A Blessing Or Curse on Efficacy: Impact of Cultural Norms On

Home , Educational equity, Somali Bantus

A BLESSING OR CURSE ON EFFICACY: IMPACT OF CULTURAL NORMS ON

THE LEARNING EXPERIENCES OF SOMALI IMMIGRANT GIRLS

DISSERTATION

SUBMITTED

TO THE DWIGHT SCHAR COLLEGE OF EDUCATION

ASHLAND UNIVERSITY

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for

The Degree

Doctor of Education in Leadership Studies

Naomy W. G. Ndungu B. Ed., M. Ed.

ASHLAND UNIVERSITY

ASHLAND, OH

2019

A Dissertation

entitled

A Blessing or Curse on Efficacy: Impact of Cultural Norms on the Learning Experiences

of Somali Immigrant Girls

Naomy W. G. Ndungu

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for

The Degree

Doctor of Education in Leadership Studies

Judy A. Alston, Ph. D., Committee Chair Date

Rosaire Ifedi, Ed. D., Committee Member Date

Constance Savage, Ph.D., Committee Member Date

Judy A. Alston, Ph. D., Director, Leadership Studies Date

Donna Breault, Ph. D., Dean, Schar College of Education Date

Ashland University

August 2019

A Blessing or Curse on Efficacy: Impact of Cultural Norms on the Learning Experiences

of Somali Immigrant Girls

Naomy W. G. Ndungu

Ashland University, 2019

Dr. Judy A. Alston, Dissertation Chair

iii

A BLESSING OR CURSE ON EFFICACY: IMPACT OF CULTURAL NORMS ON

THE LEARNING EXPERIENCES OF SOMALI IMMIGRANT GIRLS

Naomy W. G. Ndungu

ASHLAND UNIVERSITY, 2019

Dr. Judy A. Alston

This study examined the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali- born immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United

States. Several studies show that among immigrants, girls are expected to adhere to family culture and traditions more closely than boys. There is limited research on the experiences of immigrant children, more so on immigrant girls. Gender determines the ways boys and girls are socialized at home, based on their native culture. In addition, gender impacts the identity of immigrant children, and adaptation in the cultures in their new schools. This study followed a qualitative approach. Eight Somali-born immigrant girls who had recently completed high schooling in six different high schools in

Columbus, Ohio were interviewed. Six themes emerged from the data collected. The girls expressed feeling isolated, restricted, underrated, misjudged and embarrassed, overworked, torn between two worlds, and lumped. Overall, these girls experienced isolation, a deficit view and limited agency.

DEDICATION

To my husband Abraham, and our children Danny, Grace and Shepherd. You maintained a culture of love, help, encouragement, and graciously stood by me, even when you suffered from having a hyper busy wife and mother. I truly thank you!

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This has been a long and tough journey. I would not have made it without help from so many who went out of their way to help in different capacities. Special thanks

Dr. Judy Alston, my dissertation chair, Dr. Rosaire Ifedi and Dr. Constance Savage for all their help as my dissertation committee. And to my mentors at different times in this journey, Dr. James Olive, Dr. Carla Edlefson, and Dr. Sunny Munn for the encouragement and insights you accorded whenever I called. I also wish to thank my church family and friends who consistently prayed for me. Special appreciation goes to the eight girls who willingly accepted to be interviewed, and the community leaders and teachers who helped me access these girls. And to Sammy Waweru, thanks for tirelessly checking through my scripts. Lastly, I wish to thank the members of Cohorts 16 and 17 who journeyed along with me.

To each one of you: Thank you!

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Introduction ...... 1

Background of the Study ...... 1

Statement of the Problem ...... 4

Purpose of the Study ...... 7

Research Questions ...... 9

Significance of the Study ...... 10

Theoretical Framework ...... 11

Researcher’s Lens ...... 13

Definition of Terms ...... 15

Summary ...... 16

II.

LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 17

Introduction ...... 17

Immigrant Population ...... 17

Cultural aspects affecting immigrants ...... 32

Cultural issues and schooling for immigrant girls ...... 34

Somalia and the Somali people ...... 46

Summary ...... 52

vii

III.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 54

Research Questions ...... 55

The Setting ...... 55

Data Collection ...... 56

Data Analysis ...... 57

Trustworthiness ...... 57

Limitations and Delimitations ...... 59

Summary ...... 60

IV.

RESULTS OF DATA ANALYSIS ...... 61

Introduction ...... 61

Data collection ...... 62

Methodology ...... 63

Participant profiles ...... 63

Somali cultural norms ...... 67

Emergent Themes ...... 69

Summary ...... 95

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ...... 96

Introduction ...... 96

Statement of the Problem ...... 96

Purpose of the Study ……………...... 97

viii

Review of Methodology ...... 97

Overview of the Findings ...... 98

Implications for educational leaders ...... 110

Reflections ...... 114

Recommendations for Further Research ...... 116

Summary ...... 117

REFERENCES ...... 118

APPENDICES ...... 133

Appendix A: Interview Protocol ...... 133

Appendix B: Consent letter ...... 138

Appendix C: HSRB Approval ...... 143

List of Tables

TABLE

Table 4.1: Participant profiles ...... 64

Table 4.2: Themes and key terms ...... 70

CHAPTER I

Introduction

This qualitative study examined the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of immigrant girls in public schools in the United States. Scholars observe that research on immigrants has largely focused on adults, leaving out the experiences of the off springs of the immigrants (Alitolppa-Niitamo, 2004; Qin, 2006; Suarez-

Orozco,1999; Zhou, 1997). In recent years, there has been increased research on immigrants cutting across different ages, and different scholars have underscored the need to understand immigrant cultures because they shape the immigrant experiences

(Dryden-Peterson, 2015; Milner, 2007; Okpalaoko & Dillard, 2012; Suarez-Orozco,

1999). Studies on immigrants and schooling reveal differences between the home and school cultures (Feliciano, 2012; Kent, 2007; Nieto & Bode, 2012; Potter,

2001; Qin, 2006).

This first chapter gives a background of the study and describes the nature of the problem. This is followed by the purpose of the study, the research questions that this study sought to answer, the significance of the study, and the theoretical framework for this study. The last section has the researcher’s lens, definition of terms and then a summary.

Background of the Study

In their policy information report titled America’s Perfect Storm, Kirsch, Braun,

Yamamoto and Sum (2007), identified the three forces comprising this storm: “divergent skill distributions, the changing economy, and demographic trends” (p. 3). Kirsch et al.

(2007) posited that maintaining existing policies would lead to greater inequities

2 socially, economically and politically. On the other hand, changing policies in recognition of the interplay of the three forces overtime, would lead to prosperity for all.

This study is pegged on the third force, the demographic trends, which projected that the United States (U.S.) population would grow from about 300 million in 2005 to more than 360 million in 2030. During this period, the population would become

“increasingly older and more diverse, with immigration having a significant impact on the composition of the workforce, as well as of the general population” (p. 4). Further,

Kirsch et al. (2007), reported that the U.S Central Bureau expected net international migration to account for more than half of the U.S population growth between 2000 and 2015. This tallies with the 2017 United Nations Migration Report that the last decade showed a significant rise in international migration, and that the U.S is hosting most of the migrants.

In a high-level dialogue on international migration and development, the

UN Secretary said: “Migration is an expression of the human aspiration for dignity, safety and a better future. It is part of the social fabric, part of our very make-up as a human family” (UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, 2013, n. p). He further stated the need to perceive migration as a fundamental part of our globalized world, and to take collective responsibility to make migration work for the benefit of migrants and nations. Shah (2012) observed that “one out of every five children now enrolled in a U.S. public school speaks a language other than English at home” (p.1). Shah further noted the projection that by 2030, two out of every five students will be learning English as a second language in American public schools, even though not all of these students will have been born outside the U.S.

The United Nations International migration report (2017) indicated that there has been a significant rise in the global rates of international migration in the last decade, with numbers of international migrants reaching about 258 million in 2017, up from 248 million in 2015, and up by 41% since 2000. The report showed that over 50

% of all international migrants in the world were living in ten countries, with the U.S hosting the largest number- about 50 million, followed by Saudi Arabia, Germany, and the Russian Federation.

Other studies seem to reflect this strongly. Zhou (1997) observed that since the

1980s, immigrant children and children of immigrant parentage represented the fastest growing and the most diverse segment of America’s child population. This view is shared by Suarez-Orozco (1999), in the observation that children of immigrants are the fastest growing portion of the child population in the U.S, with one out of every five children being the child of an immigrant. In a later study, Rumbaut (2004) viewed international migration as a powerful and transformative force, that led to remarkable social changes in the sending and receiving societies, and more importantly, among the immigrants themselves and their descendants. The United Nations Secretary appeared to echo a similar thought when he pointed the change in migration, that almost half of migrants were women, and one in every ten migrants were under the age of 15 (UN

Secretary-General – Ban Ki-Moon, 2013).

In relative terms, Africa is one of the regions where large numbers of international migrants to the U.S. came from between 2000-2017 (United Nations, 2017). Although

Africans are a small share of the U.S immigrant population, their numbers have steadily grown from 0.8% in 1970, to 4.9% of the U.S. immigrant population in 2017. African

4 immigrants are reported to have the fastest growth rate among recently arrived immigrants in the U. S (Anderson, 2017; United Nations, 2017).

Statement of the Problem

Research on immigrants has largely focused on adults (Alitolppa-Niitamo,

2004; Qin, 2006; Suarez-Orozco,1999; Zhou, 1997). Zhou (1997) cited a gap in scholarly work, stating that until the recent past, studies have focused on the experiences of adult immigrants, leaving out the experiences of child immigrants, the off springs of immigrants. This research gap is mentioned by Suarez-Orozco (1999) who stated, “We know very little about the impact of immigration on children, nor do we know enough about their long-term adaptation” (p. 4). This appears to be a gap worth closing, given the large numbers of the immigrant population. Moreover, the children of those immigrants represent a significant proportion of the population. About 23% of this population is estimated to be of school-going age (Crosnoe & Lopez, 2011). Stating that the full impact of the demographic, economic, and cultural changes in the United States caused by immigration in the last several decades is unclear, Pong and Landale (2012) posited that the way children of immigrants are incorporated into U.S. society will in the long term determine the effects of the immigration trends.

Qin (2006), reviewing studies on immigrant children’s education adaptation, further observed that the role of gender has been largely ignored and under-theorized, yet it is a key factor in the adaptation of immigrant children.

Regarding the adaptation of immigrant children, gender represents an important

structure and organizing principle, layered with different social meanings. Not

only does it intersect with culture, it wields a powerful force in shaping students’

experiences in different locales such as family and school (Qin, 2006, p. 9).

Qin further noted that gender dictates the ways boys and girls are socialized at home based on their native culture, embodies the norms and practices these children must adapt in the new cultures in schools, and, shapes the immigrant child’s identity.

