James Ramsay Macdonald – an 'Aristocrat' Among Plain Men?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Liberals, Labour and Leicester - the 1913 By-Election in Local and National Perspective by John Pasiecznik
Liberals, Labour and Leicester - The 1913 By-Election in Local and National Perspective by John Pasiecznik One of Leicester's most dramatic election battles took place in June 1913 when the Liberals, Conservatives and British Socialist Party fought a by-election in the borough. Most attention was focused on the fledgling Labour Party which did not contest the seat. Voting on June 27th took place amid accusations of treachery aimed mostly at Labour Party Secretary, Ramsey MacDonald - who held the second Leicester seat - and who was a member of the Labour Party National Executive Committee which decided not to run a candidate. As this article reveals, Labour was in a dilemma. Following the national Lib-Lab Pact of 1903, the Liberals agreed not to put up a second candidate in Leicester which enabled future Labour Party Leader Ramsey MacDonald to become an MP. But ten years on should Labour still adhere to the pact? If the second seat was contested, the agreement would end; if Labour did not fight, the party could not claim to be truly independent of all other parties. The singular events of the by-election in the double-member seat of Leicester forms part of the city's rich political history. Leicester was a Radical stronghold in Victorian Britain. The Municipal Corporations Act of 1835 ushered in Whig supremacy. The transfer of power was total and long-lasting. Except for the 1861 by-election, the Whigs (later the Liberals) won every seat in the double member constituency in a general or by-election from 1837 to 1895. -
Note to Users
NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was microfilmed as received. This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI The Labour Party, the Labour Movement, Zionism and Jewish Identity during the 1920's and 1930's Deborah M. Osmond Submitted in partial fulfdlmerit of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 1999 O Copyright by Deborah M. Osmond, 1999 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, nie Wellington ottawaON KlAW OctawaON K1A üN4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive Licence aiiowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. This thesis is dedicated to Sarah Eugenia OstrovsS, 1 908- 1998 Contents Abstract ........................................... vi Glossary .......................................... vii Introduction ...................................... -
The Membership of the Independent Labour Party, 1904–10
DEI AN HOP KIN THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, 1904-10: A SPATIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL ANALYSIS E. P. Thompson expressed succinctly the prevailing orthodoxy about the origins of the Independent Labour Party when he wrote, in his homage to Tom Maguire, that "the ILP grew from bottom up".1 From what little evidence has been available, it has been argued that the ILP was essentially a provincial party, which was created from the fusion of local political groups concentrated mainly on an axis lying across the North of England. An early report from the General Secretary of the party described Lancashire and Yorkshire as the strongholds of the movement, and subsequent historical accounts have supported this view.2 The evidence falls into three categories. In the first place labour historians have often relied on the sparse and often imperfect memoirs of early labour and socialist leaders. While the central figures of the movement have been reticent in their memoirs, very little literature of any kind has emerged from among the ordinary members of the party, and as a result this has often been a poor source. The official papers of the ILP have been generally more satisfactory. The in- evitable gaps in the annual reports of the party can be filled to some extent from party newspapers, both local and national. There is a formality, nevertheless, about official transactions which reduces their value. Minute books reveal little about the members. Finally, it is possible to cull some information from a miscellany of other sources; newspapers, electoral statistics, parliamentary debates and reports, and sometimes the memoirs of individuals whose connection 1 "Homage to Tom Maguire", in: Essays in Labour History, ed. -
Viewpoint: Jeremy Corbyn, the Plp and Historical Visions of the Labour Party
VIEWPOINT: JEREMY CORBYN, THE PLP AND HISTORICAL VISIONS OF THE LABOUR PARTY Matt Dawson The re-election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party has demonstrated the fundamental split between two visions of the party. One vision, from Corbyn and his supporters, sees Labour as both parliamentary party and movement in which power rests with the members seeking to enact radical change. It would be crass to see this, as many of Corbyn’s opponents do, as a social movement beyond parliament not interested in government, but it is a view that in a party of campaigning, protesting and winning powerpolicies should not be compromised for the sake of parliamentary convenience/due to corporate pressure. AsHilary Wainwright has put it, a party with parliamentary representation but not one committed to parliamentarism. The second vision, held by much of the PLP is that Labour is a parliamentary movement. It exists to elect MPs who then, being Labour MPs, will implement socialist/social democratic measures which are in the interest of the nation. Any impediment to electing MPs is an impediment to Labour; a leader who cannot command the allegiance of their MPs is therefore not able to lead a parliamentary party. This was indicated by Owen Smith’s key claim, whether tactical or not, that the leadership contest didn’t concern a difference of policy (with the exception of a second EU referendum) but of electability. Smith, at least initially, presented himself as like Corbyn, but ‘electable’. The question of whether the shadow cabinet should be elected by MPs, or by members, is a further example of this dividing line. -
