith was that he was a scientist. "What guesses might you make as to the sort of person he was?" The advantage of such a question, of course, is that it leaves the respondent almost complete freedom to select traits or aspects he wishes to mention. However, it should be noted that the question does imply, in the wording "what sort of person," that a character sketch is suggested.
The characteristics of scientists were grouped under two headings—those seen as more "positive" and those adjudged to be more "negative." Three- quarters of the respondents cited positive traits but only three-sevenths mentioned negative traits. A fairly large minority (16%) could not characterize scientists at all (Table vTII-10).
The positive traits centered around intelligence, education, dedication and "normal" personality. Intelligence leads the list with 37 per cent of the sample. It is interesting to note that "humanitarian" is noted by only 7 per cent for, as we shall see, the public feels scientists are generally interested in human well-being in reference to their work. Scattered miscellaneous positive1 comments, and some neutral descriptive comments, round out the picture.
Negative comments are fewer; the most common trait mentioned is social ineptitude, but only 9 per cent cite it. Perhaps the mildly eccentric category (3%) could be added to this. Over-dedication to work (k%) and deviant personality {k%) -are traits cited by only a handful. Fewer still mention ideological deviance (2%) and only one person raised the issue of political deviance. The power of scientists was also hardly mentioned.
In general, the most common negative comments are only extensions of the positive traits. Dedication runs into over-dedication and social ineptitude; intelligence runs into overly intellectual. Even the person• ality characteristics we have called eccentric or deviant are perhaps only extensions of the more positive traits. Certainly there is no major emphasis on the "mad scientist" image of fiction. Although the scientist is seen as different, he is not necessarily seen as dangerous. 188
Table VTII-10
Perceived Characteristics of Scientists as People
Positive characteristics
Intelligent, brilliant, smart, high IQ 37% Educated, studious, highly educated 23 Dedicated to work, hard working, methodical 12 Creative, imaginative 1 Exploring-the-unknown, curious 6 Humanitarian, wants to help others, benefit mankind, sense of social duty 7 "Normal," well-balanced, not different from average, same range of personality as everyone 15 Miscellaneous positive traits or neutral description of characteristics 21 No positive traits mentioned 7
Don't know 16 Not ascertained 3
Negative characteristics
Socially inept, introverted, hard to get to know, awkward socially 9 Deviant personality, neurotic, queer, crazy Jl Overly dedicated to science, to work; narrow interests, work dominates whole life k Mildly eccentric, absent-minded, out-of-touch 3 Ideologically deviant (non-political) 2 Overly intellectual, too intelligent, smart, educated 1 Ideologically deviant (political) Too powerful, can control lives, has powerful and -K- dangerous things Miscellaneous negative characteristics •» No negative traits mentioned 3 62 Don't know 16 Not ascertained 2
N = (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given. 189
Following the question on personal characteristics, another question aimed at the motivations for being a scientist was asked: "VJhat do you think a person might particularly like about being a scientist instead of doing some other kind of work?"
The responses, shown in Table VIII-11, indicate that the challenge of the unknown is the major imputed motivation. But the social value of his work, intellectual satisfaction, and being "interested" are suggested almost as often. The reaction "being interested" frequently seems to mean being com• mitted or involved more deeply than usual in the work. Economic rewards and prestige figure only slightly, in the view of the public, in the motivations of scientists.
Table vTII-11
Perceptions of what Scientists like about being Scientists
Discovery, challenge of the unknown 29% Social value of the work 21 Intellectual satisfaction, finding out how things work 19 Scientist is "interested" in his work 18 Economic rewards 3 Prestige 2 Depends on individual 1 Other miscellaneous reasons • 10
Don't know 16 Not ascertained
N = (1919)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
These reactions reflect the image of the scientist as a person committed to intellectually stimulating endeavors. Particularly interesting is the emphasis on non-economic, "idealistic" motivations, for it implies that scientists are seen and evaluated by a different set of standards than might be applied to most other occupations. 190
The theme of humanitarianism as a motive comes out strongly in response to the statement "Most scientists want to work on things that will make life better for the average person." Ninety per cent agree (Table VXII-12). Approaching the same point from a slightly different angle, we find that 26 per cent agree that "most scientists are mainly interested in knowledge; they don't care much about its practical value." There is not much awareness that an emphasis on practical application of scientific work might conflict with the knowledge-seeking motivations imputed to scientists.
Table VTIT-12
Specific Attitudes toward Scientists Number Don't of Agree Disagree know NA Total cases
Most scientists want to work on things that will make life better for the average person 90 5 h 1 100* (1919) Most scientists are mainly inter• ested in knowledge; they don't care much about its practical value 26 6h 8 2 100* (1919) Scientists work harder than the average person 67 25 6 2 100* (1919) Scientists always seem to be prying into things they really ought to stay out of 22 70 6 2 100* (1919) Scientists are apt to be odd and peculiar people hi 51 6 2 • 100* (1919) Scientists are not likely to be very religious people 31 51 15 3 100* (1919)
Two-thirds agree that scientists work harder than the average person. Here is part of the key to the generally positive image of science. Hard work is "good," and work directed to "good" ends is even better. The fact that scientists are seen as diligent may save them from the sneers directed at the "useless" or "soft" intellectual worker.
The fact that some research may carry scientists into" culturally forbidden or private realms seems to disturb 22 per cent of the sample. They agree that "scientists always seem to be prying into things they really ought to stay out of." But 70 per cent of the sample do not feel this way. 191
That scientists are "apt to be odd and peculiar people" is agreed to by hi per cent. However, if we see this comment in the light of previous ques• tions, the phrase "odd and peculiar" takes on a milder tone than might ordinarily be assumed. It would be over-interpretation to assert that it means the mad scientist of fiction.
Thirty-one per cent feel that scientists are "not likely to be very religious people," although Si per cent disagree and lS per cent don't know.
These feelings about scientists reveal a- generally positive picture, with some more negative overtones.
Limits on Science
Another aspect of the social role of scientists is the extent to which the public would limit freedom to investigate any phenomena. Two considerations were found to be most important in this respect during the preliminary phases of the study. The first concerns the belief that scientists should (or should not) focus their activities on "practical" research. The second concerns the relevance of any religious restrictions on scientific endeavor.
Table VTII-13 shows that hO per cent of the sample said they thought scientists should work only on practical problems. Altogether, Sh per cent expressed other opinions which emphasized freedom of research. In fact, 23 per cent said flatly that they should do what they please, even if it has no practical value at all.
Table VIII-13
Practicality and Freedom of Scientific Research
Scientists should only work on things that clearly have a practical value liO% Scientists should work on understanding nature, even if there is no immediate use seen for such work 31 Scientists should work on anything that inte2*ests them, even if it has no practical value at all 23
More than one alternative chosen ft
Don't know 3 Not ascertained 2
.100%
N = (1919) 192
Forty-eight per cent said scientists should work on what they want even though their findings seem to conflict with religious teachings. But one-third {3l±%) said that religious considerations should restrict scientific research freedom (Table VTII-la).
Table VTII-lu
Religious Limits and Freedom of Scientific Research
Should scientists work on anything they want to even if their discoveries seem to conflict with religious teachings?
Tes 1*8% Yes, qualified 5 No, qualified 2 No 3k
Science cannot conflict with religion 2 Science supports religion ft
Don't know 6 Not ascertained 3
100%
N - (1919)
Although utilitarian and religious considerations play a part in limits which people see as legitimate for science, it- would be easy to over-emphasize the strength with which they are held. Nonetheless, they form part of the negative image of science which colors the generally positive view.
The religious factor may be seen more strikingly when it is contrasted to science. This statement was read to respondents: "It has been said that one of our big troubles is that we depend too much on science and not enough on faith." The respondents were asked, "How do you personally feel about that statement?" As Table VIII-15 shows, SO per cent tended to agree that we depend too much on science and too little on faith. Twelve per cent took a middle position that we should depend on both, and 21 per cent tended to feel we should depend more on science, less on faith. 193
Here is evidence of the belief that the current emphasis on science may be causing a drift away from religious beliefs and that this troubles a great many people. This undercurrent is not strong enough to affect the generally positive tone of the attitude toward science, but it does indicate some ambivalence.
Table VTII-lS
Reliance on Faith Versus Science
Rely more on faith, less on science $0% Rely on both 12 Rely more on science, less on faith '21
Sees no conflict 1
Confuses "faith" with "confidence" in science 2
Don't know 6 • Not ascertained 8
100*
N = (1919)
Negative •Attitudes toward Scientists
Using the religious factor as a point of departure, let us see how the other negative comments about science relate to it.
Table VIH-16 shows that if scientists are seen as not very religious they are also more apt to be seen as odd and peculiar, and as prying into things they should not. The view that scientists are odd also goes together with, the view that they pry (Table VTII-17). 191*
Table VIII-16
Attitudes toward Scientists: Irreligious, Odd and Frying
Scientists are not likely to be very religious people
Agree Disagree Don't know Not ascertained Scientists are apt to be odd and peculiar people
Agree 62* 31* 31** 21** Disagree 31* 67 37 32 Don't know 1* 1 29 5 Not ascertained ft 1 - 39 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (597) (981*) (281) (57)
rtists pry
Agree 35* 16* 16* 19* Disagree 62 80 58 1*1* Don't know 2 3 25 . 7 Not ascertained 1 1 1 30 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (596) (981*) (282) (57)
Table VTII-17
Attitudes toward Scientists: Odd and Prying
Scientists Odd
Scientists Pry Agree Disagree Don't know Not ascertained
Agree 32* . 15* 21* 13* Disagree 61* 81 36 19 Don't know 3 1* 1*2 13 Not ascertained 1 ft 1 _55 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (783) (987) (118) (3D 195
That the Irreligious theme runs through the belief in oddness and prying may be seen in this tabulation: Percent saying scientists are Number Scientists are: not religions of cases
Odd and prying 60* (2hl) Odd and not prying hl% (UB5) Not odd, but prying 31* (lu2) Not odd, not prying 19% (787)
The question is: do these people who suspect scientists want to impose re• strictions on them or are they merely expressing opinions? Table VTII-18 shows that those people who feel there should be religious limits on science also tend to feel that scientists are prying, irreligious and odd. Here, then, is a loosely formulated sentiment which could serve as the basis for restrictive action regarding the research freedom of scientists.
