One explanation put forward by Duverger was the electoral system. Report While there is truth in this, it is not the whole truth because it does not explain how it happened so quickly and in the precise way it did. Nor Decline and Fall: The Liberal Party and the can it explain how a remnant of elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 the once great party came to be left behind, surviving in a particu- Evening meeting, National Liberal Club, 10 February 2014, lar form, rather than being elimi- nated totally. And do the events of with Michael Steed and Professor Pat Thane; chair: Dr Julie What was it the 1920s have something to tell us Smith. about the nature and fate of Brit- that caused ish politics in general in the rest of Report by Graham Lippiatt the twentieth century? Looking at the decline British politics within a compara- or the Liberal Party, the during these short years, that tive framework, if the decline of three general elections of caused the decline of the once great of the once the Liberal Party was the result of F1922, 1923 and 1924 repre- Liberal Party into the rump it the mobilisation of the industrial sented a terrible and rapid journey became? Was it accident, the First great Liberal and rural working classes around a from post-war disunity to reunion World War? Was it murder, and if socio-economic programme, then and near return to government and so who was the murderer – Ram- Party into Britain should have had a socialist then to prolonged decline. Argu- say Macdonald, ? or social democratic Labour major- ably this was the key period which Was it suicide arising from the the rump ity for most of the period from the relegated the Liberals to the third- split between Asquith and Lloyd 1920s until the end of the twenti- party status from which they have George? Or was it death by natural it became? eth century, along with compara- never escaped, and such was the causes? Looking at the question as a ble European polities. That this did proposition debated by psepholo- political scientist, Steed believes the Was it acci- not occur in some Catholic coun- gist Michael Steed, honorary lec- case is strongest for death by natu- tries can be put down to religion. turer in politics at the University of ral causes. In almost all developed dent, the In Britain, however, one reason for Kent, and Pat Thane, Professor of European countries, there existed this not happening is perhaps the Contemporary History at King’s by the end of the nineteenth cen- First World nature of the British Conservative College, . The meeting was tury some kind of two-party sys- Party as compared to other Euro- chaired by Dr Julie Smith, Senior tem. Amongst a lot of diversity, a War? Was it pean conservative movements. But Lecturer in International Relations simple dichotomy of a middle-class murder, and to try and get a better understand- and Politics at Robinson College, , fighting around a pro- ing of exactly what happened, Cambridge University. gressive or radical agenda, faced by if so who was Steed referred in detail to the three Julie Smith introduced the a conservative or clerical opponent, general elections in question, what meeting by quoting the descrip- could be found almost everywhere. the murderer came immediately before and what tion by Lady Violet Bonham Carter By the early twentieth century, in came after. (under whose portrait she was sit- Europe, Australia and New Zea- – Ramsay The figures for the 1922 and 1923 ting) of the 1922 general election land (although not in North Amer- elections show that the vote spread as a contest between two men, one ica), that political left–right contest Macdonald, between the parties is remarkably with Saint Vitus’ dance and one was being replaced by a socio-eco- similar – although the seat share with sleeping sickness. As Michael nomic left–right divide. It would Stanley Bald- changes significantly (see table). Steed explained, these characters have extraordinary, therefore, The dramatic change is between were of course Lloyd George and given Britain’s place in mainstream win? Was it the essentially three-party system – both key figures in European culture and political of 1922 and 1923 and the result in British electoral history of the time. development, for this country to suicide aris- 1924 when, on the face of it, there Howeveer, as Steed pointed out, have remained exempt from those was a massive shift from Liberal when he was first researching elec- forces – immune to the mobilisa- ing from to Conservative but nothing like tions it was not the easy task it is tion of the working classes around the same from Liberal to Labour. today to find electoral results and a different political agenda from the split A more detailed look, however, facts. And of all the general elec- that embodied in the increasingly reveals switching from Liberal to tion results, those for 1922 and 1923 irrelevant, nineteenth-century Lib- between Labour did occur. One of the keys were the most difficult to obtain. So eral approach. However, something Asquith to understanding this is to look at from his schoolboy pocket money else becomes apparent from this the ‘Candidates’ column. It helps