III. Reforming Cuban Agriculture

While the rural infrastructure, services, and ment. “It made us pay attention to more standard of living were dramatically trans- rational methods.” (Sullivan, 2000).9 formed in the first four decades of the Cuban Now ten years later, the economy is slowly revolution, Cuban agriculture had not lost its reemerging. The GNP has grown every year taste for producing, milling, and exporting since 1995, reaching 6.2% for 1999 and an sugar. The Cuban model—characterized by estimated 4.6% for 2000. Employment is large state farms, mono-cropping, heavy use up, productivity is up, and exports are up. of mechanization and chemical inputs, cen- In agriculture, certain sectors, including pro- tralized planning, and dependence on import- duction of fruits, vegetables, and tubers for ed agricultural supplies and imported domestic consumption, have turned around foodstuffs—was sustained only through highly completely. Caloric intake rebounded to generous terms of trade of Cuban sugar for 2,473 and 51.6 grams per person—not great Soviet oil. By not producing food for domes- compared to the 1980s, but still a 33% tic consumption and by not addressing its increase compared to 1994. Neither the World Bank nor the Int e r n a t i o n a l Luckily—and I choose my wor ds caref u l l y — l u c k i l y Mon e t a r y Fund nor other international lenders 10 the roof caved in for us in 1989,” said Mavis came to Cub a ’s aid. The rec o ver y in agriculture came from internal reo r g a n i z a t i o n — n e w policies, Al va r ez, a leader in the Cuban farmers movement. ne w actors, new systems. The goal, according to Cuban Vice Minister of Agriculture Alfred o high input and low productivity problems, Gut i é r r ez, is that “Cuban agriculture has to stand Cuban agriculture became very vulnerable to a on its own two feet. We need to over come the rupture with its Soviet and eastern bloc trad- myth that agriculture must be subsidized . ” ing partners. (Gu t i é r r ez intervi e w, May 2001) The over h a u l Even before the economic crisis of the entailed major structural changes, such as: 1990s, Cuban agriculture showed decline. For • decentralization Cuban style, through years assessments pointed to slipping produc- the conversion of large state farms into tivity and increasing investment costs. In thousands of smaller farmers cooperatives 1985 the Ministry of Agriculture promoted a and leasing land in usufruct to thousands new Programa Alimentario which proposed to of private farmers; diversify agriculture and to produce more food for domestic consumption. Vested inter- • urban gardening and ecological agricul- ests in the old model, however, stalled the ture, which altered the topography of rural program before it was even implemented.8 It Cuba, introducing greater diversity and took the collapse of the Soviet Union and the organic practices and greening the cities eastern bloc for Cuban planners to radically with thousands of micro farms; rethink agricultural development. “Luckily— • reforming distribution through intro- and I choose my words carefully—luckily the duction of markets, price incentives, and roof caved in for us in 1989,” said Mavis profitability. Alvarez, a leader in the Cuban farmers move- These measures, taken as a whole, make up other res o u r ce management. Government plan- Cuba’s “third agrarian reform,” every bit as ners and farm leaders alike believed that coopera- profound as the major land expropriations ti v e members would be positive about the change and redistributions of the first two reforms of and be motivated to work. This assumption was 1959 and 1963. verified in an early study by a leading American res e a rc h e r , Carmen Diana Dee re . De c e n t ra l i z a tion of Prod u c t i o n Because they believe that they will be the beneficiaries, cooperative members are also Con ver sion of State Farms wo r king longer hours and putting in much in t o Coo p e r ati v es gr eater effort. More o ver , it is apparent that as In September 1993, the Cuban gover n m e n t owners of the means of production, they take un v eiled a major reorganization in agriculture: better care of their equipment and farm imple- res t r ucturing state farms as private cooperatives . ments. The members also feel empower ed to As President Fidel Castro explained in the Cub a n a certain degree, for they are now parti c i p a t i n g ne wspaper Gran m a (12/29/93), “The state has in production decisions for the first time and not had success in large farm business.” Dec re e ha v e elected their own management, sometimes 142 affected most of the state holdings—a total in contested elections—something quite new in 11 of 41.2% of the arable land in Cub a —and cre- the Cuban political scene. ated 2,007 new cooperatives whose membership Unlike the large state farms, the UBPCs 12 totaled 122,000 people. Called Basic Units of are smaller enterprises, member-owned and Co o p e r a t i v e Production (UBPC), the coopera- member-managed. The cooperative, not the ti v es now make up the largest sector in Cub a n state, owns the production, and the coopera- ag r i c u l t u r e. The new policy was based on the fact tive member earns based on his or her share of that smaller farms would be more easily managed the cooperative’s income. The cooperatives and better able to take on sustainable agriculture also own the buildings and farm equipment practices, which was now vital given the lack of purchased from the government at discounted 13 agricultural inputs. This was seen as a new for- prices with long-term, low-interest loans (4% mula promoting decentralized decision-making interest). The greatest structural difference about production but allowing a centralized plan- between the UBPCs and other cooperatives is ning so essential for planned biological diver s i t y , that the state retains ownership of the land pest control at a regional level, and water and and leases the land on a long-term basis, rent- andholding in Rur al Cuba (199 2 and 1997 ) 199 2 199 7

CCSs 11% UBPCs 42%

CP As 10% St ate 33%

Un a f f i l l i a ted 3%

St ate 76% CCSs 12% CP As 9% Un a f f i l l i a ted 4%

BPC is a basic unit of cooperative production. CPA is an agricultral production cooperative. CCS is a credit and services cooperative. Members of a UBPC cooperat i v e in the Hava n a pr ovince work ha r der and are mo r e committed than before, but the track rec o r d of the UBPCs has not been as st r ong as hoped. [St e v e Cag a n ]