Table VTLT-lfi
Religious Limits on Research, and Attitudes toward Scientists Should scientists be unlimited by religious considerations? Qualified Qualified Scientists pry Yes yes no No conflict DK NA
Agree Hi* 32* 23* 3h% 10* 20* 17* . Disagree 83 61 71 59 90 39 53 DK 3 7 6 6 - 36 8 NA ft - - 1 - 5 22 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists odd
Agree 38* 'iil* 36* 5o* 28* 2h% 30* Disagree 59 55 56 1|2 70 38 li2 DK 3 ii 8 7 - • 31 8 NA ft - - 1 2 7 20 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists not religious
Agree 28* 36* 21* 39* 20* 18* 22* Disagree 60 hi 50 hh 75 30 35 DK 11 Hi 23 Hi 5 ii6 22 NA 1 . 3 6 3 - 6 21 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (911) (97) W (651) (1)0) (112) (60) 196
The desire to see scientists restricted to practical research ties in some• what with the negative comments mentioned above. Belief that scientists are odd, prying, and not religious goes along with advocating less research free• dom to some extent (Table VIII-19).
Table VII1-19
Practicality Limits on Research, and Attitudes toward Scientists
Limited to Research Complete practical freedom, research research possible freedom DK NA Scientists not religious
Agree 37* 21% 30% 11% 11% Disagree k5 60 56 17 29 DK 16 11 11 67 H* NA 2 2 3 5 Uo
100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Scientists pry
Agree 30% 16% 15% 22% 22% Disagree 6k 80 81 18 2k DK 5 3 3 51 21 NA 1 1 1 3 33
100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Scientists odd
Agree k9% 38% 36% H*% 21% Disagree U5 59 60 18 22 DK 6 2 3- 65 H* NA * 1 1 3 1*3
100% 100% 100% 100% 100*
N =* (771) (607) (1*36) (63) (1*2)
Do major religious groups vary in the extent to which they are concerned about religious implications of research? Table VIII-20 compares the re• actions of Protestants and Catholics on research freedom for scientists when a conflict between research findings and religion is posed. The dif• ferences are negligible. However, if scientists are seen as relatively religious, the Protestants tend to be more permissive. 197
Table VTII-20
Religious Limitations on Research by Religious Preference
and the Perceived Religiosity of Scientists
Scientists seen as Scientists seen as religious as less religious average than average Total
Protestant Catholic Protestant Catholic Protestant Catholic
Religious considerations should restrict 30* 37* hl% 1x9* 37* 1x1* research
Religious considerations should not 61* 5li* 1(6* h3% $5% 50* restrict research N.= (705) (22k) (1x31) (119) (1136) (32,3)
In summary, the negative side of the image of scientists involves a cluster of attitudes—belief that scientists are irreligious, prying, and odd—which is not completely jelled. Nevertheless, among those who believe there should be religious limits on science, these attitudes are more common than among the more permissive. These attitudes link, to some extent, to the belief that science should focus on the practical.
Negative Attitudes toward Science
The image of science in general also has its negative side as we have seen. Fear that the growth of science may mean control by a few over our lives, concern over rapid change due to science, and belief that science tends to break down moral ideas, constitute the elements of this negative side.
An index of the negative consequences of science was constructed by grouping all those who are concerned about two or three of the items into a high threat category, and those who are not concerned about two or three into s low threat category. The remaining responses, of a mixed and largely un• decided nature, form the mixed category. Because this last group contains many who expressed no firm conviction one way or the other, it cannot be assumed to be a mid-point between high and low threat. Hence meaningful comparisons are to be made chiefly between the two extreme groups. Twenty- eight per cent are in the high threat group, 7 per cent in the mixed group, 62 per cent in the low threat group, and the remaining 3 per cent are not ascertained. 198
Both the high and low threat groups overwhelmingly say that all things considered the world is better off because of science. There are differences, however, for 81 per cent of the high threat group say better off (with and without qualification), compared with 95 per cent of the low threat group. If we look at this relationship the other way around we find that of those who feel the world is better off, 26 per cent fall in the high threat group; of those who feel the world is worse off, 75 per cent are in the high threat category.
In other words, there is a relationship between high threat and feeling the world is worse off, but a substantial minority of those who say the world is better off also give high threat answers. This indicates that the generally positive reaction to science masks some rather serious reservations as to negative side effects of science.
What are some of the consequences of high threat? Table VTII-21 shows that the bad effects of science—mainly war and atomic destruction—are mentioned hy about the same proportion of those who score high and low on threat of science. It seems that perception of these direct bad effects does not go along with concern over the indirect effects of science. In terms of who is to blame for the bad effects, the high threat group tends to blame scientists themselves, while the low threat group tends to blame other people and forces (Table VTII-22).
Table VTII-21
Threat of Science and Bad Effects of Science
' High Low Not Bad Effects of Science Threat Mixed Threat Ascerta:
War, weapons, destruction 52% 33% 55% 12% Too rapid change h 3 2 2 Weakens or destroys religion 2 - •a- 2 Weakens or destroys morals; promotes material values 2 1 2 — Automation 2 _ 1 _ Bad or dangerous scientists * - • - Bad effects - can't say what 1 - 1 2 Other responses Hi 10 13 5 Don't know lh 35 8 Sh No bad effects mentioned 16 17 22 12 Not ascertained 1 3 1 18 ** *# #* N - (5U8) (127) (1183) (61) Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given. 199
Table VTII-22
Threat of Science and Responsibility for Bad Effects
High Low Not Who is Responsible Threat Mixed Threat Ascerta:
Scientists 20* 10* 9* 5* Political officials - the government 9 6 lb - Economic leaders - Wall Street I* 1 h 2 Military leaders - brass-hats h 2 h Foreign powers or governments o li 8 - Other evil people (unclassified) 10 6 lb 2- People in general, human nature 3 2 h 2 Forces, processes - not human 16 11 17 5 Don't know 6 11 5 10 No bad effects mentioned 28 1*8 28 66 Not ascertained 3 6 2 12 #* *# ** *» N = (51*6) (127) (1183) (61) Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response was given.
Picking up the clue that scientists are the targets of the high threat group, we can follow this lead in Table VIII-23 where attitudes toward scientists are expressed. There we find that the high threat group is more likely to believe that scientists are prying, odd, and irreligious. This group also tends to believe that scientists are not interested in knowledge for practical ends. The high and low threat groups differ only slightly in the belief that scientists work harder than average and that they want to make life better.
Table VTII-23
Threat of Science and Attitudes toward Scientists
High Low Not Scientists Pry Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained
Agree 1*1** 28* 12* 3* Disagree 51 1*2 86 3 Don' t know h 21* 2 71* Not ascertained 1 6 ft 20
100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 200
Table VIII-2 3 continued. High Low Not Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained Scientists Odd and Peculiar
Agree 60* 35* 3ii* 11* Disagree 35 iiO 62 10 Don't know ii 20 3 Sk Not ascertained 1 5 l 25. 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists not Religious
Agree li5% 27* 27* 3* Disagree k2 35 59 8 Don't know 11 32 12 63 Not ascertained 2 6 2 26 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists want Knowledge for its own Sake
Agree 39* 16* 23* 5* Disagree 55 kl 73 6 Don't know 6 31 3 6k Not ascertained * 6 1 . 25 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists Work for Better Life
Agree 89* 82* 95* 16* Disagree 9 2 • ii Don't know . 2 13 1 66 Not ascertained * 3 _± _18 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists Work Hard
Agree lk% 57* 68* 18* Disagree 22 20 28 5 Don't know 3 20 3 52 Not ascertained 1 3 1 25 100* 100* 100* 100*
N - (5ii8) (127) (1183) (61) 201
The high threat group leans toward depending on faith rather than science (Table VTII-2U), and this underscores the religious theme already discussed in the section on attitudes toward scientists.
Table VTII-2I4
Threat of Science and Reliance on Faith or Science
High Low Not Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained
Emphasized dependence on faith 66* 58* bz% 33* Emphasized dependence on both 8 10 15 2 Emphasized dependence on science 12 11 27 8
No conflict - science-supports faith 1 1 1 _ No conflict - different realms 1 - li -
Misunderstood question 3 2 2 Don't know k 9 li Itl Not ascertained _i 9 _5 16
100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (5U8) (127) (1183) (61)
Furthermore the high threat group is more willing to impose restrictions on research freedom both in terms of religious and practical considerations (Table VTII-25).
What are some of the roots of the negative threat-oriented view of science? For one thing: less understanding of what science is about and a skepticism about its range of success.
More in the high threat group say they don't know when asked about what it means to study something scientifically (Table vTII-26). And fewer believe everything can be approached scientifically (Table VIII-27). There is also less confidence in the ability of science to understand man (Table vTII-28). 202
Table vTH-25
Limitations on Science, and Threat of Science
High Low Not Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained Limitations of Practicality
Work should have clearly practical value ho% h9% 37% 13% Work should be on understanding nature, practical or not 28 19 36 8 Work should be on personal interests, even if not at all practical 20 16 25 5 More than one choice ft 1 ft 2 Don't know 2 y 1 h6 Not ascertained 1 8 ft 26
100% 100% 100% 100%
Limitations of Religious Teachings
Should scientists be unlimited by religious considerations?
Yes 1x0% 23% 56% 15% Yes, qualified 6 6 5 - No, qualified 3 2 2 2 No hh hh 29 16
No conflict - different realms 1 - 2 - No conflict - science supports religion ft 1 -
Don't know h 13 li 51 Not ascertained 2 11 2 16
100% 100% 100% 100%
N , (51i8) (127) (1183) (61) 203
Table VTII-26
Threat of Science and Meaning of Science
High Low Not Meaning of Scientific Study Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained
Measurement 2* - 2% - Analysis, taking apart 17 9 28 2 Open-mindedness, skepticism 2 3 li - Method 9 S 11 - Exploration 2 - 3 - Thoroughness 28 17 37 2 Collection of facts 1 k 2 - Other 10 • 8 12 2 Misunderstood question h 3 ii - Don't know 33 Sh 18 82 Not ascertained _$ 6 2 Jk ft-H- **
N = (5U8) (127) (1183) (61)
Note: Totals to more than 100 per cent because more than one response given•
Table VIII-27
Threat of Science by Ability of Science to Understand the World
High Low Not Can science understand everything? Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained
Tes, most things 30% 2li% liO% 10% Some things yes, some no 9 S 8 1 Not everything - NA how much 18 20 19 S Never understand a lot 33 27 27 s Don't know 7 21 S 61i Not ascertained 3 3. 1 JS 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (51i8) (127) (1183) (61) " 20U
Table VTII-28
Threat of Science, by Understanding Human Behavior .