Ukpokodu (2018) posited that there has been paucity of research on African immigrants and the increasing presence of their children (African immigrant students-

AIS) in U.S. k-12 schools. Ukpokodu made an urgent call “for increased, comprehensive, and robust empirical studies on the academic performance and achievement, and the overall educational experience of AIS in U.S. k-12 schools” (p. 90). Ukpokodu further stated that such studies would give educators better understanding of who African immigrant students are, and their unique schooling and educational experiences and academic performance. With this knowledge, educators would be able to help these students succeed in academics, enjoy psychological wellbeing, and social integration.

This study sought to increase understanding of the learning experiences of African immigrants.

A policy brief on access and inclusion, analyzed data collected in 2011 from teachers and students on assessments in mathematics and science for lower secondary

(8th grade) students, from 60 countries around the world (certain countries in Asia,

Eastern Europe, and the Middle East and North Africa). The sample included native, first and second- generation students. A key finding from this study was that almost all the education systems in the study reflected gender parity in educational access among native students. However, the percentage of immigrant girls in schools was far below that of

6 immigrant boys, but a better situation for second generation immigrants, which could be attributed to efforts made by immigrant families in the education of their off springs.

From these results, further research is recommended on factors which may impact the engagement of immigrant children in their new country of residence. These factors include premigration discrimination patterns, the education system and policies circumstances created by migration, and cultural and linguistic differences (Chavatzia,

Engel, & Hastedt, 2016).

This study sought to add to the scholarly work on immigrant children.

Specifically, the study focused on the experiences of immigrant girls who were born abroad, migrated, and have gone through public high schools in the United States.

Suarez-Orozco (1999) and Qin (2006) posited that, in addition to focusing on the experiences of immigrant adults, the lens largely used in immigrant research has focused on men. The result has been limited information on the gendered experiences of immigrants, and “knowledge about immigrant girls and more specifically immigrant adolescent girls remains sketchy” (Suarez-Orozco,1999, p. 2). These girls are part of immigrant children who arrived in the United States before reaching adulthood, a group commonly referred to as “one-and-a-half generation” for those who arrived before the age 12, or “the generation in- between,” for those who arrived as teens (Alitolppa-

Niitamo, 2004; Zhou, 1997). They are described as “children who straddle the old and the new worlds but are fully part of neither” (Zhou, 1997, p. 65).

Chavatzia et al., (2016) cited education and gender equality as fundamental human rights and an integral part of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

They point out that even with the significant improvements in access to education,

7 disparities persist across nations and within people groups such as the rich and poor within nations, with the highly vulnerable groups such as immigrant girls suffering the most. “These disparities are both a cause and an outcome of wider gender inequalities and discrimination facing girls and women in all spheres of their life, including education” (p. 1).

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to assess the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United States. The participants were girls who had already graduated from public high schools in Columbus, Ohio. Secondary schooling is deemed pivotal for the long-term prospects of children, because the global economy highly regards the skills developed at this level (UNFPA, 2016b). To underscore the value of secondary schooling, the UNFPA report stated, “research has shown that education yields the highest return when it is attained to secondary or tertiary levels” (p. 65).

Some literature review on immigrants, focusing on age of arrival and schooling shows that, children who arrived in the United States in their teen years (13-17), tend to do worse than all other cohorts, both in school and in their careers compared to other age groups (Rumbaut, 2004). This insight is shared by Crosnoe and Lopez (2011), based on a study done in North Carolina, that showed better educational outcomes in secondary education for children who immigrated at earlier ages. This study was on girls who migrated to the U.S prior to attending high school. Although it would be important to specify the age-range of the participants, I am cognizant of the conflicts and civil war that has prevailed for years in Somalia, which significantly impacts school going age: “Far

8 less than half of the total number of students enrolled in Somali schools are at an age that is typical for their level of education” (UNFPA, 2016a, p. 16).

The UNFPA report on the lives of young girls alluded that, “almost six in 10 girls live in countries where gender norms and practices place them at a significant disadvantage, both at their current 10 years of age and as they grow older” (UNFPA,

2016b, p. 26). Forced marriage, child labor, and female genital mutilation, have been cited as some of the cultural practices that stand as obstacles in the education of girls in many parts of the world (UNFPA, 2016b). These practices are exercised in many parts of the world in varying type and degree, but regardless of location, they disadvantage the girl child, especially by reducing the chances of staying and completing schooling.

Studies show that among immigrants, girls are expected to adhere to family culture and traditions more closely than boys (Potter, 2001; Stritikus & Nguyen, 2007).

Some immigrant girls come from regions where these practices and others exist; immigrants bring along their cultures (Milner, 2007; Okpalaoka, 2008; Okpalaoka &

Dillard, 2012; Suarez-Orozco, 1999). The UNFPA report refers to some cultural norms as obstacles in the life of the girl child. Further, this report posits that, “whether these obstacles are reinforced or torn down will mean the difference between a future of dependency, powerlessness and poverty, and one of autonomy, engagement and economic strength” (UNFPA, 2016b, p. 32).

A recent Overseas Development Institute (ODI) briefing on the challenges and opportunities related to primary school education for migrants in host countries indicated that, the right to education for immigrant children is protected by legal instruments.

Examples of these are the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child and the 1990

Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrants and Members of Their

Families. Stating that the extent to which these commitments are implemented in practice varies considerably, the briefing clarified that these commitments “are particularly valid for primary education, with the right to secondary and tertiary education less protected by legal instruments” (Nicolai, Wales, & Aiazzi, 2017, pp. 2-3). Given the pivotal role secondary education plays in the long-term prospects of children, this to me raises concern, in addition to the fact that lots of studies/research on immigrants schooling is on primary education.

The girls in this study have their background in Africa, a region where efforts to achieve the Millennium Development goals (MDG’s) were ongoing between 2000-2015, and currently the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s), for 2030. According to a report by the United Nations Secretary- General, the eight MDG’s spelt out a commitment by world leaders “to spare no effort to free our fellow men, women and children from the abject and dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty” (Ban Ki- moon, Secretary-General United Nations, n. p, 2015). Two of the eight goals, that is,

Goal 2- Achieve universal primary education and Goal 3- Promote gender equality and empower women, relate to this study as they significantly impact the education of girls.

These are stated as Goal 4- Quality education and Goal 5- Gender equality in the 17

SDG’s. I am from Africa and have a keen interest in the implementation of these goals, regardless of the location of these girls.

Research Questions

This study falls within the broader research on the education of immigrant children. The study was intended to broaden understanding on the learning experiences

10 of Somali immigrant girls in public schools in the U.S, as they deal with cultural norms.

This study sought to answer the questions:

1. What were the learning experiences of Somali-born females who have recently

graduated from U.S. high schools?

2. What role did cultural/home experiences play in the learning experiences of these

girls?

3. What structures did the girls perceive as supportive of their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

4. What structures did the girls perceive as a hindrance to their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

Significance of the Study

This study was intended to add to scholarly work on schooling experiences of

African immigrants. Specifically, the findings will sensitize educators to continue in the search, development, and implementation of culturally sensitive curricula and educational policies in U.S public schools that handle immigrant students. Secondly, the findings will enable administrators, teachers and other school officials who work with adolescent girls from Somali to understand the experiences of these girls as they navigate cultures in the school and home context. Thirdly, the findings will help Somali immigrant parents understand the experiences of their daughters as they navigate cultures in the school and home context, so as to give them necessary support. Finally, by giving the Somali girls an opportunity to voice their life experiences, the study will empower them to embrace values that enhance their pursuit for education for what it is worth.

Theoretical Framework

This study used two theoretical frameworks: Acculturation theory and Critical race theory. Berry’s Acculturation Theory as cited in Thompson, 2008, p.

250) raises two key questions: (a) Is it considered to be of value to maintain your cultural identity and characteristics? and, (b) is it considered to be of value to maintain relationships with other cultural groups? Thompson (2008) posited that a person’s response to these questions will lead to separation, assimilation, marginalization, or integration. Depending on the choices the immigrant girls make, they find themselves along this spectrum. Key challenges faced by immigrant youth relate to the “acculturation process, their psychological development, as well as their cognitive resources”

(Alitolppa-Niitamo, 2004, p. 51). This model goes along with the Segmented

Assimilation theoretical framework which covers many interrelated factors on the experiences and outcomes of new immigrants and their children, with the notion of selective acculturation. There is an element of finding “fault” with the immigrants’ language and social norms and thus a call to assimilation, yet there is pressure for immigrant girls to maintain their family cultures and traditions.

Critical race theoretical framework (CRT). CRT draws from intersections of law, sociology, history, ethnic studies, and women’s studies and is “a theoretical and analytical framework that challenges the ways race and racism impact educational structures, practices, and discourses” (Yosso, 2005, p. 71). Theories of intersectionality consider “intersections of race, class, gender, sexuality, and nationality” (Hesse-Biber &

Leavy, 2011, p. 25), and require researchers to use different vantage points to raise questions, challenge and resist narrow viewpoints that reduce people into one shared

12 characteristic. This approach is critical of the dominant view that gives a descriptive and normative view of society, failing to embrace the compounded-ness of all these aspects, especially in view of discrimination of the marginalized groups in society. Crenshaw

(1989) posited that “the intersectional experience is greater than the sum …any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Black women are subordinated” (p. 140).

What I find most applicable to my study is the social justice aspect: that CRT is a social justice project that contributes toward the liberatory potential of schooling, pointing out the contradictory trend where schools have the power to liberate and empower students, yet oppression and marginalization continually occur (Ladson-

Billings, 2001; Yosso, 2005). Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) argued that race has not been systematically used in analyzing educational inequality in the United States. Stating that U.S society is based on property rights; they see the intersection of race and property as a key point in understanding inequities in education. They explained how

Whiteness, or what Whites have, has been seen as valuable, which only serves to disadvantage people of Color: when students have to abide by “White norms” or cultural practices like dress, speech patterns; referring to students as White or Black; and, reference to some school programs as nonwhite.

Moreover, the CRT approach questions multicultural education and multiculturalism as measures towards educational equity. Ladson-Billings and Tate

(1995) view the initial inclusion of students from varied racial, ethnic, and other social class groups, and later consideration of issues of gender, ability, and sexual orientation in multicultural education as assimilationist goals aimed at reducing prejudice and not

“scholarly pursuits of the fundamentally different conceptions of knowledge or quests for social justice” (p. 62). They view multiculturalism, as a political philosophy, “a paradigm that attempts to be everything to everyone and consequently becomes nothing for anyone, allowing the status quo to prevail” (p. 62). They outrightly reject it and posit that that programs for freeing of the Black man should address the question of race first.

In addition, the CRT provides a lens to “see” the cultural wealth communities of

Color nurture, “through at least six forms of capital such as aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant capital” (Yosso, 2005, p. 77). This CRT framework incorporates some aspects of Black feminism which seeks to empower and give space to oppressed women to tell their life stories. The findings from this study are intended to empower Black immigrant girls to succeed in their schooling.

