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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ATTACHMENT STYLE, DEPRESSION AND LONELINESS
IN ADOLESCENT SUICIDE ATTEMPTERS
by
Kolleen M. Martin
submitted to the
Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences
of The American University
in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
in
Psychology
Chair:■ • Alan.L. Berman. Ph.D. g ) r S 'I Vivian. Shavne. P h . D. AnthonVTzm H.SAhrens. Ph.D . £ Janiesinies vJ. Gray. Ph.D.
Dean liege
Date
1995
The American University
Washington, D.C. 20016
S he A E Z ic iii l iip j j vY
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 9706396
UMI Microform 9706396 Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ATTACHMENT STYLE, DEPRESSION AND LONELINESS
IN ADOLESCENT SUICIDE ATTEMPTERS
by
Kolleen M. Martin
ABSTRACT
Attachment style, depression, loneliness and a variety of
pychosocial factors were examined in 31 adolescents who had
attempted suicide within the past year to determine if
depression played a mediating role between an insecure
attachment style and suicide attempts. This group was
compared to two control groups, clinical and normal, which
were matched for age, gender, SES and race. Loneliness was
expected to be associated with an insecure attachment style.
The mediating hypothesis was examined by regression and
logistic regression equations comparing attempters with both
control groups. Partial support was obtained for these
hypotheses. Attempters were more insecurely attached and
more depressed than normals, but not more than clinical
controls. Depression was found to mediate the effects of an
insecure attachment style on suicide attempts when comparing
attempters to normals, but not to clinical controls.
Loneliness scores were higher in individuals with an
insecure attachment style than those with a secure style in
ii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. each of the 3 group comparisons. Loneliness predicted
depression, but did not predict suicide attempts in any of
the comparisons. When comparing adolescent suicide
attempters to clinical controls, an insecure attachment
appears to be a general risk factor for both suicidality and
depression.
iii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I respectfully acknowledge the support of friends,
colleagues and family members, and the sacrifices made by my
children. The Chair, Alan Berman, Ph.D. has assisted in
understanding the usefulness of this project. Additionally,
committee members Vivian Shayne, Ph.D. and Anthony Ahrens,
Ph.D. have provided invaluable guidance and displayed
admirable patience with regard to the organization and
completion of this study.
iv
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv
LIST OF TABLES...... vii
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION...... 1
Risk factors...... 4
Current models...... 12
General model...... 14
2. METHOD...... 30
Subjects...... 30
Materials and procedures...... 34
3. RESULTS...... 40
4. DISCUSSION...... 57
APPENDICES ...... 77
A. Sources of participants...... 77
B. Group demographics...... 78
C. Characteristics of suicide attempts...... 79
D. Informed Consent To Participate...... 80
v
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. E. Parental Informed Consent...... 82
F. Family and Personal History Questionnaire.... 84
G. Beck Depression Inventory...... 87
H. UCLA Loneliness Scale (Version 3)...... 88
I. DAT and Lethality questions...... 90
J. Attachment Questionnaire...... 93
REFERENCES ...... 94
vi
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF TABLES
1. T test results and standard deviations for groups on
measures of depression, loneliness and attachment
style...... 39
2. Regression of depression on attachment...... 41
3. Logistic regression predicting suicide attempts 45
4. Regression of depression on attachment with all
clinical controls...... 46
5. Regression of depression on attachment and matching
variables with all clinical controls...... 47
6. Logistic regression with all clinical controls...... 47
7. Regression of depression on attachment combining
suicide attempters and matching clinical controls... 48
8. Logistic regression predicting suicide attempts from
attachment status and depression using attempters and
matching clinical controls...... 49
9. Mean loneliness scores and t tests by attachment
style...... 51
10. Multiple regression of depression on loneliness 52
11. Logistic regression predicting suicide attempts from
loneliness and depression...... 53
12. Family characteristics and psychotherapy history.... 54
vii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13. Childhood experiences...... 55
14. Recent and lifetime suicide thoughts and behavior... 56
viii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Suicidal behavior in adolescents is a serious
mental health problem. Final mortality statistics for 1992
show that suicide was the third leading cause of death in
the 15-24 year age group (National Center for Health
Statistics [NCHS], 1994). This represents a rate of 13.0 per
100,000 and 4,693 actual deaths. Suicide statistics however
do not reflect the occurrence of serious suicidal ideation
and suicide attempts, the more common types of suicidal
behavior. Estimates of suicidal ideation and suicide
attempts among adolescents vary somewhat, but in general
offer an alarming picture of the number of adolescents who
have considered taking their own lives.
In a survey of 325 high school students, Smith and
Crawford (1986) found that 62.5% of the students reported
having had suicidal ideation but had not developed a plan,
and 8.4% stated they had made an attempt. Another survey of
urban high school students revealed a suicide attempt rate
of 9% (Harkavy-Friedman, Asnis, Boeck, & DiFiore, 1987).
Results from a survey of almost 600 9th and llth graders
indicated that 34% of students had been bothered by thoughts
of ending their lives in the past 12 months, and 9% had made
1
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an attempt to kill themselves (Kandel, Raveis & Davies,
1991). A larger study of over 3000 high school students
(Garrison, McKeown, Valois, & Vincent, 1993) found that 11%
of students reported having serious suicidal thoughts, while
7.5% indicated they had made an attempt. Andrews and
Lewinsohn (1992) reported a similar finding among 1700
adolescents of 7.1% for lifetime prevalence of suicide
attempts. Hence, the self-reported suicide attempt rate by
adolescents is approximately 8%. In terms of actual numbers,
Runyan and Gerken (1989) have estimated that as many as
500,000 make suicide attempts each year.
While these figures are of concern in their own
right, they are particularly of interest because of the
evidence for a continuum of suicidality from ideation to
attempts to completion (Brent, Perper, Goldstein, et al.
1988; Shaffer, Garland, Gould, Fisher & Trautman, 1988).
There are studies which suggest that a prior attempt may
constitute a risk factor for a future attempt, and possibly
a completion. For instance, in a study of 20 adolescent
suicide completions and a matched-pair control group,
Shafii, Carrigan, Whittinghill and Derrick (1985) found that
40% of those who completed suicide had made significantly
more prior attempts than the control group. Fifty-five
percent of the 20 victims had made more suicidal threats
compared to the control group prior to completion. A similar
case-control study of 67 completed youthful suicides (Brent,
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Perper, Moritz, Allman, Friend, Roth, Schweers, Balach &
Baugher, 1993) reported significantly more prior suicidal
attempts in the completer group (28.5%) than the community
control group (1.5%). In fact, in this same study it was
shown that past suicidal ideation with a plan was as
strongly associated with completed suicide as was a past
attempt.
These findings are consistent with estimates that
from 26%-52% of attempters make repeated attempts (Mclntire
& Angle, 1980), and that 10-15% of suicide attempters
eventually commit suicide (Herjanic & Weiner, 1980).
Furthermore, there is evidence of a higher than expected
death rate among previous attempters than nonattempters,
mostly by suicide (Goldacre & Hawton, 1985; Otto, 1972;
Shaffer et al., 1988). Other similarities between attempters
and completers include similarly high rates of affective
disorder and family histories of affective disorder,
antisocial disorder and suicide (Brent et al., 1988).
These studies suggest that a significant number of
adolescents have engaged in life-threatening behavior and
that they are at higher risk for a suicide completion. From
the perspective of risk assessment, and more importantly,
intervention and prevention, the etiology and processes
associated with adolescent suicide attempts clearly deserve
more intensive examination.
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Risk Factors
Recent investigations of adolescent suicidal
behavior have focused on the identification and integration
of risk factors to guide researchers toward a more
comprehensive understanding of the processes leading up to
an attempt.
Within the adolescent age group, studies have
yielded a variety of variables which place the adolescent at
risk for suicidal behavior. One significant factor is
gender, with almost six times as many boys completing
suicide as girls (21.9 versus 3.7 per 100,000; [NCHS,
1994]). In contrast, girls are three to four times more
likely to attempt suicide (Dubow, Kausch, Blum, & Reed, &
Bush, 1989; O'Carrol, 1987; Trautman & Shaffer, 1984).
The presence of psychiatric disorders ranks high
among the empirically derived risk factors for adolescent
suicidality. In a recent review of major psychiatric
disorders as risk factors for youth suicide, Kovacs and
Puig-Antich (1991) estimated that psychiatrically disordered
adolescents have a 200-fold higher risk for suicide than the
general adolescent population. The most freguently reported
diagnosis is depression and depressive symptoms (Andrews &
Lewinsohn, 1992; Brent et al., 1988; Carlson, 1983; Cole,
1989; Crumley, 1979; Friedman, Corn, Aronoff, Hurt, &
Clarkin, 1984a; Marks & Haller, 1977; Motto, 1984; Robbins &
Alessi, 1985). Bipolar disorder (Brent et al., 1988; Otto,
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1972; Weiner, Weiner & Fishman, 1979) has also emerged as a
frequent diagnosis.
However, the nature of the association between
depression and suicide is not clear. A review of studies
linking depression to suicide in adolescents (Spirito,
Brown, Overholser, & Fritz, 1989) reveals that the rate of
depression varies widely among suicidal adolescents observed
in psychiatric settings, emergency rooms and general medical
units. In another study, the level of depression and
hopelessness was higher in adolescents who made
nonimpulsive, premeditated suicide attempts than in those
who made impulsive attempts (Brown, Overholser, Spirito &
Fritz, 1991), suggesting the level of intent is associated
with the level of depression. Investigating differences
within a group of adolescents with Major Depressive Disorder
(MDD), Myers, McCauley, Calderon, Mitchell, Burke, &
Schloredt (1991) reported that the suicidal group displayed
more conduct disorder diagnoses than their nonsuicidal
counterparts.
These findings imply, as have others (Brent,
Kalas, Edelbrock, Costello, Dulcan & Conover, 1986; Carlson
& Cantwell, 1982; Curran, 1987), that not every depressed
individual attempts suicide. Clearly, depression is not a
necessary or sufficient condition for suicidal behavior,
which has prompted investigators to search for a more
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precise understanding of the relationship between depression
and suicidal behavior.
A frequently observed variable among suicide
attempters, and related to depression, is anger (Cohen-
Sandler, Berman & King, 1982; Garfinkel, Froese, & Hood,
1982; Gispert, Wheeler, Marsh, & Davis, 1985; Khan, 1987;
Withers & Kaplan, 1987). Anger, exhibited as assaultiveness
or hostility, has been a frequently reported factor in
adolescent suicide attempts. In controlled studies suicidal
adolescents have produced higher scores on hostility
measures than nonattempters (Lehnert, Overholser, &
Spririto, 1994; Mclntire & Angle, 1973; Tishler, McKenry, &
Morgan, 1981). In a study of suicidal children, Cohen-
Sandler, Berman and King (1982) reported that depressed
affect and threatening others were the two factors that
distinguished the suicidal from nonsuicidal group. They
suggested that the increased losses suffered by this group
over time led to lowered self esteem and increased rage.
Conduct disorder is emerging as a frequent
diagnosis in suicidal adolescents (Schreiber & Johnson,
1986; Spirito et al., 1989). Comorbidity with depression is
high. Marriage, Fine, Moretti and Haley (1986) found in a
study of 60 children aged 8-17 that psychiatric ratings of
depressive symptoms were more severe in cases of conduct
disorder with depression than dysthymic disorder. The
authors suggest that these children will be more likely to
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act on their feelings of depression. In a more direct
measure of suicidal risk, Apter, Bleich, Plutchik,
Mendelsohn & Tyano (1988) reported that suicidality scale
scores on the childhood version of the Schedule for
Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia (K-SADS) were higher
for adolescents diagnosed with conduct disorder (CD) than
major depressive disorder (MDD), even though the CD group
was less depressed than the MDD group. Comparing children
and adolescents with MDD and a psychiatric control group,
Myers and colleagues (1991) found that suicidality was best
predicted by comorbid conduct problems and depressive
thinking, as measured by the Children's Depression
Inventory. These findings suggest that for a group of
suicidal adolescents, aggression and antisocial behaviors
play as critical a role as does depressive affect, and that
comorbidity may heighten the risk for suicide. It is notable
that suicidal adolescents also tend to be impulsive (Arffa,
1983; Crumley, 1979; Hoberman & Garfinkel, 1988) which would
increase the likelihood that they would act on their
feelings, such as anger.
Another prominent risk factor among adolescent
suicide attempters is poor interpersonal relationships with
peers as well as family members (Crumley, 1979; Curran,
1987; Jacobs, 1971; Kandel et al., 1991; Teicher, 1973,
1979; Topol & Reznikoff, 1982). Suicide attempters report
being socially isolated (Rohn, Sarles, Kenny, Reynolds, &
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Heald, 1977) or having no friendships (Khan, 1987). Teicher
(1973) found that in addition to having few friendships, the
ones they did have were very close and intense.