High Low Not Can science study human behavior? Threat Mixed Threat Ascertaj
Yes U6* 36% 5U% 12% Yes, qualified 11 lh 15 - Partly yes, partly no 5 2 5 - No, qualified 2 2 3 - No 19 Hi 13 5 Don't know 13 25 7 67 Not ascertained . 2 7 3 16 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (5U8) (127) (1183) (61)
Science information is related to the feeling of threat: the higher the information level the lower the proportion expressing high threat (Table VIII-29). Although this table indicates a firm relationship between information and attitudes, science information does not account for all the variation in the science threat. Eighteen per cent of those at the highest information level fall into the high threat category.
Table VIII-29
Science Information and Threat of Science
Science High Low Number Information Scale Threat Mixed Threat NA Total of cases
No items 37 12 UO 11 100% (167) One Item 39 11 U3 7 100% (U56) Two items 29 7 63 1 100% (U60) Three items 23 3 73 ft• 100% (50U) Four items 18 2 80 ft 100% (321)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 205
The relationship of science education to feelings of threat follows a pattern similar to that of science information (Table VIII-30). However, the dif• ferences between those who have had science courses and those who have not, at each level of education, are negligible. College attenders who have had no science whatsoever, are the only exception; that group, however, is so small (22 cases) that no conclusions can be safely drawn.
Table VTII-30
'Science Education and" Threat~~of Science
Number High Low of Science Education Threat Mixed Threat NA Total cases
Grade school - no science 37 11 1*5 7 100* (691) Some high school - no science 27 8 63 2 100* (223) Some high school - some science 29 h 67 - 100* (177) All high school - no science 27 6 66 1 100* (71) All high school - some science 25 3 ' 71 1 100* (1*12) Some or all college - no science 36 5 59 - 100* l?2) Some or all college - science in high school 15 3 82 100* (108) Some or all college - science in - high school and college 16 2 82 ft 100* (207)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The social characteristics associated with feelings of the threat of science are shown in Table VTII-31. There are no sex differences of any significance; the older age groups are somewhat more threatened than the younger groups. The "West shows the lowest proportion of high threat responses, as do metro• politan suburbs. Religiousgroups do not differ*
Feelings of the threat of science decrease with increasing levels of education.
Threat of science—the degree to which the side-effects of science are seen as forcing rapid changes, endangering moral standards, and creating the possi• bility of manipulation—is a pervasive undercurrent in the attitudes toward science. It goes along with a rather negative, suspicious view of scientists themselves and it links up with the desire to see religious or practical limits placed on science. Although it is more prevalent among the less edu• cated and less informed about science, it Is by no means confined to those groups. 206
Table VIII-31
Threat of Science, by Selected Social Characteristics
Number High Low of Threat Mixed Threat NA Total cases Sex
Male 30 5 63 2 100% (831) Female 27 8 61 ii 100% (1088)
Age
21 - 2 k 23 3 73 1 100% (129) 2$ - 29 28 3 65 ii 100% (213) 30 - 3k 25 k 68 3 100% (21*3) 35 - 39 23 8 67 2 100% (225) ho - hh 28 6 63 3 100% (253) 1*5 - h9 27 8 6k 1 100% (186) 50 - Sh 31 7 58 ii 100% (188) SS - 59 37 8 52 3 100% (13ii) 60 - 6k 31 Ik 50 5 100% (107) 65 and over 35 8 52 5 100% (229)
Region
Northeast 31 5 61 3 100% (U62) Midwest 27 6 65 2 100% (585) West 20 " 6 72 2 100% (271*) South 31 9 51i 6 100% (598)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 32 7 56 5 100% (260) Metropolitan suburbs 21 7 71 i 100% (21*1) Cities 50,000 and over 28 li 6k ii 100%. (297) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 27 6 6k 3 100% (1*31) Places under 2,500 27 6 66 1 100% (9k) Rural 32 8 56 li 100% (596)
Religion
Protestant 29 7 61 3 100% (1381*) Catholic 28 5 6k 3 100% (1*15) Jewish 29 li 65 2 100% (52) None 19 li 73 li 100% (1*7)
(continued) 207
Table VTII-31 continued. Number •High Low of Threat Mixed Threat NA Total cases Education
Grade school 37 11 1*5 7 100* (692) Some high school 28 7 61* 1 100* (399) Completed high school 26 1* 70 -> 100* (1*83) College 17 3 80 •ft 100* (339)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
Threat of Science and Media Behavior
Do these feelings of threat carry over into the area of media behavior? Table VIII-32 shows extent of reading science and medicine in the papers, and threat of science. The proportion of those expressing high threat is roughly the same across all levels of reading, although there is some tendency for high threat to go along with less reading. The proportion of low threat cases drops , and mixed, uncertain cases rises, across decreasing levels of reading.
Table VIII-32"
Extent Reading Science and Medicine in Papers, by Threat of Science Science
Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads no all some at over paper
High threat 27* 25* 29* 33* 31** Mixed feelings 3 6 7 10 11* Low threat 69 69 62 51 35 Not ascertained 1 #• 2 6 17 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (529) (568) (319) (309) (168)
Medicine
High threat 30* 25* 28* • 31** 31** Mixed feelings 5 6 3 11 11* Low threat 6h 68 61* 1*9 35 Not ascertained 1 1 5 6 17 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* N - (716) (618) (228) (176) (168)
.Note:* Not ascertained cases omitted. 208
Turning to recall of science from the four media. Table VTH-33 summarizes the relationships. In the newspaper group, threat of science is less for the more extensive readers, but there is a reverse trend for magazine readers. Radio and television show no differences.
Table VTII-33
Recall of Science in Media, and Threat of Science Number High Low of Threat Mixed Threat NA Total cases Recalls Science - Papers
Claims recall 1*3 56 1 100* • (71*) Recalls one story- 2l* 5 71 - 100* (316) Recalls two stories 23 2 71* 1 100* (231*) Recalls three or more li* 1 81* 1 100* (153) Recalls no science 31 8 • 58 3 100* (961*) Reads no newspaper '3k ii* 35 17 100* (168)
Recalls Science - Magazines Claims recall 19 5 76 _ 100* (83) Recalls one story- 25 6 69 ft 100* (263) Recalls two or more 21 2 77 - 100* (129) Recalls no science 30 6 63 1 100* (807) Reads no magazines 31 9 52 •8 100* ' (633)
Recalls Science - Radio
Claims recall 33 7 60 _ 100* (69) Recalls one story 29 2 69 - 100* (130) Recalls two or more 26 6 68 - 100* (3D Recalls no science 29 7 61 3 100* (1330) Hears no radio 27 7 60 6 100* (357)
Recalls Science - Television
Claims recall 35 8 55 2 100* (130) Recalls one story 25 1* 71 ' ft 100* (301*) Recalls two or more 26 2 72 - 100* (109) Recalls no science 26 7 61* 3 100* (1128) Sees no television u0 10 39 11 100* (21*0)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. 209
These mixed findings point to the conclusion that concern with the possible bad side-effects of science does not necessarily depress science reading and recall. It is possible that concern may lead to science reading, if it is not too strong. In other words, concern with the threat of science does not automatically lead to avoidance of science. As Table VTII-3u shows, there is little difference in the proportion classified as high threat among the three levels of desire for science.
Table VIII-3h
Desire for Science, and Threat of Science
Science
Wants Wants Wants Reads Not more same less no paper ascertained
High threat 29* 28* 29* 3h% 2h% Mixed feelings h 5 10 lh 22 Low threat 67 65 56 35 Not ascertained * 2 5 17 6 100% 100* 100* 100* 100*
N * (529) (1028) (n5) (168) (79)
Medicine
High threat 30* 26* • 31* 3ii* • 20* Mixed feelings h 6 8 lh 18 Low threat 66 65 55 35 Sh Not ascertained ft 3 6 17 8
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (798) (828) (65) (168) (60)
To get a picture of the specific beliefs and attitudes about science and scientists in relation to science reading, Table VTII-35 shows the array of questions in full detail. 210
Table VTII-35
Specific Attitudes about Science and Scientists,
by Extent of Science Reading in Newspapers
Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads all some_ at over no papers Is world better or worse off because of science?
Better off 92% 90* 78* 73* 6k% Better off, qualified h h 6 6 k Pro-con 2 3 5 3 2 Worse off, qualified ft 1 3 1 2 Worse off 1 1 ii k 2 Don1t know ft 1 3 13 25 Not ascertained 1 ____ 1 ft 1
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Will science understand everything?
Most things h2% hl% 30* 27* 21* Some things 7 9 8 9 8 Never understand a lot 29 25 31 28 27 Never understand some things 17 17 • 22 19 17 Don11 know 3 6 7 15 23 Not ascertained 2 2 2 2 _h 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Science main reason for progress
Agree - - 95*- 95* 87* 82* 65* Disagree h h 9 8 9 Don't know l l 2 9 21 Not ascertained ft ft 2 1 5 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Lence is making life better
Agree 97* 98* 95* 89* 77* Disagree 2 1 3 5 7 Don't know 1 1 1 6 13 Not ascertained ft 1 .>*. 3 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 211
Table VTII-35 continued. Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads all some at over no paper Science will, permit control by a few.
Agree 32% 30% 36% 28% 31** Disagree 61* 66 57 58 39 Don *t know 3 3 6 13 23 Not ascertained 1 1 1 1 1*
100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Science breaks down morality
Agree 20% 20* 22* 29* 28* Disagree 75 lh 69 55 1*2 Don't know 1* 5 7 15 27 Not ascertained 1 1 2 l 3 100% 100% 100* 100% 100%
Science will solve our social problems
Agree 53% 1*8% 1*5* hi% 1*1* Disagree hh 1*8 " 50 1*6 31* Don't know 2 2 3 12 23 Not ascertained 1 2 2 1 2
100% 100% TOO* 100* 100*
Science changes our way of life too fast
Agree 39% 1*1% 1*1** 50* 1*3% Disagree 59 56 ' 52 39 32' Don't know 1 3 3 9 22 Not ascertained 1 ft 1 2 3 100% 100* 100% 100* 100*
Scientists pry
Agree Ii*% 18* 26% 33* 30* Disagree oh 79 67 52 1*2 Don't know 1 3 5 12 21* Not ascertained 1 ft 2 3 1* 100% 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 212
Table vTII-35 continued. Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads all some at over no paper Should we depend more on faith or on science?