Researcher’s Lens

The term “culture” did not feature much in my day-to-day life until the year 2009 when my family moved the United States. Then, my immediate neighbors, church family, workplace, people at the grocery stores and gas stations, in addition to wanting to know where my “accent” was from, there was the additional question of how we did things in my “culture.” Initially it was a pleasure to give the necessary response, but with time, it became wearisome, especially based on context. Upon enrolling in the doctoral program, the term surfaced, forcefully so, and stood out in every course, revealing the centrality of culture, and that there is more to culture than meets the eye (Morgan, 1989; Schneider,

1994).

A researcher’s lens is influenced by who he or she is as a person, based on such things as the environment he or she operates in, gender, race, class, educational

14 background, among others, and will influence his entire research process. I am a Black immigrant, from Africa, a woman, with a career in secondary school teaching, and passionate to see girls succeed in secondary schools. My personal experiences as I have continually strived to find my place and thrive in a different culture as an immigrant and educator impacted my research interests. This study followed the critical theory and interpretivism paradigms. Hesse-Biber and Leavy (2011), stated that “qualitative research is associated with interpretive and critical perspectives and not to positivist or post- positivist perspectives” (p. 16). My specific points in this alignment are based on the ontological, epistemological, methodological positions of these paradigms as explained below.

The interpretivism paradigm sees “reality as apprehendable, but taking the form of multiple, intangible, subjective mental constructions which are socially based” (Guba

& Lincoln, 1994, p. 110). This is a relativist ontology which resonates with me, which

Willis (2007) saw as realities that “exist in the form of multiple mental constructions, socially and experientially based, local and specific, dependent for their form and content on the persons who hold them” (p. 9). Further, Willis (2007) stated that the goal of research here is “understanding in context, instead of the discovery of universal, lawlike truths” (p. 9). I agree with this approach as it clearly shows that the concept of reality is a complex one, and also due to the emphasis on context. The experiences of immigrants are complex and need to be understood in context.

Another reason for my alignment to these paradigms is how the researcher and participant are viewed, which gives the epistemological position. Both paradigms see these as “linked” together in the research process. The critical theorist sees the

15 researcher’s lens impacting the research, and the interpretivism has a broader perspective that sees knowledge to be created in the interactions and dialogue between the researcher and participant(s) (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Moreover, I find the critical theory and the interpretivism paradigms to be holistic approaches. Embracing the linkage and interactions between the researcher and the participant(s) seems to fit what Creswell

(2007) sees as a holistic portrait of the group. This study will use data collection methods needing interaction between myself and the participants.

Finally, the goal of this study fits within the two paradigms. In critical theory, the goal is the reconstruction of previously held perceptions. It seeks to educate and enlighten, breaking down historical barriers and misperceptions via dialogue between the researcher and participant(s) (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). The goal of interpretivism is to gain a more refined and deeper understanding of the social construct under investigation

(Guba & Lincoln, 1994). The goal of this study was to gain a deeper understanding of the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of immigrant girls, and hopefully reconstruct previously held perceptions.

Definition of Terms

Acculturation: changes in beliefs, values and behavior that occur when members of a cultural minority have continuous contact with a new environment.

Culture: the values, norms and outwardly shared beliefs of a group people.

Cultural norms: the expected set of behaviors, values, beliefs, and attitudes that (the

Somali) people groups deem appropriate or inappropriate in their day to day lives; also referred to as cultural or home experiences.

Immigrant: a person who left his/her country of origin for another one, in search of a better economic situation or life opportunity for themselves and their children.

Learning experience: any interaction, course, program, or other experience in which learning takes place, whether it occurs in traditional academic settings (schools, classrooms) or nontraditional settings (outside-of-school locations, outdoor environments), or whether it includes traditional educational interactions (students learning from teachers and professors) or nontraditional interactions (students learning through games and interactive software applications) (Hidden curriculum, 2014).

Somali-born immigrant girls: girls of Somali descent born in Somalia or in another country where parents might have migrated into for various reasons and then immigrated into the U.S.

Summary

This chapter presented the problem to be studied, the purpose and significance of this study, the research questions, and the theoretical framework to be used. Other sections included the researcher’s lens and definition of terms. The next chapter consists of the literature review.

CHAPTER II

Review of Literature

Introduction

This literature review served to inform what has been studied and what needs to be studied on immigrants, with a focus on immigrant children and schooling. Specific focus was on cultural aspects and their impact on the learning experiences of immigrant girls. In the first part of this review, I explored issues affecting the immigrant population including pre-migration, reception, adaptation, language, family, education and, social as well as cultural capital. This helped in placing the immigrant children in context, before moving on to other aspects. In the second part of the review, I focused on cultural aspects that affect the learning experiences of immigrant children. Specific focus was on cultural aspects that affect the learning experiences of immigrant girls from Africa, and specifically girls from Somalia. Finally, I gave a summary of the literature review.

The Immigrant Population

Immigrants are not a monolithic group and need not be lumped together

(Crosnoe & Lopez, 2011; Raman & Hodes, 2011; Sanchez & Machado-Casas, 2009;

Ukpokodu, 2018). They have different countries of origin, languages, religious and socioeconomic aspects among others. The Latinos for example, the largest minority group in the U.S, though falling under this common name, have some that are native- born, others foreign-born. Even the foreign born come from different origins: Mexico,

Puerto Rico, Cuban, Salvado, the Dominican Republic, Central America and South

America. In addition, Latinos differ in their cultures, languages, and lifestyles, and age composition (Sanchez & Machado-Casas, 2009). In their study on culture and child

18 maltreatment, Raman and Hodes (2011) blamed ethnic lumping on the “archaic categories used by statutory child protection bodies and welfare agencies” (p. 34).

And Ukpokodu’s (2018) study on African immigrants in the U.S echoed the lack of disaggregated data on Black immigrants, which results to lumping them together. His study clearly refuted the labeling of African immigrants in the U.S as the New Model

Minority, because this does not apply to everyone in this broad category. And on cultural issues, Nieto and Bode (2012) viewed culture as too complex and too varied, for anyone to conclude that people who share a background share the same behaviors and beliefs.

Pre-migration

Information on pre-migration aspects such as countries of origin, reasons for migration, and mode of entry, gives understanding to the unique role of post-migration circumstances in the outcomes of immigrants and their children (Clark, Glick,

& Bures, 2009). People migrate for different reasons, and the circumstances surrounding the migration can play a key role in their life experiences in the new environments

(Chavatzia, Engel, & Hastedt, 2016; OECD, 2006; Potter, 2001; Suarez-Orozco,1999).

Some come because they expect to establish a permanent home and community

here, some move to escape disaster or persecution in their country of origin, some

are here because tragically they were forced from their country, some join family

members who preceded them in their journey to the U.S., sometimes they come

for education or employment opportunities, some may come to escape extreme

poverty and to send necessary resources back home to family members, and still

others come for different reasons (Potter, 2001, p. 1).

Given this background, everyone brings with him characteristics, traits, and experiences to their new environment. A common point emerging from varied studies is that regardless of their origins, mode of entry and reasons for immigration, immigrants seek to succeed in their destinations (OECD, 2006; Potter, 2001; Suarez-Orozco,1999).

In addition, success in life for the immigrant children is sought through excellence in education. Pre-migration characteristics of immigrant parents have been cited as more important than post-migration characteristics in explaining test score differences of their children (Pong & Landale, 2012).

Reception and adaptation

Given the global increase in international migration, there are concerns about access and inclusion of migrants into the host societies (Chavatzia, Engel, & Hastedt,

2016). The contexts of reception and adaptation of immigrants are determined by structural aspects in the host society (Adair, 2015; Clark et al., 2009). Terming it the

“ethos of reception,” Suarez-Orozco (1999), stated that the general social climate in which immigrants are received plays a critical role in the adaptation of immigrants and their children. This in turn impacts their children’s educational outcomes. A well- functioning social support network leads to interpersonal relationships that provide the much-needed guidance and information on where to find jobs and housing. It also serves to enhance a sense of belonging and self-esteem. In the absence of such a social climate,

Suarez-Orozco (1999) further observed that discrimination, prejudice and exclusion against immigrants of Color is not uncommon. This, eventually, leads to social trauma.

Emphasizing the importance of reception, Crosnoe and Lopez (2011) point out that for the immigrant youth, both the resources they bring along and the manner of

20 reception in different communities determine their adaptation, and whether their mobility takes an upward or downward trend. An interesting observation here is that “receiving countries often present very different contexts of reception for immigrants from different countries of origin, providing more social assistance to some immigrants because of political, cultural, and social factors” (Crosnoe & Lopez, 2011, p. 1473). This impacts the immigrants’ integration in their host societies (OECD, 2006).

Adair (2015) observed that the local context of reception of immigrants, whether welcoming, hostile, or neutral, strongly impacts the level and types of discrimination children of immigrants have in the schools and in the society. She further stated that negative contexts of reception lower the mobility rates of many children of immigrants across ethnic and linguistic lines, and their parents who also experience the negative reception do not engage as needed in educational decisions of their children.

Some major trends have been identified as unfavorable for the adaptation of immigrants. These include the gap between rich and poor, highly concentrated poverty, an increase in the proportion of American children with one-parent families and, a growing “oppositional culture” among young Americans youths who perceive themselves as discriminated and oppressed by the American mainstream (Brown & Bean, 2006;

Zhou, 1997; 2003). Families with children living with one parent are disadvantaged in diverse ways, especially socially, economically, and even psychologically. As Zhou

(1997) explained, such children experience conditions that negatively affect their life chances.

Although these trends pose a challenge to U.S-born Americans, Zhou (1997) clearly explained that they work more against immigrants. The gap between the rich and

21 the poor has been widening in recent years due to globalization and economic restructuring. This has led to declining conditions such as lower wages for the working population and limited blue-collar jobs. Children with poorly educated and unskilled parents often find themselves growing up in undesirable neighborhoods marked by poverty, high crime rates, poorly performing schools marked by overcrowding, less experiences and less skilled teachers and an unsettling social environment. Many immigrant children attend public schools in such socially and economically segregated neighborhoods (Adair, 2012; Chavatzia, Engel, & Hastedt, 2016; Zhou,

1997). Keeley (2007) posited that children who attend socially integrated schools, have their educational performance less dependent on their background, and are likely to do better than children in schools where all children share similar economic disadvantages.

Family structures and situations have worsened for poor immigrant families who have lived a longer time in the U.S. (Zhou, 1997). The growing “oppositional culture” among young Americans, gives rise to youths who experience social isolation and other constrained opportunities. Some of these youths are known to rebel against authority and systems that would enable them achieve life goals such as schooling. This opposition culture negatively affects educational outcomes not only for the rebellious youths, but also for others in the schools that they influence. Many immigrant children, especially those whose parents have difficulties with English language, poor educational backgrounds and limited resources find themselves in neighborhoods where this culture is prevalent (Adair, 2012; Crosnoe & Lopez, 2011).