free, to the UBPC cooperative. Deere has yea r , for example, only 200 head of cattle characterized the transformation as “. . . the died between ours and a neighboring gigantic state farm sector was, in reality, priva- UBPC. With less than we had before, we tized,” although Deere and others recognize ar e producing more than before. that the state reserves the right to “dissolve Now eight years after the founding of the whatever UBPC . . . on the basis of the social UBPCs, the track rec o r d of new cooperatives is or economic interest as determined by the not as strong as was hoped. While no one calls Government” (Gaceta Oficial, 9/21/93). for a return to the state farm era, difficulties con- Many expected that replacing state farms with tinue to stymie their development. The UBPCs “so c i a l i ze d ” private enterprise would unleash inherited a highly mechanized high-input agri- en t re p r eneurial energy and rev erse the low pro- cultural model at a time when inputs are scarce ductivity found on the state farms. And for some and costly (credit and extension services have also UBPCs, the reform did mean that. Ramon Per a , been reduced). The cooperatives wer e born not the president of the cattle UBPC Mart i r es de out of plenty, like the small farmers in the agrari- Moncada in Ciego de Avila province, spoke posi- an reform thirty years earlier, but out of scarci t y , ti v ely about the conversion in a December 1999 and they lack the means of production. In addi- in t e rv i e w (R. Pera, personal communication, tion, UBPCs have shown difficulty in ret a i n i n g December 15, 1999): their workf o r ce due to inadequate living condi- With less res o u r ces than before, we are bet- tions, working conditions, and pay. And without ter small businesses than under the state a federation to unite the individual UBPCs, simi- farm system. Th e r e is a sense of own e r s h i p , lar to the ANAP cooperatives federation, the the farms are smaller and easier to manage. UBPC movement has been unable to arti c u l a t e We are more autonomous. We make our its interests and bargain with the state as a sector own production plans, and we are growi n g (as opposed to as an individual cooperative). eve r y yea r . We are producing better-quality Another issue concerns the new cooperatives ’ milk and people earn more. As a state independence from the state. Although the farm, the business lost 12 million pesos UBPCs are legally autonomous, the state contin- eve r y yea r . In 1992, for example, 1,200 ues to exer cise considerable influence on the head of cattle died. Turning the farm into activities of many of the cooperatives. The gov- a cooperative was well thought-out. Last ernment contracts with the UBPCs on what cr ops and how much land the cooperative should Oxfam, said, “No one decides for us. Bef o r e we cu l t i v ate and on that basis sells agricultural inputs had to do what the state farm director wanted. to the UBPCs. UBPCs produce pred o m i n a n t l y Now we have more support to make local deci- su g a r . Mor e than three - q u a r ters of all the sions. It’s more dynamic” (R. Rey es, personal UBPCs, for example, are given quotas for sugar communication, December 15, 1999). pr oduction, which sever ely limits any other crop s they might produce and sell in the agricultural Linking Wor ke r s to the Land ma r kets, thereb y restricting their options and Within the UBPC cooperatives and the agricul- their income. An April 2000 visit by the authors tural cooperatives (CPAs), a new practice of tying to six UBPC cooperatives in Ciego de Avi l a an individual’s salary to his or her prod u c t i v i t y rev ealed different perspectives between the may be one of the most vital, yet unheralded, UBPCs and local officials with the Min i s t r y of reforms. Traditionally members of cooperatives Ag r i c u l t u r e. The officials tended to relate get paid based on the number of days they work to the UBPCs as if the co-ops wer e still state (t h r ough an advance and an end-of-year share of farms, while several UBPC leaders listed the need the earnings). This practice pays ever yone equal- for rel a t i v e autonomy in decision-making as a ly , no matter how hard, how long, or how pro- key factor inhibiting their prog re s s . du c t i v ely one works in the day. Giv en the state influence, some res e a rc h e r s By linking workers to a specific plot of land ha v e called the UBPCs “state cooperatives ”14 or on the cooperative, the cooperative compensates pr i v ate-state hybrids.15 Reg a r dless of the name, members based on their prod u c t i v i t y , not their the state influence on the cooperatives affects timesheet. Members who clear more land in a “their consciousness as new cooperativists, who day get paid more; individuals who prod u c e ar e owners and theref o r e social actors in an mo r e on their area get paid more. This rep re s e n t s economic context. . . . The minimal necessary a move towa r ds decentralization and grea t e r conditions for the development of self-manage- in c e n t i v es within the cooperative, but still allows ment still has not been created and a culture of for the larger economies of scale, mechanization, cooperativism has not been extended” (Per ez, and collectivist spirit which cooperatives offer. 2000, p. 86). Creating a consciousness of own e r s h i p Le a sing Land to Private Far m e r s among former agricultural laborers cannot hap- The breakup of the large state farms has free d pen overnight, unlike the passing of the decree enormous acreage for other types of land use that created the UBPCs, but at the same time and the government has turned over land to will req u i r e a more intentional hands-off Reynaldo Gar cía, ap p r oach by local ministry officials who still a farmer in Ciego vi e w UBPCs as part of their domain. Tren d s de Avila, rec e i ve d clearly point towa r ds greater autonomy for the half of his land from the state on a long co o p e r a t i v es. Int e rv i e ws on the ground and te r m, ren t - f r ee le a s e . with agricultural specialists confirm that local The micro- d a m , co o p e r a t i v e leaders are demanding greater deci- built with Oxf a m sion-making authority and local officials with funding, gives him a yea r - r ound source rel a t i v ely few res o u r ces are increasingly ceding of irrigation for veg au t h o r i t y . Non-sugar UBPCs have won more of etable prod u c t i o n . the battle. One cooperative leader at the UBPC Ri c a r d Rey es, a Ciego de Avila cooperative which raises cattle and rec e i v es training from small farmers have been the most prod u c t i v e sector in Cuban agriculture, outperforming the agricultural cooperatives (CPAs ) , 17 UBPC coop- er a t i v es, and state farms. Recognizing that CCS farmers produce more with less, the Nat i o n a l Association of Small Producers (ANAP) began a pr ogram in 1998 to strengthen the business side of the CCS co-ops. Regulations governing co-ops wer e amended to allow CCS cooperatives to open bank accounts, to hire administrators and ma r ket rep re s e n t a t i v es, and to negotiate cred i t and to “pl a n ” collectively on behalf of its mem- be r s h i p . After training and res t r ucturing, the Nei g h b o r hood res