Depend more on-faith 1*6* 1*6% 50* 57* 60* Depend on both 13 16 11 8 6 Depend more on science 2h 23 25 15 H No conflict seen 5 h - 2 3 * Misunderstood question 3 3 2 1 Don't know 3 li li 10 15 Not ascertained 6 * It 6 6 8 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* •Scientists work harder than the average person _____
Agree 78* 67* 65* 61* 53* Disagree 19 28 29 26 21* Don't know 2 li 5 11 18 Not ascertained 1 1 l 2 5
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
Scientists tend to be odd and peculiar '
Agree 38* 38'* 1*5% U656 36* Disagree 59 56 1*8 1*3 38 Don't know - 2 5 5 9 20 Not ascertained 1 1 2 2 6
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists want to make life better
Agree 96* 95* 88* 86* 68* Disagree 3 1* 7 7 11 Don't know 1 1 3 6 19 Not ascertained •a- •» 2 1 2 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* Scientists tend not to be religious
Agree 30* 30* 32* 32* 33* Disagree 56 55 51* 1*3 36 Don't know 11 13 12 21 26 Not ascertained —2 2 2 h _5
100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
(continued) 213
Table VIII-35 continued. Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads all some at over no paper Scientists want knowledge for its own sake; don't care about practical value
Agree 22* 27% 27% 30* 31* Disagree 7h 70 66 52 37 Don't know 3 3 6 15 27 Not ascertained 1 # 1 3 5 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (52?) (568) (319) (309)' (168)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The greater the extent to which science is read in the newspapers:
- the greater the belief the world Is better off because of science, --the greater the belief that science will understand most things. - the greater the belief that science is the main reason for progress. - the greater the belief that scientists want to make life better, - the greater the belief that science will solve social problems. - the greater the belief that we should depend more on science than faith, - the greater the belief that scientists work harder than the average person, - the less the belief that scientists pry, - the less the belief that scientists are odd, - the less the belief that science makes life change too fast.
Many of these specific attitudes toward science and scientists are related to the extent of science reading in the papers. Note that the related attitudes stress the view of science as positive, beneficial, and constructive. In summary, seeing science as beneficial goes with more extensive reading, but seeing science as a threat is not as markedly associated with less extensive reading. And the more positive the view of scientists themselves, the more extensive is the reading. 211.
Orientations to the World in General
Science, in some degree at least, makes the assumption that the world is orderly and understandable. Efforts to increase scientific predictability of events rest on some conception of causality. The layman who shares this world view would presumably be more in harmony with the assumptions of science and, hence, more knowledgeable and sympathetic regarding science.
The question can be pursued in another direction as well—the model of the social world. The attitudes and expectations with which one faces everyday life may, to some degree, tie in with the broader view of the world in general.
To investigate these factors, questions were asked about (a) the under- standability of the world, (b) the perception of causality or orderliness of events, (c) the source of this causality, (d) the ability of one to plan or control one's own life, and (e) the belief in the basic goodness or badness of human nature.
Table VTII-36 summarizes the responses to these questions.
Table VTII-36
General Attitudes about the World.
Can science understand most of the things that happen?
- Science may understand most things 35* - Science may understand some things, not others 8 - Science will never understand some things 18 - Science will never understand a lot of things 28 - Don't know 9 - Not ascertained 2
100*
Do things that happen have a cause?
- Things have a cause 67* - Most or many things have a cause 8 - Half and half; some have cause, some not 10 - Most or many things happen by accident 3 - Things happen by accident; for no reason at all 5 - Don't know 5 - Not ascertained 2
100*
(continued) 215
Table VIII-36 continued.
Is the world controlled by God?
- World mostly controlled by God 70* - Half and half; or some things by God, some not 10 - World runs pretty much by self 13 - Run by other powers, e.g., Satan 1 - Don't know h - Not ascertained 2
100* Can you plan your life?
- Yes, pretty well plan life 35* - Yes, qualified 11 - About half and half 2 - No, qualified 6 - No, can't plan hh - Don't know 1 - Not ascertained 1
100* Is human nature good or bad?
- Good 67* - Mostly good 17 - Good and bad 8 - Some good in everyone -s - Mostly bad 2 - Bad 2 - Don't know 1 - Not ascertained 2
100*
N = (1919)
About one-third of the sample believe that science may understand most things ' that happen in the world. Two-thirds believe that the events in the world have causes, but 26 per cent qualify their statement about causality, including 5 per cent who feel things happen by accident—for no reason at all. Seventy per cent state that the things that happen in the world are mostly controlled by God, and 13 per cent favor a more mechanistic explanation: the world runs pretty much by itself. Thirty-five per cent say they can pretty well plan their lives, but hh per cent say they cannot. Two-thirds feel that man is basically good, and only 2 per cent say that man is basically bad. 216
World Views and Threat of Science
We have already seen that confidence in the ability of science to understand the world is somewhat lower in the high threat group.
Table VTII-37 shows that the high threat group is also somewhat more likely to see the world as more chaotic than orderly. However, the belief that the world is controlled by God is equally distributed In the high and low threat groups. Ability to plan one's life and belief in the goodness of man are associated to some extent with less concern with the threat of science.
Concern with the threatening consequences of science, then, is moderately related to the view of the social world arid the world in general.
Table VTII-37
Causality, Control of World, and Threat of Science
High Low Not Threat Mixed Threat Ascertained Are things causal or accidental?
Things have a cause 63* 53* 73* 21* Most things have a cause 9 7 8 3 About half and half 13 15 7 16 Most things happen by accident 3 ii 3 2 Things happen for no reason 7 3 ii 12 Don't know 3 13 3 38 Not ascertained 2 _5 2 8 100* 100* 100* 100* 3 the world controlled by God?
World mostly controlled by God 70* 65* 71* • 52* A.bout half and half 12 10 10 2 World runs by itself 13 10 13 20 World run by other powers 1 3 1 - Don't know 2 6 3 18 Not ascertained 2 6 2 8 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (518) (127) (1183) (61) 217
Now, focusing on the causality-understandability beliefs, let us see if this aspect of the world view is tied in with orientation to science. Table VTII- 38 shows the joint relationship of the two beliefs to threat of science. Those who see the world as both understandable and orderly (and may thus be said to share the perspective of science) have a much lower proportion of high threat cases, than the group that views the world as unintelligibly chaotic.
Table VII1-38
Understandability, Causality, and Threat of Science
Number High Low 'of World seen as: Threat Mixed Threat NA Total cases
Understandable; orderly 21* 1* 72 100% (51*6) Understandable; chaotic 30 8 59 3 100% (106)
Not understandable; orderly 29 5 66 •a- 100% (792) Not understandable; chaotic 1*3 8 1*8 1 100% (195)
Note: Not ascertained and'don't know cases omitted.
World Views and Science Reading
Belief In the orderliness of the universe is related to the extent of science reading (Table VIII-39), and, as we have seen, belief that science can under• stand the world is also.related to science reading. The perception of the universe as God-controlled, however, does not vary appreciably across reading levels. 218
Table VII1-39
Causality, Control of World, and Extent of Reading Science
Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads no all some at over paper Do things have a cause or happen by accident?
Have cause 73% 68* 70* 61i* 50* Most have cause 8 11 9 5 li Half and half 8 9 8 10 18 Most happen by accident 3 2 2 5 5 Happen by accident 5 5 3 6 5 Don't know 2 h li 7 15 Not ascertained 1 1 li 3 3 100* 100* 100* 100* 100* ; world controlled by God ? autonomous?
Controlled by God 68* 70* 73* 68* 70* Half and half 10 12 10 11 6 Runs by self 15 13 11 13 12 Controlled by other powers 3 2 2 2 li Don't know 3 2 3 5 6 Not ascertained 1 1 1 l 2 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (529) (568) (319) (309) (168)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted.
The causality-understandability beliefs, taken jointly, figure in science reading as they did in terms of the threat of science (Table VTII-liO). The more extensive readers of science see the world more frequently as under• standable and orderly. The other views of the world do not vary as much, although seeing the world as not understandable, but orderly, does increase with less extensive reading. 219
Table VIII-1*0
Understandability, Causality, and Extent of Science Reading in the Newspapers
Reads Reads Glances Skips Reads no World seen as: all some at over paper
Understandable; orderly 39% 31% 30% 2l*% 23% Understandable; chaotic 5 8 3 8 9
Not understandable; orderly 1x6 1*5 56 55 1*3 Not understandable; chaotic 10 10 11 13 25 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
N = (1*90) (506) (271) (2ia) (no)
Note: Not ascertained and don't know cases omitted.
The desire for more science is also keyed in with the perceptions of causality. As Table VTII-1*! shows, wanting more science goes along with seeing the world as understandable and orderly. Perceptions of the social world also play a part. Those who want more science are more likely to feel that they can plan their lives and that man is essentially good, and less likely to feel that they cannot manage their lives and that man is essentially bad (Table VIII-1*2).
In brief, belief in the world as orderly, knowable, manageable, and benign is associated with desire for science.
Table VIII-1*1
Understandability, Causality, and Desire for Science in the Newspapers
Wants Wants Wants Reads n< World seen as: more same less paper
Understandable; orderly 39% 32% 30% 23% Understandable; chaotic 5 7 6 9
Not understandable; orderly 1*8 1*9 h9 1*3 Not understandable; chaotic 8 12 _15 -25 100% 100* 100% 100%
N = ' (W9) (885) (89)' (111)
Mote: Not ascertained and don't know cases omitted. 220
Table VIII-12
Views of Social World and Desire for more Science
Wants Wants Wants Reads no Planning of Life and View of Man: more same less paper
Plans life, man good h2% 37* 17* 21* Plans life, man good (qualified) a 7 10 7 Plans life, man bad ii 3 8,
Can't plan life, man good 32 33 iil 33 Can't plan life, man good (qualified) 8 10 12 15 Can't plan life, man bad 6 8 . 17 16 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (5iU) (989) (107) (155)
Note: Not ascertained and don't know cases omitted.
Summary
Paying attention to science news is a rather specific behavior. But, as we have seen, it lias roots in skills, interests, and motivations which are broad in their ramifications. In this chapter we have dealt with the broadest factors of all: those general attitudes about science and the world.
There are two reasons for concerning ourselves with these general attitudes. The specific behavior, consumption of science news, like all behavior is not an isolated thing; it exists in a matrix of attitudes and other behavior. In sketching this matrix of background attitudes, the purpose is simply to add depth to our understanding of the specific behavior. The second reason for describing general attitudes regarding science is that it gives the com• municator a richer picture of the public's understanding of science. It may offer leads to better connumications, and it may indicate serious miscon• ceptions which information can remedy. i
Aside 'from the intrinsic interest in finding out how the public sees and feels about science, this material underscores the important point that communication behavior ties in with the rest of the individual's life concerns. 221
When asked to strike a balance of the effects of science on the world, the public overwhelmingly stresses the good effects. They are seen primarily as improvements in health, standard of living, and technological advance. The direct bad effects on the world are' seen almost entirely in terms of the destructive potential of atomic energy. However, scientists are not blamed for the direct bad effects to any large extent; responsibility is not focused on any one group, but is scattered and the attributions are vague.