Language

Language is “linked to culture. It is the primary medium of culture, the means by which people express cultural values and the lens through which they view the world” (Nieto & Bode, 2012, p. 210). Language is the medium through which both children and adults process their unique values, beliefs and daily experiences (NEA,

2011). The part played by language in the lives of immigrants is critical. The ability to communicate effectively in English has been regarded as the “single most important prerequisite for assimilation into the American society and a strong social force” (Zhou,

1997, p. 87). For the immigrants who come to the U. S from non-English-speaking countries, Rumbaut (2004) saw learning to speak the English language as a basic step to enable them to navigate life, as they access education, jobs, social services and get involved in community life. The same perspective was voiced by Kandel (2011), who finds proficiency in English language a positive influence on labor market outcomes, social and cultural integration and also “characteristics associated with higher education levels” (p. 10). In fact, language is often cited as the "principal initial barrier confronting recent immigrants, from the least educated peasants to the most educated professionals”

(Rumbaut, 2004, p. 1192).

In a study on Somali refugee students in the public schools in Italy and the

U.S, Bashir-Ali, (2004) found language to be the number one issue that impacted the students’ access to the mainstream society. From Bashir-Ali’s findings, second language learners who struggled with English did not adequately integrate into the school and were dropping out of school at noticeable rates. She further found language and identity to be intertwined, and that second language learners and their families also struggled with

23 identity retention within a mainstream culture that was incongruent with their own cultural beliefs.

In a report on human capital, Keeley (2007) stated that even if language is not the only factor that holds Black immigrant students, it significantly affects several aspects of these students in their new environments. Lack of English proficiency leads to isolation which limits access to the much-needed social capital. Students with language issues in

Bashir-Ali’s (2004) study, were limited in their level of participation in school contexts.

This forced them to be in the margins of the contexts in which they studied; a situation commonly reflected in the academic performance of many non-English speaking immigrants. Proficiency in English and a native language enables adolescent immigrants’ access to diverse community and institutional networks. Such connections help adolescent immigrants to be enriched through engagement in positive activities, so they can be less vulnerable to potentially negative peer influences (Crosnoe & Lopez,

2011). Language barrier has been identified as one of the reasons why immigrant parents tend to engage less in the school lives of their children such as assisting with homework and joining parent-teacher organizations.

Language has also been a source of conflict in immigrant families and in the school context. Given that children often learn the new language faster than their parents, in the desire to be like others in their new home, these children increasingly prefer to use the language of the dominant culture (Fillmore, 2000; Potter, 2001; Suarez-Orozco,1999).

Over time, these children lose their fluency in their original languages. This eventually leads to difficulties in sharing their thoughts, frustrations and emotions in that language with their parents who still cling to their original languages.

Bashir-Ali (2004) found that immigrant and refugee students brought with them cultural and linguistic norms from the schools in their countries of origin. Those norms become a source of tension and conflict between the two cultures. Stating that the Somali language lacks words for “thank you” and “please,” one of the participants in Bashir-

Ali’s 2004 study, expressed being viewed as rude and without appropriate manners, and therefore needing to do away with her oppressive native culture. Nieto and Bode (2012) give an example of a young teacher of English as a Second Language to Puerto Rican students, most of whom were new arrivals in the U.S. This teacher used to wonder why these students would wrinkle their noses whenever she would ask if they understood what she taught. It was later in a workshop that this teacher understood that nose wrinkling was the Puerto Rican way of asking “what? Or “What do you mean?” or of saying “I don’t understand” (Nieto & Bode, 2012, p. 168).

Immigrant children arrive in school with different languages and communication skills which are part of their linguistic capital (Yosso, 2005). Opponents of bilingual education argue that use of native language would retard the students learning and slow the process of assimilation, thus these students needed to “abandon their native languages and cultural practices to fully assimilate into U.S. society” (Mora, 2009, p. 16). This is a part of what is referred to as the deficit assimilation model. Per this model, “to advance socially and economically in the United States, immigrants need to ‘become American’ to overcome their deficits in the new language and culture” (Edmonston, 1996, p. 28). It is a call for immigrants to shed the old and acquire the new, to gain skills for effectiveness in their new environments.

Immigrants and schooling

“How well do immigrant students do in schools?” (Keeley, 2007, p. 69). The answer to this question, is often veiled in a fog of half-truths and unclear generalizations like many other aspects of immigration. Keeley (2007) cited some existing myths about immigrants and education: immigrants do not want to learn, they always do badly in school and, the bigger the immigrant community, the less likely students are likely to succeed in school. Against each myth, Keeley then gives the reality, based on some study on the performance of first and second-generation students in 17 countries that have significant immigrant populations. I will explore immigrants and schooling with Keeley’s

(2007) question and many more.

Bondy, Peguero, and Johnson (2016) cited schools as one of the key institutions that immigrants and their children first encounter upon migration. The experiences students have in school have some impact on their self-perception and how they apply themselves in society (Antoninis, 2018). Fowler (2013), in explaining mobilization of bias in education, showed the double task that minority children face in school: “learning cognitive material that is explicitly presented to them and deciphering the implicit

‘unfamiliar codes’ in which it is embedded” (p. 34). Fowler further stated that schools reflect the “cultural code” of the White middle class as shown in teachers’ indirect way of expressing themselves, manner of dressing and patterns of social interactions, all that work against effective class participation by minority children.

Stating that America’s K–12 education system has long been thought as key to enabling newly arriving immigrants to realize their dream of social mobility, Crosnoe and

Lopez (2011), contended that regardless of the reason and type of movement, switching

26 schools can disrupt students’ academic progress. Movement across national boundaries present disruptions large enough to significantly impact their educational outcomes. This brings the need to understand the immigrant students, and their schooling experiences in a holistic manner, instead of labeling them as immigrants, minority students, or people of

Color, or Blacks and Hispanics. This understanding is gained from studies that focus on aspects such as immigrants’ countries of origin, pre-migration schooling, reasons for migration, gender, age, parents, host school environments and resources (Pong &

Landale, 2012; Zhou, 2003). These studies shed light on “immigrant students, their communities, and their histories where they live now … also … the sum of their experiences before they came to the United States” (Apple 2011, p. 223).

In a study of West African immigrant girls, Okwako (2011), found that her participants preferred to be seen and understood as Africans instead of being regarded as

Blacks. From their perspective, being labelled Black carried the common stereotypes that show Black students as low achievers and resistant to education, and who also experienced racism and discrimination and were much more segregated.

One way is to understand the immigrants and schooling, is by considering their ages at the time of migration. A review using this approach reported that overall, those who arrived in the United States in their teen years (13-17) tend to do worse than all other cohorts, both in school and in their careers compared to other age groups (Rumbaut,

2004). This insight is shared by Crosnoe and Lopez (2011), from a study done in North

Carolina that showed better educational outcomes in secondary education for children who immigrated at earlier ages. This is my focus age-group in this study.

Social and cultural capital

Education has a social dimension which stems from the realization that school systems operate at their optimal capacities when a collective rather than an individualistic approach is used. This is a lens stemming from the understanding that “teaching and learning are not primarily individual accomplishments but rather social endeavors that are best achieved and improved through trusting relationships and teamwork, instead of competition and a focus on individual prowess” (Leanna & Pil, 2016).

In their report on social capital in school reform efforts, Leanna and Phil of the

University of Pittsburgh stated that their research over many years in many schools revealed that real and sustained learning among students would occur if schools nurtured social capital (Leanna & Pil, 2016). In their view, social capital is the value that is rooted in thriving relationships among teachers, principals and other administrators, parents and other actors in the community. Theirs was a call to schools to move beyond the “egg- crate” model where players function in isolation, and actively foster interactions that would enable school systems to serve the students as well as help with the instructional needs of teachers. Earlier, Keeley (2007) gave an insight that the formation of social capital required that the architectural design of schools, offices, housing developments and cities “encourage easy, casual connections among people who might otherwise find themselves in isolated niches” (p. 107). This thought agrees with Lang and Honburg

(1998), who refer to social capital as “the stocks of social trust, norms, and networks that people can draw upon in order to solve common problems” (p. 4). Keeley (2007) and

Lang and Hornburg (1998), view social capital as the “glue” which facilitates group life and leads to exchange and innovation. Keeley adds that communities with high levels of

28 social capital have better school and health incomes, compared to communities that are fragmented and isolated, but quickly points out that, social capital may hinder learning in close knit communities that do not highly value education.

Immigrants experience a sense of loss, lack of control and marginalization

(Bondy, Peguero, & Johnson, 2016; Suarez-Orozco,1999). This is because immigrants leave their predictable contexts, family members, friends, language, and familiar customs, and find themselves in new environments. The immigrants are stripped of many social relationships and social roles, leaving them with a sense of social and cultural loss and disorientation (Suarez-Orozco, 1999). This is the situation immigrant students find themselves in as they begin their schooling in the host countries.

Referring to the “egg-crate” model of the American schools, change proponents alluded that U.S. schools were never set up to benefit from social capital. The very set up of the schools confirms this as individual teachers attend to their only class, leaving them with very limited time for interaction and consultation with fellow teachers. Citing the need for social capital as a way of helping curb the dropout problem in schools, a survey report by Bridgeland, Dululio, and Morrison (2006) depicted the need for strong adult- student relationships within the school. Students expressed appreciation if they had a staff member in school with whom they could discuss their personal problems, as well as teachers who showed genuine concern for their individual success. The report further indicated that increasing parental or guardian involvement in their child’s education could influence very basic things, such as ensuring students came to school every day and attended their classes. Parental involvement would also ensure talking with the students

29 about their problems, and promptly addressing problems arising within the contexts of their discussions.

An example of the impact of cultural and social capital in is educational outcomes is seen in Okwako’s (2011) study of four West African immigrant girls. The girl reported as the highest achiever academically, seemed to enjoy much social and cultural capital.

This capital was drawn from her many friends, involvement in many in and out of school activities, leadership in a club, and a parent who was a graduate student at the time who served as an advisor, guide, and advocate in school matters. The other girls did not enjoy as much of these resources. In view of these findings, Okwako (2011) argued that the girls’ degrees of marginalization as immigrants shifted based on their access and activation of both social and cultural capital.

CRT expands the view on cultural capital from the traditional definition which focuses on certain forms of knowledge, skills and abilities that are possessed and valued by the privileged groups in society. CRT includes the experiences of people of Color thus showing the cultural wealth: knowledge, skills, abilities and contacts, “the accumulated assets and resources in the histories and lives of Communities of Color” (Yosso, 2005, p.

77).