Related to poor interpersonal relationships is
loneliness. Although it is also frequently linked with
depression, studies of loneliness indicate that, as a
construct, it is independent of depression (Weeks, Michela,
Peplau, & Bragg, 1980; Young, 1982). Studies have indicated
a link between loneliness and suicide attempts in
adolescents. For example, suicide is more prevalent in rural
compared to urban communities (Berman & Carroll, 1984), and
rural adolescents as a group, compared to other populations,
have been reported to be very lonely (Woodward & Frank,
1988). A recent study of suicidal behavior in adolescent
substance abusers found that suicide attempters reported
being significantly more lonely in their preteen/pre-
suicidal years than non attempters (Berman & Schwartz,
1990).
Studies of psychosocial risk factors have focused
primarily on the family. These studies report higher rates
of family violence (Hawton, Osborn, O'Grady, & Cole, 1982b;
Kosky, 1983; Withers & Kaplan, 1987), physical abuse (Green,
1978; Levin & Schonberg, 1987), family break-up
(Christoffel, Marcus, Sagerman & Bennett, 1988) and sexual
child abuse (Adams-Tucker, 1982; Deykin, Alpert, & McNamara,
1985; Green, 1978; Riggs, Alario, McHorney, DeChristopher, &
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Crombie, 1986) in the families of suicidal compared to
nonsuicidal adolescents.
Consistent with these findings are investigations
pointing to an increased incidence of psychiatric
disturbance in families of adolescent suicide attempters
(Berman & Carroll, 1984; Garfinkel et al., 1982). Drug and
alcohol abuse is frequently found among family members of
adolescent suicide attempters (Cohen-Sandier, Berman, &
King, 1982; Garfinkel et al., 1982; McKenry, Tishler, &
Kelly, 1983; Rohn et al., 1977), especially fathers (Tishler
& McKenry, 1982). In a review of these and other studies,
Spirito and colleagues (1989) note there are studies which
report no significant difference in the rate of family
psychiatric disorder in suicidal psychiatric inpatients
compared to non suicidal depressed inpatients (Carlson &
Cantwell, 1982; Friedman, Corn, Hurt, Fibel, Schulick, &
Swirsky, 1984b). Hence the relationship between family
history of psychiatric disturbance and adolescent suicide
behavior is presently unclear, although studies to date
imply family psychiatric histories may characterize
disturbed adolescents in general. Not surprisingly, studies
also demonstrate there is a high incidence of suicidal
behavior in other family members of adolescent suicide
attempters (Berman & Carroll, 1984; Garfinkel et al., 1982;
Jacobs, 1971; Kienhorst, Walters, Diekstra, & Otte, 1987;
Teicher, 1973).
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In comparison to control groups, families of
suicidal adolescents have been found to suffer from
significant overall disturbed family functioning (Corder,
Shorr, & Corder, 1974; Khan, 1987; Taylor & Stansfield,
1984; Topol & Reznikoff, 1982).
Documentation of conflict between suicidal
adolescents and their parents (Cantor, 1976; Hawton,
O'Grady, Osborn, & Cole, 1982a) and serious communication
problems within the family (Curran, 1987; Hawton et al.,
1982a; Wenz, 1979) is substantial. Lukianowicz (1968)
described disturbed relations with parents as the "most
important extrinsic factor in the emotional disturbances" of
adolescents attempting suicide. Senseman (1969) reported
that a poor relationship with parents was the most frequent
reason given for attempted suicide.
Studies also show suicidal adolescents (Gispert,
Wheeler, Marsh, & Davis, 1985) and suicidal children (Cohen-
Sandler et al., 1982) have experienced more stressful life
events, and separations and losses (Jacobs, 1971; Jacobs &
Teicher, 1967; Morrison & Collier, 1969) over the course of
their lives than control group children. The argument has
been made that the decision to attempt suicide is strongly
linked to repeated exposure to these stressful events
(Jacobs, 1971; Smith & Crawford, 1986). Though as with
depression, not everyone who experiences multiple stressful
events becomes suicidal. Also, in a review of the literature
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on stress and life events Paykel (1989) has noted that these
phenomena are more frequently associated with psychiatric
disordered adolescents in general, and more marked for early
loss of a parent by separation and divorce than by death.
The conclusion is that neither recent nor early environment
are sufficient causes by themselves, but may interact with
other personality variables, such as impulsive behavior.
Adolescents themselves report feeling more unhappy
in their families (Topol & Reznikoff, 1982) and feeling
rejected (Francis, 1976) or abandoned by their parents
(Sabbath, 1969). In a study by Hawton and colleagues (1982b)
parent/adolescent relationships were shown to relate to the
lethality of suicide attempts as well as the chronicity of
attempts. Low family support has been shown to predict
suicide attempts in a group of adolescents matched for level
of depression (Morano, Cisler & Lemerond, 1993).
These studies characterize adolescent suicide
attempters as depressed, possibly conduct disordered, with
poor interpersonal relationships, lonely and unable to
depend on their families for emotional support. A common
thread appears to be poor relatedness in general. While
these findings have pinpointed general risk factors, and are
undoubtedly of clinical usefulness, there is as yet no
comprehensive theory that explains how these empirical data
fit together. Hence, researchers and evaluators have
stressed the need for integration of these factors in the
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search for underlying dynamic processes (Jacobs, 1971;
Petzel & Riddle, 1981; Spirito et al.; 1989).
Current models
Jacobs (1971), using a case study approach with a
control group, examined 50 adolescent suicide attempters and
their parents. He hypothesized that adolescent suicide
attempts were the result of "progressive isolation from
meaningful relationships." His results suggested there was a
four stage process common to adolescents in these families-a
long standing history of problems, an escalation of problems
above and beyond those usually experienced in adolescence,
progressive failure of coping techniques, and lastly, a
chain reaction dissolution of remaining meaningful social
relationships immediately prior to the suicide attempt. The
core element was the social and emotional isolation
experienced by the suicidal adolescent.
Richman (1978; 1984; 1986) hypothesized that
suicidal behavior is the end point of long standing
emotional problems within the family, for which suicide
seemed to be the only resolution. He observed that
relationships in these families tended to alternate between
enmeshment and isolation. Again, there is an element of
social isolation and poor interpersonal relationships.
Rich & Bonner (1987; Bonner St Rich, 1987) found
evidence for a stress-vulnerability model for suicidal
ideation and behavior in their studies with college age
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students. Preliminary findings from a multiple regression
analysis of self-report assessments of life stress, faulty
cognitions, loneliness, depression, hopelessness, family
cohesiveness, adaptive reasons for living, and suicidal
ideation and behavior indicated that suicidal behavior is
best predicted by l) loneliness, 2) irrational beliefs and
3) low adaptive reasons for living. Additionally, a factor
analysis of the initial variables revealed four factors: 1)
social/emotional alienation, 2) cognitive distortions, 3)
deficient adaptive intrapersonal and interpersonal
resources. While the first three factors appeared to be
"predispositional", the fourth factor, a combination of life
stress and hopelessness, seemed to become important as a
predictor situationally.
This set of studies demonstrates the significance
of a combination of loneliness and depressive thinking in
suicidal late adolescents. Of particular interest was the
component of deficient adaptive resources, which was
operationalized by combining the scores from measures of
reasons for living and family cohesiveness. The authors
suggested this component characterized individuals with few
beliefs or "attachments for staying alive." In other words,
they have difficulty identifying important beliefs and
values for staying alive. It is possible that these poor
attachments for staying alive may stem from general poor
relatedness, which over time would also result in loneliness
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and depression. These results suggest that suicide attempts
in late adolescents are associated with poor attachments,
loneliness and depression, and that these factors are
"predispositional," or of a long standing nature.
A synthesis of these hypotheses regarding the
processes which eventually lead to suicide attempts in
adolescents paints the picture of families which, over a
long period of time, are not able to offer stable and
nurturing environments in which developing adolescents feel
relatively safe and supported, have dependable relationships
with parents, can learn to manage stress and anger
effectively, or succeed with the separation issues related
to emotional independence. Research on risk factors, as
noted above, characterizes the adolescent as exhibiting
depressive, and/or aggressive symptomatology, having few
meaningful relationships, being very lonely, and failing to
communicate distress to the family.
General model
All of the hypotheses which attempt to integrate
clinical observations and empirical data into a process
which eventually culminates in a suicide attempt by
adolescents include or imply depression, loneliness, and
poor interpersonal and familial functioning. Attachment
theory (Bowlby, 1969, 1973, 1980) offers one way to
understand how these risk factors may be related to
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depression and suicidal behavior. John Bowlby (1980) stated
"In most forms of depressive disorder, ...the principal
issue about which a person feels helpless is his ability to
make and maintain affectional bonds" (p. 247) . He explained
attachment as a biologically adaptive motivational system in
which a child seeks proximity to another (usually the
mother) for the instinctual purpose of protection and
survival. He suggested that infant attachment patterns could
be categorized as secure, or insecure. If the infant forms a
secure relationship with the attachment figure (most often
the mother), separation from this figure will elicit
appropriate but not excessive anxiety. However, if the
attachment has been characterized by apprehension and fear
that the attachment figure will be inconsistent,
inaccessible and/or unresponsive, then insecure attachment
behavior patterns will be exhibited (Bowlby, 1973). These
insecure patterns are generally characterized by excessive
clinging or excessive self-reliance, and serve the function
of maintaining proximity to the caregiver to avoid the
recurrence of an unbearable threat-loss of the attachment
figure (West & Sheldon-Keller, 1994).
Continuing studies of attachment behaviors in
children (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Main,
Kaplan & Cassidy, 1985) have further elaborated on these
patterns. Ainsworth and colleagues describe
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anxious/ambivalent and avoidant patterns, while Main et al.
(1985) delineate preoccupied and dismissing patterns
. The anxious type of pattern is characterized by excessive
dependency and frequent seeking of interpersonal contact. In
contrast, the avoidant patterns are depicted as denying the
need for, or the importance of attachment relationships
(West & Sheldon-Keller, 1994).
These early child-caregiver relationships, or
attachment styles, are hypothesized to be of a robust and
enduring nature. Bowlby hypothesized that over time these
patterns of experience become internalized and develop
"internal working models" of relationships between the self
and others. In effect, the child develops
cognitive/affective expectations about the self as worthy of
care and attention (self-worth), and about the likelihood
that others will provide a sense of security and protection
when needed (Bowlby, 1973; 1988). As Main et al. (1985)
explain, it is "the-child-in-relation-to-the-attachment-
figure", rather than the attachment figure per se that is
internalized. The early experiences of the self-in-relation
to others leads to a consolidated sense of self and of the
other as they interact. These memories create general
expectations about future interactions and influence modes
of behavioral responses. These beliefs become core
components of personality. Patterns are reinforced by
experience with attachment events over childhood as the
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child continues to build a relationship with primary
caretakers (West & Sheldon-Keller, 1994) and into
adolescence when the caretaker becomes an "attachment figure
in reserve" (Weiss, 1991). There is evidence for the
maintenance of the attachment patterns formed in infancy
into childhood (Main & Cassidy, 1988), and into adulthood
(Hazan & Shaver, 1987). Additionally, it has been postulated
that patterns of response to separation, laid down in
childhood, continue into adolescence (Bios, 1967; Josselson,
1980) and adulthood (Behrends & Blatt, 1985; Weiss, 1982) .
Therefore it would seem logical that strengths or
disturbances in the pattern of early attachment with
significant caretakers would reappear during succeeding
separation experiences such as adolescence.
Attachment theory hypothesizes that there is a
link between psychopathology and insecure attachment
patterns, most notably depression and loneliness. Blatt and
Homann (1992) have suggested that John Bowlby's concept of
an internal working model of attachment plays a significant
role in understanding vulnerability to depression.
Specifically, they view the childhood antecedents of
depression to include an impairment of the internal working
model of a caregiving relationship. Lack of care and
support, and excessive control and criticism are associated
with depression. One way a disturbed mother-child
interaction may lead to later depression is the mother's
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failure to help the infant to regulate affect. Within this
context, depression can be described as a disturbance in
affect regulation.
In fact, there is a growing literature on
attachment as an organizational construct for both adaptive
psychological functioning (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; Kobak
& Sceery, 1988) , as well as depressive symptoms in
adolescents. To test the supportive effects of attachment to
parents, Papini and Roggman (1992) measured attachment,
depression and anxiety at 3 separate times over an 18 month
period in a group of early adolescents. Correlational
results indicated that attachment to parents was
significantly and positively related to measures of self
perceived competence, and significantly and negatively
correlated with feelings of depression and anxiety.
Armsden, McCauley, Greenberg, Burke, & Mitchell
(1990) examined security ofattachment to parents in four
groups of early adolescents (10-17 years of age): clinically
depressed, nondepressed psychiatric controls, nonpsychiatric
controls and adolescents with resolved depression. Depressed
adolescents reported less secure parent attachment than the
control groups, and attachment security of the adolescents
with resolved depression was equivalent to the
nonpsychiatric controls. Within the psychiatric groups,
security of attachment to parents was negatively correlated
with severity of depression. Less secure attachment to
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parents was also related to suicidal ideation. Kenny,
Moilanen, Lomax, & Brabeck (1993) investigated the
relationship between security of attachment to parents and
depressive symptoms in early adolescents using structural
equation modeling. They found evidence for the view of self,
as determined by the internal working model, to be the
mediating link between attachment security and depressive
symptoms.