The secondary, or indirect bad effects center around the effect of science on the social order. Substantial minorities see science as making things change too fast, undermining moral beliefs, and creating the possibility for manipulation of human beings. Those people who are highly concerned about these issues are more likely to suggest limits on scientific research.
In general, people believe the endeavor called science is a matter of a thorough, analytical approach to a topic or problem. No particular emphasis is placed on the criteria of science for valid and reliable knowledge.
Belief that science can tackle any kind of problem is widespread, though some have reservations as to the study of man. And the success of science in understanding the world is generally agreed upon. However, there is a dissenting minority with respect to each of these areas.
Substantial minorities also feel that science should focus exclusively on practical problems and should avoid possible clashes with religious beliefs by restricting research in controversial areas.
The scientist himself is seen as an intelligent, educated, hard-working, dedicated person. A small minority sees more negative traits, such as social ineptitude or eccentricity.
The negative undertones in the' image of the scientist, revealed by specific questions, involve the beliefs that scientists are prying, odd, and irreligious. The minority holding these attitudes is also willing to impose limits on research freedom.
The relationship of the attitudes toward science and scientists with attention to science news reveals that positive attitudes are associated with more extensive science reading. The perception of the universe as orderly and knowable also goes along with attention to science. The perception of the social world as controllable and benign is associated with a positive orientation to science.
In brief, the general orientation to science and.to the world bears on the question of communication behavior. The image of science and scientists has a very positive tone. However, concern about the bad, indirect effects of science and the deviant traits of scientists is an underlying theme. In periods of crisis it is possible that these ambivalent attitudes could lead 222 to a more negative picture of science. The possibility of scape-goating of scientists or the advocacy of research restrictions are potential consequences of the mixed, attitudes. For the present, however, science is seen as a "good" endeavor, and scientists are seen as dedicated to "good" ends.
4 Chapter IX
IN CONCLUSION
Although each of the preceding chapters has its own summary, it seems use• ful to attempt here a composite portrait of the person who is oriented toward science news in the mass media. Probably no single individual embodies all the traits that are associated with attention to science, and, furthermore, the traits are widespread in the population. Despite these qualifications, a portrait of the science consumer, as he emerges from the statistical tables, serves the useful purpose of binding together the important themes that have emerged in the analysis.
The science consumer is more likely to be a male if we focus on noh-Bredical science, and is more likely to be a woman if we limit our attention to medical news. The consumer of non-medical science news, it seems, is more distinctive in his characteristics than the medical and general reader, hence is the most useful point of departure for the portrait.
He is an outstanding media consumer, frequently a member of the overlapping audience of all four mass media. However, the balance of his media attention is on the side of the written media.. He prefers to receive science and general news via the written media, though, like most people, television ia his chief source of entertainment. He tends to be a magazine reader, for magazines are seen as giving substantial information.
The science consumer is found in no one age bracket, although he is somewhat more likely to be young or middle aged. This ties in with the fact that formal exposure to science courses in high school and college is greater in the younger age groups. The science consumer is likely to have been sensi• tized to science in school, no matter at what level beyond grade school he terminated his education.
The science consumer is, generally, an urban dweller, but he is less likely to be found in the center of metropolitan areas, more likely in the suburban areas and large and middle-sized cities. The metropolitan central.cities and the rural areas, in general, show a lighter concentration of people oriented toward science. The flight to the suburbs of the high status, high income, high education groups apparently is reflected in the urban findings, while isolation, lower education, and the rural style of life seem to account for the rural figures. Those regional differences that exist indicate a generally higher incidence of those oriented to science in the Midwest and West, a generally lower incidence in the South, while the Northeast varies. 22h
The science consumer, no matter where he lives, is generally above average in income and education. Along with this, his interest in science is reflected in a high level of science information.
He is more attuned to the larger world around him; his vista is more cosmo• politan than local. His interests range from the immediate community to the world scene. His concern with the broad picture is reflected in his reasons for reading science: he wants to keep up with the world and he wants to know how science will shape his destiny—and his chances for survival.
Although his tastes run to the more intellectual content of news, information regarding his own personal problems is highly important to him. Concrete and personally relevant stories have a high impact. In general, the more enthusiastic science consumer is more interested in all types of science stories. He has a sharpened readiness to react to a broad range of science topics. Therefore it is hardly surprising to find him interested in both the abstract and concrete, general and applied, intellectual and utilitarian types of science stories.
He retains a lot of what he reads and hears. Content-wise the recalled science stories have an emphasis on the technological aspects of science. Medical stories center around the major diseases. Information that can be applied in everyday life is largely of the medical type. The science consumer is likely to have seen or heard science from more than one source, as would be expected from his general communications behavior.
He is eager for more science news. He expresses his feelings about science news in terms of a desire to see science-in-context. It helps him make sense of his world as well as to function in his personal life. He sees science as beneficial, and assesses its impact on society in terms of improving our way of life. Although he may be concerned with possible bad consequences of scientific discoveries, such as atomic warfare, he does not blame scientists for these consequences.
Rather, scientists are viewed as diligent, educated, intelligent people whose hard work is motivated not by self-interest in the economic sense, but by the intrinsic interest in the endeavor called science. He sees the scientist as different from the average person, but dedicated to constructive ends.
Unlike a minority of his fellow citizens, the science consumer does not feel that the deviance of scientists is a worrisome thing. He is less likely to be concerned with the possibility that science is shaking the traditional and moral foundations of society. And he does not feel that scientists are odd, prying or irreligious.
He is not as concerned with religious conservatism in. the sense that he is willing to say we should lean more on science than on faith. Nor is he as likely to advocate limits—on religious or "practical" grounds—to research 225 freedom. His own religious affiliations do not play a major role in his attitudes, although he is likely to be slightly more liberal if he is Protestant rather than Catholic.
He tends to view the world from a perspective similar to that of science. He is optimistic as to the range of problems science can tackle; he feels the world to be not mysterious chaos, but to be knowable and orderly.
In terms of his view of his social world he is_ also more inclined to see it as manageable and essentially benign.
All in all, the science consumer confronts his world with a general desire to know and understand it. The world is, in a broad sense, not overwhelming or threatening, but an area in which to act and master, either by his own endeavors or by vicariously participating in the enterprise called science. Appendix A
SAMPLING METHODS AND SAMPLING VARIABILITY
The sample was selected by the method known as area sampling* By this method every member of the population to be sampled has a known chance of being selected. The "universe" sampled consisted of all adults living in private dwelling units. This excludes the roughly 5 per cent of the popu• lation in the armed forces, in institutions, hotels, and dormitories as well as those in transit; these groups are predominantly male.
The procedure of area sampling involves first the selection of primary sampling units—counties and cities—which when added together give a profile of selected social characteristics that match the nation as a whole. Within each of these 66 primary sampling units smaller areas were chosen randomly, and within these areas a sample of households was again chosen randomly. Through a system of selection tables, the actual respondent to be interviewed in each household was chosen- By maintaining randomization throughout this procedure, bias on the part of the interviewer Is eliminated as he has no choice but to interview the randomly selected respondent in each household.
Methods for subdividing the primary sampling units into smaller areas varied with the nature of the unit. In most cities and towns, the sampling procedure utilized city directory listings and block samples. In using block samples, the dwelling units were listed and a random subsample taken to arrive at the actual dwelling units visited in the survey. In other areas, mainly rural, the procedure was different. The area was divided into small segments containing from four to eight units, and a probability selection was made from these segments. In each of these approaches the object was the same: to select a sample of dwelling units within the large primary sampling unit by an unbiased method.
Each sample block or segment was marked on a map or aerial photograph. These mapping materials, together with a list of the actual households selected for the sample, were given to the interviewers together with an instruction book which detailed the sampling and interviewing procedures to be followed.
After locating the designated dwelling unit, the interviewer listed all adult members, then using a random selection table, determined the adult to be interviewed. The interviewers were instructed to call at least four times at each urban address or three times at rural dwellings before considering the. potential respondent as unreachable. Often more callbacks than the minimum were made to reach respondents. 227
Sampling Error
A sample yields good estimates, but not exact values. An exact value would have to be determined by a totsil enumeration of the given population. Estimates of a given value vary randomly from sample to sample, and this chance variation around the "true" value is known as sampling error.* State• ments about sampling error are couched in terms of confidence intervals that are correct in a specified proportion of cases over the long run. A state• ment about sampling error defines the range around the sample statistic which includes the true value at a stated level of probability.
Sampling error, as used in this report, is to be interpreted as two standard errors. It is the range on either side of the sample statistic that contains the true value 95 per cent of the time. It is possible, of course, to use a more stringent criterion, and this would mean using a wider range than two standard errors. However, most of the time the actual error of sampling will be less than the sampling error defined above. In fact, in about 68 cases in 100 the true value can be expected to lie within a range of one-half the sampling error (one standard error) of the sample estimate.
When making comparisons in terms of sampling errors we have to remember that both the size of the sample and the size of the proportion enter the picture. Sampling error is approximately inversely proportional to the square root of the sample size. And sampling error also varies with the proportion being estimated; thus, as the proportion reaches 50 per cent the sampling error reaches its maximum. Thus Table A shows the sampling error for given per• centages with various numbers of cases. Table B shows sampling errors of differences for comparing subgroups of varying sizes.
Sampling error estimates in Tables A and B are based on the standard error formula for simple random samples and also on the computations of individual sampling errors carried out for the current study; the latter figures allow for the departures from simple random sampling in the survey design such as stratification and clustering.
