(2003) Conservationism and Farming in North Queensland, 1861-1970
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This file is part of the following reference: Frazer, Ian (2003) Conservationism and farming in North Queensland, 1861-1970. Masters (Research) thesis, James Cook University. Access to this file is available from: http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/78 i CONSERVATIONISM AND FARMING IN NORTH QUEENSLAND, 1861-1970 Thesis submitted by Ian James FRAZER BA ANU, BLitt ANU In December 2003 For the degree of Master of Arts in the School of Humanities James Cook University ii STATEMENT OF ACCESS I, the undersigned, author of this work, understand that James Cook University will make this thesis available for use within the University Library and, via Australian Digital Theses network, for use elsewhere. I understand that, as an unpublished work, a thesis has significant protection under the Copyright Act and I do not wish to place any further restriction on access to this work. Ian Frazer 19 December 2003 iii ELECTRONIC COPY I, the undersigned, author of this work, declare that the electronic copy of this thesis provided to the James Cook University Library is an accurate copy of the print thesis submitted, within the limits of the technology available. Ian Frazer 19 December 2003 iv STATEMENT OF SOURCES DECLARATION I declare that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in any form for another degree or diploma at any university or other institution of tertiary education. Information derived from the published or unpublished work of others has been acknowledged in the text and a list of references is given. Ian Frazer 19 December 2003 v STATEMENT ON THE CONTRIBUTION OF OTHERS I declare that this thesis is my own work. My supervisor, Dr Russell McGregor, has guided me with suggestions for background reading, with conceptualising my problem and with editing, as stated in the acknowledgements. Beyond that I have worked alone and have received no financial assistance for the project. Ian Frazer 19 December 2003 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to my supervisor, Dr Russell McGregor, for helping me to make a thesis out of the questions about tensions between farmers and conservationists which I first discussed with him five years ago. He directed me to background reading in environmental history, pushed me to give shape to the statistics and statements which I collected and has persisted, especially in the past six months, in challenging me to lift my mode of expression beyond journalese. Thank you Russell. Thanks, too, to my colleagues in the editorial features department at the Townsville Bulletin for letting me have flexible work hours to enable part-time study. Special thanks to Adella Edwards, cartographer in Tropical Environment Studies at JCU for producing two excellent maps at the very last minute. Many friends have given me encouragement, in particular Janina Mazierska, Peter Bell, Albert Speer and Don Gallagher. My mother, Rose Frazer, has been a constant, long-distance supporter. Thank you all. vii ABSTRACT This is a study of the ideas behind natural resource use in North Queensland. I argue that settlers followed an implicit code which valued caring for, as well as exploiting the land. The earliest settlers took pride in being pioneers who conquered, reshaped and harnessed Nature. Later generations could not claim this status, but found virtue in hard work and practicing a frugal, “tread-lightly” form of stewardship. Legislators promoted the settlement of the coastal strip with morally charged rhetoric: to secure the North for White Australia, to render the wilderness bountiful and produce contented human beings, away from dehumanising cities. North Queensland’s conservation activists of the 1960s advocated a different vision to that of closer-settlement enthusiasts, yet they shared an ideal of a restorative working relationship between human beings and Nature. Naturalists in Cairns and Townsville in the 1930s and 40s had exercised public advocacy for conservation based on a sense of custodianship for native flora and fauna. Activists of the 1960s extended their stewardship to the North’s rain forests and the Great Barrier Reef. The farmers’ stewardship and state’s piecemeal land-management and nature-conservation laws both seem to have assumed a safety net supplied by Nature entwined with Providence. In contrast, the activists viii acted on a belief held by some conservationists since the 1870s, reinforced by evidence of damage since World War II, that Nature was being irreparably damaged and must be rescued. ix TABLE OF CONTENTS List of plates x INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter One Settlement with a sweetener 31 Chapter Two Dairying, cropping, fisheries and the Reef 62 Chapter Three Legal and moral sanctions 78 Chapter Four Attitudes to the land: pioneers and farmers 114 Chapter Five Guardians of nature 149 Conclusions 183 Bibliography 188 x LIST OF PLATES Between pages Plate 1 Map of North Queensland xi Plate 2 Map of Atherton Tableland 61 Plate 