i - farmers—nearly 170,000 hectares since 1989 co o p e r a t i v es can be qualified as “st re n g t h e n e d . ” ents in San Mig u e l (E C L AC, 1999).16 The government retains title A “st re n g t h e n e d ” cooperative gained own e r s h i p el Pad r on in Hava n a ha v e tran s f o r med a to the land, but private farmers and agricultural of machinery (often through subsidized sale of arbage dump into cooperatives (CPAs) can farm the land rent- used equipment from the state) which the co- prod u c t i v e urban free for an indefinite time period. The only op leases to its membership. A “st re n g t h e n e d ” ga r den. The project qualification for farmers such as coffee farmers co o p e r a t i v e can also collectively market the supported by Oxfam America and in the east, vegetable growers in the central goods of its members, earning income for the he Cuban Council pr ovinces, and tobacco farmers in the west is that co-op and greater profits for the members by Churches. ne a r b y land be available and that the farmers cutting out the transport intermediaries. As of sh o w the potential to expand their production. April 2000, approximately 991 of 2,556 CCS Giv en the food crisis of the mid-1990s and co o p e r a t i v es wer e considered “st re n g t h e n e d ” the current income-earning potential, many which meant among other things that those co- Cubans now view farming as an occupation ops could tap new res o u r ces from the state. ver y differently than they did in the 1980s. Finances, obviously, play an important part Thousands of families have left the cities and in the health of a cooperative. According to to wns to claim a farming stake and make their ANAP officials, 87% of the CPA cooperatives li v elihood from the land. ANAP claims that its are profitmaking, though many just barely. membership has increased by 35,000 over the However, among 149 coffee cooperatives, a past three years and characterizes the new farm- much higher percentage are losing money. ers as young families, many of whom are col- Lack of fertilizers has affected coffee produc- lege-educated; people who opted for early tion particularly heavily, leading to higher ret i r ement; or workers who originally came debt loads, greater difficulty in obtaining fur- fr om a farming backgrou n d . ther credit, and problems in retaining mem- bership because of the low pay. In response, St r engthening Coo p e r ati v es ANAP approved a debt-reduction plan for 63 The credit and service cooperatives (CCSs), cooperatives, which progressively forgives their made up of small, independent farmers living debt over three years (up to 50% of total on their farms, have recently gained attention debt) if the cooperative turns a profit during and a greater share of res o u r ces. The CCS coop- each of those years. Initial signs point to suc- er a t i v es traditionally have been loosely organ- cess of the offer, and ANAP officials say that iz ed, often providing little credit and few the key has been the focus on cooperatives se r vices to their membership. Despite that, the capable of becoming profitable. Ur ban Agriculture In less than a decade, Cuban urban agriculture ar ose from abandoned lots to become the largest Spurred by extreme food shortages and sheer urban agriculture movement in the Americas. ingenuity, Cuba has begun an impressive This year Cuba may reach its goal of urban agri- experiment with urban agriculture. What cu l t u r e supplying ever y woman, man, and child began as an ad hoc localized response to crisis in the cities with the FAO- r ecommended 300 has evolved into a highly developed and wide- grams of vegetables per day. spread experiment in urban farming. Today Recognizing the potential of urban agricul- half of the fresh produce consumed by two tu r e, in 1994 the government created an urban million Havana residents is grown by “nontra- de p a r tment of the Min i s t r y of Agriculture. ditional urban producers” in abandoned lots Instead of imposing its authority on this nas- and green spaces wedged into the crowded cent, diverse, and admittedly chaotic move- topography of the city. ment, the Urban Agriculture department wisely In 1992 in the city of Holguin, unemployed has looked to promote, support, and “reg u l a r - state workers began a gardening plot as a sur- iz e” the practices, for example, by formalizing vi v al response. About the same time a neighbor- the grower s ’ claim to community lots and legal- hood group in Santa Fé, a community on the izing the grower s ’ right to sell their produce. Thus far the state has been able to bring some n less than a decade, Cuban urban agriculture or der to the movement without stifling local ini- ti a t i v e. State resolutions req u i r e that all urban ar ose from abandoned lots to become the larges t ag r i c u l t u r e must be organic (in order to prot e c t the neighborhood residents) and that lives t o c k rban agriculture movement in the Americas. (the principal problem was pigs) cannot be raised in urban areas. Th r ough Resolution 527/97 western outskirts of Hav ana, started planting in urban dwellers can rec e i v e up to one-third of an their backyards and in abandoned lots. Nei t h e r ac r e for a personal lot in the periphery of the gr oup counted on res o u r ces, tools, or specialized major cities. Th r ough December 1999 more kn o wledge. Since ferti l i z ers and chemical inputs than 190,000 persons had rec e i v ed small lots. wer e unavailable, by default the growers turned Th r ough a series of urban agricultural stores, the to organic methods: composting, weeding, and state supplies organic inputs (principally organic manual defense against insects. The movem e n t compost) and extension servi c e s . quickly spread through Hav ana and to the other provincial capitals. Di ve r se Forms of Urban Agriculture Soon the Santa Fé neighborhood council, Urban agriculture in Cuba is a collective term for with help from Cuban and international non- a number of different ways food production is go vernmental organizations (NGOs), began to or g a n i z ed in cities and towns. The most com- pr ovide tools, seeds, and advice to other garde n - mon, or g a n ó p o n i c o s , use raised beds of organic ing groups. Though individual backyard plots material. They generally combat pests using bio- (as well as chickens and an occasional pig) wer e logical methods and utilize organic ferti l i ze r , for pa r t of the movement, what really flourished example, soil that has been processed using worm wer e semi-organized horticultural groups based cu l t u r es. The more advanced or g a n ó p o n i c o s wi l l on shared values: a self-help approach; sharing ha v e micro-jet irrigation and mesh shading. pr oduce among the members and with vulnera- Yields are quite high—from 6 kilograms of pro- ble groups in schools, clinics, and seniors centers; duce per square meter up to 30 kilograms (the and selling excess produce in the neighborhood. ga r den La Construc c i ó n in Hav ana provi n c e ) . Pro d u c tion in Urban Agriculture (in ton s ) Im p a c t of Urban Agriculture on Food Security 2, 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 The production from urban agriculture is noth- 1, 60 0 , 0 0 0 ing short of phenomenal. As the accompanying ch a r t indicates, production levels of veg e t a b l e s 1, 20 0 , 0 0 0 ha v e doubled or tripled ever y year since 1994. 800 , 0 0 0 Urban gardens produce about 60% of all the vegetables consumed in Cuba (though 50% for 400 , 0 0 0 Hav ana; Pérez, 2000, p. 97).18 Without includ-