he purchased a copy of The Times comparative analysis: in most com- and Lloyd explain the changes but makes election supplement for 1923, which parable countries the process took analysis extremely complicated had the complete results for every decades; in Britain it happened George? Or because of the many varieties of constituency for that year and the within a very limited time frame, contests, three-way, two-way Lib– year before, with the contemporary 1922–1924. was it death Con, or Lib–Lab – as well as the party labels. This highlights the specificity of fights between Lloyd George and The key question arising from the British case. But what happened by natural Asquithian Liberals. the elections of this period, accord- to advance the death by natural To set more of the back- ing to Steed, was what it was, causes of the British Liberal Party? causes? ground, Steed then talked about

38 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 the by-election and local election Lloyd George money. The Asquith- between the two Liberal camps and results of the 1918–1922 parliament. ian manifesto was strongly worded, within some Tory ranks as to who These sent out extraordinarily giving a flavour of the times. was standing where and with what diverse and conflicting signals from support. the electorate as to the state of Brit- The circumstances of the Cou- In the short 1922–23 Parliament, ish politics and made it hard for the pon election were so abnormal with its dramatic replacement of commentators to understand what that the events which have hap- Bonar Law by Baldwin rather than might happen in forthcoming gen- pened since constitute a com- Curzon or Austen Chamberlain, eral elections. Local elections were plete justification of the warning there was no honeymoon for the then on a three-year cycle held in which Liberal leaders then gave new administration. By-elections November. In 1919, Labour made that the continuance of the coa- continued to go against the govern- sweeping gains – especially in Lon- lition [in 1918] meant the aban- ment, even in places like Liverpool don, winning control of a number donment of principle and the which was at that time pretty sol- of boroughs. In the following years substitution of autocratic for idly Tory. Then, despite having a local election results were all quite Parliamentary government. working majority and with very similar, showing small Labour little warning, Baldwin announced gains, small Liberal losses and the The whole tone and content of the on 13 November 1923 that he is Conservatives standing still. Fol- Asquithian manifesto is directed calling a general election to seek lowing this sign that Labour was not against Tory or Labour but a mandate for tariffs. It is hard on the rise, however, came the dra- wholly against Lloyd George and today to appreciate the passion and matic by-election in Paisley in Feb- the idea of coalition now so directly intensity that people felt about free ruary 1920, in which Asquith was associated with him, even though trade. It was thought, rather like returned to parliament with a huge he is no longer Prime Minister. the National Health Service today, swing, apparently signalling that The electoral timings of late to be part of the British identity and the independent Liberal Party was 1922 are crucial. The declaration this was reflected in the language on its way back. Labour’s ambigu- of the Newport by-election was at of the manifestoes and speeches ous position was reinforced by the 2 a.m. on the morning of 19 Octo- of the day, not just in Liberal cir- result of the East Woolwich by- ber. The local election campaign cles but in Labour’s too. The free election of March 1921 in which was already under way with a num- trade issue allowed the two wings Ramsay Macdonald was prevailed ber of pacts having being agreed. of the Liberal Party to reunite upon to stand, having lost his seat The local election results then came around this traditional Liberal pol- in 1918 probably because he had through on 2 and 3 November icy. Lloyd George had the money; been on the peace-making side dur- and nominations for parliamen- Asquith had most of the troops on ing the First World War. He lost tary seats closed on 4 November. the ground. A positive joint mani- narrowly to a working-class coali- The local elections saw significant festo was written by Lloyd George, tion Conservative, who had been a Labour losses, the only year of Asquith, Alfred Mond and John war hero. This result is indicative of the period in question when this Simon, emphasising free trade, and the great fluidity of political opin- occurs. This was misread by com- such was the success of the Liberal ion at this time and the contingent mentators because of the three-year reunion that there were only two nature of individual contests. Then cycle. Labour were unable to hold cases where rival Liberal candidates came the famous Newport by-elec- their gains of 1919 and lost out, par- fought each other. tion of October 1922, fought on the ticularly in London. A Conserva- The general election of 1923 issues of drink and the coalition, in tive government was returned on was contested during a foot