Family and school

Other than school, the family is a key determinant of the socialization, adaptation, and the future social mobility of children (Clark et al., 2009; Nieto & Bode, 2012; Zhou,

1997). Family patterns and social networks among immigrants are influenced by many factors. Some of these factors include the immigrants’ origins, selectivity of migration, conditions of immigration, mode of entry, ages of the immigrants, and, the

30 social context of the host country, including the opportunities at their destination. The immigrants’ origins influence their family cultural patterns in their new homes (Clark et al., 2009). Ties to the immigrants’ native country sometimes lead to the multidirectional phenomenon of migration where some communities like Mexicans, often send their children back home for periods of time, a process that is said to complicate acculturation and assimilation (Crosnoe, 2011, p. 1475). The reason for immigration as well as the mode of entry determines whether migrants arrive as part of a family unit or as individuals.

Moreover, different studies show that aspects such as socioeconomic status, family structures and ties, as major factors that influence where the children live and go to school (Clark et al., 2009; Nieto & Bode, 2012; Zhou, 1997). Citing results from the survey of immigrant children in Sandiego and Miami, Zhou, (1997), reported that regardless of race or ethnicity, immigrant children with strong family and cultural ties did better in school. This was because the students’ immigrant families upheld values of hard work and educational achievement. The socioeconomic and language status affects readiness and performance in school, causing some of these learners to lag in school with some being placed in remedial classes. This is the reason for “pull out” programs where non-English speakers are often taught in separate classes of English-language instruction, a program criticized for segregating these students, and yet being inadequate in helping these students develop the skills needed to function in all their classes.

Despite their importance in the lives of immigrant children, families are often ignored in the research literature. However, there is a current movement within the schools in the United States to have parents included in the educational process of their

31 children (Bashir- Ali, 2004). For the immigrant families, diverse challenges such as low literacy levels and working multiple jobs that take most of their time, limits parents’ involvement in school life. In some cases, family disruptions and strained relationships occur due to long periods of separation from some family members when immigration occurs at different times. The role reversal as children gain proficiency in English and serve as interpreters and translators for their parents, is another challenge (Potter, 2001;

Zhou, 1997).

Commenting on research on immigrants, Clark et al. (2009), stated that a lot of research focuses on the assimilation of immigrants into the dominant culture and their adaptation to the culture of the receiving place, a trend that overlooks the potential disruption that migration may have on families. In their view, the true impact of immigration processes on families is better understood when we study immigrant families in the context of both their cultural backgrounds and migration experiences. This view is shared by Crosnoe (2011), who cited the “importance of considering immigration as a family-wide process of adjustment and adaptation” (p. 1474) as a major theme in the study of immigrants.

Bashir-Ali (2004) noted that recent research has shown that family cohesion among immigrant families tends to deteriorate with time. Some of the causes are lack of alignment between the interests of the parents and children. Thus, the children fail to adhere to the cultural norms of their family. The roles change in cases where children acquire the language faster than their parents, in places like school meetings where they find themselves translating for their parents. The same linguistic barriers keep the parents of the participants from interacting with neighbors, and the larger community. This

32 narrows the scope of both social and cultural capital for the immigrant families and negatively impact educational outcomes.

Cultural aspects affecting immigrants

What is culture?

The many definitions of culture (Morgan, 1989; Nieto & Bode, 2012; Sathe,

1983; Schneider 1994; Thompson, 2008; Yosso, 2005) commonly depict culture as the values, norms, and outwardly shared beliefs of a group people. Schneider (1994) defined culture as “how we do things around here in order to succeed” (p. 26), and then states that culture is more powerful than anything else and that the core culture is central to the functioning of an organization. Morgan, (1989) added that whatever metaphor one chooses, of importance is the fact that “there is more to culture than meets the eye”

(p. 157). Viewing culture as a set of characteristics that is neither fixed nor static,

Yosso (2005) gave the example that for “students of color, culture is frequently represented symbolically through language, and can encompass identities around immigration status, gender, phenotype, sexuality and region, as well as race and ethnicity” (p. 77). Adding that culture includes both the tangibles such as foods, dress, artistic expressions, and foods as well as intangibles like attitudes and values, Nieto and

Bode (2012) acknowledged that “features of culture are more difficult to pinpoint but doing so is necessary if we want to understand how student learning may be affected” (p.

161).

Importance of culture

Sathe (1983) clearly indicated that culture is both an asset and a liability, depending on whether shared beliefs and values are or are not in “keeping with the needs

33 and values of the organization, its members and its constituencies” (p. 10). According to

Sathe, culture’s influence in organizational behavior is seen in communication, cooperation, commitment, decision making and implementation of the decisions.

Culture is important as it “influences how society is organized, how school curriculum is developed and how pedagogy and policy are implemented” (Yosso, 2005, p. 77). In a review on the historical significance of the changes in Psychologist Bruner’s

(1996) work over his career and their implications for education curriculum theory,

Takaya (2008), gave useful insights on culture. Takaya emphasizes the importance of

“understanding culture as context in which values and meanings of students’ experience may be interpreted” (p. 2), further stating that nothing is “culture free.” Although culture cannot explain everything, cognizance of the distinct values, norms, experiences and knowledge of specific social groups enriches understanding of the life experiences of these groups (Alitolppa-Niitamo, 2004).

Different scholars have underscored the need to understand immigrant cultures since they shape the immigrant experiences (Milner, 2007; Nieto & Bode, 2012;

Okpalaoko & Dillard, 2012; Suarez-Orozco, 1999). These studies indicated that immigrants from different origins bring with them diverse cultures and, upon arrival in their host countries, they face different cultural and practical challenges. These challenges can be understood by studying immigrants in the context of their cultural backgrounds and migration experiences. This is in line with Yosso (2005), who used the

CRT framework to “challenge the assumption that Students of Color come to the classroom with cultural deficiencies” (p. 70). Yosso identified six forms of capital namely “aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant capital”

(p. 77) that represent the cultural wealth of people of Color.

Immigrant parents and their children deal with many cultural questions. The children “are caught between the immigrant and American culture” (Kent, 2007, p. 12) because their parents would like them to keep the cultural values from their homelands.

Together with their parents, they face many daily challenges of cultural discontinuity as they adjust to life in societies that are different from where they spent their formative years (Alitolppa-Niitamo, 2004). The children are often confused by such questions as:

“How do I fit into American culture and my own ethnic culture at the same time? Which side should I stay loyal to, American or my own ethnic culture? Can I ever become

American without leaving home?” (Zhou, 1997, p. 84). Immigrant parents who “arrive with very different cultural models and expectations than those found among mainstream

American parents” (Potter, 2001, p.6), in their concern for retention of traditional family life ask: “What should I do to keep my children from losing their cultural roots and from assimilating too much?” (Zhou, 1997, p. 84). To this, Clark et. al, (2009), suggest that the most successful immigrant youth are those who make use of resources from both mainstream and immigrant cultures.

Cultural issues and schooling for immigrant girls

The issue of immigrant cultures and schooling of girls reveal interesting aspects. Clark et al. (2009) explain that there are cultural differences in the roles of men and women in their countries of origin and in host countries, and that research in the assumed weakening of gendered norms is needed. Potter (2001) noted that “for the majority of immigrant girls, there is a great difference between home and school culture” (p. 1). An expert working with Latinos reported how some parents expected their

35 college attending children and more so daughters, to come home on the weekend to complete their familial chores. These parents had some fears that in pursuit of education and careers, their daughters would postpone marriage and family, thus no grandchildren.

In addition, these parents dreaded the idea of having their educated daughters getting married “out of the culture to raise children who do not identify with them and their culture and/or do not speak the language” (Potter, 2001, p. 7). Potter (2001) summarized the primary barriers to education specific to girls;

• Significant obligations at home that distract them from their academic tasks or

interfere with attendance.

• Shyness may be misinterpreted by American teachers who value 'assertive'

behavior.

• The unwillingness of many immigrant families to allow their daughters to

venture far from home in pursuit of a college education.

• Cultural norms and family expectations emphasizing marriage and children in

their daughters' teens or early twenties (p. 6).

On suggestions pertaining to helping immigrant girls to get equitable education, one expert said: “See girls within their cultural/familial context and try to work within that value system while not losing track of your own goals” (Potter 2001, p. 8). An emerging paradox is the higher academic performance and higher levels of adaptation for immigrant girls compared to immigrant boys, despite the not so favorable cultural expectations for immigrant girls (Feliciano, 2012; Potter, 2001; Zhou,1997). This is in line with other reports that girls have been found to out-perform boys in education in

Latin America, East Asia, the Pacific as well as in developed countries (UNICEF, 2011).

The same report stated the need to close gaps for girls who are left behind due to disability, poverty, ethnic and other factors. Feliciano (2012) stated that the educational outcomes of the second generation depict trends of a female advantage in education.

These findings are puzzling, “because this pattern is often a sharp departure from that in immigrants’ home countries, where women are often much less educated than men” (Feliciano, 2012, p. 432).

Feliciano’s (2012) study addressed gender differences in education among immigrants by family class backgrounds, and, home and school factors that account for female advantage in grades and educational expectations among children of immigrants.

Data were collected using surveys on U.S.-born children with at least one immigrant parent and on children who immigrated at an early age in Sandiego, California, and

Miami/Fort Lauderdale, Florida. The participants were from some public and private schools, predominantly White and predominantly minority schools. Initial surveys were conducted when the participants were in eighth and ninth grade, and the final one was done when most of these were about to graduate high school.

Feliciano found that the girls had significantly higher GPAs in combined math and reading test scores than the boys, and higher educational expectations than boys in terms of the education levels they expected to reach. On the home and family factors, the boys showed slightly higher levels of both family cohesion and familism, and especially familism than girls. This was an unexpected finding especially due to prior findings that show girls spending more time with family and under greater parental control. A possible explanation for this could be that girls may resist family control and seek relationships outside the family more than the boys. Another finding was that girls had more positive

37 perceptions of school personnel and less negative peer- related experiences than the boys (Feliciano, 2012).

A narrative study on the experiences six young female Indonesian Muslims in

Australian public schools found that most of the Indonesian Muslim schoolgirls had positive schooling experiences (Zulfikar, 2016). These girls expressed that acceptance of students from diverse religiously and culturally backgrounds in their schools, enabled them to have friendships and participate in both sporting and academic programs. Their minor unpleasant experiences related to religion and race. Name-calling and teasing were two common tensions and conflicts experienced by the participants.

Other sources of negative perceptions at school were issues such as praying and fasting, halal foods, the veil and notions of “whiteness.” Although some of the girls felt their schools were accommodative, questions on these issues brought feelings of otherness.

These girls expressed that some of the White Australians thought themselves as much more intelligent and superior than other non-White Australian students.