0 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 200 0 ing figures for the small gardens and individual So u r ce: Ministry of Agriculture, Cuba farms, urban agriculture alone provided 215 grams of vegetables per day per person throu g h - out Cub a — m o r e than 70% of the grams rec o m - Some or g a n o p o n i c o s ar e actually small businesses mended by the UN FAO. The plan for yea r with hired workers, and managed by gover n m e n t 2000 calls for urban agriculture to reach 100% institutions affiliated with the Min i s t r y of Agri- of the FAO rec o m m e n d a t i o n . cu l t u r e and, in a few cases, the Min i s t r y of Armed For ces. Inc re a s i n g l y , or g a n ó p o n i c o s ar e being formed as small, self-managed coopera- ti v es, such as La Victoria in San Miguel del Padrón, an Oxfam America sponsored proj e c t . Other urban agriculture is based more on a small farm model implemented by either individual farmers or agricultural cooperatives on the out- sk i r ts of the city. Much of urban agriculture is quite modest. For example, horti c u l t u r e clubs are often made up of ret i r ed people, some former farmers, who farm land in usufruct patchworked all over cities. Hort i c u l t u r e club members use the food to augment their own diet, give food to family members and neighbors, or trade it for other foodstuffs as well as sell it. As part of the agree - ment granting the club access to land, the club donates up to 10% of their produce to nearby Though some have disparaged urban agri- Amado Fer ná n d e z , schools, old people’s homes, or maternity clin- culture—seen as running counter to modern- 82, buys lettuce for 2 pesos at an ics. Community garde n s ar e organized by a com- ization and urban progress—in truth, urban munity grou p , a workplace, a school, or cultural urban garden in agriculture has had an extraordinarily high Hav ana. With a ce n t e r . A share of the produce goes to the com- social impact. People have been able to par- pension of less than munity entity, and the rest is shared by those tially resolve one of their most pressing prob- 100 pesos per mon Amado finds shop- who work in the garden. Thousands of people lems through their own efforts. “We don’t also have individual garde n s , either in their pri- ping at the farme r s have to wait for a paternalistic state to do ma r ket proves too vate yards or as separate gardens in a larger, things for us. We can do it for ourselves,” said ex p e n s i ve . community-based parce l . a retired schoolteacher in the urban garden in Alamar. More than 28,000 retired people, Ecological Prac t i c e s and nearly 20,000 women and 20,000 young peo- Su s t ainable Agriculture ple are involved in productive, healthy, and remunerative activities. The Oxfam-sponsored Cuba initiated ecological agriculture on a large organopónico in Diezmero, San Miguel del scale out of necessity—the country simply Padrón converted a garbage dump into a cen- lacked fuel for machines, chemical ferti l i ze r s , ter for community activity, an experience that herbicides, and pesticides. Ecological agriculture has been replicated throughout Cuba as is more than just an absence of chemicals in neighbors work side by side in the gardens. farming; it invol v es bio-diver s i t y , spatial con- Urban gardening is good news for the con- tr ols, soil and water management, green ferti l i z - sumer as well as the prod u c e r . At the end of ers and pest controls—altogether an active, 1999, 505 vegetable stands wer e functioning di v erse and integrated approach to farming. with prices generally at 30 to 50% of the level Organic agriculture is a central piece of ecologi- of farmers market prices. Oxfam’s 1997 survey cal agriculture and Cuba may be the largest of buyers in several or g a n o p ó n i c o s and agricul- organic experiment in the hemisphere. “I don’t tural clubs found that the majority of buyer s wer e elderly and that nearly half (45%) spent one peso or less while 30% spent less than two Training Far m e r s, Not Crea ting Dependence pesos, which shows how guardedly the elderly As a response to the food crisis, in 1994 Oxfam Inter n a tional spent their few pesos. These are the people who pr ovided free fertilizer to Cuban farmers in Guantánamo province. cannot afford the agricultural market prices. The result? Agricultural production spiked up for three months— Most urban producers come from families who and then collapsed again in the next harvest without the subsidy. av erage a 250-peso-per-month salary per mem- In s t ead of donating fertilizer during short term cycl e s, Oxfam now be r . The average state salary is 206 pesos a looks to provide long term investment, which means support for the month. The share of earnings from the urban tr aining prog r am of the National Ass o c i a tion of Small Prod u c e r s ag r i c u l t u r e production provides both food and (ANAP). Over the last decade ANAP’s school has educated farmers a substantial increase in pesos to these house- on ecological agriculture, pesticide control and cooperati v e orga n i z a - hold economies. For people on a limited tion. In the provincial and municipal offices, ANAP works closely with income, these additional funds are cruc i a l fa r m e r s to change high-input agriculture into alter n at i v e prac t i c es . The strategy is working. An ANAP cooperati v e presi d e n t (Mu r p h y , 1999). rem e m b e r s that just before the economic crisis hit in 1991, his Without the food crisis of the mid-1990s, co o p e r ati v e used rou g h l y one trac t or for every four cooperati v e urban agriculture in Cuba most likely never me m b e r s. When the economic crisis hit full force and there was no would have occurred. With local initiative and ga soline, the trac to r s wer e litera l l y stalled in the field. ANAP sought judicious state support, possibly no other effort out older farmers who rem e m b e r ed how to work oxen, set them up has had as much impact socially, economically, in the training school, cast r ated thousands of bulls as oxen, and and ecologically. In the past, nearly all the food began sending cooperati v e members through the