There have been only two efforts, one direct and
one indirect, to link insecure attachment styles, depression
and suicidal behavior in adolescents, de Jong (1992)
examined attachment security and suicidality in three groups
of undergraduate students; one with a history of suicidality
(serious ideation/made plans and attempts), one reporting
current depression with a suicide severity score of 1 or 2
(only occasional or no suicidal ideation), and one normal
control group with suicide severity scores of 1 or 2. She
found that the suicidal group reported lower security of
attachment with parents than the other two groups.
Additionally, compared to the other groups, the suicidal
group reported that their parents (and mother) were less
emotionally available in childhood. The author concluded
that parents' emotional availability during childhood
heightened the adolescents' vulnerability to suicide. It is
uncertain how current attachment style may influence
childhood memories of attachment behaviors by parents.
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In a similar vein, Adam (1994) has proposed that
the link between attachment and suicide is the role of loss.
He proposes a vulnerability model in which insecure
attachment styles are risk factors across the life span. He
views adequate or inadequate parenting as a predisposing
factor, and current loss, rejection and disappointment as
precipitating factors for suicidal behavior. Early
attachment experiences produce vulnerability to suicidal
behavior through their effects on the attachment system,
mediated through the internal working models of self and
attachment figures. More specifically, when individuals with
an insecure attachment style encounter serious losses, they
are more inclined than those with a secure attachment to
view themselves as unworthy and unlikely to obtain the
desired support and nurturance from others that they need.
The effects of these internal working models, as noted
earlier, can be seen in personality differences involving
self-worth, affect regulation, and a capacity to form and
maintain relationships. He explains these as the keys to
understanding vulnerability or resilience to later
attachment stress. Secure attachment permits the capacity to
contain anxiety, mourn loss and cope with crises. In
contrast, insecure attachment styles increase the
vulnerability to react to loss or threatened loss with
immobilizing anxiety, destructive anger, hopelessness and
ego decompensation. Suicidal behavior is conceptualized as
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an attachment crisis. When a significant attachment is
threatened, the response is acute distress with efforts to
avoid the loss, either by clinging or detached behavior. He
and colleagues have completed a controlled study of
adolescent suicide attempters, as yet unpublished, in which
he found evidence for a higher incidence of insecure
attachments with adolescent suicide attempters (personal
communication, 1994).
Adam's vulnerability model is also consistent with
Sroufe's (1988) conclusions that the child's understanding
of relationships is gained from internal working models of
self in relation to others, and represents a developmental
context that makes the emergence or absence of pathologies
more or less likely.
These studies suggest that insecure attachment
styles predispose individuals to depression which can lead
to suicidal behavior. For adolescents this is a particularly
compelling explanation in that the developmental tasks of
separation from the family and autonomous functioning may
leave those with insecure attachments without an adequate
sense of security to negotiate these separation related
tasks. Rephrased, the question is whether depression acts as
an intervening or mediating variable between an insecure
attachment and suicidal behavior.
To test this model, it is necessary to assess
secure and insecure attachment style in adolescents. At the
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time this study was conducted there was one attachment style
questionaire by Hazan and Shaver (1987) that had been
employed with older adolescents, but there were no available
measures providing classification of attachment styles
developed specifically for the adolescent age group. Most
studies of early and mid adolescents' attachments have
utilized the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment
(Armsden & Greenberg, 1987), a measure of degree of security
of attachment to parents or peers, which doesn't provide a
classification of attachment style. To investigate
attachment styles in adolescents it would be helpful to have
an additional measure of behavior which could be expected to
be correlated with an insecure attachment, as current
measures are relatively new and hence somewhat lacking in
reliability and validity data.
Recent theoretical and empirical studies of
loneliness, a construct frequently associated with social
isolation and lack of peer relationships, suggest this
construct may be similar to an insecure attachment style.
Specifically, people feeling socially isolated and unable to
find meaningful relationships would be expected to be higher
in insecurely than securely attached individuals. Kobak and
Sceery (1988) found that insecurely attached (avoidant)
college students were rated by their peers as the most
hostile compared to either anxiously or securely attached
individuals, and themselves reported more loneliness than
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their secure counterparts. Weiss (1973) states that
loneliness is defined as a distressing affective and
motivational state resulting from the failure to satisfy
one's needs for social and emotional interchange with
others. Furthermore, "Loneliness appears always to be a
response to the absence of some particular type of
relationship, more accurately, a response to the absence of
some particular relational provision " (p. 17). This
provision may be a secure attachment. More to the
point, Weiss has suggested that loneliness is a direct
result of the functioning of the attachment system. In the
same vein, Peplau and Perlman (1979) have suggested that the
likelihood of an adolescent being lonely is increased by
personal characteristics that undermine either the
initiation, maintenance or quality of relationships.
Loneliness in college undergraduates has been linked to the
remembered quality of the parent-child relationship, degree
of family togetherness and quality of peer relationships
(Paloutzian & Ellison, 1982). Similarly, in an extensive
study of adolescents, Brennan and Auslander (1979) reported
loneliness was related to low self-esteem, perceptions of
inadequate parental nurturance and support, and alienation
from peers.
Friendships and general peer relationships play a
salient role in separating from earlier attachment figures
and developing extrafamilial attachments. These studies
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suggest there may be an association between early
attachments to parental figures and later perceived
loneliness.
A review of the literature reporting loneliness in
adolescent suicide attempters reveals there are no studies
which assess loneliness on a standardized measure of this
construct. It may be for this reason that studies of social
adjustment have been reported to be conflictual. Berman and
Schwartz (1990) found that suicide attempters in an
adolescent drug abuse population reported being more lonely
in childhood than non attempters, but did not assess current
levels of loneliness. These results were obtained from a
questionnaire and need replication on a standardized measure
to assess present loneliness.
Research into the components of loneliness using
the Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (Russell, Peplau &
Cutrona, 1980) and the Adolescent Experiences Questionnaire
has shown that among high school students, loneliness was
significantly predicted by a combination of social
alienation, lack of social facility and acceptance,
inferiority feelings and a lack of social integration,
(Goswick & Jones, 1982). Similar components were found to
predict loneliness in an undergraduate college population.
It was noted that high school experiences accounted for over
half the variance in current loneliness scores after a
period of as much as three years. This suggests that
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patterns of experiences and behavior related to loneliness
in high school carry over to the college years. The authors
concluded that loneliness in both groups was associated with
unpleasant feelings and negative self perceptions, and
developed "as a consequence of disruptions in relationships
with significant others" ultimately resulting in inadequate
social skills. This finding may be interpreted to implicate
the role of attachment patterns in reported loneliness in
both high school and college in that early attachment
patterns are hypothesized to provide the prototype for
succeeding interpersonal relationships.
In an investigation of personality variables
associated with loneliness and the phenomenological aspects
of loneliness by adolescents, Moore and Schultz (1983) found
that scores on the UCLA. Loneliness Scale were correlated
with duration of loneliness, self-esteem, depression, state
and trait anxiety, and social anxiety. Loneliness was
experienced as boredom, emptiness and isolation.
In a study of younger adolescents the
relationships between chumship, altruistic behavior and
loneliness, Yarcheski and Mahon (1984) found that among 12-
14 year olds, the absence of a close chum relationship
(intimate interpersonal relationship with a person of the
same sex) was not predictive of being lonely. Unexpectedly,
the highest scores on the Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale were
obtained by adolecents with weak altruistic behavior and
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close chum relationships. Altruistic behavior was defined as
a willingness to share and help others in need of
assistance. The authors interpreted these findings as
indicating that lonely adolescents are locked into exclusive
one-to-one relationships, or "emotional oneness with a
partner", which effectively interfered with their ability to
form other interpersonal relationships. This is consistent
with Teicher's (1973) finding that suicidal adolescents have
few, but very close relationships. These results demonstrate
that loneliness is a complex phenomenon, and suggest that
lonely preadolescents are searching for more intense
relationships than their less lonely peers.
These findings imply that loneliness is related to
poor peer relationships in a particular way. Specifically,
there is a long standing history of difficulty initiating
and maintaining satisfactory interpersonal relationships
which is evident in preadolescence and persists into late
adolescence and young adulthood. When a friendship exists,
it is characterized as overly involved, and effectively
excludes the formation of multiple friendships. Furthermore,
loneliness is experienced as emptiness, isolation and
negative self perceptions. This affective pattern is
consistent with a history of poor and unsatisfactory early
attachments and suggests there may be a link between
loneliness and insecure attachment patterns.
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Studies have demonstrated that early caregiving
relationships influence children's later adjustment to peers
(Bretherton, 1985; George & Main, 1979). For the adolescent,
it is generally accepted that in the course of gradually
separating from the family, attachments and social
relationships will begin to shift beyond the family. It is
also expected that adolescents will experience a degree of
loneliness. Perhaps not surprisingly, adolescents are found
to be the loneliest of all age groups (Brennan, 1982;
Rubenstein & Shaver, 1980). There are indications that the
way in which late adolescents define and achieve separation
is associated with their psychological well-being and with
their perceived relationships with their mothers and fathers
(Moore, 1987). There is also support for the notion that the
shifting of attachment bonds away from parents and toward
peers is a critical antecedent of loneliness in adolescents
(Ostrov & Offer, 1978). Weiss (1973) states that
"adolescence...leads to extensive reorganization of the
affective system of attachment", and as this transformation
is uneven, there are periods when the adolescent will have
practically no attachments at all. Furthermore, Stierlin
(1974) has emphasized that the role of the parents is
crucial in the process of separation. He found that the role
played by parents varies from supportive, to attempts to
undermine the process by prolonging preadolescent
attachments, to premature rejection.
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Hence, there are strong indications that
loneliness and an insecure attachment style are
characterized in a similar manner. If this is the case, then
loneliness should be strongly associated with an insecure
attachment style.
Summarizing theoretical formulations and empirical
evidence, insecure attachments increase the vulnerability to
depression, as persuasively argued by Blatt and Homann
(1992). Depression is a well documented risk factor for
suicidal behavior. Adam (1994) has hypothesized that
insecure attachments increase vulnerability to suicidal
behavior, and de Jong (1992) demonstrated a higher incidence
of insecure attachments in suicidal late teens. These
studies suggest that the effects of an insecure attachment
style on suicidal behavior may be mediated by depression.
The purpose of this study is to test this model in
a sample of suicidal adolescents, making comparisons with
both a clinical and normal control group. Additionally, as
the measurement of insecure attachment in adolescents has
only recently begun, it would add validity to the assessment
if a theoretically associated variable could be shown to
correlate with insecure attachments. Loneliness is closely
related to an insecure attachment by its shared affective
experience of being unable to satisfy one's needs for
emotional closeness.
The hypotheses to be tested are as follows:
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1) Depression will be a mediating variable between an
insecure attachment style and suicide attempts in
comparisons between a group of adolescent suicide attempters
and two control groups, one clinical and one normal.
Clinical controls will be obtained from community mental
health centers and Court supervised facilities. Diagnoses
will be reported where possible for attempters and clinical
controls as comorbid diagnoses may increase the risk for
suicidal behavior, de Jong's work combined attempters with
ideators and utilized an attachment to parents measure to
describe attachment. This study will extend current research
by including only adolescents who report having made an
actual attempt within the past year. Additionally, the
attachment measure will classify attachment style as secure
or insecure rather than degree of attachment to parents.
2) Loneliness will be positively correlated with an
insecure attachment style and suicide attempts, and will be
evaluated by a standardized measure. Loneliness has not been
previously reported in this population, or related to
attachment style.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 2
METHOD
Subjects
For the attempter and clinical control groups, 106
adolescents (13-19 years of age) were recruited from
participants in the out-patient services of 4 community
mental health centers, 4 Youth Shelters, 1 adolescent day
treatment program and 2 Court supervised residential
settings in the Northern Virginia area. Sources of the
participants are shown in Appendix A. There was a
significant difference in the sources of participants.
Approximately one-third of attempters and two-thirds of
clinical controls were obtained from Court supervised
residential placements, X2 (1, N = 62) = 6.46, p < .01.
Out-patient diagnoses at the mental health centers were made
according to DSM-III-R (American Psychiatric Association,
1987) and included depression, dysthymia, oppositional
defiant disorder and conduct disorder. Subjects from the
shelters and residential settings were not assigned
diagnoses, but were typically status offenders, runaways,
truants and adolescents viewed by Juvenile Court as Children
In Need of Supervision. For a normal control group, an
30
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additional 89 students enrolled in peer helping and
psychology classes at a public high school were recruited.