and which an anti-Lloyd George, anti- 15 November, less than one month mouth outbreak across the country coalition Conservative, financed after the by-election which precipi- and brought about some extraor- by the brewers, mobilised the tated the general election. And in dinary, sweeping changes. Lib- working-class vote to kick out the this short and feverish time, there eral representation increased (on coalition Liberal candidate with was a lot of confusion within and Steed’s simple figures, ignoring the Labour apparently losing ground. There were conflicting signals in Election Vote (000s) % MPs Candidates all directions as to the mood of the 19221 electorate. Conservative 5,502 38.5 344 482 The Newport by-election led to the slightly premature dissolution Labour 4,237 29.7 142 414 of 1922 and the general election. Liberal 4,081 28.3 115 477 Lloyd George was left nonplussed 1923 and adrift by the collapse of his government. There is no Lloyd Conservative 5,515 38 258 536 George Liberal manifesto and it is Labour 4,439 30.7 191 427 quite difficult to determine exactly Liberal 4,301 29.7 158 457 how many pro-Lloyd George can- 1924 didates there actually were, as many Liberal candidates were hedging Conservative 7,855 46.8 412 534 their bets between the resurgent Labour 5,489 33.3 151 514 Independent Liberals and the man Liberal 2,931 17.8 40 340 who won the war, some looking for

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 39 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 uncertainty of some of the party In the light been extraordinary. Roy Jenkins the Conservatives were coming to labels) from 115 seats to 158. Not in his biography of Asquith sim- terms with the new political cir- the hugest change in itself, but one of what hap- ply states that Asquith recoiled in cumstances more effectively than in which the churning of seats was horror at the prospect of any coali- the other parties. So perhaps, Steed immense. Over forty seats were pened after tion, without further explanation, concluded, the British specificity lost but about eighty were gained. and although there were weeks around the decline of the Liberal So within the apparent stability of the 2010 in which negotiations could have Party was not the actions of the vote there was, in fact, great flu- taken place, none did. Perhaps it Liberals themselves, but rather the idity. Liberals were losing seats in general elec- was unthinkable, given the context way in which the Conservatives their traditional areas of strength in and result of the election fought adapted to the changes in British the mining and industrial constitu- tion and the on free trade, for Asquith to have society better than its rivals. encies, but gaining in rural areas experience of contemplated keeping Baldwin in Professor Pat Thane began her south of a line from Cornwall to office. But what about talking to look at the parliamentary back- the Wash. Even in the Tory core of other coun- Labour? Asquith managed to get ground to these elections by refer- Kent, Surrey and Sussex, the Lib- all but about ten of his MPs to vote ring to the coalition government of erals gained Chichester and Sev- tries in simi- to bring down Baldwin and install 1916–1922, led by Lloyd George but enoaks. The Liberals did less well Britain’s first Labour government. dominated by Conservative MPs, north of this line and actually lost lar positions, Was this the British specificity increasingly so during its course. some agricultural seats to the Con- which speeded up the death of the This position of dominance was servatives in the north of Asquith’s Liberal Party? In most continental reinforced by the Liberal split fol- and Scotland. All of which illus- countries there would have been lowing the wartime replacement of trates how volatile the electorate position a coalition or some form of inter- Asquith as Prime Minister by Lloyd was and shows up some important party agreement which would George. Labour withdrew from regional variations. seems to have prolonged the decline into a the coalition before the Coupon After the election there fol- two-party system. It was perhaps election, although ten Labour MPs lowed a four week period before have been not the first-past-the-post electoral agreed to support the new govern- parliament had to meet on 8 Janu- system that was responsible for the ment after 1918. The election was ary 1924, giving the parties time extraordi- rapid decline of the Liberal Party, held just one month after the armi- to work out what they wanted to but the Asquithian view of what stice and the turnout, at 59 per cent, do. Baldwin remained the leader of nary. Roy was constitutionally correct or the was low. the largest party in parliament but Liberal revulsion at the idea of coa- Until mid-1920 the British had been resoundingly defeated on Jenkins in his lition itself and view of the proper economy was in reasonable shape, the issue on which he went to the biography relationship of political parties as a although there was a high level of country, the election having pro- result of what had happened in 1916 strikes. Trade union activity had duced a clear majority (60 per cent of Asquith