school in rel a ys consumed in the capital and the large cities was to learn animal traction from the old peasa n t s. In little more than a pr oduced in the rural areas of the surrou n d i n g yea r , most cooperati v es had members trained in the use of animal pr ovinces. The story of urban agriculture in tr action. Cooperati v es used scarce gasoline to run the trac to r s to Cuba holds great promise for other metrop o l i - do the initial plowing, following up with animal traction. Only a tan areas in developed and developing countries st r ong orga n i z a tion with access to their membership, equipped alike that are seeking ways to lower the scale of with a training structure and reso u rc e s and with a membersh i p cities, extend the green areas, and tighten the familiar with training, could act with such agility to turn farming tec h n i q u e s around so quickly. social fabric of populated areas. be l i e v e many people know how big organic these two strategies, Cuban scientists have devel - farming in Cuba really is,” declared Juan Jos é oped techniques to combat pests of almost all León Vega, director of international relations their major crops, including sugarcane, rice, at the Min i s t r y of Agriculture. He estimated yucca, sweet potato, plantain, cabbage, tomato, 1.5 million hectares of non-sugar farmland are pe p p e r , tobacco, coffee, cucumber, and citrus . organic (Sul l i v an, 2000). With Cuba pres e n t l y The techniques are extended throughout Cub a ’s im p o r ting one-sixth of the ferti l i z ers they con- rural area by 222 Centers for the Rep ro d u c t i o n sumed in the pre-1989 Soviet era, and even of Entomophages and (CREEs), many located fe wer chemical herbicides and pesticides, the on farms and cooperatives . ii limited quantities are largely destined to high- priority crops, principally sugar and other Soil Management ex p o r ts. In Cienfuegos, a province held up as a Although Cuba has a high ratio of arable land national model for food self-sufficiency, the use to population, with 30,260 square kilometers of mineral ferti l i z er in 1996 was 12.3% of its of the total area of the island, the arable land 1989 level, while pesticide use barely rea c h e d is not necessarily of the highest quality. A soil 24%, the majority of which was in potato culti- su r vey completed by the Min i s t r y of Agricul- vation. While low-input agriculture can be tu r e categorized 8% of the soils as highly pro- found in isolated pockets in the United Sta t e s du c t i v e and 26.2% as prod u c t i v e, with the res t and among peasant farmers in many devel o p i n g falling under the low and ver y low prod u c t i v i t y countries, the mass conversion of Cuban agri- headings. In addition, much of the soil experi- cu l t u r e seems to be unparalleled. enced heavy abuse under the previous highly The ecological movement began in certa i n me c h a n i z ed chemical intensive production res e a r ch centers such as the Institute for Pes t system, leaving 3,681 hectares affected by ero- Co n t r ol and the Institute for Biological Control sion, 1,133 with high acidity, and 3,000 with in Citrus in the 1980s. The first national ecolo- little organic matter. A 1996 survey classified gy conference occurred in 1981, and certa i n 60% of the soils as eroded and 25% of them practices, such as use of disease-res i s t a n t falling into the categories of sever ely and ver y seedlings, fungi for potassium, and nitrogen fix- se ve r ely eroded, a quantity that appears to be ing, wer e widely used before the special period. gr owing despite increased efforts to rec l a i m When the crisis hit, the centralized nature of them (Duran, 1998). Cuban res e a r ch and extension provided for The Cubans have used an impres s i v e var i e t y quick dissemination of information to farmers. of techniques in soil management. Org a n i c Ce r tainly without regional res e a r ch institutes, amendments and bioferti l i z ers, along with training centers, and widespread extension serv- gr een manures, have been applied on state ices, the experiment would have been localized farms on a massive scale in an attempt to and possibly short- l i ve d . rec o ver exhausted soils and improve soils with Cubans use two main techniques to control lo w ferti l i t y . Reduced tillage using oxen instead insect pests, one based upon the release of of tractors cuts down on soil erosion and aids en t o mophagous insects, commonly known as in weed control. Conver ting farm tractors to “beneficials,” which parasitize the eggs of the pest species. Aggres s i v e ants also help control pests of ii The practice has been so successful that Oxfam America sw eet potato and plantain. The second technique has brought specialists from Cuba to train Sal va d o r a n takes advantage of natural bacteria and ento- ag r onomists in biological pest control and to oversee an experimental CREE station to benefit small farmers and mopathogens of certain pest species. Bet we e n co o p e r a t i v es in El Sal va d o r . farm animals was a crowning moment for cr ops, integrating animals and agriculture, many ret i r ed farmers who wer e the only ones with farmers have adapted to the new circu m s t a n c e s . experience in animal traction. Fin a l l y , the pro- They are more res p o n s i v e to the market, are less duction of worm humus as a ferti l i z er has sky- susceptible to major losses, make better use of rocketed from less than 10,000 metric tons in their res o u r ces and engage 1987 to over 90,000 in 1992. As the head in more environmentally sound practices. ag r onomist at one successful CPA told one of Although before the economic crisis, most the authors, “If you don’t take care of your soil, co o p e r a t i v es and state farms wer e dedicated you ’ll end up with nothing.” exc l u s i v ely to the production of a single crop , A key question concerning the organic today nearly all farms produce food alongside transformation in Cuban agriculture is, as the their cash crop . Producing food for their mem- Cuban economy recovers and their ability to bership and earning a greater income throu g h import chemical inputs expands, will Cuba di v ersification in production have been persua- stay organic? Cuban specialists say yes. “Even si v e incentives for the leaders of cooperatives and if Cuba could get an unlimited supply of state enterprises. It is not unusual for a coopera- cheap chemicals, we would still go ahead with ti v e, like El Vaquerito in Mor on, Ciego de Avi l a , biological agriculture,” said Juan José León to earn more from its sideline of “au t o - c o n s u m o ” Vega of the Ministry of Agriculture.20 ANAP, too, is deeply committed to ecological agricul- ture. But many farmers, who already tend to mix organic with inorganic methods, may wait and respond if a higher-end market for organic goods develops.