No DSM-III-R diagnoses were available for the normal control
group. Although it was not possible to determine the precise
refusal rate, staff at the facilities who recruited
adolescents for this study indicated that few, perhaps five
percent of those approached, refused to participate.
Authorization was granted for this research by the
Human Subjects Committee in the Psychology Department of The
American University. Separate signed informed consents were
obtained from each subject and one parent.
Participants who endorsed a question asking if a
suicide attempt had been made within the past year (N = 31)
were placed in the attempter group. The attempt question is
one of three on the DAT scale (Allison, Hubbard, Ginzburg, &
Rachal, 1986). DAT is an acronym for the focus of each of
the three questions; depressed, attempted and thought. The
DAT is a three question measure of depression and suicidal
symptoms which was validated with the Beck Depression
Inventory and the NIMH Center for Epidemilogical Studies
depression scale (CES-D), both 21 item depression scales.
The DAT scale was developed as a screening measure for
suicidal behavior and depression in the Treatment Outcome
Prospective Study (TOPS), a national longitudinal study of
drug abusers. The 3 items ask if the subject has felt so
depressed that they couldn't get out of bed, thought about
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committing suicide or attempted suicide, in any
predetermined time period. For the purposes of this study,
the time period was ”1 year". Only the third question was
scored as the basis for assignment to groups.
Lethality of attempts was measured for two
reasons. One was to increase the validity of a claim of a
suicide attempt. The second was to identify the attempters
as high or low-lethality. It is important to differentiate
between these subgroups of attempters because there is
emerging data to suggest these groups are different in terms
of their personality characteristics and their intent to die
(Berman & Jobes, 1991) . Lethality of the attempt was
determined by asking for further details of the attempt
incident. These responses permitted a rating of lethality to
be made using the Lethality of Suicide Attempt Rating Scale
(Smith, Conroy, & Ehler, 1984). The possible range of scores
is 0-10, with higher scores indicating increased lethality.
Only subjects reporting an attempt with a rating of 1 or
higher were included in the attempter group.
After the attempter group was formed, two matched
control groups were then created from the remaining clinical
and normal control groups. Clinical controls were defined by
having behavioral problems of sufficient severity to be in
one or more of several categories; engaged in out-patient
psychotherapy or a day treatment program, living in a
shelter temporarily due to conflict between parent and
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adolescent, being under Juvenile Court supervision due to
committing a crime, or being unable to live at home as a
result of severe behavioral problems such as violating
curfews and violence toward family members. All had access
to mental health counselors as a result of their placements.
Use of the term clinical controls for this group is used
broadly in that diagnoses were unavailable for many of the
participants, but their behavior, which had forced their
removal from their homes and/or school settings, clearly
places them outside normal limits and within a clinical
category.
Individuals were matched on gender and race, and
then as close as possible on age and socioeconomic status
(SES). When several matches were available, choices were
made alternately between choices at the top and bottom of
the list of participants. SES was determined by
Hollingshead's Four Factor Scale (Hollingshead, 1975). To
match for race, subjects are divided into Caucasian (N =
19), Black (N = 5) and Others (N = 7; Hispanic, Asian and
Other). Age was divided into three categories which ranged
from of 13-14, 15-16 and 17-19 years of age. It should be
noted that while there was no overall difference in age
grouping for matched controls or across groupings, F(2,90) =
1.189, p = 0.309, in the attempter group there were 8
subjects in the 13-14 year age group but only one in this
age group in the normal control group.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34
General demographic information for the three
matched groups (N = 93) is summarized in Appendix B. Of the
attempters, 75% were female, 61% were Caucasian, and the
median age group was 15-16. The median SES level was II.
General characteristics of the attempts are described in
Appendix C. The mean lethality score for the attempters was
two, classifying these attempters as a low lethality sample.
The primary methods of suicide attempts were cutting, mostly
superficial, and overdoses of pills, and or, alcohol. Eight
received medical attention, six in an Emergency Room. Only
two were hospitalized. Seventeen told someone after the
attempt, and 17 received psychotherapy afterward, of which
ten reported it to be helpful.
Materials and Procedures
Questionnaires were administered by the author and
completed by subjects at the individual sites, either
individually or in small groups ranging from 3 to 8.
Eventual group membership for attempters and clinical
controls were unknown at the time of administration. The
completion time for the packet of questionnaires was
generally 15-25 minutes. The reading level of the
questionnaires was sixth grade. Two subjects stated they had
difficulty with reading, and the protocols were read to them
by the author.
Demographic information was obtained from the
Family and Personal Questionnaire, a form designed by the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35
author (see Appendix E). This form contained additional
questions regarding early attachment experiences and family
history. It included questions such as "During your
childhood did your mother/father often seem unconcerned,
hostile or rejecting toward you?", and "Were you often
lonely, sad or angry as a child?" Family history data
included questions about family substance abuse, suicide,
and mental illness. Additionally, there were questions
asking if and when subjects had psychotherapy, how long ago,
and if it was helpful.
Attachment style was determined by use of Hazan
and Shaver's (1987) attachment questionnaire. It provides
for classification of respondents into secure, anxious and
avoidant attachment styles. Anxious and avoidant styles are
two types of insecure attachment and are grouped together
for the purpose of this study. This measure was designed for
use with adults (Hazan & Shaver, 1990) but has been used in
with an older adolescent population (Pistole, 1989). This
measure categorizes attachment styles into secure and
insecure styles, unlike other measures of attachment in
adolescents which focus on degree of security rather than
style.
This questionnaire is based on Bowlby's attachment
theory, and appears to have adequate reliability and
validity (Lyddon, Bradford, & Nelson, 1993). Validity has
been established by the questionnaire's ability to predict
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attachment style based on attachment theory when histories
of the way love is experienced, expectations concerning love
relationships and memories of childhood relationships with
parents were examined (Hazen & Shaver, 1987). With respect
to reliability, Pistole (1989) reported test-retest analysis
in which she found a contingency coefficient of 0.598
(maximum = 0.707) pointing to adequate consistency. The
original form was modified by adding the words
"girlfriends/boyfriends" and "like" in parentheses wherever
the words "love partners" and "love", respectively, appeared
in order to make it more age appropriate for younger
adolescents (see Appendix I). The questionnaire consists of
3 short paragraphs describing how individuals feel about
closeness to another in intimate relationships. Respondents
were asked to indicate which one of the three answer
alternatives best described them.
Loneliness was measured by the Revised UCLA
Loneliness Scale (Russell et al., 1980). It is a 20 item
measure designed to assess an individual's self-reported
experiences of loneliness by inquiring about the feeling
states which are believed to be related to loneliness, such
as social isolation, disturbed interpersonal relationships,
and feeling empty and restless. Underlying assumptions are
that there are common themes in the experience of loneliness
regardless of cause, that it is a unidimensional construct
and varies primarily in its experienced intensity (Russell,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37
1982). The validity of the scale has been supported by
correlations with measures of depression, self-esteem,
anxiety and introversion-extraversion. Although these
personality variables account for 43% of the variance, when
the influence of these variables was controlled for,
loneliness scores continued to be related to the self
labeling loneliness index (r=.79) demonstrating good
discriminant validity (Russell & Cutrona, 1980). Hence, it
is not confounded by social desirability, mood or other
personality variables such as negative affect or social risk
taking. Russell (1982) reported good reliability with a
coefficient alpha of .96 and test-retest correlation of .73
over a two month period. Other researchers have reported
similar reliability data (Knight, Chisholm, Marsh & Godfrey,
1988; Yarcheski & Mahon, 1984).
Current depression was measured by the Beck
Depression Inventory (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979;
[BDI]). The BDI is a 21 item self-report questionnaire
developed to measure the intensity of depression by
assessing attitudes and symptoms frequently associated with
depression. Using the Schedule for Affective Disorders and
Schizophrenia for School-Age Children (K-SADS) as the
criterion validator, the BDI has been reported to adequately
distinguish adolescents with MDD from nondepressed
adolescents (Ambrosini, Metz, Bianchi, Rabinovich, & Undie,
1991). Likewise, concurrent validity measures with clinical
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ratings and the Hamilton Psychiatric Rating Scale for
Depression yielded mean correlations of 0.72 and 0.73
respectively.
The BDI has been used extensively with adolescents
and adults in a wide variety of clinical and nonclinical
populations (Steer, Beck & Garrison, 1986). Notably,
depression in adults as assessed by the BDI has been
positively correlated with suicidal behavior (Emery, Steer,
& Beck, 1981; Lester & Beck, 1975). Given its demonstrated
usefulness in suicidal and adolescent populations, the BDI
is an appropriate tool to assess depressive symptoms in
suicidal adolescents. While there are no standard cut-off
scores, the authors suggest scores of 0-9 are in the normal
range, 16-19 indicate mild-moderate depression, and scores
of 20 or more are in the moderate to severe depression
range. These guidelines are used in this study.
The suicide attempt was rated on the Lethality of
Suicide Rating Scale (Smith et al., 1984). It was designed
to bypass problems related to intent, such as minimizing
actual lethality due to stated intent. It is an interval
scale comprised of 11 points along a continuum which
measures the lethality of an attempt between no risk of
death and no risk of survival. Each point on the scale is
calculated on the basis of the actual
lethality of the method used, and is then modified by the
circumstances surrounding the attempt. Drug or chemical
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ingestions are evaluated in an extensive list that includes
lethal ranges of these substances by body weight categories.
Each scale point is explicitly defined in terms of these
variables, with 8 being considered "serious". Scores of 1-3
are considered of low lethality. While the reliability of
this scale would benefit from further reports of its utility
use as an assessment device, its objectivity and reliance on
quantitative data make it an appealing tool.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 3
RESULTS
Descriptive and inferential analyses were
conducted to examine the data. Table 1 presents mean scores
and standard deviations by group on the Beck Depression
Inventory (BDI), the UCLA Loneliness Scale and the Hazen and
Shaver attachment style questionnaire. The mean score on the
BDI for the attempter group was 19, which is at the upper
limit of the mild to moderate range of depression, while the
means for the clinical and normal control groups (15 and
10.6) were within the mild range.
In order to ascertain if differences obtained were
statistically significant, a series of t tests were carried
out and incorporated into Table 3. Attempters were more
depressed than the normal controls, t(60) = 3.12, p = .003,
but not than the clinical controls, t(60) = 1.57, £ = .12.
However, attempters were more lonely than their clinical
control counterparts, t(60) = 2.009, p < .05, but not than
the normal controls, t(60) = 1.61, p = .11.
Finally, the numbers of individuals describing
themselves as securely or insecurely attached are also
depicted in Table 3. Because attachment style is
categorical, a series of Pearson chi-square analyses were
40
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41
conducted in this context. Significantly more attempters had
an insecure attachment style than normal controls, X2(l, N =
62) = 4.16, p = .04. However, the difference between the
attempters and clinical controls was nonsignificant, X2(l, N
= 62) = 0.62; n s .
TABLE 1
MEANS AND T TEST RESULTS FOR GROUPS ON MEASURES OF DEPRESSION, LONELINESS AND ATTACHMENT STYLE
ATTEMPTERS CLINICAL NORMAL N = 31 CONTROLS CONTROLS N = 31 N = 31
BDI MEAN = 19.03*** MEAN = 15.03 MEAN = 10.64b S.D. = 11.74 S.D. = 7.87 S.D. = 9.21 UCLA MEAN = 47.29** MEAN = 41.93b MEAN = 42.54 S.D. = 11.36 S.D. = 9.54 S.D. = 11.82 ATTACHMENT STYLE
INSECURE N = 21 (68%)** N = 18 (58%) N = 13 (42%)b ANXIOUS N = 12 (38%) N = 6 (19%) N = 6 (19%) AVOIDANT N = 9 (29%) N = 12 (39%) N = 7 (23%) SECURE N = 10 (32%) N = 13 (42%) N = 18 (58%)
Note. Statistics with *. significantly different from those with b. * E < .05. ** e < •01. Additional data analyses entailed the generation
of a series of multiple and logistic regression equations to
test the hypotheses regarding depression as a mediating
variable between attachment style and suicide attempts.
Baron and Kenny (1986) have argued that the appropriate test
for a mediational model is the examination of three
regression equations in which the following conditions must
be met: the independent variable must significantly affect
the mediator in the first equation; the independent variable
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42
must significantly affect the dependent variable in the
second equation; and lastly, the mediator must significantly
affect the dependent variable, and the independent variable
should not, in the third equation. If these conditions hold,
then the effect of the independent variable on the dependent
variable must be less in the third equation than in the
second.
In this study, attachment style (hypothesis 1)
constituted the independent variable of interest, depression
(BDI score) was the mediating variable and a suicide attempt
(either yes or no) was the dependent variable. Depression
was a continuous variable while attachment style and suicide
attempts were measured as categorical variables. Regression
(Ordinary Least Squares) was used for the first equation.