and 1918. risen during the war and continued versus 40 per cent) for free trade Moving on to the 1924 general to increase. But there was tension and against tariffs. It is at this point simply states election, the election which rel- in the Coalition, both within the that an indicator of suicide on the egated the Liberal Party to third- Conservative ranks and between part of the Liberal Party might be that Asquith party status with representation the Tories and the Liberals, around found. On 18 December 1923 most falling to forty seats in the House the desire to reduce the level of state of the 158 Liberal MPs gathered recoiled in of Commons, Steed reminded the regulation of the economy, which in the National Liberal Club to be meeting that this was the first in had been brought in during the addressed by Asquith. Asquith him- horror at the which radio broadcasts were offered war, and to raise tariffs and cut pub- self is in a strong position. Most of to the party leaders. Ramsay Mac- lic expenditure. On Lloyd George’s the MPs elected are new and have prospect of donald, in the tradition of the great side, however, it was seen as desir- come from the local associations stage orator, moved his microphone able to hold on to some state regula- which have been mainly supportive any coalition, around with him and his broadcast tion so as to promote further social of the Independent Liberals. The was a total disaster. Asquith, more reform through a programme of Lloyd Georgites had lost ground without fur- dignified, the last of the Romans, building much-needed affordable and Lloyd George himself, his rep- spoke directly to the microphone homes, improving state education, utation as war hero fading into the ther explana- from a platform in Paisley and maternity and child welfare and past, had lost the ascendancy to his this came over well enough. Stan- the unemployment benefits sys- old rival. Perhaps four-fifths of the tion … ley Baldwin, however, accepted tem. Consequently, tension existed Liberal intake of 1923 can be cat- Sir John Reith’s offer of advice on domestically between the Conserv- egorised as Asquithian and Asquith how best to use this new technol- ative and Liberal elements of the believed that it was the Liberal ogy, where the others had declined. coalition even before the interna- Party, now firmly under his leader- Reith advised Baldwin to remem- tional economic crisis of mid-1920 ship, which controlled the political ber he was talking to people in their began causing unemployment to situation. He proposed allow- own homes and suggested doing start to rise in Britain. ing Ramsay Macdonald to form a the broadcast from a studio. Bald- By 1921 there were 1.8 million minority Labour government. win got his wife to sit in the stu- jobless. The majority Conserva- In the light of what hap- dio with him, doing her knitting, tive response to the economic crisis pened after the 2010 general elec- and did the broadcast as if he was was to press for expenditure cuts tion and the experience of other speaking to her. Not only was this and tariffs. They were cheered on countries in similar positions, a great success, but it can be viewed in this by a vociferous anti-waste Asquith’s position seems to have as a metaphor for the way in which campaign, attacking what was

40 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 described as government ‘squan- he would go to Aberavon at the next reconciliation of Lloyd George and dermania’, in the pages of Lord general election. Inviting Macdon- Asquith and the reunion of Liberal- Rothermere’s Times and Daily ald to stand in these circumstances ism around the banner of free trade, Mail, whose readership and influ- was not one of Henderson’s wisest an issue also favoured by Labour ence had grown greatly during decisions. Woolwich had a Labour and one which really mattered to the war. Anti-waste candidates tradition but was home to a barracks people. One policy the government contested and won by-elections and to the Woolwich Arsenal, a did pursue with Neville Cham- at this time, defeating coalition huge munitions manufacturer dur- berlain as Minister of Health was Conservatives in Westminster St ing the war and still the biggest local to restore some of the unpopular George’s at Hertford. The govern- employer. Macdonald’s anti-war Geddes cut to the housing budget ment responded in the next budget record was unhelpful and the Tories to help address the serious housing by cutting income tax and also cut- played it up to the full, as his oppo- shortage. Emphasis was however ting the recently introduced subsi- nent, Robert Gee, was a former cap- shifted towards private building dies for Lloyd George’s ‘homes for tain in the Royal Fusiliers who had for owner-occupation and away heroes’, upsetting Liberal reform- been awarded the Victoria Cross from local authority building for ers. Addressing the Conservative in the war. It is also unlikely that Asquith was rent. The Conservatives were pressure on the economy, Lloyd local voters were much impressed learning that encouraging owner- George agreed to the setting up of that Macdonald was only going to very strongly occupation was a good