In the Name of Socialism: Zionism and European Social Democracy in the Inter-War Years
In the Name of Socialism: Zionism and European Social Democracy in the Inter-War Years PAUL KELEMEN* Summary: Since 1917, the European social democratic movement has given fulsome support to Zionism. The article examines the ideological basis on which Zionism and, in particular, Labour Zionism gained, from 1917, the backing of social democratic parties and prominent socialists. It argues that Labour Zionism's appeal to socialists derived from the notion of "positive colonialism". In the 1930s, as the number of Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution increased considerably, social democratic pro-Zionism also came to be sustained by the fear that the resettlement of Jews in Europe would strengthen anti-Semitism and the extreme right. The social democratic movement was an important source of political support for the setting up of a Jewish state in Palestine. Yet its attitude to Zionism has been noted mostly en passant in works tracing the socialist, and in particular the Marxist, interpretations of the Jewish question.1 The lack of attention accorded to this issue stems partly from the pre-1914 socialist theoreticians themselves, most of whom considered Zionism, simultaneously, as a diversion from the class struggle and a peripheral issue. In the inter-war years, however, prominent socialists, individual social democratic parties and their collective organizations established a tradition of pro-Zionism. The aim, here, is to trace the ideas and political factors which shaped this tradition. Before World War I, sympathy for Zionism in the socialist movement was confined to its fringe: articles favourable to Jewish nationalism appeared, from 1908, in Sozialistische Monatshefte, a journal edited by Joseph Bloch and influential on the revisionist right wing of the German Social Democratic Party.2 Bloch's belief that the sense of national com- munity transcended class interest as a historical force, accorded with interpreting the Jewish question in national rather than class terms. -
Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas a Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill As a Liberal J
Journal of Issue 25 / Winter 1999–2000 / £5.00 Liberal DemocratHISTORY Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas A Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill as a Liberal J. Graham Jones A Breach in the Family Megan and Gwilym Lloyd George Nick Cott The Case of the Liberal Nationals A re-evaluation Robert Maclennan MP Breaking the Mould? The SDP Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 25: Winter 1999–2000 Journal of Liberal Democrat History Political Defections Special issue: Political Defections The Journal of Liberal Democrat History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group 3 Crossing the floor ISSN 1463-6557 Graham Lippiatt Liberal Democrat History Group Editorial The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of 5 Out from under the umbrella historical topics, particularly those relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Tony Little Party and the SDP. The Group organises The defection of the Liberal Unionists discussion meetings and publishes the Journal and other occasional publications. 15 Winston Churchill as a Liberal For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Senator Jerry S. Grafstein records of meetings and archive and other Churchill’s career in the Liberal Party research sources, see our web site: www.dbrack.dircon.co.uk/ldhg. 18 A failure of leadership Hon President: Earl Russell. Chair: Graham Lippiatt. Roy Douglas Liberal defections 1918–29 Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, 24 Tory cuckoos in the Liberal nest? articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles Nick Cott submitted will be reviewed. -
The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947. -
Regal (Hastings) Ltd V Gulliver (1942)
This is a repository copy of Regal (Hastings) Ltd v Gulliver (1942). White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/75080/ Version: Published Version Book Section: Nolan, Richard orcid.org/0000-0002-7134-5124 (2012) Regal (Hastings) Ltd v Gulliver (1942). In: Landmark Cases in Equity. Hart Publishing Limited , Oxford , pp. 499-528. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ 17 Regal (Hastings) Ltd v Gulliver (1942) RICHARD NOLAN A. INTRODUCTION LMOST 70 YEARS have passed since the House of Lords’ decision in Regal (Hastings) Ltd v Gulliver,1 and over 40 years since it Afigured so prominently in Boardman v Phipps,2 yet little is known about the very strange course of the proceedings in Regal. At first instance, and in the Court of Appeal, Regal was argued and decided as a case at common law for negligence, money had and received, or misfeasance. -
Six Great Advocates by Kylie Day