But because attempter status, a categorical variable,
constituted the dependent variable of interest, logistic
regression, or Logit, was used for the second and third
equations. Reported chi-square values from Logit are Wald
chi-squares, and the -2 log likelihood chi-square g value
for the overall model was established as .05.
To test hypothesis 1, that the effects of an
insecure attachment style on suicide attempts are mediated
through depression, two sets of comparisons were made using
this series of 3 regression equations: one comparing the
attempter group to the clinical control group, and one
comparing the attempter group to the normal control group.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43
The mediation hypothesis is the same for both group
comparisons.
As shown in Table 2, for comparisons of attempters
to either clinical controls, R2 =.172, F(l,60) = 12.47, p
<.001, or normal controls, R2 = .285, F(l,60) = 23.911, p <
.0001, an insecure attachment was found to be related to
increased depression.
TABLE 2
REGRESSION OF DEPRESSION ON ATTACHMENT
COEFFICIENT R: F RATIO
ATTEMPTERS VS -8.622 0.172 12.471*** CLINICAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS -12.015 0.285 23.911**** NORMAL CONTROLS
Note. *** e <.001. **** e <.0001.
In the second series of equations however, the
pattern of results varied as a function of control group
comparisons, as shown in Table 3. When comparing the
attempter to the clinical control group, an insecure
attachment style did not significantly predict membership in
the attempter group. However, when comparing attempters to
normal controls, an insecure attachment style did
significantly predict attempter status, X2(l, N = 62) =
4.06, p < .05 .
In the third equation series, both attachment and
depression were entered into the logistic regression
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equations (Table 3). In the comparison between the attempter
and clinical control groups, neither depression, X2(l, N =
62) = 1.823, ns, nor attachment style X2(l, N = 62) = 0.02,
ns, significantly predicted which individuals would be in
the attempter group. However, with the attempter versus the
normal control group comparison, depression level did
predict attempter status, X2(l, N = 62) = 4.77, p < .05,
while attachment was no longer significant, X2(l, N = 62) =
0.29, ns.
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TABLE 3
LOGISTIC REGRESSION PREDICTING SUICIDE ATTEMPTS FROM ATTACHMENT STATUS AND DEPRESSION
GROUP PARAMETER PARAMETER WALD COMPARISONS ESTIMATE CHI-SQUARE
ATTEMPTERS VS ATTACHMENT -0.416 0.619 CLINICAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS ATTACHMENT -1.067 4.067* NORMAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS ATTACHMENT -0.878 0.022 CLINICAL DEPRESSION 0.395 1.823 CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS ATTACHMENT -0.340 0.296 NORMAL CONTROLS DEPRESSION 0.068 4.773*
Note. * g <.05. ** £ <.01
Additional analyses were performed comparing all
the clinical controls (N = 75) to the attempters (N = 31) to
increase the number of cases in the clinical group for
comparisons of the attempters and clinical controls.
Statistics are shown in Tables 4-6. Results obtained for the
first equation in the series again demonstrated that
attachment was a powerful predictor of depression status, R2
= .23, F(l, 104) = 32.91, p < .0001. Even when controlling
for the matching variables of age, gender, SES, and race,
attachment, t(l00) = 5.529, p < .0001, continued to predict
depression. It is noteworthy that in this sample, younger
subjects were more depressed than older subjects, t(100) =
2.22, p < .05.
In the second equation series, when gender was
statistically controlled, attachment style was not a
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significant predictor of suicide attempt status, X2(l, N =
106) = 1.70, ns. Not surprisingly, gender was an important
matching variable (see Table 6). Therefore, even with the
added power of a larger clinical control group, attachment
style did not predict suicidality when comparing attempters
to clinical controls.
TABLE 4
REGRESSION OF DEPRESSION ON ATTACHMENT WITH ALL CLINICAL CONTROLS
GROUP COEFFICIENT R2 F RATIO COMPARISON
ATTEMPTERS VS -9.493 0.233 32.913*** ALL CLINICAL CONTROLS*
Note. * Total N = 106 (Attempters = 31, All Clinical Controls = 75). **** p < .0001
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TABLE 5
REGRESSION OF DEPRESSION ON ATTACHMENT AND MATCHING VARIABLES WITH ALL CLINICAL CONTROLS
VARIABLECOEFFICIENT T
ATTACHMENT -9.643 -5.529**** AGE -2.489 -2.229* GENDER 2.499 1.461 RACE 0.544 0.830 SES .560 0.746
Note. * £ < .05. **** £ < .0001
TABLE 6
LOGISTIC REGRESSION WITH ALL CLINICAL CONTROLS PREDICTING SUICIDE ATTEMPTS FROM ATTACHMENT
GROUP PARAMETER PARAMETERWALD COMPARISON ESTIMATECHI-SQUARE
ATTEMPTERS VS ATTACHMENT -0.929 4.286* ALL CLINICAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS ATTACHMENT -0.620 1.703 ALL CLINICAL GENDER 1.310 7.253** CONTROLS
Note. * £ < .05. ** £ < .01
To investigate whether attachment style is
predictive of pathology in general rather than suicidality
in particular, separate analyses were performed combining
the original matched attempters with clinical controls, and
comparing them to the normal controls (see Tables 7 and 8).
In terms of the first equation series, attachment style
predicted depression status, R2 = .25; F(l,91) = 32.91, p <
.0001, and accounted for a slightly lower amount of the
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variance than in the comparison between attempters and
normal controls, R2 = .29. In the second equation series,
attachment style predicted pathology status in the second
equation, X2(l, N = 93) = 3.61, p = .057, ns, only
marginally less than in the initial comparison with only the
matched attempters and normal controls X2(l, N = 62) = 4.06,
p < .05. As for the third equation series, depression
predicted pathology status X2(l, N = 93) = 4.91, p < .05, in
this comparison about as well as in the first comparison
X2(1, N = 62) = 4.77, p < .05. Here attachment style became
insignificant as a predictor of pathology status, as
hypothesized in a mediating model, when the effects of
depression were taken into account. These data show little
difference between the comparison of all clinical groups to
normals, and attempters to normals.
TABLE 7
REGRESSION OF DEPRESSION ON ATTACHMENT COMBINING SUICIDE ATTEMPTERS AND MATCHED CLINICAL CONTROLS
GROUP COEFFICIENT R2 F RATIO COMPARISON
ATTEMPTERS AND -10.558 .257 32.821**** CLINICAL CONTROLS VS NORMAL CONTROLS
Note. **** 2 < .0001
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TABLE 8
LOGISTIC REGRESSION PREDICTING SUICIDE ATTEMPTS FROM ATTACHMENT STATUS AND DEPRESSION USING ATTEMPTERS AND MATCHED CLINICAL CONTROLS
GROUP PARAMETER PARAMETER WALD COMPARISON ESTIMATE CHI-SQUARE
ATTEMPTERS AND ATTACHMENT .853 3.613* CLINICAL CONTROLS VS NORMAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS AND ATTACHMENT 0.250 0.231 CLINICAL DEPRESSION -0.653 4.915* CONTROLS VS NORMAL CONTROLS
Note. * e = .057. * £ < .05.
To further explore the reasons for the lack of
significance in terms of the mediation model between the
attempter and clincial control groups, a review was
undertaken of the composition of the attempter and clinical
control groups. There were seven individuals in the clinical
control group who had made a suicide attempt within their
lifetimes, but not within the past year. The mediation
analysis was re-examined placing all attempters into the
attempter group, regardless of when the attempt occurred.
Results were not significant for the mediation analysis
once again. Although attachment style predicted depression,
R2 = 0.158, F (1,60) = 12.47, p <.001, attachment alone did
not predict suicide attempt status, X2(l, N = 62)= 1.27, ns.
Controlling for depression, neither attachment, X2(l, N =
62) = .55, ns, nor depression, X2(l, N = 62) = .471, ns
predicted suicide attempt status. These findings suggest
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that the inclusion of lifetime attempters in the attempter
group did not differentiate the two groups on depression and
attachment style.
Lastly, as noted earlier in the breakdown of
sources of participants (Appendix A), there was a
significant difference in sources of attempters and clinical
controls. To explore if placement had an effect on the
results, the mediation analysis was tested with only
attempters (N = 10) and clinical controls (N = 20) from the
Court supervised residential placements. Results must be
viewed with caution because the small N violates the
assumption of 15 subjects per variable for regression
analysis. Attachment style predicted depression, R2 = 0.20,
F (1,28) = 8.63, p = .007, however, attachment alone did not
predict suicide attempt status, X2(l, N = 30) = 0.07, ns. In
the third equation, attachment was not a significant
predictor, X2(l, N = 30) = 1.96, ns, but higher levels of
depression did predict suicide attempt status, X2(l, N = 30)
= 6.67, p < .01. Thus, even controlling for the possible
effects of location, attachment did not distinguish between
these groups and depression continues to be a significant
variable in the prediction of suicide status.
To test the second hypothesis, that loneliness was
correlated with insecure attachment styles, loneliness
scores were examined for the different attachment styles. As
predicted and shown in Table 9, loneliness scores were
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higher in individuals with insecure attachment styles within
the attempter group, t(29) = 3.36, £ < .002, the clinical
group, t (29) = 2.48, p < .01, and the normal control group,
t (29) = 3.54, £ < .001.
TABLE 9
MEAN LONELINESS SCORES AND T TESTS BY ATTACHMENT STYLE
ATTACHMENT ATTEMPTERS CLINICALNORMAL STYLE N= 31 CONTROLS CONTROLS N = 31 N = 31
INSECURE 51.38** 45.27** 50.70*** N = 21 N = 18 N = 13 SECURE 38.7 37.3 37.11 N = 10 N = 13 N = 18
Note. ** £ < .01. *** e < -001
To more closely examine the relationship of
loneliness and insecure attachment style to suicide,
loneliness was substituted for attachment style in the
series of equations previously described to test for
mediation. As shown in Table 10, loneliness was a good
predictor of depression for comparisons between both
attempters and clinical controls, R2 = .20, F(l,60) = 16.91,
E < .0001, and between attempters and normal controls, R2 =
.28, F (1,60) = 25.22, £ < -0001.
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TABLE 10
MULTIPLE REGRESSION OF DEPRESSION ON LONELINESS
COEFFICIENT R2 F RATIO
ATTEMPTERS VS 0.441 0.207 16.911**** CLINICAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS 0.523 0.284 25.221**** NORMAL CONTROLS
Note. **** g < .0001
For the second equation (Table 11), loneliness was
not quite significant as a predictor of suicide attempts for
the comparison of attempter to clinical control group, X2(l,
N = 62) = 3.65, p < .055, but was clearly in the
hypothesized direction. Loneliness performed more poorly as
a predictor in the comparison between the attempter and
normal control group X2(l, N = 62) = 2.47, ns. Again, this
was due to the slightly lower scores on the loneliness
measure for the normal compared to the clinical controls. It
is also noteworthy that the number of individuals in each
group (N = 31) was small. Perhaps larger groups may have
increased the significance of these statistics.
In the third equation (Table 11), entering both
loneliness and depression, loneliness had little predictive
value for suicide attempts in either comparison, as would be
expected in a mediation model. However, depression was a
significant predictor of suicide attempts only in the
comparison between the attempters and the normal control
group, X2(1, N = 62) = 5.66, e < .01, but not between
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attempters and clinical controls, X2(l, N = 62) = .52, ns.
Hence, depression did not mediate the effects of loneliness
on suicide attempt status.
TABLE 11
LOGISTIC REGRESSION PREDICTING SUICIDE ATTEMPTS FROM LONELINESS AND DEPRESSION
GROUP PARAMETERS PARAMETER WALD COMPARISONS ESTIMATE CHI-SQUARE
ATTEMPTERS VS LONELINESS 0.050 3.657 CLINICAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS LONELINESS 0.036 2 .473 NORMAL CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS LONELINESS 0.040 1.944 CLINICAL DEPRESSION 0.021 0.524 CONTROLS ATTEMPTERS VS LONELINESS -0.001 0.003 NORMAL CONTROLS DEPRESSION -0.776 5.665**
Note. ** £ < .01
Data on family characteristics, childhood
experiences and therapeutic interventions gathered with
demographic information was also examined (Tables 12-13) . In
general, the attempter and clinical control groups had more
problems within their families, experienced poorer
relationships with parents and unhappiness in childhood and
had more psychotherapeutic intervention than the normal
control group. Pearson chi-square analyses were not
significant for comparisons between the attempter and
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clinical groups, with the exception of attempters having had
more psychotherapy within the past year (p < .04).