way to buy a committee to recommend further stay until the next election. It was votes. In 1918 only 10 per cent of cuts to the public sector, chaired a nasty campaign with Macdon- opposed UK housing was owner-occupied by Sir Eric Geddes, a Conservative ald under personal attack from the but the proportion steadily went MP and businessman. It reported Tories, although he lost by only 683 to the idea up between the wars to over 25 per in 1922, recommending severe cuts votes. Macdonald then moved to cent by 1939. to public sector services and sala- Aberavon where he won in 1922 and of joining Baldwin was worried about dif- ries which came to be known as ‘the returned to the Labour leadership. ferences of opinion in the Conserv- Geddes axe’. Lloyd George was thus In the general election, the Con- another Con- ative Party over tariffs and wanted appearing ever weaker in relation servatives were worried enough a clear mandate on this approach to his coalition partners, and many about Labour to play up the ‘red servative- to the economy, and in November Conservatives had come to hate the scare’ in quite a big way. Bonar Law 1923 decided to call a general elec- coalition and the Liberals almost as had no clear policy agenda to deal dominated tion on the issue, perhaps underes- much as they hated Labour. Then with the economic crisis. He dis- timating the strength of opposition came the sale of honours scandal, owned tariffs during the campaign, coalition to tariffs in the electorate. Swayed again promoted by the Rothermere aware they were unpopular with by the emollient, ‘father of the peo- press and, following the Newport voters concerned about rising food and did have ple’ image that he was assiduously by-election, the meeting of Con- prices. Although the Tories were hopes of cultivating, Baldwin seriously mis- servative MPs at the Carlton Club not sure of winning they emerged judged the mood of the electorate. which resulted in their withdraw- with a clear majority and Labour some kind The Conservatives had done very ing from the coalition and resolv- did well, increasing their share little to win over undecided voters ing to fight the next election as an of the vote from 23.7 per cent in of progres- and had run a remarkably ineffec- independent force. Lloyd George 1918 to 29.7 per cent and their total tive administration. Despite their resigned as Prime Minister. seats from 732 to 142. The Liber- sive alliance overall vote share staying about the In the general election campaign als were still divided and although same they lost seats but remained which followed, the Conservatives they increased the share of the total with Labour. the largest single party. Labour were clearly worried about Labour, vote of their two wings, their over- gained in the conurbations and ben- given their recent electoral suc- all seat numbers were down with He assured efited from the drift of reforming cesses. Labour had won fourteen Labour taking Liberal seats in min- Liberals into the party, including seats in by-elections since 1918 and ing and industrial areas and the his parlia- people like J. A. Hobson, Charles had lost just one. The one which was cities. On this showing the Liber- Trevelyan and Josiah Wedgwood. lost, Woolwich East, was important, als had more to fear from Labour’s mentary Liberal representation also went up, however, because the candidate was advance than the Conservatives. and when Baldwin tried to remain Ramsay Macdonald. Macdonald Bonar Law resigned in May party that in power, Labour and Liberals com- was trying to get back into parlia- 1923 due to serious ill health, hav- bined to vote him out. Asquith was ment for the first time since losing ing done not very much as Prime if a Labour very strongly opposed to the idea his seat in 1918, which he lost mainly Minister. He was replaced by the of joining another Conservative- because of his opposition to the war. relatively inexperienced Stanley government dominated coalition and did have But by 1921 he was already prospec- Baldwin who was chosen because was to be hopes of some kind of progressive tive Labour candidate for Aberavon, he was not tainted by association alliance with Labour. He assured his a seat with an anti-war tradition with the previous coalition gov- tried out, it parliamentary party that if a Labour and he agreed to stand in Woolwich ernment and because he was not government was to be tried out, it reluctantly. The sitting MP, Will Lord Curzon, who was unpopular could hardly could hardly be tried under safer Crooks, had resigned because of ill with many influential Conserva- conditions. It would be forming a health and Arthur Henderson, effec- tive MPs. However Baldwin had be tried minority government, dependent tively leading the Labour Party, put no coherent policy programme on Liberal support which would pressure on Macdonald to step in. and gave in to party pressure to under safer easily restrain the more social- Macdonald agreed on the under- revert to supporting tariffs which, ist tendencies lurking inside the standing that whatever the outcome at least on the surface, led to the conditions. Labour Party while encouraging