Di ve rs i f i c a tion Cuban markets, land tenure, and producers are mo r e decentralized, smaller in scale, and diver s i - fied. Acc o r ding to Rob e r to Caballeros, an agricul- tural specialist with the Institute Dim i t r ova, there has been a convergence between the economic necessities to reduce the scale of agriculture and than from its principal production of coffee or Har var d Uni v er s i t y the environmental suitability of smaller-scale, sugar or cattle. Jorge Luís Her n á n d e z, the pres i - ecologist Richard Levins, who has di v ersified agriculture. “The tropical climate of an dent of El Vaquerito, believes in agricultural wo r ked with Cub a n island like Cuba,” he said, “is inherently unstable, di v ersification, mainly because his cooperative scientists for 35 and on a large-scale model, the farmer cannot used to be 100% dedicated to sugar. years, said, “Sma l l e r react in time to changes in climate.” “Wh o e v er holds onto monoculture will sink,” units of prod u c t i o n tend to create mosa The high variation in soil, the intensity of Her n á n d e z said in an intervi e w. “The key is pa t t e r ns of prod u c - insects and disease, and the fact that small farms di v ersification.” Without the agricultural inputs, ti o n , ” which crea t e tend to be more diversified are other factors that the sugar yields are half of what the yields used to na t u r al barriers make small farms more prod u c t i v e than large be in the 1980s, yet the cooperative continues to against disease and infestation. [Jua n farms. Int e rc r opping of corn and cassava, plan- make a profit and hold onto its members because Car los Gon z á l e z tains and cassava, coffee and taro, and soyb e a n of diversification (J. L. Her n á n d e z, personal López, Wor ld Foo d and sugarcane, among other crops, is a common communication, December 2000).21 In addition Prog ra m ] practice. By planting multiple crops, rotating the to sugarcane, the cooperative plants 26 hectares study by the Lexington Institute, “By 1999 the sales volume [of the markets] exceeded three times the 1995 level, and the ag ro s wer e generat- ing more than 5 million pesos in tax reve n u e ” (P eters, p. 5). Cubans reacted positively to the opening of markets because they increased access to food. “People love going to the agros,” said one shopper. “The government would fall if they tried to close these down again.” (The govern- ment indeed did close the farmers markets back in 1986 after experimenting with mar- kets for several years.) Howeve r , Cubans resent the high prices in the agricultural markets resulting from supply- gr i c u l t u r al mar- of fruits and vegetables and tubers, tends 5,000 and-demand pricing. Compared to people’s ets, begun in coffee trees and 1,000 cacao trees, and raises 400 earnings today, goods are out of reach for many.23 994, are now a head of cattle and 150 pigs. They make their fi x t u r e in most Acc o r ding to an Int e r p r ess rep o r t, food purch a s e s ne i g h b o rh o o d s . own animal feed out of their honey, grains, their can take up to 66% of the average Cuban salary Her e Mer cedes, a cu l t i v ated fish, and waste products of the sugar. ma r ket ven d o r , “We’ve been able to keep the boat afloat,” eighs cucumbers . . . food purchase s can tak e up to 66% of the rem a r ked Her n á n d e z after seven years at the n a scale. helm of the cooperative. Profits, last yea r , wer e ave r age Cuban salary. 200,000 pesos among the 121 members (includ- ing 22 ret i r ed members). (G rogg, 2000). A consumer may pay as much as ten times the price for the same good sold Reforming food distribution th r ough the ration card. The rations, howeve r , frequently last no more than ten to fourteen Ag r i c u l t u r al Markets days of the month for basic items (rice, legumes, On October 1, 1994, the government opened some protein, coffee, bread, sugar and root 121 agricultural markets throughout the coun- cr ops). Vegetable oil, meats and meat prod u c t s , tr y.22 For the first time in four decades (exce p t cheese, fruits, and vegetables are seldom avai l a b l e for a period from 1980 to1986) producers could th r ough the ration card and then in small quan- sell in an open market directly to consumers tities. The only fruit available through the ration without the state serving as an intermediary. ca r d might be cheap oranges, while in the mar- Immediately the black market for basic food- kets there are pineapples, watermelons, bananas, stuffs practically disappeared. Consumer prices and tangerines, all for those who can pay. Man y in the new open markets wer e much lower than in Cuba project that the li b re t a will never reg a i n the former black markets (pork sold for 25 pesos its earlier prominence and may disappear. per pound instead of 75 pesos per pound in the Some attribute the high prices of the agricul- black market and a pound of squash for 2 pesos tural markets to underproduction: more supply instead of 15 pesos, for example). Pred i c t i o n s will drive down the price, it has been said. Th a t that free markets would increase production as may be part of the problem—since their incep- well as spur higher quality and greater diver s i t y tion in 1995 the ag markets have been handling of produce have borne out. Acc o r ding to a 2000 th r ee times the volume and prices have drop p e d by one-third. Others place the blame on farmers farms selling more of their produce at low prices for charging high wholesale prices. While farm- in state agricultural markets in an attempt to ers unquestionably have gained because of the dr i v e down prices (Vá s q u e z, 2000).24 As well, a ma r kets, “the market prices are inflated because number of other types of alternative marke t s of the intermediaries,” according to Juan Val d é s with lower