TABLE 12
FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS AND PSYCHOTHERAPY HISTORY
VARIABLES ATTEMPTERS CLINICAL NORMAL N = 31 CONTROLS CONTROLS N = 31 N = 31
Living with 9 (29%) 5 (16%) 18 (58%) both parents Family 14 (45%) 16 (51%) 7 (22%) substance abuse Parent 9 (29%) 4 (13%) 2 (6%) psychiatric illness Weekly use of 8 (25%) 7 (22%) 1 (3%) alcohol Weekly use of 8 (25%) 10 (32%) 2 (6%) drugs Substance abuse 10 (32%) 9 (29%) 1 (3%) treatment Psychotherapy 23 (75%) 20 (64%) 10 (32%) Within 21 (67%) 10 (32%) 4 (13%) year Within 1- 2 (6%) 11 (35%) 6 (19%) 5 years Was 15 (65%) 13 (65%) 5 (50%) helpful
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TABLE 13
CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCES
VARIABLE ATTEMPTERS CLINICAL NORMAL N = 31 CONTROLS CONTROLS N = 31 N = 31
Parental Unconcern Mother 6 (19%) 10 (32%) 3 (9%) Father 13 (41%) 12 (38%) 6 (19%) Parental Rejection Mother 12 (38%) 10 (32%) 5 (16%) Father 13 (41%) 12 (38%) 2 (6%) Parental Hostility Mother 14 (45%) 12 (38%) 5 (16%) Father 13 (41%) 8 (25%) 2 (6%) Often lonely 14 (45%) 9 (29%) 8 (25%) Often angry 16 (51%) 10 (32%) 8 (25%) Often sad 19 (61%) 16 (51%) 7 (22%) Often had 2 29 (93%) 26 (83%) 28 (90%) friends Family 14 (45%) 18 (58%) 21 (67%) supportive
Data was also examined regarding recent and
lifetime suicidal ideation and behavior (Table 14).
Adolescents in the attempter group reported more suicidal
ideation within the past year (p < .0001), and in their
lifetimes (p < .001), than clinical controls. They also
reported having made more lifetime plans to commit suicide
(P < .001) than clinical controls. In addition, attempters
indicated they had made more lifetime suicide attempts (p <
.01) than clinical controls.
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TABLE 14
RECENT AND LIFETIME SUICIDAL THOUGHTS AND BEHAVIOR
VARIABLE ATTEMPTERS CLINICAL NORMAL N = 31 CONTROLS CONTROLS N = 31 N = 31
Suicidal 29 (94%)**** 11 (35%) 11 (35%) thoughts within past year Lifetime 28 (93%)**** 13 (41%)*** 9 (29%) thoughts of harming self Lifetime plan 26 (83%)*** 13 (41%) 9 (29%) to harm self Lifetime 22 (70%)** 7 (22%)** 1 (3%) attempts (not within past year)
Note. ** £ < .01. *** e < -001. **** £ < .0001.
Lastly, lethality of attempt and attachment style
were examined for possible differences between the two
styles of attachment. Lethality was divided into low (1 and
2 on the Lethality Rating Scale) and high ratings (3 and
higher). The Fisher exact test yielded a p < .38, indicating
no significant difference in this sample of attachment style
for between those participants with ratings of high and low
lethality.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION
The results obtained provide partial support for
the first hypothesis regarding mediation. Specifically,
there is some evidence that the effect of an insecure
attachment style on suicide attempts is expressed, or
transmitted through, depression. Suicide attempters were
more insecure and more depressed than normals. This is
consistent with de Jong's (1992) evidence for lower security
of attachment to parents' in suicidal college students
compared to normals, and extends this finding to younger
adolescents. When comparing attempters to a matched group of
normal controls, the results demonstrated that attachment
style predicted depression, and suicide attempt status (an
attempt within the past year). However, when the effects of
depression were taken into consideration, as expected,
depression was a significant predictor and attachment style
was no longer related to suicide attempts.
Support for the mediation model was not replicated
in the comparison between attempters and clinical controls.
While attachment style predicted depression, attachment was
not able to perform as a predictor of suicide status. When
adding knowledge of depression to the equation, prediction
57
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improved slightly, but was not significant. It is notable
that in this equation the predictive value of attachment
decreased, which was in the expected direction. These
results suggested the mediation model could have predictive
value in this comparison, but that possibly there was
insufficient power due to the small number of subjects.
An additional analysis comparing attempters to all
clinical controls, not only matched subjects, assisted in
exploring the question of power due to number of subjects.
Attachment style was again related to depressive status.
However, after controlling for the effects of gender and
age, two matching variables in the original matched sample,
attachment style did not predict suicide attempt status in
this larger clinical sample. Also, entering depression into
the equation did not improve prediction. Although not
statistically significant, the hypothesized relationship
between attachment and depression was again evident. Hence,
these results suggest that when comparing attempters to
clinical controls, an insecure attachment predicts
depression, as found in the attempter versus normal
comparison, but even with additional power, attachment style
is not a useful predictor for suicidal attempts. It appears
from these results that low power in the analyses was not
the primary reason for the lack of significance.
In this study attempters and the clinical controls
were not very different from one another on attachment style
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and depression level. This lack of differentiation would
suggest that attachment style is predictive of depression in
general rather than suicidality specifically. This is
consistent with De Wilde and colleagues' (1993) failure to
identify any specific psychological factors including self
esteem, state-trait anxiety, locus of control, competence,
and levels of family cohesion and conflict, amongst
adolescent suicide attempters that distinguished them from a
control group of depressed adolescents. Notably, there were
significant differences between normals and the clinical
groups (attempters and depressed).
To further explore differences between the larger
matched clinical sample, both attempters and clinical
controls, the clinical groups were combined and compared to
the normals in the mediation analyses. The results were
similar to the findings with the attempter versus normal
control comparison, in that attachment predicted depression
and depression acted as a mediator between an insecure
attachment and suicidality. This further suggests that an
insecure attachment predisposes individuals to pathology in
general, but is not specific to suicide attempters.
The empirical support for the mediation model in
the analyses of the attempter and combined clinical groups
versus the normals, and lack of significant results with the
attempter versus a larger clinical sample, illustrates the
difficulty of distinguishing attempters from clinical groups
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in general. Results from this study for the mediation
hypothesis in the comparisons suggests that low lethality
attempters with a mild/moderate level of depression are not
significantly more depressed, and/or do not have a higher
incidence of insecure attachments, than the clinical
population in this study, which was characterized mainly by
oppositional behavior and criminal conduct.
These findings, that neither depression level nor
attachment style distinguish between the attempter and
clinical control group, raise the question of whether an
insecure attachment is a specific risk factor for
suicidality or psychopathology in general. Ingram's (1990)
proposal of a meta-construct model of descriptive
psychopathology provides a possible context in which to
understand these findings. This paradigm combines a
cognitive taxonomy and a partioning of variance analogy to
explain psychopathology. With the variance component, he
describes the expression of a given disorder as a function
of critical features (main effects), common features
(interactions) and error (individual differences). Critical
features are those which are unique to a given pathology,
such as depression or alcohol abuse, while common features,
such as self-focused attention, represent shared variance,
are present in a variety of disorders, and differentiate
adaptive from maladaptive functioning. Using the variance
portion of this model, an insecure attachment could be
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viewed as a common, but not specific, psychopathological
feature for a variety of disorders, including suicidality.
The results from this study lend support to the role of an
insecure attachment style performing as a common feature in
that it predicts both suicidality and depression in
comparisons between normals and both clinical groups
(attempters and clinical controls). More precisely,
attachment style influences suicidality primarily through
its relationship to depression.
In all of the comparisons, attachment style
predicted depression, accounting for 17% of the variance in
the attempter and clinical control comparison, and 28% of
the variance between the attempters and normals. This
association was true even at a mild to moderate level of
depression (BDI = 19). This strong association provides
support for the vulnerability hypothesis postulated by
attachment theory (Bowlby, 1973) and Blatt and Homann
(1992), that an insecure attachment style lays the
groundwork for later depression. In a related manner, this
data is also consistent with the findings of Papini and
Roggman (1992), and Armsden and colleagues (199 0), that
depressive affect in adolescents is associated with low
security of attachment to parents.
The second hypothesis, that loneliness will be
correlated with an insecure attachment style and suicide
attempter status was also partially supported by the results
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of regression equations. Loneliness scores were
significantly higher for those individuals with an insecure
attachment style than for those with a secure attachment
style in each of the three groups. This is a robust finding
and indicates there is a link between felt loneliness and
having an insecure attachment style. Given that the mean
loneliness scores between the three groups formed toy
pathology (attempters and clinical controls) or lack of it,
(high school population) were barely different statistically
and yet were clearly different when the groups were formed
by attachment style, suggests that loneliness is more
related conceptually to attachment style than to pathology
as defined by group membership in this study.
These findings provide indirect support for the
hypothesis that secure attachment to parents fosters more
self-esteem and emotional well-being (Armsden St Greenberg,
1987), and less social anxiety (Pappini, Roggman & Anderson,
1991) among adolescents. In older adolescents Blain and
collegues (1993) found that more securely attached
individuals reported higher levels of perceived social
support from parents and friends, and attachment to friends.
However, there is evidence that insecure attachment to
parents does not always extend to insecure attachments to
peers. Armsden and collegues (1990) found that depressed
children and adolescents' attachment to parents was less
secure, but not to peers when compared to psychiatric
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controls. Likewise, de Jong (1992) reported that suicidal
late adolescents displayed the least secure attachment to
parents compared to depressed and control adolescents, but
were more similar to depressed adolescents in terms of
security of attachment to peers. Thus, how adolescents may
feel securely attached to peers but not to parents deserves
more study to understand how this division takes place.
Possibly, insecurely attached adolescents may attach to
others with insecure attachments who match their own
perceptions of themselves, and thereby gain a limited sense
of closeness and social support, however tenuous.
To examine the possibility that loneliness may
behave in a manner similar to an insecure attachment style,
loneliness was substituted for attachment in the series of
regression equations. Loneliness predicted depression in
both comparisons, not unexpected given the high correlation
between these two variables. However, loneliness did not
predict suicide attempt status in the attempter or clinical
control group comparison, although there was a strong trend.
Thus, loneliness does not predict suicide attempt status as
strongly as an insecure attachment style, although it
appears to be an important factor. This result extends
Berman and Schwartz's (1990) findings amongst adolescent
suicide attempters of higher incidences of remembered
loneliness in childhood, to include higher levels of current
loneliness.
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Although the failure of loneliness to predict
suicide attempts in the second equation invalidated the
mediation model, information obtained from predicting
suicide attempts from loneliness when controlling for the
effects of depression provided additional information about
this relationship. While the data are not statistically
significant and reflect only a trend, the data suggest that
after accounting for depression, suicide attempters in this
sample were more lonely than clinical controls. Therefore,
loneliness appears to behave in a similar but not altogether
identical fashion, to an insecure attachment style in this
regard.
In the normal versus attempter comparison, the
contribution of loneliness declined dramatically and
depression status became a very significant predictor of
suicide attempt status. This suggests that attempters
compared to normal controls are more different in their
levels of depression than they are in their levels of
loneliness. In contrast, in the attempter and clinical
control comparison, the contribution of loneliness declined
but depression added comparatively little to the
predictability of suicide attempt status. This pattern of
findings suggests that loneliness is a more important factor
when comparing attempters to clinical controls, but
depression carries more weight when comparing attempters and
normal controls. Analyses to investigate the possibility of
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a moderating effect from the interaction between depression
and loneliness on the prediction of suicide attempt status
were not significant, suggesting that being both depressed
and lonely did not increase the likelihood of making a
suicide attempt in this sample.
The additional questions regarding family
characteristics and childhood experiences did not reveal
significant differences between the attempter and clinical
control groups. However compared with normals and as
previously reported, attempters reported more difficulties
with disruptions to family life such as divorce (Cohen-
Sandler et al., 1982), family history of substance abuse,
suicide and psychiatric illness (Garfinkel et al, 1982).
This is consistent with reports of higher overall disturbed
family functioning in families of suicide attempters
compared to normals (Corder et al., 1974; Taylor &
Stansfield, 1984). The questions regarding childhood
experiences of parental unconcern, rejection and hostility,
and of general dysphoria, did not differentiate the
attempters from the clinical controls. Although the number
of individuals in each group was small (31) and limits
generalizability, there were patterns that distinguished
these two groups from the normal group. In general,
approximately one-third to one-half of subjects in the
attempter and clinical control groups reported feeling
disregarded by parents whereas only one-quarter or less of
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normals reported these feelings. Surprisingly, approximately
one-half of the attempter and clinical groups reported their
families as supportive, in spite of the reported dysphoria.
Two-thirds of the normals reported having supportive
families. Perhaps there is a desire on the part of those in
these groups to have had supportive families in spite of the
realities. At the same time it is plausible that for some of
the attempters, they do indeed perceive their families as
supportive but that other factors, such as level of
depressive affect, play a salient role in their motivation
to engage in suicidal behavior. This discrepancy suggests
there may a reporting bias toward social desirability.
Equally as likely is that because adolescents are separating
from their families and leaving behind whatever security was
available, it may be that for adolescents with insecure
attachments, there is a need to preserve the illusion of
secure attachments to family to assist them as they actually
separate.