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 41 New from the Liberal Democrat History Group The Dictionary of Liberal Quotations

‘A liberal is a man or a woman or a child who looks forward to a better day, a more tranquil night, and a bright, infinite future.’ (Leonard Bernstein) ‘I am for peace, retrenchment and reform, the watchword of the great Liberal Party thirty years ago.’ (John Bright) ‘Few organisations can debate for three days whether to stage a debate, hold a debate, have a vote and then proceed to have a debate about what they have debated. But that is why the Liberal Democrats hold a special place in the British constitution.’ (Patrick Wintour) Edited by Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Paddy Ashdown. Writers, thinkers, journalists, philosophers and politicians contribute nearly 2,000 quotations, musings, provocations, jibes and diatribes. A completely revised and updated edition of the History Group’s second book (published originally in 1999), this is the essential guide to who said what about Liberals and Liberalism. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £10 instead of the normal £12.99. To order by post, send a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) for the cover price plus postage and packing at the rate of £2 per copy. Orders should be sent to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

The best single-volume study available of British Liberalism and British Liberals Peace, Reform and Liberation

‘This new volume, taking a long view from the later seventeenth century to the Cameron-Clegg coalition of today, is a collective enterprise by many hands … This is an excellent book.’ Kenneth O. Morgan, Cercles ‘I had not expected to enjoy this book as much as I did, or to learn as much from it.’ William Wallace, Lib Dem Voice ‘The editors and their fourteen authors deserve congratulation for producing a readable one-volume history of Liberal politics in Britain that is both erudite but perfectly accessible to any reader interested in the subject.’ Mark Smulian, Liberator Edited by Robert Ingham and Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Nick Clegg. Written by academics and experts, drawing on the most recent research, Peace, Reform and Liberation is the most comprehensive and most up-to-date guide to the story of those who called themselves Liberals, what inspired them and what they achieved over the last 300 years and more. An essential source for anyone interested in the contribution of Liberals and Liberalism to British politics. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £24 instead of the normal £30. To order, send a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) for the cover price plus postage and packing at the rate of £4 for one copy; £7 for two copies; £9 for three copies; and add £1 for each further copy. Orders should be sent to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

42 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 it into the kind of reforms which difficulty selecting Cabinet minis- Meanwhile Macdonald was were popular with many Liberals. ters from his inexperienced party involved in long and detailed nego- Relations between the party leaders and recruited a number of former tiations in London with German, were not good however. Macdon- Liberals, Haldane as Lord Chan- Allied and US representatives to ald disliked both Asquith, whom cellor, Trevelyan at Education bring about a final post-war peace he found patronising, and Lloyd and Josiah Wedgwood as Chan- treaty. By summer 1924 agreement George. This did not bode well for cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. was finally reached on German any sort of alliance, and there was His aim was for Labour to replace reparations and the ending of the no sign that Macdonald wanted the Liberals as the party of radical Franco-Belgian occupation of the any sort of coalition. He wanted reform, having long believed this Ruhr, a major achievement. Also, to show that Labour could govern was a possibility, and this became one of Macdonald’s first actions as alone, if only for a short time. increasingly realistic as more and Prime Minister and Foreign Sec- So in January 1924, Macdon- more working-class Liberals and retary was to recognise the Soviet ald became the first Labour Prime intellectuals came across. Mac- Union and he then set about trying Minister. Always more interested donald’s government did not hold to conclude a trade agreement with in foreign rather than domestic back completely from progressive Russia. This merely confirmed in affairs, he also took the position of social reform although it stayed his enemies’ eyes that he really was a Foreign Secretary. Philip Snowden within uncontroversial limits. John crypto-Bolshevik (though nothing was Chancellor of the Exchequer Wheatley introduced the most far- could have further from the truth). and Arthur Henderson became reaching Housing Act so far, pro- His real intentions were firstly to . This govern- viding a larger subsidy than before increase the likelihood of continu- ment was formed in unpropitious for new building for rent, mostly by ing international peace by normal- circumstances