prices have emerged (see box p. 30). Paz, a noted rural sociologist (J. Valdés Paz, per- While the opening of agricultural markets sonal communication, September 29, 2000). has helped ameliorate the food crisis, tricky The problem stems from transportation short- problems persist. Consumers have choice and ages, which allow the rel a t i v ely few individuals availability but only those who can afford the who own trucks to collude, paying producers lit- high prices. By opening private markets, the tle and charging high prices to vendors and con- government recognizes that less state opera- sumers. A Min i s t r y of Agriculture official tionality can be beneficial, but more govern- suggested that these shippers may collar as much ment control against price gouging and price as 75% of the profit of a product sold. To com- collusion is needed. Markets too, so far, have bat the high prices, the Min i s t r y of Agriculture offered little consolation for the vulnerable is turning over used trucks to private coopera- population unable to pay the high prices; ti v es to encourage farmers to ship their own while the ration card and lower-priced state goods or use their own marketing rep re s e n t a t i ve . markets may be part of the solution, a more In addition, new government policy has state comprehensive solution is needed.

Ma r k eting Food Through Urban Free Market Food: Who Can Afford It? Ga r dens and Horti c u l t u r e Clubs A 2000 Lexi n g t on Institute study, “The Far m e r s Market: Cros s - Although agricultural markets are more heralded roads of Cuba’s New Economy,” calculated how many days of earn- as a reform, the urban garden market-stands are ings different typ e s of wor ke r s would have to devote in order to far more numerous, and their lower prices— bu y some goods of a food bask et: one pound each of pork chops, about half of what is charged in the agricultural rice, and black beans; two pounds of tom a toe s; three limes; and ma r kets—make them far more accessible to one head of garlic. many Cubans. Agricultural clubs have even lower While the ration card was the only means of obtaining food, prices. Cur re n t l y , the agricultural markets handle Cubans suffered the food shortag e s in a more or less equal man- only a rel a t i v ely low 10% of the food distributed ne r . Now that food has become more accessible through distribu- in Cuba. Cubans purchase much more food— tion syst ems other than the ration card, people’s access to food ap p r oximately 50% of the fruits and veg e t a - ha s become sharply differen t i a ted depending on their income. bl e s — t h r ough the nontraditional producers such Reti r ee with pension 7.2 days Da y care wor ke r 5.8 days as urban gardens, organoponicos, agricultural 25 Cuban earning aver age national salary 4 days clubs, and food fairs. Cubans at the lower end Tea c h e r 2.7 days of the income scale buy much more of their food De p u t y direc to r , state enter p r i s e 1.9 days th r ough these systems than through the agricul- Em e r gency room doctor 1.9 days tural markets. While a head of lettuce in the agri- Ni c k el wor k er in joint ven t u r e 1.1 days cultural market is 4 or 5 pesos, it is only 2 pesos Cigar factory custod i a n ho u r s in an urban garden and only 1 peso in an agri- Far m e r s market meat ven d o r 6 hours cultural club. The disadvantage of both the urban Pr i v ate taxi in Havan a 3.5 hours ga r dens and agricultural clubs is that supplies and

[Calculations based on Mar ch 2000 prices in Hav ana farmers markets and salary level s variety are limited and, depending on the size of rec o r ded during the past two years.] (Peters, p9)] the urban garden, sporadic. A Guide to Food Shopping in Cuba

Before 1995 the government was in charge Ferias: State farms ship in fruits, vegetables, of nearly 100% of the food distribution, and small livestock for wholesale in state- principally through the libreta or ration card sponsored fairs. Prices are deeply discounted and meals at the workplace. Highly subsidized (about 25% of the agricultural markets), but and plentiful food through the libreta was the fairs are infrequent (only monthly) and one of the revolution’s chief social achieve- held in only a few points in the city, making ments. Since the onset of the economic access difficult for most shoppers. crisis, the monthly rations have been reduced Topped Markets: Open markets favor ed by and now no longer last more than ten days st ate prod u c e r s, where the prices fluctuate with to two weeks. In response to the crippling su p p l y and demand but have a limit. Prices are of the libreta, the agricultural markets and ge n e ra l l y less than in the agricultural markets the following other venues for buying food and the quality is not as good. have emerged. Dollar Stor es: Or i g i n a l l y for diplomats and for- La Libre: “F ree” markets are government stan d s , ei g n e r s, dollar stor es cater to Cubans and non- of t en outside of the ration stor es, which sell ver y Cubans with imported and domestic canned ch e a p l y overs t ocks and produce not included in goods, drinks, packaged meats, veg e table oil, the li b re t a ration cards . ch e es e s, etc. Prices are high, someti m e s double the cost of agricultural markets. Urban Garde n s : Veg e table stands that market the fresh produce from a nearby urban agricul- Peso Stor es: Opened in 1998 to parallel the tu r e plot. The upside is that produce is usually dollar stores, the stores carry the Cuban- or ganic, high quality and fresh daily, and prices ma nu f a c t u r ed ver sion of the imports. Prices are ar e 40% to 50% of the agricultural markets. in pesos, often at 75% the equivalent of the The downside is that var i e ty is limited to what dollar value in dollar stor es. the garden happens to prod u c e .