LEGAL HISTORY Six great advocates By Kylie Day At the swearing in of Fullerton J in the Supreme Court In short, the book is a delight. It is a quick afternoon’s of New South Wales earlier this year, Michael Slattery read, and Lord Birkett’s style is engaging and easy. QC referred to the extravagant compliment paid by There are a number of things that I particularly like Sir Patrick Hastings KC, the great English advocate about Six Great Advocates. One is Lord Birkett’s gift for of the 1920s, to friend and fellow advocate Norman making these advocates of a bygone era come to life. Birkett. Hastings is reported to have said of Birkett: The reader gets very close to the experience of seeing and hearing them in action in the courtroom, because ... if it had ever been my lot to decide to cut up a of Lord Birkett’s powers of description and attention lady into small pieces and put her in an unwanted to detail. No doubt the reality is heightened because suitcase, I should without hesitation have placed he knew a number of them personally. It helps that he my future in Norman Birkett’s hands. He would was briefed on the other side in some of the cases from have satisfied the jury (a) that I was not there, (b) which he plucks moments. Lord Birkett also understood that I had not cut up the lady and (c) that if I had well the difference between the written word, and she had thoroughly deserved it anyway. -
The Progressive Dilemma Revisited
This is a repository copy of The progressive dilemma revisited. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/113268/ Article: Gamble, A. orcid.org/0000-0002-4387-4272 (2017) The progressive dilemma revisited. Political Quarterly, 88 (1). pp. 136-143. ISSN 0032-3179 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12327 This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Gamble, A. (2017), The Progressive Dilemma Revisited. The Political Quarterly, 88: 136–143, which has been published in final form at https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12327. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Progressive Dilemma revisited Andrew Gamble David Marquand wrote The Progressive Dilemma in 1991.1 The book is an extended set of reflections on the progressive tradition in British politics and the dilemma faced by progressive intellectuals since the beginning of the twentieth century. -
Members of Parliament Disqualified Since 1900 This Document Provides Information About Members of Parliament Who Have Been Disqu
Members of Parliament Disqualified since 1900 This document provides information about Members of Parliament who have been disqualified since 1900. It is impossible to provide an entirely exhaustive list, as in many cases, the disqualification of a Member is not directly recorded in the Journal. For example, in the case of Members being appointed 5 to an office of profit under the Crown, it has only recently become practice to record the appointment of a Member to such an office in the Journal. Prior to this, disqualification can only be inferred from the writ moved for the resulting by-election. It is possible that in some circumstances, an election could have occurred before the writ was moved, in which case there would be no record from which to infer the disqualification, however this is likely to have been a rare occurrence. This list is based on 10 the writs issued following disqualification and the reason given, such as appointments to an office of profit under the Crown; appointments to judicial office; election court rulings and expulsion. Appointment of a Member to an office of profit under the Crown in the Chiltern Hundreds or the Manor of Northstead is a device used to allow Members to resign their seats, as it is not possible to simply resign as a Member of Parliament, once elected. This is by far the most common means of 15 disqualification. There are a number of Members disqualified in the early part of the twentieth century for taking up Ministerial Office. Until the passage of the Re-Election of Ministers Act 1919, Members appointed to Ministerial Offices were disqualified and had to seek re-election. -
Notes on Contributors
129 Cercles 37 (2020) Notes on Contributors The Right Honourable Gordon Brown was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and Leader of the Labour Party from 2007 to 2010. Prior to that he served as Chancellor of the Exchequer for ten years. He was educated at the University of Edinburgh and was Member of Parliament for Kirkaldy and Cowdenbeath for thirty-two years. John Campbell is a freelance historian and political biographer. His first book, Lloyd George : The Goat in the Wilderness, published in 1977, arose out of Paul Addison 's final-year honours course on British politics between the wars and was essentially his Ph.D thesis, supervised by Paul and examined by A.J.P. Taylor. Since then he has written full-scale biographies of F.E. Smith (1983), Aneurin Bevan (Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism, 1987), Edward Heath (Winner of the 1994 NCR Book Award for Non-Fiction), Margaret Thatcher (The Grocer's Daughter, 2000, and The Iron Lady, 2003), and Roy Jenkins (A Well-Rounded Life, 2014), as well as If Love Were All ... The Story of Frances Stevenson and David Lloyd George (2006) and Pistols at Dawn : Two Hundred Years of Political Rivalry from Pitt and Fox to Blair and Brown (2009) and numerous book reviews and other articles and essays in various publications over the years. David Freeman is editor of Finest Hour, the journal of the International Churchill Society. He teaches history at California State University, Fullerton. In addition to having published contributions by Paul Addison in Finest Hour, he once had the privilege of driving Addison across a wide stretch of Texas.