Zulfikar (2016) stated that these findings challenge those from previous studies such as the study by Alitolppa-Niitamo (2002), on the schooling experience of

Somali youth in Hilsinki, Finland. Alitolppa-Niitamo (2002) found that the Somali youth encountered linguistic and cultural challenges and tensions during their lives at school. These students experienced some levels of racism, prejudice, and forced acculturation. The difference between these findings is attributed to the research setting and research population. The participants in Zulfikar’s (2016) study were dispersed in different public schools, and this enhanced integration with the community of different backgrounds. Also, four out of the six participants attended public schools that were

38 mainly dominated by students of immigrant backgrounds, hence minimal issues of racism and discrimination. On the contrary, the Somali youth in Hilsinki were in a system that sought to promote equity among the people through homogenizing cultural values, thus the immigrant students had to adopt the dominant culture: this explains negative experiences among the participants.

The UNFPA (2016b) report highlighted cultural practices that impact education of girls in developing countries. These include forced marriage, child labor, and female genital mutilation (FGM); they make girls less likely than boys to complete schooling.

Given that many immigrants come from developing countries, my literature review now will focus on these and other cultural practices. Inequitable gender norms impact both boys and girls, but the burden is higher on girls as is articulated below:

At 10, a girl arrives at a vulnerable point in her life. She must negotiate a tricky

transition to being an adult, with its rapid changes in body and brain, and dramatic

shifts in family and social expectations. Although risks abound for both girls and

boys, gender discrimination makes these worse for girls in almost every way…

Social norms and practices may make them more severe. As a result, millions of

10-year-old girls end up with poor protection of their rights and well-being. Too

many become laborers, primary performers of household chores, wives or sex-

trafficked commodities. Childhood ends with limited education or opportunities,

with violence or ill-health, with no say in decisions. At 10, a girl is approaching

puberty, when many people start to think of her as an asset—for work,

childbearing or sex… . (UNFPA, 2016b, p. 23)

Female genital mutilation. FGM is practiced in many parts of the world including

27 countries in Africa and Yemen, some countries in Asia and the Middle East. It is also practiced by some of the immigrants from these countries in the different countries they move into, including in Australia, Canada, Europe, New Zealand and the USA, and, among some groups in Central and South America (World Health Organization & Pan American

Health Organization, 2012).

The practice of FGM is one of the most significant health and human rights issues in the world today and is internationally recognized as a violation of the human rights of girls and women (World Health Organization & Pan American Health Organization,

2012). FGM practice has been in the U.S.A. for a long time as Kwaak and Wegelin-

Schuringa (2006), stated that some forms of FGM were practiced in the UK and USA in the 1950s for the treatment of ‘hysteria, lesbianism, masturbation, and other so-called female deviances’ (Kwaak & Wegelin-Schuringa, 2006. p. 46).

FGM is a traditional practice carried out by certain communities on the girl child

mainly between age 7 and 15, although in some communities, it can be performed on babies, or on adult women around the time of marriage. FGM is defined as “the range of procedures which involve the partial or complete removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural or any other non- therapeutic reasons” (WHO/UNICEF/UNFPA, 1997, p. 3).

The original motivation per some historians has been forgotten, hence it is not clear today when and where the practice began, but having said that, the communities that practice FGM today have varied reasons for doing so which are deeply engrained in their cultural beliefs. A commonly shared belief in these communities is that FGM is a mark of

40 adulthood that helps girls to conduct their daily lives respectably and abide by the desired social norms such as sexual purity. FGM is believed to help in matters of hygiene, prevent rape and increase sexual pleasure for the man in marriage. In some communities,

FGM is carried out to enhance feminism by removing the male like parts in the genitals, while in other communities it is a way of grooming in that before mutilation, these communities consider the genitals ugly (Sanctuary for Families, 2013).

FGM has many adverse effects on the lives of the girls and women. One of the major problems is the psychological impact it leaves on both victims as well as those in the practicing communities who choose not to conform. Due to the painful and traumatic procedure involved, FGM is known to have short and long-term psychological consequences, such as anxiety, depression, sleeplessness, nightmares, panic attacks, loss of appetite, weight loss or excessive weight gain, fear of sexual intercourse, and post- traumatic stress disorder (Kwaak & Wegelin-Schuringa, 2006).

Another effect of FGM is that it creates many health problems for women (Coyne

& Coyne, 2014; Kwaak & Wegelin-Schuringa, 2006; Maurice, 2006)). In many communities, it is carried out by older women who have no medical qualifications and using very crude tools in very unhygienic conditions. FGM involves scaring of the body, and cases of bleeding and infections are common, the extremes of which sometimes result in death. Other health issues include incontinence, pain when urinating and during sex, cysts and obstructed labor which sometimes leads to abnormalities or even fetal death. These health issues attributed to FGM translate onto a financial burden to the health systems in the countries where it is practiced.

A third effect of FGM is the disruption of the education of girls which negatively impacts human capital. Research done in different countries has shown a clear correlation between education and the practice of FGM. Poor concentration, loss of interest, absenteeism and low academic performance characterize the educational life of girls in communities that practice FGM (Maurice, 2006). Disruption of education limits the opportunities of these girls to learn the adverse effects of the practice. Educated women are less likely to subject their daughters to FGM, and girls who remain in education are less likely to go through it.

A fourth effect is the different forms of punishment including harassment, exclusion and discrimination by peers, stigmatization, being regarded as dirty and ugly, and difficulties in finding marriage partners that those who decline the practice find themselves subjected to (Coyne & Coyne, 2014). This happens because practicing communities believe that FGM enhances gender identity and is tied to desirable attributes like beauty, purity, maturity, purity, marriageability and honor. As noted earlier, FGM is a cultural practice performed in response to strong social convictions and as a way of conforming to social norms. Thus, failure to conform makes one a social misfit to the larger community.

Child marriages. “Schoolgirl or bride? For far too many young girls around the world, these roles are mutually exclusive” (Smith, Stone, & Kahando, 2012, p.

535). Child marriage occurs when one or both spouses are below 18 years. International conventions such as Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Convention on the

Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Universal

Declaration of Human Rights, deem child marriage a human rights violation (UNFPA,

2012; 2016b; Antoninis, 2018). Sadly, despite the declarations against the practice in these conventions, the practice persists. According to UNFPA, (2016b), “Every day, nearly 47,700 girls around the world are married before age 18” (p. 72). The U.S. is frequently away from international treaties and slacking in guarding against violations on the right to education. This is because the U.S has not ratified the Convention on the

Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of

Discrimination Against Women CEDAW, the Convention against Discrimination in

Education CADE and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural

Rights (ICESCR) (Antoninis, 2018).

A study of the causes of teen pregnancy in developing countries cited child marriage, gender inequality, obstacles to human rights, poverty, and sexual violence.

Additional causes were coercion, national policies restricting access to contraception, age-appropriate sexuality education, lack of access to education and reproductive health services, and, underinvestment in adolescent girls’ human capital. The State of World

Population (SWP) report in 2013 by UNFPA, noted that some of the patterns found in developing countries are also relevant in developed ones, noting that “girls who live in low-income households and have less education or have dropped out of school, or who are ethnic minorities, immigrants, or marginalized sub-populations are more likely to become pregnant” (p. 15).

The month of May 2018 saw the state of Delaware becoming the first state in the

U.S. to ban any marriage involving children under 18 years old. On May 24, 2018, 90.9

WBUR-FM Boston's NPR news station, aired an interview where the executive director of the nonprofit Unchained at Last spoke about child marriage in the U.S., and her

43 personal experience, in an attempt to raise understanding on the full extent of

America's child marriage problem. From the interview, the director pointed out that 12 states do not track the data, but in the other 38 U.S. states, between “2000 to 2010, more than 167,000 children as young as 12 were married. Almost all of them were girls married to adult men." (Boston's NPR news May 24, 2018, n. p).

Further, on whether child marriage is related to religion or not, it was noted that the data retrieved by Unchained at Last from across the U.S. did not include identifying information about the children who were married but, drawing from the women and girls who seek help in the organization, the practice occurs in major and minor religions and in secular backgrounds as well. This view is shared by Care

International, adding that the practice is global, with many and complex reasons, and not limited to any one culture, region or religion. The practice is seen as a product of product of social and cultural norms that devalue and discriminate against women and girls

(CARE, 2015; Government of Rajasthan, 2017; Smith, Stone, & Kahando, 2012).

There is urgent need to change the social norms and perceptions that support inequity in gender roles and responsibilities (UNFPA, 2012).

Research shows several effects of child marriage among girls. The practice hinders smooth transition to adolescence and adulthood and are a hindrance to productivity in life. Overall, child marriage undermines the opportunities that girl have for education, health employment, access to information, livelihood skills, and agency in making decisions. Common results include interruption and dropping out of school, high infant and child mortalities, complications in pregnancy and pregnancy related deaths, intergenerational poverty cycles, violence, and isolation due to disconnect from

44 family and community (Boston's NPR news May 24, 2018, n. p; Government of

Rajasthan, 2017; Murphy-Graham & Leal, 2015; Smith et al., 2012; Antoninis, 2018;

UNFPA, 2012; 2016b).

In a study on agency in the practice of child marriage in Honduras, Murphy-

Graham and Leal (2015) described the agency of the adolescent girls as “thin, opportunistic, accommodating, and oppositional” (p. 34). Thin because the girls made decisions and acted in a highly restrictive context both at home and school; opportunistic because in response to their limited choices, the girls were quick to seize chances to live outside their parents’ homes; oppositional as the girls acted against their parents and grandparents in the way they handle romantic relationships; and, accommodating because once married, the girls settled and continued in the cultural expectations for wives.

Viewing agency as the cultural structures that impact opportunities for girls, Murphy-

Graham and Lloyd (2016) argued that education expands girls’ agency, helping them to push the limits that hinder the achievement of their full potential. The United Nations

Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director in 2016 wondered how much progress could be expected, if the great potential of girls continues to be stifled and wasted

(UNFPA 2016b).

Delaying marriage and preventing early pregnancy are contributors to empowering adolescent girls, as it gives them a clear understanding of their dignity and equal worth with other people (Murphy-Graham & Lloyd, 2016). Education is seen as one of the interventions that tend to lessen child marriage, and this increases with the level; girls with a primary education are twice as likely to marry early compared to those with a secondary or higher education (UNFPA, 2012). Smith et al. (2012), shared this

45 view; they saw female education as a protective factor, and, secondary education an even higher protective factor and a proven solution, in reducing the incidence of child marriage for girls.

Family chores. Girls have a bigger share of family chores than boys (Al-Dhayi,

2012); CARE, 2015; Potter, 2001; Antoninis, 2018; UNFPA, 2016b). These are mainly chores at home such as taking care of siblings and fetching water and working in the farms. Al-Dhayi 2012) explained cases where parents with many children, give preference to boys schooling, while girls remain at home helping their mothers to take care of the home, or taking care of the siblings as mothers work in small jobs outside the home to make a living for the family. Fetching water for the family is a major chore in several countries in sub-Saharan Africa, in Rajasthan and Honduras, and leads to lateness to school and even absences especially for girls. Family chores continue to be a major responsibility for the girl even after marriage thus opportunities for continuing schooling remain limited. Among some immigrants, girls are expected to do significant family chores. Potter’s (2001) study on Latino immigrant families reported how some parents expected their children, mainly girls to do family chores, even wanting those in college to come home on the weekend to do their familial chores.