Mor e food is dis- tributed throu g h other channels than through the li b r eta rat i o n i n g system. Her e the manager of a state food store in Pla y a ne i g h b o r hood in Hav ana rev i e w s her accounts. [St e v e Cag a n ] Price Incentives and Prof i t s All farmers continue to sell a percentage of their pr oduce to the state marketing board known as ACO PI O . 26 While ACO P IO provides a guaran- teed market and a floor price, which the farmers fa vo r , ACO PI O ’ s service has suffered from inflex- ibility and unrel i a b i l i t y . When ACO P IO was the only legal buyer , farmers had little option but res - ignation. Not only have the agricultural marke t s of f e r ed an alternative buyer , but also the Min i s t r y of Agriculture recently has introduced a tiered and more flexible pricing regime of ACO P IO in an attempt to increase production. Farmers who contract a pl a n with the gov- ernment are now motivated to produce “in exc e s s ” of their pl a n . They can sell any food Exp o r t-oriented crops, e.g., sugar, coffee, Robustiano Dom í n g u e z pr oduced over their quota in the agricultural and tobacco, have seen the greatest increases in Bustillo, 69, has reason to celebrate. ma r kets or at “di f f e r entiated prices,” often twice prices paid, in part because the state wants to Last year he became the contracted price, to the government. Und e r encourage production and in part because a millionaire. Lease- this impetus, almost all farmers, it seems, have fo r eign investment and loans can be tapped. free land from the been able to produce “in excess,” and, in most In addition to the higher prices paid in pesos, state and doubled prices for tomatoes cases, double their pl a n , which triples or farmers in sugar, coffee, and tobacco rec e i v e earned him a million qu a d r uples their income. His t o r i c a l l y , one of pr oduction incentives called es t i m u l o s, paid in pesos last year. the biggest problems in stimulating prod u c t i v i t y dollars for meeting production quotas. A tobacco Domínguez produced has been that the government sets prices ver y farmer earns $4 to $5 per 100 lbs. of tobacco 500 tons of tomatoes in 2000. lo w, and farmers, under obligation to sell to the pr oduced, which makes for a considerable sum state, feel little incentive to produce to capacity. in rural Cuba. A sugar-producing cooperative Farmers do respond to price changes. “I’ll rec e i v es $4.60 per 100 ar ro b a s (25 lbs.) of sugar gi v e you an example,” said Orlando Lug o sold. The es t i m u l o s ar e paid in cash, in the case Fontes, president of the National Association of of individual tobacco farmers, or in credit at a Small Producers (ANAP): “Mal a n g a [a tuber local “do l l a r ” store for coffee producers and similar to a potato] nearly disappeared from the members of cooperatives. The result has been fields, but when prices wer e raised, there was im p re s s i v e production increases in tobacco and gr eater interest in cultivating and production has coffee, though perhaps less so in sugar, as many cl i m b e d ” (Carrobello & Jim e n e z, 2000). In factors other than prices affect the prod u c t i o n 1999 government-set prices for the pl a n in cassa- le v el of sugarcane. va, for example, increased from 7 pesos per 100 With the state looking to reduce its import lbs. to 20 pesos and other tubers from 8.50 to bill of $235 million for the tourist industry, a 20 pesos. Prices paid for sugar have doubled over new government measure now allows co-ops the past seven years, including a 50% hike in to market high-quality produce to tourist 1999. Prices paid for coffee in 2000 doubled facilities, granted that two state agencies over the previous yea r , from 8.90 pesos per 25 (FINATUR and FRUTASELECTA) serve as lbs. of beans to 16 pesos, if the farmers complete intermediaries. The cops are paid with credit their pl a n . As a result, production has increa s e d . in dollars that can be redeemed at certain The Yea r s of the Fat Cows Price incentives are only part of a broader effort to create “business efficiency” or profitability. During the golden years of the 1980s, called “the years of the fat cows,” farmers were compen- sated on the basis of how much they produced—not how much it cost to produce. Subsidies from the Soviet Union were passed along to government ministries and then to the farmers. State farms regularly operated at a loss, and their produce often was underutilized or wasted. A state-run cattle operation in Ciego de Avila is one such case. “We didn’t worry about the cost of anything—we just produced milk no matter what the cost,” said the director of the state farm. Heavily subsidized, the farm had high yields—13 million liters of milk per year; in fact, so much milk that “we had to open the val v es of the tanks to empty out the milk onto the grou n d — because more milk was coming in,” the director added. “But we were paid for it all.” The subsidy ended with the coming of the special period. Said one farmer, “We got skinny— just like the cows.” In 1994 the state farm was turned into three smaller farmer-cooperatives. The cooperatives have become much more profit-motivated. According to the president of one of the co-ops, the UBPC Simon Reyes, they produce significantly less than before but are more efficient (for example, 13 administrative positions have been reduced to three). Last year, for the first time in the farm’s history, by lowering costs they turned a profit, distributing 2,000 pesos at year’s end in dividends to each member.

The cattle industry is learning to “make do” with far fe w er inputs and beginning to make prof i t s . Production level s , though, are ar ound 50% of le v els before the economic crisis. [St e v e Cag a n ] stores. In a year 2000 pilot project, two dozen Ministry of Agriculture is gradually unrolling ANAP cooperatives were authorized to market these experiments in dollarization and with their goods directly to hotels, and the farmers high success: the cooperatives produce more were paid directly in dollars from hotel opera- and become more self-sufficient, the tourist tors. Part of the deal required these coopera- industry gains access to fresh, local produce, tives to give up state subsidies in agricultural and the state saves on foreign currency. inputs and become entirely self-reliant. The