•» The term "error" in this context does not, of course, mean "mistake" but rather variation in estimate. Errors (or mistakes) in the usual sense may be present due to bias or procedural slips, but "sampling error" does not deal with this kind of problem. Table A
Approximate Sampling Error*of Percentages
(expressed in percentages)
Number of Interviews Reported Percentages 1900 1500 1000 700 500 U00 300 200 100 5o 2.2-3.5 2.6-3.9 3.2-4.5' 3.8-5.1 4.5-5.8 5.0-6.3 5.8-7.2 7.1-8.7 10.0-12:0
30 or 70 2.0-3.2 2;U-3.3 2.9-4.1 3.5-4-7 4.1-5.3 4.6-5.8 5.3-6.6 6.5-7.9 9.2-11.0
20 or 80 1.8-2.9 2.1-3.2 2.5-3.5 3.0-4.0 3.6-4.7 4.0-5.0 4.6r5.7 5.7-7.0 8.0- 9.6
10 or 90 13.-2.1 1.5-2.3 1.9-2.7 2.3-3.1 2.7-3.5 3.0-3.9 3.5-4.3 4.2-5.1 6.0- 7.2
5 or 95 1.0-1.6 1.1-1.7 l.a-2.0 1.6-2.1 1.9-2.5 2.2-2.8 2.5-3.1 3.1-3.8 . 4.4- 5.3
* The figures in this table represent two standard errors. Hence, for most Items the chances are 95 in 100 that the value being estimated lies within a range equal to the reported percentages, plus or minus the sampling error. Two estimates of the sampling error are presented for each cell. The lower values are based on the standard error formula for simple random samples. The higher values are based on the computations of individual sampling errors carried out on the current study data, and allow for the departures from simple random sampling in the survey design such as stratification and clustering. The sampling error does not measure the total error involved in specific survey estimates since it does not include non-response and reporting errors. 229
Table B
Approximate Sampling Error* of Differences (in percentages)
For Percentages, from 35* to 65* 2000 1500 1000 700 500 300 200 100 2000 3.2-ii.O • 3.4-4.2 3.9-U.7 4.U-5.2 5.0-5.8 6.2-7.0 7.4-8.3 10.2-11.3 1500 3.7-4.5 4.1-4.9 4.6-5.4 5.2-6.0 6.3-7.2 7.5-8.U l6.3-ll.il 1000 4.5-5.5 4.9-5.8 5.5-6.3 6.6-7.4 7.B-8.7 10.5-11.6 700 5.4-6.2 5.4>-6.7 6.9-7.8 8.6-8.9 16.7-ll.B 500 6.3-7.2 V.2-8.2 8.4-9.3 11.6-12.1 300 8.2-9.1 9.1-16.1 11.5-12.8 200 10.0-11.1 12.2-13.5 100 - 14.1-15.5 For Percentages around 20* and 80* 2000 2.5-3.2 2.7-3.4 3.1-3.8 3.5-4.2 4.0-4.6 5.0-5.6 5.9-6.6 8.2-9.6 1560 2,<>-3.6 3.7-4.3 4.1-4.8 5.1-5.? 6.6-6.? • 8.2-9.1 1000 3.6-4.2 3.9-4.6 4.4-5.1 5.3-6.0 6.2-6.9 8.4-9.3 700 4.3-5.0 ii.7-5.4 5.5-6.2 6.U-7.2 6.6-9.4 500 5.1-5.8 5.8-6.6 6.7-7.5 " '"B.8-^.7 300 6.5-7.3 7.3-8.1 •£.2-16.2 206' 8.0-8.8 9.8-12.4 loo " il.3-12.4 For Percentages around 10* and 90* 2000 1.9-2.k 2,1-2.5 ^.3-2^ 2.6-3.1 3.0-3.5 3.7-4.2 4.5-5.0 6.1-6.8 1566 2.U-2.9 2.7-3.2 3.1-3.6 3.8-4.3 4.5-5.1 6.5-6.8 1000 2.7-3.2 3.0-3.5 3.3-3.8 3.9-4.5 4.7-5.2 6.3-6\£ 700 3.2-3.7 3.5-4.6 4.1-4.V 4.8-5.U 6.ii-7.l 5oo 3.8-4.3 4.3-4.9 5.0-5.6 6.6-7.2 300 4.9-5.5 5.5-6.1 6.9-7.7 200 6.0-6.6 7.3-8.1 loo 8.5-9.3 For Percentages around 5* and 95* 2000 1.5-1.8 1.7-2.0 1.9-2.3 2.2-2.5 2.7-3.1 3.2-3.6 1500 1.6-2.0 1.8-2.1 ' 2.0-2.U 2.2-2.6 2.8-3.1 "3.3-3.7 1666 1.9-2.3 2.1-2.5 2.4-2.8 2.9-3.2 3.4-3.8 700 2.3-2.7 2.6-2.9 3.0-3.U 3.5-3.9 566 2.8-3.1 3.1-3.6 3.6-U.l 300 3.6-4.0 4.0-4.4 566 ii.4-4.8
* The values shown are the differences required for significance (two standard errors) ' in comparisons of percentages derived from two different subgroups of the current survey. Two values - low and high - are given for each cell. See footnote to Table A. Appendix B
THE QUESTIONNAIRE
We're interested in where people get certain kinds of news and information, and how they feel about it. Let's start with newspapers:
1. What newspaper do you read?
If reads a newspaper
la. About how often do you read (name of paper)?
Name of paper
Daily, several times a week, weekly, less than once a week.
2. When you read the paper, what sort of items do you usually read first?
2a. What do you usually read next?
2b. And after that?
3. Of course, all people aren't interested In the same things In the paper, so I would like to get an idea of the kinds of things that interest you in the paper. For instance, how about j do you usually read" it all the way through, read some of it, just glance at it, or slap over it?
a. Sports news b. Society news c. . Stories about local events, aside from local sport or society news d. Stories about national politics e. Stories about medicine and health f. Stories about other kinds of science besides medicine and health - like new inventions, or things scientists discover g. Stories about foreign events h. Stories about crime i. Comics j. Stories about ordinary people who happen to get into the news 231
If reads a newspaper (cent.)
ii. Would you tell me which of these kinds of stories, that we've just men• tioned, you personally would like to have more of in the paper, less of in the paper, and which you think there is about the right amount of in the paper? a. Sports news b. Society news c. Stories about local events d. Stories about national politics e. Stories about medicine and health f. Stories about other kinds of science besides medicine and health g. Stories about foreign events h. Stories about crime i. Comics
j. Stories about ordinary people who happen to get into the news.
Ask everyone 5. In the next set of questions I would like to ask about science stories you may have read or heard about. Just so we are sure we are thinking of the same things, let me tell you what I have in mind when I speak of science. It includes everything scientists discover about nature - it could be the discoveries about the stars, or atoms, about the human body or the mind - any basic discovery about how things work and why. But science also includes the way in which this information is used for practical uses - it might be a new way of curing a disease, or the in• vention of a new auto engine, or making a new fertilizer. Here are some examples of science stories that you might see or hear about. As I read each one, would you tell me how interested you would be in reading or hearing such a story - very much interested, somewhat interested, or not very interested.
Form A wording Form B wording
a. New ways of treating diseases a. Can science protect you against heart disease? b. The discovery of a new star b. Newly discovered star gives clue to how world began c. The effects of atomic bombs on c. Will atom bomb tests affect your human beings health? d. How molecules are held together d. New chemical theory doubles mileage of gasoline e. The causes of depressions and e. How you can protect your family hard times in the united States against hard times f. The discovery of an ancient f. Discovery of ruins confirms civilization Biblical story of Ruth g. The psychology of how to raise g. Will today's children be smarter children than their parents? h. Rocket ships and space travel h. Test of new rocket for first flight to moon announced i. New scientific ways to prepare i. Foods that won't ever spoil foods 232
•Ask everyone (cont.)
Science stories are sometimes about health. For example -
6. Do you recall hearing anything about the vaccine for preventing polio (infantile paralysis)?
(If yes) 6a. What was it that you heard?
7. Have you heard anything about plans to launch a space satellite, some• times called a man-made moon?
(If yes) 7a. From what you've heard, what is the purpose of launching these space satellites?
Newspaper readers only
8. Stories about science don't appear in the papers as often as news about politics or crime. But you may have seen some stories in the paper within the last year about medicine and health. Do you recall any?
(If yes) 8a. Could you tell me more about it?
8b. Anything else about medicine and health?
9. Medicine and health, of course, is only one part of science; there are other kinds of science like the things we mentioned earlier. Do you recall seeing anything in the paper within the last year about other kinds of science?
(If yes) 9a. Could you tell me more about it?
9b. Anything else about other kinds of science?
If yes to Q.8 or Q.9
10. Now, about the science you've seen in the paper, would you say that it was very easy to understand, rather easy, rather hard, or very hard to understand?
11. Did the science stories tell you what you were interested in finding out? That is, were they very complete, rather complete, rather in• complete or very incomplete?
12. Were the science stories written so that they were very interesting, rather interesting, rather dull or very dull?
13. On the average, did you feel that the science stories were very accu• rate, rather accurate, rather inaccurate, or very inaccurate? 233
Ask everyone lh* Suppose a newspaper wanted to put in more stories about science, but had to cut down on something else to get them in. Are there any sorts of items you would be willing to have less of in order to get in more about science?
(if yes) lh&. What sort of items might be cut down?
(If ads only mentioned) liib. What besides ads? l£. Are there any magazines that you read regularly?
(If yes) 15a. Which ones are they?
l5b. Which of these do you get in the mail by subscription?
16. Do you usually read the same kinds of magazines or do you sort of shop around for any kind of magazine that has an article or story that interests you?
17. Have you read any articles about any kind of science in a magazine within the last year?
(If yes) 17a. What was it about?
17b. What magazine was it in?
If yes to Q.17
18. About the science you've seen in a magazine, would you way it was very easy to understand, rather easy, rather hard, or very hard to under• stand?
19- Did the science stories tell you what you were interested in finding out? That is, were they very complete, rather complete, rather in• complete or very incomplete?
20. Were the science stories written so that they were very interesting, rather interesting, rather dull or very dull?
21. On the average, did you feel that the science stories were very accu• rate, rather accurate, rather inaccurate or very inaccurate?
Ask everyone
22. Have you heard anything about radioactive fall-out or dust from atomic bombs ?
(If yes) 22a. As you understand it, what is radioactivity like? 23U
Ask everyone (cont.)
23- In some places around the country fluorides are now being added to the drinking water. Have you heard anything about that?
(If yes) 23a. What do you think is the purpose of adding fluorides to the drinking water?
2ii. Do you ever listen to the radio?
(If yes) 2l*a. On the average, about how many hours a day do you usually listen to the radio?
2lib. What kinds of things do you usually listen to on the radio?
20. Have you heard any kind of science talked about on the-radio within the last year?
(If yes) 25a. What was it that you heard?
25b. Was it a short item in a news program, or was it in a program mainly about science?
25c. Do you happen to remember the name of the program?
If yes to Q.25
26. About the science you've heard on the radio, would you say that it was very easy to understand, rather easy, rather hard, or very hard to understand?
27. Did the science programs tell you what you were interested In finding out? That is, were they very complete, rather complete, rather in• complete or very Incomplete?
28. Were the science programs presented so that they were very interesting,^, rather Interesting, rather dull or very dull?
29. On the average, did you feel that the science programs were very accu• rate, rather accurate, rather inaccurate, or very inaccurate?