3 Trapper’s Permit 85 Plate 4 Masthead, N.Q. Register 121 Plate 5 Orpheus I. advertisement 148 xi North Queensland, Bowen to Cooktown. Source: Geoscience Australia, 1:1000,000 scale vector data. 1 Introduction Nature was an unbreakable, bountiful, capricious and eternal presence with an agency of its own in the dominant discourse about development of North Queensland, from the 1860s to 1960s. It was a multifaceted force to be harnessed, groomed and rendered useful. However, conservationists from Edmund Banfield onwards questioned this view. Their understanding evolved from seeing nature as a fragile, finite resource demanding custodianship to regarding it as the fabric of their own being. Judith Wright argued in 1968 that since “nature” existed only as a human construction, its nurturing or neglect reflected the health of humanity. She saw nature as a life process which humans could help creatively, or destroy. Her case for a “new kind of creative relationship” to rescue nature was based on her understanding, with Samuel Taylor Coleridge, that “in our life alone does Nature live”.1 The quest for harmony between humans and nature was central to the ideals of Queensland’s closer-settlement movement, as well as 1960s environmentalists. Supporters of land settlement schemes, beginning in the 1880s, saw the fostering of an industrious yeomanry, bound to the land, as crucial to nation-building. “We invariably find that an agricultural people are ever the most patriotic, and will suffer the severest privations sooner than sever the link which binds them to the soil,” The Townsville Herald asserted it 1889.2 Judith Wright’s case for stewardship of nature was similar also to the case put by the Apostolic Delegate to Australia, Archbishop P. Bernardini, at the opening of St Teresa’s Agricultural College, Abergowrie, in 1934, for farmers 1 Judith Wright, “Conservation as a Concept”, Quadrant, no.51, volXII, January-February, 1968, quoting from S.T. Coleridge, “Dejection: An Ode” (1802). 2 The Townsville Herald, 26 January, 1889. 2 to see themselves as co-workers with God, “conscious instruments” with Him, “daily renewing the marvellous works of creation”.3 My thesis on the development of North Queensland is that, despite the hopes of closer-settlement and conservation theorists, most settlers eschewed any idealised restorative partnership with “nature”. Farmers and members of naturalists’ groups from the 1870s to 1950s became custodians of constructions such as “the soil”, “the land”, “the farm”, “the bush” and “the wilderness”. Farmers practised stewardship out of self-interest and occasionally for aesthetic or ethical reasons. Nature-lovers exercised an altruistic and utilitarian stewardship for rather randomly chosen tokens of nature, based on their sense of custodianship developed during field studies. Supporters of nature conservation who joined Wildlife Preservation Society of Queensland branches in Innisfail and Townsville in 1966 and 1968, respectively, had begun to develop a global view by the early 1970s, driven by the fear that human beings were doing irreparable damage to nature. Their advocacy for the well-being of the whole planet grew more from the sense that human history was unavoidably meshed with nature than from any parochial or partisan cause.4 I began the thesis as an attempt to understand present-day friction between conservationists and farmers in North Queensland. I had heard many farmers assert that they were, in fact, the original conservationists, hence one of my central questions: was this so? I had a theory that farmers were really more careful than their critics asserted, because farming, by definition, implied care and maintenance of the land. Morally charged critiques of farming practices delivered by intrusive non- farmers seemed a likely cause of irritation 3 The North Queensland Register, 28 July, 1934. 4 Libby Robin, Defending the Little Desert, Melbourne, 1998, p.140, traces the concerns of Australian conservationists from anxiety at the loss of habitats in the 1960s to a fear for the future of nature generally in the 1970s. 3 John Howard, then Federal Opposition Leader, asserted in the 1996 election campaign, “We’re all Greenies now”. His colleague the Federal Environment Minister, Senator Robert Hill, made a similar claim in 1997, “everyone is now an environmentalist”, asserting that the concerns of environmental activists in the 1970s had become mainstream concerns 20 years later.5 However, my interviews with post- World War II settlers from the Ingham and Burdekin districts between 1999 and 2002 were complicated by what I felt was a reticence to discuss “conservationism”, apparently because of the word’s holier-than-thou aura. One of the interviews, with a farmer on the outskirts of Ayr, turned into a kind of confession of over-use of pesticides and blanket tree clearing. The conservation activists of the 1960s were opposed more to the clearing of rainforests for farming and grazing ventures than to contentious farming practices.6 Friction between activists and farmers was minimal in the North in this era.