Parental control. Immigrant parents tend to exercise more strict control on girls than boys. (Feliciano, 2012; Qin 2006). Reviewing several studies on gendered socialization at home, (Qin 2006) observed that the strict control by immigrant parents on girls compared to boys impacts a girl’s psychosocial development and may yield benefits such as reduced exposure to violence, unhealthy environments and distractions, which results to more time spent at home and focus more on studies. Qin’s summarized review

46 on research with Vietnamese girls, women of Mexican heritage in New York and others showed that the strict parental control on girls contributed to educational success and gave girls positive attitudes towards school. This is from their view of schools as places free from parental control, and also a good education as a source of increased leverage in future schooling and marriage.

Somalia and the Somali people

Location and Civil/Political situation that leads to migrations

Somalia is located in the Horn of Africa, a peninsular in North East of Africa along the Coasts of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. That is the Somali Republic, now called Somalia, which was formed in 1960 out of the former British Somaliland in the

North and the former Italian Somalia in the South (Abdullahi, 2001). Somalia enjoyed a relatively stable Government until 1991 when its leader, Mohammad Siad Barre, was ousted after protracted fighting. The action plunged the country into endless chaos

(Abdullahi, 2001). Fox notes that the ensuing fragmentation of what was Somali

Democratic Republic into three separate political entities, and how Somalia itself has weathered these intrigues is “a complex political puzzle” (Fox, 2015, p. 1). Although

Somaliland and Puntland political entities are relatively stable, the Federal Government of Somalia in the south has remained “the focal point of unremitting violent conflict” to the point of earning the title of a failed state (Fox, 2015, p.1).

Overall, the entire nation of Somalia has not recovered fully from ensuing fighting despite interventions by neighboring countries as well as the international community (Lewis, 2008). This instability has been the cause of migration of Somali population to refugee camps in neighboring countries with some of these refugees getting

47 resettlement in third countries. By 2008, as many as two million Somali population was said to be living outside their homeland as refugees in other parts of Africa, The Middle

East, Europe, and North America (Lewis, 2008).

Language, Religion, Gender roles, and Marriage

Language. The inhabitants of Somalia are not homogenous, contrary to the belief of non-Somalis. They are ethnically and culturally diverse resulting in political groupings especially due to emphasis on clannism (Abdullahi, 2001). That diversity and resulting rivalry may, in a large part, explain the source of never-ending conflict in this part of

Africa. Indeed, this diversity is also explained by the fact that the people called Somalis are the majority in Somalia, majority of who are predominantly pastoralists. This people group speaks Somali, a language also spoken in neighboring countries like Djibouti,

Ethiopia, and Kenya. Minority groups include the Sab, the Benadiri, the Bantus, the Eyle, and Swahili-Speakers (Abdullahi, 2001; Fox, 2015).

Religion and gender roles. Most Somalis are Muslims, with numerically insignificant followers of other religions (Abdullahi, 2001). The Somali society is seen as democratic and egalitarian, with decisions mainly made by men, but women play important roles (Koch, 2007). Somali children are raised up to respect, seek advice and blessings from parents. Teaching the customs, norms, and behaviors among Somalis is done by parents and relatives, and good behavior is expected by all in society. Boys and girls are involved in chores; girls mainly help with housekeeping activities and boys with outdoor activities especially herding in the countryside. In towns, boys also help with housekeeping chores and with time are groomed to take over responsibilities like helping in family businesses like stores or restaurants. Passing from childhood into adulthood is

48 traditionally marked for girls on reaching puberty. The expectations include shaving hair or wearing bright scarfs on their heads and walking in a dignified manner. Both boys and girls undergo circumcision at ages 5-8 (Abdullahi, 2001).

Marriage. Socialization for young boys and girls prepares them for empowering stage of marriage. For the girls, marriage enables them to move away from parental authority and get a chance to manage their own households. Marriages are either traditional, arranged or forced marriages; most are not arranged, and forced marriages are even fewer (Abdullahi, 2001). Marriage is not a sacred ritual but a civil arrangement; of importance is the individual’s free will, the family’s role and the parent’s consent.

Prearranged marriages have been the rule, but there is regard for marriages of two people who are committed to each other (Al Huraibi, 2014). Generally, the Somalis are traditionally polygynous, with a man marrying a maximum of four wives at any one time according to the Islamic code (Abdullahi, 2001; Lewis, 2008). The primary aim of marriage is to produce children, especially males who are not only looked on as heirs but also as superior, however, a gender-balanced family is preferred (Abdullahi, 2001; Lewis,

2008).

Data on child marriage drawn from UNICEF and net secondary enrollment from

UNESCO ranks Somalia sixth after Niger, Chad, Central African Republic, and South

Sudan on the list of 26 countries with high rates of child marriage. Girls from these countries are more likely to be married before age 18 than to attend secondary schools

(CARE, 2015). In 2011, the Ministry of Education and Higher Education in Somalia showed a 38 per cent school enrolment rate for girls, and a 50 per cent enrolment rate for boys. The disparity was due to socio-cultural and economic barriers that hinder

49 schooling for girls, especially those from disadvantaged and marginalized communities

(Al-Dhayi, 2012).

Education

Formal learning systems and education facilities broke down when the Somali state collapsed in 1991 (Abdullahi, 2001; UNFPA, 2016a). There have been ongoing efforts to revive the sector. About 65 per cent of the population in Somalia are nomadic pastoralists and only 22 percent of the pastoralist children access formal schooling.

Somalia is rated to have “one of the world’s lowest enrollment rates for primary school- aged children – only 30 per cent of children are in school and only 40 per cent of these are girls” (UNICEF, 2017, n. p.). The education system lacks uniformity as it is managed by different stakeholders such as international NGOs, Community Education Committees

(CECs), community-based organizations (CBOs), various religious groups, and others.

There are notable delays in school entry at the primary level, and this is carried on into secondary and tertiary levels. Challenges facing the sector have been summarized as

“protracted insecurity, collapse of the public education sector, the cost of private education locking out several families, poor quality of education, and the lack of school infrastructure and resources…” (UNFPA, 2016a, p. 28).

The value of education is perceived differently for boys and girls as seen in cases of scarce resources, where less girls access education, compared to boys, especially in rural areas. Both boys and girls drop out of school, but the proportion of girls is higher. Poverty, child marriage, and FGM are some of the socio-cultural and economic factors for the drop out of girls. Other concerns relating to schooling for girls in Somalia

50 include need for sanitary facilities and shortage of female teachers (CARE, 2015;

UNFPA, 2016a; UNICEF, 2017).

Experiences of Somalis in U.S schools

Columbus, Ohio has the second highest concentration of Somalis in the U.S after the Twin cities in Minnesota (Chambers, 2017). Kruizenga (2010) describes Somalis as people who arrive with little knowledge of English, are from a very unique culture, bring combination of a minority culture, religion, and race, and whose values and culture have traditionally been passed on orally from one generation to the other. Bigelow’s (2007) study on social and cultural capital at school summarized the modes of reception of

Somalis, especially refugees in the U.S: they experienced a receptive government policy in form of resettlement assistance, societal prejudice for being non-white, and a co-ethnic community that mitigates the prejudices.

Somali religion and language are two important cultural aspects to be understood in order to best educate Somali immigrant children (Kruizenga, 2010). Kruizenga explains how the Somali immigrant, educator and author he interviewed, underscored the need for people to understand the centrality of the Islamic faith among Somalis as well as the need for Somali students to learn Somali and English languages simultaneously. He gave three reasons on the languages: for success in education, to order to continue familial relationships and Somali traditions, and for transfer of knowledge learned in

Somali to English. This is in line with Bigelow’s (2007) findings that both the home language- Somali, and English helped build social and cultural capital. Fadumo, the interviewee, identified herself as a Somali female by freely wearing the veil. She benefited from her family and community through the Somali language, and, was able to

51 access social services on caregiving for younger siblings and help with homework using

English.

Bigelow (2008) explored the issues of race and religion as they relate to adolescent Somali immigrants in and out of school in the U.S. She expressed the concern of Somali parents and community leaders over the youth forgetting their culture, their language, and their religion. This would happen when Somali students embrace the social, linguistic, and cultural codes of the dominant White community, in the process of reconstructing their national and religious identities. Bigelow’s study showed that Somali youth in schools experienced racism in form of a teacher’s unwillingness to help a Somali student, struggles with other ethnic groups, and Islamophobia. Bigelow (2008) stated that

Islam can be an extremely gendered issue when it comes to immigration and schooling, and girls struggle to fit in new societies at school and being Muslim. Further, Bigelow posited that it is difficult for Muslims to fit in public schooling in a Judeo- Christian society, citing discussions on sex among girls, keeping Ramadan and wearing hijab or veil as examples. She adds that there is no easy explanation of the veil, and that it has a new meaning for Somali girls: one might wear it “for others, for self, or to challenge assumptions” (p. 32).

Basford (2008) studied the experiences of a group of adolescent East African

Muslim immigrant youth (12 girls, 7 boys, 18 born in Somalia, one in Ethiopia) in two different kinds of school contexts in the United States, regular mainstream public schools and an East African charter high school. This study was intended to find out “whether or how culturally specific charter schools offer an “additive” educational approach for working with culturally, religiously, racially and linguistically diverse students” (p. 37).

Basford found the youth had adverse academic, social, and cultural experiences in the mainstream schools. These included segregations in ESL classes, low-track general education placements for years which made them “feel undervalued, powerless, and insecure about their academic abilities and potential” (p. 156). There was little or no support for their religious and cultural identities; instead there was scrutiny and unacceptance by both teachers and peers. The youths felt torn between maintaining the home culture and assimilating to school/mainstream cultures. They felt “othered” and at the risk of being “decultured” in that the Americanized behavior was contrary to their familial, communal, moral, religious values. This would lead to strained relationships with their parents and community, and loss of ethnic identity which leads to downward social mobility.

In contrast, Basford (2008) found that the same students had positive experiences in the charter high school. The students experienced academic, cultural and religious support which positively affected their academic and social identities. In addition,

Basford stated that this support “served to repair ‘damaged’ student identities—damage that occurred in part due to the traumatic experiences that took place in large mainstream public schools” (p. 37). For these students, the charter school acted like a cushion between their values, beliefs and cultural practices, and their former struggles to find a place in the mainstream system.

Summary

The first part of this literature review explored issues affecting the immigrant population including pre-migration, reception, adaptation, language, family, education and, social as well as cultural capital. The second part of the review detailed the meaning

53 of culture, focusing on the on cultural aspects that affect the learning experiences of immigrant children. The third part explored cultural aspects that affect the learning experiences of immigrant girls. This was followed by a focus on Somalia- the history, politics, language, religion, family and education, and then studies of the experiences of

Somali adolescents in schools in the U.S. The next chapter presents the research methodology for used in this study.