Reports of prior therapeutic intervention were
investigated for several reasons. One is that a frequent
objective of psychotherapy is to improve satisfaction gained
from interpersonal relationships. Difficulty in
relationships could be viewed as related to an insecure
attachment style. The second reason was to determine if an
attachment related activity (psychotherapy) was perceived as
helpful. Indeed, two-thirds of the attempter and clinical
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control groups reported prior psychotherapy whereas only
one-third of normals did. This finding is consistent with an
earlier reports of higher levels of prior psychotherapy
(Brent et al., 1993; Garfinkel et al., 1982) in attempters.
Approximately one-half to two-thirds described psychotherapy
as helpful. Attempters' perceptions of psychotherapy have
not been reported previously. Thus, approximately half of
the attempters reported that they benefited from assistance
with a therapeutic intervention focused on improving
interpersonal relationships.
There were significant differences between
attempters and clinical controls in terms of recent and
lifetime suicidal thoughts and behavior. Attempters clearly
described more suicidal thoughts within the past year, and
lifetime thoughts, plans and attempts than clinical
controls. These results add support to Berman and Schwartz's
(1990) finding that adolescent suicide attempters report
histories of wishing to die stemming from childhood.
There are several limitations to the
generalizability of these results. First is the nature of
the characteristics of the obtained sample of attempters.
This group included adolescents who reported having made a
low lethality attempt within the past year. Only eight
obtained medical attention and six were taken to an
Emergency Room at a hospital. Seven in the clinical control
group had made a lifetime attempt not within the past year.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68
However, even adding lifetime attempters to the attempter
group and re-analyzing the data did not significantly effect
the results. Therefore, these findings reflect only this
type of low lethality attempter, either within the past year
or lifetime, and cannot be presumed to characterize
attempters who have made more lethal attempts. The issue of
lethality carries added weight because it bears directly on
the intent of the suicide attempt. Berman and Jobes (1991)
have suggested that low lethality attempts are designed to
force change of an interpersonal nature, whereas higher
lethality attempts signal a serious wish to die. Hence, the
attempters in this study may have engaged in self
destructive behavior to influence others' behavior toward
them, rather than actually intending to die. Questions
regarding intentionality of the attempters would have shed
more light on this question and enhanced accurate
categorization of the attempters.
Had the attempters in this study reported higher
lethality attempts, it is unclear what effect lethality
would have had on the mediation hypothesis. An investigation
of differences using regression analyses between high and
low lethality attempters in this sample, although with a
small N, indicated that lethality, measured as a categorical
variable, high and low, did not predict depression or
attachment. Were there to be an effect, it is probable that
the effect would be expressed by way of an association
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69
between higher lethality and increased levels of depression,
particularly as depression is a highly significant risk
factor for completed adolescent suicides. However, there is
increasing evidence that adolescents displaying antisocial
behavior, such as conduct disordered youth, are at increased
risk for completed suicide, sometimes without comorbid
depression (Brent et al., 1993). As attachment style has not
been reported within an antisocial population, and higher
lethality attempters may not report high levels of
depression, it is at present not clear whether depression
mediates the effects on an insecure attachment style on
suicidal behavior within all subgroups. While it is
difficult to gain access to adolescents who have made high
lethality attempts, it is imperative continuing efforts be
made to study this group in order to improve risk
assessment.
Second, is the small number of matched subjects.
Although there was adequate statistical power (15 subjects
per variable), for the primary analyses, the small number of
subjects in some of the categories, particularly within the
normal group, curtailed comparisons of some of the
variables. It may also have contributed to several
differences between the sample and epidemiological surveys.
While 9-11% of normal controls reported prior suicidal
ideation which is consistent with earlier studies (Garrison
et al., 1993), lifetime attempts of 1% was substantially
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lower than in the Garrison and collegues' study, 7.5%, and
the 9% reported by Kandel et al., 1991. The lack of
similarity for rate of prior suicidal ideation and attempts
between the attempter and clinical control groups is
puzzling, especially in light of the correspondence of their
depression levels. One possibility is that there may have
been unmeasured diagnostic differences. Perhaps the
attempters had comorbid diagnoses whereas the clinical
controls did not. Hence the broad definition of the clinical
control group makes the classification of this group
unclear.
There were also three methodological problems that
limited generalizability. One was the lack of information
regarding lifetime and recent stresses for the participants.
In terms of the mediation hypothesis, it would be important
to compare the amount of lifetime and recent stresses within
groups to determine if exposure to stress was significantly
higher in those with an insecure, compared to a secure,
attachment style. If there was more taxing of the attachment
system (by increased level of stress with minimal support
from caretakers) over time for attempters, possibly stress
could have moderated the relationship between an insecure
attachment style and depression. For example, if stress had
been low, there would have conceivably been less reason for
depression to develop. On the other hand, had stress been
high, depression would have been more likely to occur, which
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may then have led to suicidality. This hypothesis does not
exclude the possibility that the mediation model may provide
an explanation for the data as well. It is possible that
those individuals with insecure attachment styles would be
more inclined to react to stress with feelings of
incompetance and eventually become depressed in comparison
to individuals with a secure attachment who may believe they
are more competant at solving problems. Thus, it is
plausible that both processes may occur. This possibility
warrants further reseach to highlight how and when each
process may take place.
A second methodological problem was the lack of
diagnoses for attempters and clinical controls. More
information about the nature of their emotional disturbances
over and above scores on the BDI would have provided a more
accurate mental health assessment of these adolescents.
Without this information, it is unclear if there were a
higher number of comorbid diagnoses in the attempter group
which would have increased their risk for suicidal behavior.
For instance, it is possible that more attempters than
clinical controls could have had diagnoses of both
depression and conduct disorder, and or borderline
personality disorder. The presence of unmeasured cormorbid
diagnoses clouds the mediation findings. For example, it is
not clear whether attachment exerts its effects on
suicidality through depression, or through depression in
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combination with other diagnoses. Use of a diagnostic
instrument such as the childhood version of the Schedule for
Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia (K-SADS) would have
served this purpose.
A third problem with the methodology was the
length of time between the attempt and the completion of the
measures in this study. The attempts could have been made a
week or a year beforehand, but depression was measured only
for the past week. This lag time makes it uncertain if, and
to what extent, the individual was depressed at the time of
the attempt. Although it is very likely that attempters were
depressed at the time of the attempt, the methodology used
in this study does not provide direct evidence for this
assumption. Therefore, it is unclear whether depression was
indeed a mediating variable at the time of the attempt. In a
a related manner, as it is unknown how soon after the
attempt the measures were completed, the question arises of
whether a suicide attempt is a dependent or independent
variable in this study. In other words, it is unknown if
having made an attempt somehow influenced depression or
attachment style status. Studies of events leading to
changes in attachment style in adolescents have not been
reported in the literature to date. In light of the multiple
experiences over time which are hypothesized to strengthen
an attachment style, it seems doubtful that a suicide
attempt would change a previously secure attachment style
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into an insecure style. At the same time, an attempt may
increase depressive affect. Identification of when within
the past year the attempt was made would have provided more
clarification of the meaning of the data. Administering the
measures as soon as possible after the attempt would have
increased the validity of the findings.
Areas for further research would include use of an
expanded measurement of insecure attachment style. Because
depression is the most common diagnosis for attempters, and
attachment and depression are related, new measures such as
one by Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991) are promising in that
they define four attachment types (secure, fearful,
preoccupied and dismissing) based on the self in relation to
others. Specifically, their model focuses on esteem,
positive and negative, for others and for self. Each
attachment corresponds with one of four combinations. For
instance, the secure type would be characterized by a
positive view of self and of others, while the fearful type
would hold a negative view of self as well as others. In
terms of the mediation hypothesis, it may be that one or two
types of this categorization of attachment styles,
particularly the fearful type, may be related to suicidality
through depression while one or more of the others may not.
The fearful type is most consistent with depressive feelings
in that there would be low self-esteem and disbelief that
other people would be available and supportive. Use of this
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type of measure with attempters would further clarify their
beliefs and expectations of others in interpersonal
relationships. This is important because suicide attempts
often follow interpersonal losses, and the intent of
adolescent suicidal behavior is frequently to force a change
in someone else's behavior (Berman & Jobes, 1991).
Potentially, this type of information, particularly how
suicide attempters view others, could be used to pinpoint
more focused psychotherapeutic interventions.
Results from this study also suggest it would be
useful to further explore the pathway from an insecure
attachment style to depression to suicidal behavior. If an
insecure attachment is a common, but not critical, feature
of suicidality, and not all insecurely attached adolescents
become depressed and go on to suicidal behavior,
clarification about how divisions in this process occur
would improve risk assessment. Studies comparing insecurely
attached adolescents who are depressed with those who are
not would be informative in this regard. For example, it may
be that suicidal adolescents have had less exposure than
their nonsuicidal counterparts, to protective factors over
their lifetimes such as opportunities for attachments other
than with nonsupportive parents. It might also be useful to
examine the different types of insecure attachments and
their association with depression. As suggested by Blatt and
Homann (1992), there is evidence that anxious and avoidant
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insecure attachments may lead to depressive symptoms
centered on different issues. In their analysis an anxious
attachment style leads to a depression focused on issues of
dependency and loss, whereas the avoidant style leads to a
depression focused on self-criticism, and anger toward the
caregiver and the self. Assuming that anger toward self with
the avoidant type may be predictive of higher rates of self-
harm, it is plausible that this style may be more related to
suicidal behavior than the anxious style.
A final important area for additional inquiry
stems from the significantly more frequent lifetime
experiences of prior suicidal thoughts and plans amongst
attempters compared to clinical controls. While this
information was gathered as descriptive data and was
expected to be higher in the attempter group, it is
interesting that it occurred within groups which were
similar in levels of depression and incidence of insecure
attachments, but were slightly higher in reported
loneliness. Obviously the occurence of these thoughts was
not attributable to the measured variables, at least
directly. Although examination of the circumstances under
which these thoughts occurred would be retrospective, it may
provide information into the perceptions and cognitive
aspects of events that generate these thoughts.
Lastly, these findings indicate that only half of
attempters had psychotherapy subsequent to an attempt, and
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that half of this group described it as helpful. Thus only a
quarter of attempters in this sample reported that the
obtained treatment was useful. It may be fruitful to study
those who are able to obtain, as well as report having
benefited, from treatment in terms of differences in
attachment style. It would be expected that people with
insecure attachment styles would be less likely to trust
others, such as therapists, and would thus not seek
psychotherapy for treatment of depression as readily as
those with secure attachments. The findings from this study
suggest that in terms of prevention of suicidal behavior,
one avenue worthy of future research is closer examination
of the pathways and processes by which an insecure
attachment style leads to depression.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX A
SOURCES OF PARTICIPANTS
Facility- Attempters Clinical Normal N = 31 Controls Controls N = 31 N = 31
Mental Health 7 5 0 Centers Youth Shelters/ 8 6 1 Group Homes Day Treatment 5 0 0 Court 10 20 0 Supervised Residential Placements Public High 1 0 30 School
77
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GROUP DEMOGRAPHICS
ATTEMPTERSCLINICAL NORMAL N = 31 CONTROLCONTROL N = 31 N = 31
GENDER Male 8 8 9 Female 23 23 22 AGE 13-14 8 7 1 15-16 14 16 21 17-19 9 8 9 RACE Caucasian 19 19 18 Black 5 5 5 Asian 1 1 2 Hispanic 4 4 4 Other 2 2 2
78
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CHARACTERISTICS OF SUICIDE ATTEMPTS
LETHALITY* 1 13 2 10 3 1 3.5 2 5 4 7 1
MEAN = 2 METHOD Cut Self 14 Overdose pills/alcohol 13 Electrocute self 1 Jump from building 1 Strangle self 1 Jump in front of truck 1 OBTAINED MEDICAL ATTENTION Stomach pumped 2 Stitches/bandages 3 Drank charcoal 1 Hospitalized for liver damage 2 TAKEN TO EMERGENCY ROOM 6 TOLD SOMEONE AFTER ATTEMPT 17 RECEIVED PSYCHOTHERAPY AFTER ATTEMPT 17 Described as helpful 10 Note. * N = 31
79
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX D
INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
You are being asked to participate in a research project investigating how adolescents describe and feel about themselves. This study is the dissertation of the main investigator, Kolleen Martin, M.A., a doctoral candidate in clinical psychology at The American University in Washington, D.C.
As a subject in this project you will be asked to complete several questionnaires which take approximately 20- 25 minutes to complete. Your answers will be confidential. The answer sheets are coded by number in order to preserve anonymity. Your name will not be on any of the questionnaires. This is done to protect your privacy and the confidentiality of information you give.
Please be aware that there are legal limits to confidentiality. Specifically, if there is evidence that a subject is in immediate danger of harming him/herself or others, there is a duty to disclose this information. The main investigator will consult with the subject and make an appropriate referral for assistance.
If while answering the questionnaires, you change your mind for any reason and decide that you do not want to participate, you are free to stop. This is entirely your choice. Just in case any of the questions about depression or self-harm elicit negative feelings, I will invite anyone with these reactions to talk with me afterwards.