for Labour. It held local authorities. At the same time ising Soviet relations with other a minority of seats. The economy he extended Chamberlain’s subsidy nations, secondly to reverse the was weak. Unemployment was still which promoted owner-occupation decline in British exports to Rus- high. Radical measures aimed at and altogether these moves greatly sia, and thirdly to settle the claims of restoring the economy would be increased house building which British bond-holders on the pre-rev- hard to get through parliament. both provided a large number of olutionary government which the Asquith meanwhile faced criti- jobs and significantly increased the Bolsheviks had repudiated. Negoti- cism, especially from the business His aim was affordable housing stock. Unem- ations were lengthy but as 1924 wore element in the Liberal Party, for ployment benefit was raised and on the closer to agreement the sides putting in the socialists and some for Labour the unpopular means test for ben- came. However there was opposi- deserted to the Conservatives. The efits for the long-term unemployed tion from the Conservatives and party never again gained the 28 per to replace was abolished but the conditions increasingly from the Liberals and it cent of the vote that they won in the Liber- for receiving long-term benefit became clear that if it was put before 1923 and throughout 1924 leaked were toughened, requiring claim- parliament and debated, the govern- support both to the Conservatives als as the ants to show they were normally ment would be defeated. and to Labour. It was hard for the in employment. Other areas were This was first of the crises that Liberals either to tread a distinc- party of radi- also tightened up putting the bur- the Labour government faced in tive path or to support either of the den of proof on claimants to pro- the autumn of 1924. In September other parties wholeheartedly. The cal reform, duce evidence of their search for the Daily Mail went on the rampage desire to maintain Liberal inde- work. While this upset some on the again because a baronetcy had been pendence in these new circum- having long left of the party, it helped get the awarded to an old friend of Mac- stances made the party stress its changes through parliament. It was donald’s who had loaned him some differences with the government. believed this also popular with Labour voters money and given him a car and the As to Labour, it could hardly who feared generous benefits would Mail particularly enjoyed remind- fail to accept the opportunity to was a pos- encourage shirkers and scroungers ing readers how Macdonald had form a government as, particularly (on whom Labour had always taken criticised Lloyd George over his if they handled it well, it would sibility, and a fairly hard line in fact). Labour honours scandal. Then, more seri- give them a responsible image and encouraged local authorities to use ously, in July an article appeared useful experience of office for the this became their existing powers to improve in the Communist Party Workers’ future. Macdonald had no illusion education, health care and housing Weekly, written by its temporary that his government would last increasingly and also increased old age pensions. editor J. R. Campbell, calling on long but he intended to do noth- Snowden did little to upset the soldiers to refuse to fire on their fel- ing too radical to accelerate its fall. realistic as Treasury; his budget reduced direct low workers during strikes. This He signalled Labour’s modera- more and taxes and duties introduced dur- led to a hasty decision by the inex- tion by refusing to implement the ing the war which mainly affected perienced Attorney General, Sir capital levy, designed to pay off the more work- food imports. Snowden presented Patrick Hastings, to order Camp- still-substantial war debt, which this idea as the ‘free breakfast table’, bell’s prosecution for incitement to had been promised during the elec- ing-class a return to free trade. There were mutiny. Macdonald and others in tion, although this upset the left also cuts to the naval budget as the government became fearful of of the party. Snowden proved an Liberals and part of the process of disarmament the tensions such legal action would orthodox Chancellor. He opposed which Macdonald was eager to pro- arouse within and against the party. the levy and thought economic intellectuals mote internationally. Further, to The Cabinet agreed to withdraw recovery could be promoted by confirm its moderation, Labour dis- the prosecution and was accused by tax deductions. Macdonald had came across. tanced itself from the unions. its opponents of giving in to far-left