Ask everyone
30. Do you ever watch television?
(if yes) 30a. On the average, about how many hours a day do you usually watch television?
30b. What kinds of programs do you usually watch? 235
Ask everyone (cont.)
31* Have you watched any programs, within the last year, in which any kind of science was talked about?
(If yes) 31a- What was it that you saw?
31b. Was it a short item in a news program, or was it in a program mainly about science?
31c Do you happen to remember the name of the program?
If yes to Q.31
32, About the science you've seen on television, would you say that it was very easy to understand, rather easy, rather hard, or very hard to understand?
33* Did the science programs tell you what you were interested in finding out? That is, were they very complete, rather complete, rather in• complete or very incomplete?
3u. Were the science programs presented so that they were very interesting-, rather interesting, rather dull or very dull?
35- On the average, did you feel that the science programs were very accu• rate, rather accurate, rather inaccurate, or very inaccurate?
If mentioned science in any of the four media
36. From which of these sources do you get most of your science information- newspapers, magazines, radio, television?'
36a. Second most?
37* Thinking of the science you have heard about or read about, was there any that you could actually use in everyday life?
(If yes) 37a. What was that? How did you find it useful?
37b. Where did you hear about it - in newspapers, magaiinee, radio, television, or where? 236
If mentioned science in any of the four media (cont.)
38. Here are some reasons people have given to explain why they listen to or read about science. Please pick the one reason that comes closest to explaining why you read science.
What would you pick as second?
a. I like to keep up with things that are going on b. Science is interesting c. Science is helpful to roe in everyday life d. Science Is exciting e. Science may determine whether my family and I, and the world itself, will survive
39. Are there any reasons you can tell me that express your feelings about science better than the ones on the card?
Ask everyone uO. From which of these sources do you get most of your general news - newspapers, magazines, radio, television?"
liOa. Second most?
Jjl. From which of these sources do you get most of your entertainment - newspapers, magazines, radio, television?
Ilia. Second most?
Ii2. Have you read any books within the last year, including those small pocket-books with paper covers?
(If yes) ii2a. About how many did you read?
!*2b. Were they mainly fiction-stories, or what were they?
(If mainly fiction) li2c. Did you read any books that weren't fiction?
(If any non-fiction) u2d. Have you read anything about science in these books? What was that? 237
Ask everyone (cont,) hi* Now, I'd like to ask yon a few general questions* All things con• sidered, would you say that the world is better off or worse off because of science?
his.. Would you tell me why you think so?
U3b. As you see it, what might be some of the bad effects of science on the world?
(If any bad effects mentioned) hlc. Who would you say is responsible for the bad effects of science - the scientists themselves, or others?
(If others) li3d. Who? What kind of people? hh* Some things are studied scientifically, some things are studied in other ways. From your point of view, what does it mean to study something scientifically?
hha. Are there any things that can't be studied scientifically?
Uub. How about human beings - do you think we can know how people think, why they behave the way they do, by scientific study? hS* Do you think that science may understand most of the things, that happen in the world, or do you think that science will never be able to under• stand a lot of things?
I16. Do you think that the things that happen in this world have a cause, or do things happen by accident - for no reason at all? hi* Do you think that the things that happen in this world are mostly con• trolled by God, or do you think the world runs pretty much by itself?
1*8. Here are some things that have been said about science. Would you tell me if you tend to agree or disagree with them?
a. Science is making our lives healthier, easier and more comfortable b. The growth of science means that a few people could control our lives c. Science will solve our social problems like crime and mental illness d. One trouble with science is that it makes our way of life change too fast e. Scientists always seem to be prying into things that they really ought to stay out of f• Most scientists want to work on things that will make life better for the average person g. One of the bad effects of science is that it breaks down people's ideas of right and wrong 238
Ask everyone (cont.)
1*9. It has been said that one of our big troubles is that we depend too much on science and not enough on faith. How do you personally feel about that statement?
50. Suppose all you knew about a Mr. Smith was that he was a scientist. What guesses might you make as to the sort of person he was?
50a. What do you think a person might particularly like about being a scientist instead of doing some other kind of work?
51. Here are some statements about scientists. Do you tend to agree or disagree with them?
a. Most scientists are mainly interested in knowledge for its own sake; they don't care much about its practical value b. Scientists are apt to be odd and peculiar people c. One of the best things about science is that it is the main reason for our rapid progress d. Scientists work harder than the average person e. Scientists are not likely to be very religious people
52. Which of these statements comes closest to your point of view about what scientists should do in their work?
a. Scientists should only work on things that clearly have a practi• cal value b. Scientists should work on understanding nature, even if there is no immediate practical use seen for such work c. Scientists should work on anything that interests them, even if it has no practical value at all
53. Do you think it is all right for scientists to work on anything they want to, even if their discoveries seem to conflict with religious teachings?
5u. Some people feel they can plan ahead pretty definitely in their lives,, others feel they can't. How about you? Have you found that you can pretty well plan your life, or not?
55. Do you think that, when you come right down to It, human nature is good, or bad, or what? 239
Personal data
Now we'd like just a few facts about yourself.
56. About how old are you? /21-2V /25-29Z /30-3V 735-39/ /C_W __W __W /60-bk/ /65 or over/
(If not already ascertained)
57. Are you married, single, divorced, separated or widowed?
(If ever married)
58. Do you have any children?
(If yes) 58a. How many children (under 21) are there in this family?
58b. How old are they?
59. At the present time are you a member of any of the following kinds of groups and organizations?
a. A lodge or fraternal organization b. A church c. A church group or religious organization d. A labor union e. Is there any other kind of group you are a member of?
60. Do you have any hobbies, or anything like that, that you do regularly in your spare time?
(If yes) 60a. What sort of things do you do?
61. What is your religious preference?
/Protestant/ /Catholic/ /Jewish/ /Other - specify/
(If Protestant) 6la. What religious denomination is that?
62. About how often do you usually attend religious services?
/More than J /Once 7- /2-3 times/ /Once a/ /A few times 7 /Never/ /once a week/ /a week/ /a month / /month / /a year or less/ ZhO
63. How many grades of school have you finished?
/None/ 1 2 3 li 5 6 7 8 9 10 U 12
(If completed 12 grades) 63a. Do you have a high school diploma?
(If completed 8 grades) 63b. Have you had other schooling?
(If yes) 63c. What other schooling have you had?
(If college) 63d. Do you have a college degree?
6li. (High school and college attenders) Did you take any science courses in high school like General Science, Biology, Chemistry or Physics? ,
65- (College attenders only) Did you take any science courses in college?
65a. Did you take any social science courses, like Psychology, Sociology or Anthropology?
66. What kind of work do you do?
(If housewife) 66a. Do you do any part time or full time work for
pay outside the home?
(If yes) 66b. What kind of work?
(If retired) 66c. What kind of work did you usually do before you
retired?
(If unemployed) 66d. What kind of work do you usually do?
(Ask only if R is not head of household)
67. What kind of work does (head of household) do?
(If head is unemployed) 67a. What kind of work does he usually do?
(If head is retired) 67b. What kind of work did he usually do before he retired? 2hl
68. About what was your total family income before taxes in 1956?
/Under $13000/ /$1,000 - 1,900/ /$2,000 - 2,999/ /$3,000 - 3,999/
/$ii,060 - 1,999/ /$5,000 - 5,999/ /$6,000 - 7,U99/ /$7,500 - la,999/
/$15,000 - 19,999/ /$20,000 or over/
(By observation)