If you are dissatisfied with the research activity, you may anonymously report your complaints to any of the persons listed on the attached sheet. Please separate the consent form and attached sheet so that you may take this sheet with you.
Your signature below indicates you understand the content of this informed consent form and agree to participate as a subject in this research. The signature of
80
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81
one parent is also required on the attached second consent form if you are below the age of 18.
Name
Date
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX E
PARENTAL INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
Your teenager is being asked to participate in a research project investigating how adolescents describe, and feel about themselves. This study is the dissertation of the main investigator, Kolleen Martin, M.A., a doctoral candidate in clinical psychology at The American University in Washington, D.C.
As a subject in this project your teenager will be asked to complete several questionnaires which take approximately 20-25 minutes to complete. The answers will be confidential. The answer sheets are coded by number in order to preserve anonymity. Your teenager's name will not be on any of the questionnaires.
Please be aware that there are legal limits to confidentiality. Specifically, if there is evidence that a subject is in immediate danger of harming him/herself or others, there is a duty to disclose this information. The main investigator will consult with the subject and make an appropriate referral for assistance.
If while answering the questionnaires, your teenager changes his/her mind for any reason and decides they do not want to participate, they are free to stop. This is entirely their choice. Just in case any of the questions about depression or self-harm elicit negative feelings, I will invite anyone with these reactions to talk with me afterwards.
If you or your teenager are dissatisfied with the research activity, you may anonymously report your complaints to any of the persons listed on the attached sheet. Please separate the consent form and attached sheet so that you may take this sheet with you.
Your signature below indicates you understand the content of this informed consent form and agree to have your teenager participate as a subject in this research.
82
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Parent Name
Date
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX F
NUMBER:
DATE:
FAMILY AND PERSONAL HISTORY QUESTIONNAIRE
Please answer the following questions to the best of your knowledge by checking yes (Y), no (N), or filling in the blank. Remember this information is confidential.
AGE: (13-14)______(15-16)______(17-19)
GENDER: Male Female
RACE: Caucasian Black______Asian_ Hispanic Other____
1. Are you currently living with both natural parents?
Y___
N la. If not, please indicate why not? Check only the one that applies.
abandonment___ divorce___ natural or accidental death___ suicide___ homicide
Which parent do you live with?
84
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lb. Do you have contact with the parent you do not live with at least twice a month on a regular basis? Y N___
2. Have any of your relatives committed suicide?
Y 2a. If yes, how were they related to you?
N
3. Is there alcoholism or serious drug use in your immediate family?
Y 3a. If yes, which family member(s)? Mother , Father , Brother__ Sister___ N
4. Do either of your parents suffer from a serious psychiatric illness?
Y 4a. If yes, which parent______
4b. What is the illness?______
4c. If yes, was this parent hospitalized for this illness? Y N N
5. Have you ever had any type of counseling or psychotherapy for more than 6 sessions?
Y 5a. If yes, when______
5b. Was it helpful? Y N
5c. What type of psychotherapy was it? Individual Family Group N___
6. Before entering this treatment program, did you drink alcohol regularly, at least once a week?
Y N
7. Before entering this treatment program, did you use any illegal drug regularly, at least once a week?
Y N
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86
8. When did you begin this treatment program?
This set of questions ask you about how you felt as a child. Answer with the first response that comes to mind. Remember this information is confidential
9. Do you believe that your mother, your father or both, often acted toward you in any of the following ways? Check only the box that applies. 'N', or no, means neither parent acted toward you in the described way.
Mother Father
unconcerned Y Y N rejecting Y___ Y___ N___ hostile Y___ Y___ N___
10. Did you often feel lonely in elementary school?
Y N___
11. Did your family move frequently? Y__ N__
12. Would you say you were often angry as a child?
Y N___
13. Were you often sad as a child? Y N
14. Did you usually have at least 2 friends at a time when you were a child? Y N___
15. Would you describe your family as close and supportive more times than not?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX G
BECK INVENTORY
Marne. . D a te .
On this questionnaire are groups of statements. Please read each group of statements carefully. Then pick out the onestatement in each group which best describes the way you have beenPast feeling week. the DkCLUDwe Tooay•. Circle the number beside the statement you picked. If several statements in the group seem toapply equally well, circle each one.sure Be lo read all the statements in each croup before malring yourchoice. 1 01 I feetdo am sad. feel tad 12 01 I amhave less not interested lost interest in ocherin other people people. than I used to be 23 I am tadso sad all orthe unhappy time and that ( can't t can't snap stand out it.of it. 32 I1 havehaye lost mostall of ofmy my interest interest in inother other people. people. 2 011 am not I feelparticularly discouraged discouraged about the about future. the future. 13 01 I1 putmake ofT decisions making decisionsabout as wellmore as than I ever I used could. to 23 I feelt feel that I thehave future nothing a hopeless to look forwardand that to.things cannot 32 1I canlhave greatermake decisions difficulty at in all making anymore. decisions than before. improve. 14 0 1 don't feel I look any worse than I used to. 3 01 I fee! I have I faileddo not more feel likethan a the failure. avenge person. 21 I amfeel womedthat there that are I ampermanent looking changesold or unattractive. in my appearance 23 AsI feel I look I am back a complete on my life,failure all asI can a person. see u a lot of faiturei. 3 thatI believe make that me Ilook look unattractive. ugly. 4 01 I don'tget as enjoy much thingssatisfaction the way out I ofused things to as I used to 15 01 IIt cantakes work an extraabout effort as well to asget before. started at doing something 23 I don'tt am dissatisfiedget real satisfactionout or bored with of everything. anything anymore. 23 I havecan't todo push any workmyself at veryall. hard to do anything 5 01 I feel I don't guilty feel a goodparticularly part of guiltythe time Id 01 I don'tcan sleep sleep as as well well as as usual. I used to 32 I feel quiteguilty guiltyall of mostthe time. of the time 2 backI wake to upsleep 1*2 hours earlier than usual and find it hard to get 4 0 I don't feel I am being punished 3 backI wake to upsleep. several hours earlier than I used to and cannot get 21 1 expect to be I feel punished t may be punished. 17 0 I don *1 get more tired than usual 3 I feel I am being punished. 21 1I get tired morefrom doingeasily almostthan I usedanything. to 7 01 I1 amdon’t disappointed feel disappointed in myself in myself. 3 I am too tired to do anything. 32 I1 hateam disgusted myself. with myself. II 01 My appetite is notno worseas good than as usual.it used to be. I 0 1 dont feel I am any worse than anybody else 32 IMy have appetite no appetite it much at allworse anymore. now. 21 (I amblame critical myself of allmyself the time for my for weaknesses my faults. or mistakes. 19 0 I haven't lost much weight, if any. lately. 3 1 blame myself for everything bad that happens. 21 I have (oatlost more than 510 pounds. pounds, byI am eating purposely less. tryingv»« to lose weight • 0! I havedon't thoughts have any of thoughts killing myself,of killing but myself. 1 would not carry 3 1 have loti more than 15 pounds. 2 themI would out. like to kill myself. 21 0I I am womedno more aboutwomed physical about problemsmy health suchthan asusual. aches and 3 I would kill myself if I bad the chance. ramiias: very or upset womed stomach: about orphysical constipation, problems and it’s hard to It 01 I1 crydon moret cry nowany morethan Ithan used usual. to. 3 I amthink so of womed much else.about my physical problems that I cannot 32 I usedcry all to the be timeable tonow. cry. but now I onl CTy even though Idiiak about anything else. want to. 21 01 I amhave less not interested noticed any in sexrecent than change 1 used into my be. interest in sex II 0 1 am no more irritated now than I ever am 2 I am much less interested in vex now 21 I getfeel annoyedimtated orall imutcdthe time more now easily than I used in 3 I have lost interest in sex completely 3 me.I don't get imtated at all by the things that used to imtate Reproductionfrom: CENTER without FOR auth«vSexpreu>COGNITIVE THERAPY. written consent Room a not602. permitted 133 South Additional 36ch Street. copies Philadelphia. and/or permi\sion PA I9KU louse this scale mas be obtained « ft) 1 ln\ U o 87
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX H
UCLA LONELINESS SCALE (VERSION 3) C D m id W. It u n til A Csolyn Cutronx. 1914
Instructions
The following statements descnbe how people sometimes feel. For each statement, please indicate how often you feel the way described by wnung a number in the space provided. Here is an example:
How often do you feel happy?
If you never felt happy, you would respond ’never*; if you always feel happy, you would respond 'always*.
hSVER RARELY SOMETIMES ALWAYS
1 2 3 4
•1 . How often do you feel you are ’ in tune* w ith the people around you?
2 How often do you feel you lack compaiuonship?
3. How often do you feel there is no one you can ta n to?
4 . How often do you feel alone?
•5 . How often do you feel pan o f a group o f friends?
•6 . How often do you feel you have a lot m common with the people areund you?
7. How often do you feel you are no longs' dose to anyone?
8. How often do you feel your interests and ideas are not shared by those around you?
•9 . How often do you feel outgoing and friendly?
•10. How often do you feel dose to people?
U. How often do you feel left out?
12. How often do you fed your relationships with others are not meaningful?
88
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. B B S teB&X SOMETCSES ALWAYS
• 2 J 4
a How often do you t e l no one really knows you *e 0 ?
14. How often do you feel iiolaied bom others?
•is. How often do yco feel you a n find companionship when you'wm a?
•16. How often do you feel th at art people who really otdersund you?
17. How oftot do yoo feel dt> ?
It How often do you t e l people are arcutdyou but not w4h you?
•1 9 . How often do you t e l tim e a rt people you can talk to?
•2 0 . How often do you te l that are people you cat u n to?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner Further reproduction prohibited without permission APPENDIX I
DAT
Number:
Date:
1. In the past year, have you ever felt so depressed that you could not get out of bed in the morning?
Y N
2. In the past year, have you ever thought about committing suicide but did not act on this thought?
Y N
3. In the past year, have you attempted suicide?
Y If yes, go to page 2.
N If no, go to page 3.
90
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Please answer the following questions to describe your attempt.
Check which of the following methods of attempt you used:
Overdose of alcohol or drugs
Other, please explain______
3a. If you took an overdose, how much of what substance or substances did you ingest?
3al. Approximately how much did you weigh at the time?
3b. If you physically hurt yourself, what exactly did you do?
3c. Did you require medical attention? Y N
3cl. If so, what was done?
3c2. Did this occur at a hospital Emergency Room? Y N___
3c3. Were you hospitalized? Y N___
3d. Did you tell anyone that you were going to hurt yourself before the attempt?
Y N If yes, relationship to you?______
3e. Did you tell anyone right after the attempt? Y___ N___
3f. After your attempt, did you obtain psychotherapy? Y N___
3fl. Overall, was it helpful? Y N (continue to next page)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92
4. In your lifetime, have you ever given serious thought to harming yourself?
Y N
5. In your lifetime, have you ever thought of a way or plan to harm yourself?
Y N
6. Not including the past year, have you ever attempted suicide?
Y 6a. If yes, how old were you? ___
6b. Did you require medical attention? Y N___
6c. At the time, would you say were:
N depressed? Y___ N
lonely? Y___ N___
angry? Y___ N___
7. In your lifetime, have you attempted suicide more than once? Y N
If yes, how many times?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX J
ATTACHMENT QUESTIONNAIRE
Number:
Date:
Please read through each of the three statements. Then place a check mark next to the numbered item that best describes you. Be sure to check only one statement.
1. I am somewhat uncomfortable being close to others; I find it difficult to trust them completely, difficult to allow myself to depend on them. I am nervous when anyone gets too close, and often, love partners (girlfriends/boyfriends) want me to be more intimate than I feel comfortable being.
2. I find that others are reluctant to get as close as I would like. I often worry that my partner (girlfriend/boyfriend) doesn't really love (like) me or won't want to stay with me. I want to get very close to my partner (girlfriend/boyfriend), and this sometimes scares people away.
3. I find it relatively easy to get close to others and am comfortable depending on them. I don't often worry about being abandoned or about someone getting too close to me.
93
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. REFERENCES
Adam, K.S. (1994) . Suicidal behavior and attachment: A developmental model. In Sperling, M.B. & Berman, W.H. (Eds.), Attachment in adults: Clinical and developmental perspectives (pp.275-298). New York: The Guildford Press.
Adams-Tucker, C. (1982). Proximate effects of sexual abuse in childhood: A report in twenty-eight children. American Journal of Psychiatry. 13 9. 1252-1256.
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Ambrosini, P.J., Metz, C., Bianchi, M.S., Rabinovich, H., & Undie, A. (1991). Concurrent validity and psychometric properties of the Beck Depression Inventory in outpatient adolescents. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psvchiatritv. 30. 51-57.
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Armsden, G.C. & Greenberg, M.T. (1987). The inventory of parent and peer attachment: Individual differences and their relationship to psychological well-being in adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 16. 427- 454.
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