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 43 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 pressure. The Conservatives tabled The Liberals convinced enough people that they a significantly greater extent a censure motion against the gov- were, after all, capable of respon- in this period, and therefore ernment to which the Liberals were seen to sible constitutional government. it is very likely that the newly added an amendment seeking a Its core vote turned out in strength enfranchised female voters select committee inquiry into the have done while the larger number of peo- voted more Conservative and matter. When it was passed in the ple who were terrified of social- less Labour; the evidence for Commons, Macdonald took it as a very little ism flocked to the Conservatives the Liberal Party is less clear. vote of no confidence and resigned. abandoning the Liberals. Labour How far this was a matter of Macdonald had handled these crises during the had established itself as the main gender or one of social envi- badly, partly because he had been opposition party to the Tories and ronment (age, class, occupa- distracted and exhausted by his dip- Labour gov- made a better showing in 1924 than tion, etc.) is open to debate; lomatic negotiations. ernment. has usually been credited. So in more exhaustive work might In the election which followed, conclusion, Pat Thane agreed with throw some light on that. Baldwin offered no new policies They had Michael Steed that the decline of • Women voters swung more to solve the country’s economic the Liberal Party was essentially than men to Lab/Lib in 1923, problems but campaigned on a been inef- one of natural causes. swinging more back to Con- one-nation policy and vigorously The one important issue which servative in 1924. There is no attacked Labour’s supposed Bolshe- fectual and emerged during the question and real doubt about this differen- vik tendencies, despite the actual answer session concerned the dis- tiation, presumably on the free moderation of their approach in divided. They tribution of the women’s vote and trade issue, though the precise government. Baldwin was helped how this had affected the position extent and how far it was a just before the general election seemed to of the Liberals. In answer to ques- gender or social context effect when the Daily Mail (again) pro- tions on how women voted, Steed again needs more work and duced the banner headline ‘Civil have few cited Chris Cook’s figures show- may be difficult to establish. War plot by socialists’. It had a copy ing how middle-class constituen- of the letter allegedly written by distinctive cies swung from the Conservatives Graham Lippiatt is a member of the Grigory Zinoviev, President of the to the Liberals in 1923 much more Liberal Democrat History Group execu- Communist International, to the policies and than agricultural ones. As female tive and a regular contributor to the British representative on Comin- electors were significantly more Journal of Liberal History. tern urging revolutionary action little hope numerous in middle-class constitu- in Britain. It was alleged that Mac- encies, Steed speculated that this 1 These simple party descriptions donald and Henderson had copies of achieving was due to women voting more on include candidates who were fighting of the letter weeks before and had much. the issue of free trade/cheap food. each other as pro-Lloyd George or done nothing, implying their col- Re-examining the data afterwards, Asquithian Liberals or pro-Coalition lusion in the supposed red plot. Steed reported that he had done Conservatives. There were hardly Macdonald was convinced the let- enough preliminary work to estab- any Independents or others except ter was a forgery, as has since been lish that: for Northern . proved, but was loath to defend • Constituencies with more 2 Made up of 63 Labour and 10 himself, again handling the affair women voted Conservative to National Democratic Party MPs. badly, and this was taken as evi- dence of his guilt. It is doubtful whether the Zino- viev letter decisively affected the outcome of the general election, which the Conservatives won com- fortably, but it didn’t help Labour. Labour did increase its overall Reviews vote share but got fewer seats on a higher turnout. The Liberals slumped; even Asquith lost his seat in Paisley. So the election was really Elegant and concise fought as a war between Labour and Conservatives and many for- David Dutton, A History of the Liberal Party Since 1900 mer Liberals chose their sides. Bald- (Palgrave Macmillan, 2nd edition, 2013) win abandoned tariffs during the campaign, eliminating one distinc- Reviewed by Duncan Brack tive stretch of clear water between the Liberal and Conservative par- hen Matt Cole his most demanding reader, or the ties. The Liberals were seen to have reviewed the first edi- willing non-specialist’. The His- done very little during the Labour Wtion of this book in tory Group’s own introductory government. They had been inef- the Journal of Liberal History back reading list described the book as fectual and divided. They seemed in 2005, he concluded that David ‘a definitive guide to the decline, to have few distinctive policies and Dutton had provided an answer to fall and revival of Liberalism in the little hope of achieving much. It the question ‘why bother with Lib- twentieth century; meticulously seemed that Labour’s performance eral history?’ that was ‘as full and researched, by far the best of the as a minority administration had effective as could be expected by short histories now available’.

44 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014