69. Sex /Male/ /Female/
70. Race /White/ /Negro/ /Other - specify/
71. What was the respondent's attitude toward the interview?
/Positive/ (interested, receptive, cooperative, helpful)
/Neutral/ (cooperative, but uninvolved, uninterested)
/Negative/ (uncooperative, resistant) Appendix C
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES
Table C-l
Number of Books Read Within the Last Year
Number of books Percentage
Non© 63%
1 ii 2 li 3 k k 3 5-9 k 10 - Ik 5 15 - 2k 3 25 - k9 3 $0 and over 5 2 Not ascertained how many # Not ascertained 100%
N - (1919) 21*3
Table C-2
Kind of Books Read Within the Last Tear
Kind of books Percentages
• Read no book 63%
All fiction 13 Mainly fiction 9 Half and half 1* Mainly non-fiction 2 All non-fiction 5 Only the Bible, or religions books 3
Don't know Not ascertained 100%
N •= (1919)
Table C-3
Extent of Book Reading and Recall of Science from Media
Number Number of books Newspapers Magazines Radio Television of cases
None 27 1U 18 (1207)
1-2 1*5 26 13 26 (152) 3-1* 1*9 31* 11* 25 (125) 5 - 9 51* 21 10 32 (87) 10 - 11* 66 1*0 8 32 -(96) 15 - 21* 53 1*2 H* 36 (59) 25 - 1*9 52 39 15 31 (52) 50 and over 59 34 11 26 (91)
Not ascertained 51* 26 10 20 (50)
Note: Percentages indicate proportions of book readers at each level who recall science from each medium. Table C-l*
Pre-Sputnik Knowledge of Satellites by Social Characteristics
Science Heard fiction Other something Vague Expressed Number Heard misinfor- misinfor- NA or DK state- Definite opinion of nothing ma tion ma tion what ments knowledge only NA Total cases Sex
Male h3 6 7 10 3 30 1 - 100% (828) Female 62 6 1* 12 3 12 1 100% (1091)
Age
21 - 2l* 52 6 8 11 3 19 1 _ 100% (128) 25 - 29 hh 8 9 10 5 21* - - 100% (213) 30 - 3ii So 6 1* 12 2 25 1 - 100% (21*1*) 35 - 39 So 6 7 9 2 26 - - 100% (226) l*o - 1*1* 55 5 3 9 1 26 1 * - 100% (252) 1*5 - h9 51 . 5 6 12 3 20 2 1 100% (187) 50 - Sh 58 11 1* 11 * 16 - - 100% (1881 SS - 59 55 7 5 16 h 13 - - 100% (131*,) 60 - 6h 6h 2 3 11 5 11* 1 - 100% (107) 65 and over 63 5 3 15 2 . 11 1 100% (229)
Region
Northeast 55 7 li 10 2 21 * 100% (1*62) Midwest 1*8 7 7 ' 12 1* 21 1 100% (585) West 1*7 9 5 10 2 27 — 100% (271*) South 61 5 5 12 2 15 - 100% (598)
(continued) Table C-l* continued. Science Heard fiction Other something, Vague Expressed Number Heard misinfor- misinfor• NA or DK state• Definite opinion of nothing mation mation what ments knowledge only NA Total cases Rural-urban
Metropolitan centers 58 6 6 11 2 16 1 100% (261) Metropolitan suburbs 1*2 8 3 6 1* 37 - - 100% (21*1) Cities 50,000 and over 51 6 1* 11* 2 22 1 - 100% (296) Cities 2,500-50,000 53 6 6 13 3 19 # 100% (1*32) Places under 2,500 53 10 5 10 2 20 — - 100% (91*) Rural " 58 6 6 12 3 H* 1 - 100% (595)
Religion
Protestant 51* 5 5 12 3 20 1 * 100% (1381*) Catholic ... -51* 9 6 10 2 17 1 100% (1*15) Jewish Uh 8 LO 8 2 28 _ _ 100% (52) None li9 i| 6 11 2 26 — 2 100% (1*7) Education
Grade School 75 3 2 10 1 7 1 Some high school ^ 7 6 15 h li* # Completed high school q 6 13 3 28 College 28 9 1 8 9 3 1*2 1 mm Income
Less than $1,000 80 1* 1 10 1 1* - - 100% (11*5) $1,000 - $1,999 71* 3 12 3 1 5 2 - 100% (171*) $2,000 - 2,999 67 1* 5 13 1 10 - $3,000 - 3,999 57 7 - 100% (215) 8 12 3 13 - - 100% (252) $1*,000 - 1*,999 53 7 6 13 3 17 1 - 100% (268) $5,000 - 5,999 1*5 8 5 13 1* 21* $6,000 - 7,1*99 1*3 * 1 100% (305) 6 6 8 2 33 $7,500 and over 30 9 2 - 100% (223) 6 8 1* 1*3 - 100% (280) (continued) Table C-h continued. Science Heard fiction Other something Vague Expressed Number Heard mi sin for- mis inf or- NA or DK state- Definite opinion of nothing mation mation what ments knowledge only NA Total cases
Science Education
Grade school - no science 76 3 2 10 1 7 1 * 100% (691) Some high school - no science 51 6 1* Hi li Hi * - 100% (223) Some high school - science U9 8 9 16 3 Hi 1 * 100% (177) Completed high school - no science 1*7 10 1 17 - 22 3 - 100% (71) Completed high school - science 39 9 7 12 li 30 * - 100% 002) College - no science 59 5 - li* 5 13 k - 100% (22) College - high school science only 36 8 8 7 5 36 - - 100% (108) College - both high school and college science 20 9 9 10 2 1*8 2 - 100% (207)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted. Table C-5
Satellite Information by Recall of Science from Four Media
Science Heard fiction Other something Vague Expressed Number Heard misinfor• misinfor• NA or DK state• Definite opinion of nothing mation mation what ments knowledge only NA Total cases Recalls Science - Papers Recalls no science 69 5 3 13 2 8 * •a- 100$ (961i) Claims recall 38 8 9 27 li 11 3 — 100% (7li) Recalls one story 38 9 8 13 li 27 1 * 100% (316) Recalls two stories 23 9 11 7 6 li3 1 — 100% (231*) Recalls three or more 11 9 7 6 3 61i 100% (153) Reads no paper 88 1 1 li 1 5 - - 100% (166)
Recalls Science - Magazines Recalls no science 55 8 k 13 3 17 - 100% (807) Claims recall ao 8 1 11 9 29 2 - 100% (83) Recalls one story- 29 7 11 12 li 3li 2 1 100% (263) Recalls two or more 10 10 10 7 li 59 100% (129) Reads no magazines 73 k 3 10 1 9 - - 100% (633)
Recalls Science - Radio Recalls no science 53 7 6 11 3 19 1 * 100% (1330) Claims recall 51 6 - 17 1 25 - - 100% (69) Recalls one story- 39 10 k lli 2- 31 1 - 100% (130) Recalls two or more ' 23 13 10 3 51 - 100% (3D Hears no radio 61* k 5 10 2 15 # - 100% (357) Recalls Science - Television Recalls no science 59 5 5 11 3 17 •* 100% (1128) Claims recall 1*5 9 3 lli 1 27 1 _ 100% (130) Recalls one story- 38 11 7 10 3 30 1 •M- 100% (301,) Recalls two or more 25 13 8 13 3 38 _ — 100% (109) Sees no television 68 5 li 12 2 7 2 - 100% (21*0)
Note; Not ascertained cases omitted, Table C-6
Satellite Information by Primary Source of Science
Science Heard fiction Other something Vague Expressed Number Heard misinfor• mis inf or- NA. or DK state• Definite opinion of nothing mation pintion what ments knowledge only NA Total cases Primary Source of Science
Newspapers So 7 5 11 h 22 1 * 100* (6Sh) Magazines 28 8 8 lu 3 38 1 * 100* (hoi) Radio 63 6 3 16 - 10 2 - 100* (62) Television Sh 7 6 13 ' 3 16 1 100* (1*25)
No science reported 88 1 2 S 1 3 - - 100* (326)
Not ascertained 77 - 6 8 - 6 - 3 100* (35) 2k9
Table C-7
Level of Satellite Information by Primary Source of Science News
Science Heard Primary fiction Other something Source Heard misinfor• misinfor• NA or DK Vague Definite of Science nothing mation mation what statements knowledge
Newspapers ia* 35* 38* 51* 37*
Magazines 15 27 3h 28 27 U2
Radio 3 ' 2 5 (-) 2
Television 31 27 27 27 22 19
One or more 1 1 - # -
Don't, know 1 1 - 1 - -
Not ascertained 3 - 2 1 - *
100* 100* 100* 100* 100* 100*
N = (7U3) (117) (9h) (200) (19) (37li)
Note: Not ascertained and Expressed opinion only categories omitted; table based on all those who claimed science news. 250
Table C-8
Examples of Magazine Classification
General Magazines
- News-picture (Life, Look) - General interest (Saturday Evening Post, etc.) - Digests (Readers Digest, Coronet, etc.) not Science Digest - News magazines (Time, Newsweek, U.S. News and World Report) - Commentary and background on world affairs and contemporary trends ( Harpers, Atlantic, The Reporter, The Nation, Saturday Review, New Yorker, etc.)
Science Magazines
- Technical journals, (Physical Review, Journal of the American Medical Association, etc.) - General science magazines, difficult level (Scientific American, Science, American Scientist) - General science, popular level (Popular Science, Popular Mechanics, Science Digest, National Geographic, etc.) - Magazines for laymen with specific or technological interest (Hi-Fi, Amateur Radio, etc.) - Other science magazines
Business, Financial, Industrial Magazines
- Business, financial (Business Week, Nation's Business, Forbes, Fortune, etc.) - Trade magazines for specific industries and businesses (iron Age, Automotive News, etc.) - Other business magazines
Women-oriented Magazines
- Women's fashions, personal grooming (Vogue, Charm, Mademoiselle, Glamour, Harpers Bazar, etc.) - House and garden; home decoration and improvement (Better Homes and Gardens, Living for Young Homemakers, etc.) - General women's magazines (Ladies Home Journal, Woman's Day, etc.) - Other women-oriented magazines, including family-oriented (Parents')
Men-oriented Magazines
- General men's magazines, (Esquire, True, Playboy, etc.)
(continued) 2*1
Table C-8 continued.
Specific Interest Magazines
- Religions and church magazines - Hobby magazines, not elsewhere classified (Model Railroading, Gun Collector, etc.) - Organizational magazines (American Legionnaire, Elk's Magazine, etc*) - Sports, non-fiction (Sports Illustrated, etc.) - Consumers magazines (Consumer Reports, Changing limes, etc.) - Professional magazines, other than science (Education, Journal of the American Bar Association, etc.) - Nature lore, conservation (Nature, Michigan Conservation, etc.) - Race-oriented magazines, especially Negro (Ebony, Jet, etc.) - Farm and ranch magazines (The Farm Quarterly, Capper's Farmer, Country Gentleman, etc.) - TV and radio guides (TV Guide) - Fan magazines (Silver Screen, Modern Screen, etc.) - Expose magazines (Confidential, etc.)
Predominantly Fiction Magazines .
- Science fiction (Astounding Science Fiction, etc.) - Detective (Ellery Queen, etc.) - Love, confession, romance (True Confessions, Modem Romance, etc.) - Action, adventure, western, sports - Serious or high-brow fiction, poetry (Paris Review, Poetry, "the little magazines") - Other, comic books 252
Table C-9
Combined Science and Medical Recall by Social Characteristics
Recalled Science Number or Medical News of cases Sex
Male 76 (828) Female 75 (1091)
Age
21 - 2k 80 (128) 25 - 29 82 (213) 30 - 3k 80 (21*1*) 35 - 39 82 (226) Uo - kk 76 (252) 1*5 - k9 76 (187) 50 - 51* 77 (188) 55 - 59 71* (131*) 60 - 61* 79 (107) 65 and over 57 (229)
Region
Northeast 71 (1*62) Midwest 82 (585) West 81* (271*) South 68 (598)
Rural-urban
Metropolitan cities 69 (261) Metropolitan suburbs 82 (21*1) Cities 50,000 and over 79 (296) Cities 2,500 - 50,000 80 (1*32) Places under 2,500 77 (91*) Rural 70 (595)
Religion
Protestant 75 (1381*) Catholic 76 (515) Jewish 81 (52) None 77 (1*7)
(continued) 253
Table C-9 continued. Recalled Science Number or Medical News of cases Education
Grade school Sk (691) Some high school 80 (1*00) Completed high school 89 (1*83) College 96 (339)
Income"
Less than $1,000 ul (115) $1,000 - 1,999 51 (1710 $2,000 - 2,999 66 (215) $3,000 - 3,999 75 (252) $ii,000 - u,999 79 (268) $5,000 - 5,999 86 (305) $6,000 - 7,1J99 89 (223) $7,500 and over 92 (280)
Science Education
Grade school - no science Sk (691) Some high school - no science 75 (222) Some.high school - science 85 (177) Completed high school - no science 80 (71) Completed high school - science 91 (1*12) College - no science 86 (22) College - high school science only 92 (108) College - both high school and college science 99 (207)
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted 2$k
Table C-10
Combined Science and Medical Recall by Selected Factors
Recalled Science Number or Medical News of cases Science Information Score
0 (Low) 29 (166) 1 55 (167) 2 82 (ii60) 3 90 (SOU) h (High) 98 (321)
Primary Source of Science
Newspapers 93 (65a) Magazines 91* (1*01) Radio 81 (62)
Television 88 (425)
Includes only those who claim some science or medicine and name a primary source.
Note: Not ascertained cases omitted