CHAPTER III

Research Methodology

This qualitative research used a phenomenological approach to inquiry.

“Phenomenology is a project of sober reflection on the lived experience of human existence … and as much as possible, free from theoretical, prejudicial and suppositional intoxications” (van Manen, 2007, p. 12), and generates a rich thick description on the nature of the experience for all individuals. The purpose of this qualitative study was to assess the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali-born immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United States.

Phenomenological research explains the meaning and perspectives of individuals concerning an issue they have experienced in life (Creswell, 2007; Hesse-Biber & Leavy,

2011). The interviews were an avenue to listen to the voices of the Somali-born immigrant girls as they narrated their learning experiences. Ladson-Billings and Tate

(1995) doubted any understanding about education in communities of people of Color without listening to their authentic voices.

Qualitative research helps us understand and explain the meaning of social phenomena from data that is collected in the participant’s natural settings (Hesse-Biber &

Leavy, 2011; Merriam, 1998). The focus is therefore on the people’s experiences in their contexts without manipulation of the environment. The research questions are exploratory and descriptive which fall under qualitative methodology. The study explored Somali girls’ real-life experiences in public high schools in Columbus, Ohio.

Hesse-Biber and Leavy (2011) stated that “qualitative research is associated with interpretive and critical perspectives” (p. 16), and this study embraced these perspectives.

The interpretive perspective “posits that the only way to understand social reality is from the perspective of those enmeshed in it” Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2011, p. 17) while the critical perspective has a social justice component; it seeks to resist dominance, and “to access the unique viewpoints of oppressed groups” (p. 21).

Research Questions

This study sought to answer the following questions:

1. What were the learning experiences of Somali-born females who have

recently graduated from U.S. high schools?

2. What role did cultural/home experiences play in the learning experiences of

these girls?

3. What structures did the girls perceive as supportive of their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

4. What structures did the girls perceive as a hindrance to their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

The Setting

This study was conducted in Columbus, Ohio among Somali immigrant communities. Columbus is one of the cities in the U.S. with large numbers of Somali immigrants. I met the participants in settings and times convenient to the participants. My preference was to have at least 45 minutes to an hour for each interview. Cognizant of the nature of the research, I was flexible. The goal was to conduct the research in environments where the participants could freely share their lived experiences; the face to face interviews were conducted at times and in places convenient to in participants.

Data Collection

Sample

The sample consisted of a purposively selected group of eight

Somali immigrant girls who had graduated from different public high schools in

Columbus, Ohio. Qualitative research is concerned with in-depth understanding and usually deals with small samples (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2011). I accessed the participants through the help of community leaders among the Somali immigrants, ESL teachers, staff in schools with immigrants, and student leaders from colleges in

Columbus. Purposive selection helped to ensure the girls were from the targeted group for consistency in the study. The girls were Somali- born and had migrated to the U.S. between ages 6- 17, but before having a high school education. Seven of the girls had attended and completed schooling in a public high school in Columbus between 2016 and

2018; one completed in 2011.

Protocol

The interview protocol consisted of 25 structured and semi- structured questions (see appendix A). The questions were based on the four research questions intended to be answered by the findings of this study. Flexibility and additions to the set of questions was done depending on the responses the interviewees gave, to ensure adequate information was collected.

Procedure

Data were collected through multiple face-to-face interviews. The interviews were done in three phases, using a set of predetermined structured and semi- structured questions. The first interview served to establish rapport with the interviewees and to

57 clarify the expectations. The second one entailed getting the demographics and collecting data. I transcribed the information collected in the interview in preparation for the third phase of interviews. During the last phase, I presented the transcribed information to the participants who read through and verified correctness. Arising discrepancies were discussed and corrected. The interviews were audiotaped to ensure correctness during data analysis. For security and confidentiality, I stored the audiotaped information in a password locked iPad.

Data Analysis

I transcribed the interview proceedings verbatim. This was followed by detailed reading of the transcripts for open coding, and then axial and selective coding, as concepts and categories were identified through repeated reading of the transcripts. From these, emergent themes were coded and categorized. Coding helps the researcher to identify major themes, patterns, ideas, and concepts in the data collected (Hesse-Biber &

Leavy, 2011). The goal of this study was to gain a more refined and deeper understanding of the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali- born immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United States.

Trustworthiness

“Trustworthiness takes the place of truth” (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2011, p. 48), and entails that which would convince both the researcher and audiences that the findings are worth their attention. Several steps were taken to ensure trustworthiness through the four dimensions of credibility, dependability, and confirmability, and transferability

(Shenton, 2004). First, I got the approval to do this study by the Human Subjects Review

Board. And before data collection I obtained informed consent from the participants to ensure their understanding and willingness to be involved in the entire process.

Credibility

Credibility has to do with sufficiency of data and systematic comparisons and linkages to justify the claims made from the study (Charmaz, 2006). To ensure credibility, research questions were clearly stated to ensure respondents understood and answered the intended questions. Another step entailed audio taping of the interview proceedings for accuracy of information collected. In addition, transcription of the audiotaped interview proceedings was verbatim to ensure inclusion of every response from the participants. A further step was through member checking by the participants who read through the transcribed interviews and confirmed them as true records of their responses.

Transferability

Transferability has to do with whether the results from one study can be applied to other situations. Qualitative research is dependent on context (Shenton, 2004) so I supplied adequate background data to clarify the context of this study. In addition, I provided a comprehensive description of the data collection methods, the number of participants involved, and the number and duration of the data collection sessions.

Dependability

Dependability was ascertained through a detailed description of the methodology used in the study, along with clarifying what happened during the data collection sessions. I reflectively reported on the efficacy of the methodology, stating what may need to be done differently in future research.

Confirmability

Confirmability is about objectivity (Shenton, 2004). My dispositions about the entire research process were clearly and openly stated. In the report for this study, direct examples and quotations from the data collected were included to substantiate the findings. In addition, the responses obtained during the interviews were compared with the findings obtained through literature review for triangulation.

Limitations and Delimitations

One limitation in this research was the unavailability of some of the girls especially for the last phase of the interview. It took several calls and emails and once the girls turned up for the interview, two of them looked rushed as they read through the transcripts. This could be a threat to credibility. Asking specific questions to clarify responses noted as vague helped. Rescheduling the interview would have been an option had the clarifications not been made and the scripts confirmed to be accurate records of the interview proceedings.

Another limitation was the apparent brevity of responses from one participant mainly due to her perception that her English was inadequate. The participant fitted the criteria, and constant reassurance throughout the process helped to some extent.

A third limitation was my personal bias as an immigrant, and with substantial information on the culture of the Somali people. Audio recording of the interview proceedings and direct transcription of the verbatim tremendously helped offset possible bias. The data analysis and report of my findings were based solely on these responses of the participants.

A delimitation for this study was the focus on Somali-born immigrant girls who attended and completed high schooling in public schools in Columbus, Ohio. The findings may not be generalized on all Somali-born girls who have attended high schools in Columbus because there are some who drop out before completion, and others attended private high schools.

Summary

This chapter presented the methodology to be used in this study. Starting with a summary on the methodology, the research questions, the setting and the sample for the study were presented. This was followed by an explanation of the data collection protocol and procedure that was used. The next section gave a brief explanation on how data were analyzed, and measures used to establish trustworthiness, and lastly the limitations and delimitations of the study.

CHAPTER IV

Results of Data Analysis

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali-born immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United States. The following research questions guided this study.

1. What were the learning experiences of Somali-born females who have recently

graduated from U.S. high schools?

2. What role did cultural/home experiences play in the learning experiences of these

girls?

3. What structures did the girls perceive as supportive of their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

4. What structures did the girls perceive as a hindrance to their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

Eight Somali immigrant girls who had graduated from public high schools in

Columbus, Ohio, were interviewed. This chapter begins with a description of each participant. Following the participant descriptions, the chapter contains results from the interviews, using both descriptive and analytical data. The results were obtained through the process of in-depth coding of the transcribed interview proceedings that generated categories, and later themes, relating to the research questions.

The participants in this study were purposively selected. They were immigrant girls who recently graduated from six different high schools in Columbus, Ohio. I found

62 the participants through the help of community leaders among the Somali immigrants,

ESL teachers, staff in schools with immigrants, and student leaders from colleges in

Columbus. I also used snowballing where two of the participants sourced through community leaders, willingly suggested other girls who met the criteria for this study. I met the community leaders through intentional immersion in the Somali community, when I sensed the direction of my research, several months prior to data collection for this study. None of the participants was previously known to me.

Data collection

Initial contacts were made through phone calls, emails and in two cases, face to face meetings with the prospective participants in the company of a community leader.

Acceptance to participate was either verbal or by email, following which a date was set up for the first meeting. The participants were interviewed using a protocol of 25 structured and semi- structured questions on the learning experiences of the participants during their high schooling. Three face-to-face interviews were conducted. The first two were done on the same day, with an interval of a short break. The first interview which entailed establishing rapport, clarification of the expectations and signing of the consent form, lasted between 20-30 minutes, which was shorter than expected. This was due to clarifications made during initial contacts about the research details. Immediately after the first phase was over, all the participants opted to proceed to the second phase of getting the demographics and collecting data. The second and third interviews lasted for

45 minutes to one hour and 20 minutes. During the interviews, I observed the participants on relevant aspects such as types of dressing, mannerisms and their

63 surroundings. After transcribing the interview proceedings, I met and provided each participant a copy of the transcript to read through to verify correctness.

Methodology

The participants were interviewed using a protocol of 25 structured and semi- structured questions on the learning experiences of the participants during their high schooling. After each interview, I transcribed the audio recordings and included the observations made during the interviews; memo writing occurred during the transcriptions and later as I read through the transcriptions. Upon completion of transcriptions I met each interviewee and presented a copy of the transcript for member checking. Following collection, transcription, review and member checking of all transcripts, coding of the collected data followed. Coding helps the researcher to identify major themes, patterns, ideas, and concepts in the data collected (Hesse-Biber & Leavy,

2011). Repeated reading of the transcripts helped identify initial or open codes comprising of common words and phrases from the raw data. Open coding fractures data into separate parts and helps move towards fit and relevance (Charmaz, 2006). Axial coding followed where the most frequent and significant among the initial codes were examined for relationships. Several categories and later themes emerged and were used as the basis of the descriptive and analytical account of the collected information.

Participant profiles

The participants were all Somali-born girls, who migrated to the United States at different ages, from different nations, and for different reasons. Some had prior formal schooling while some had none. Regardless, every participant had Islamic teachings from a very young age. They graduated from six different high schools, between 2011 and

2018. Four out of the eight attended more than one high school in Columbus. At the time of migration, none of the girls was fluent in English; one could speak some from listening to hip hop songs, one said she had broken English. Pseudonyms are used to protect their identity.

Table 4.1

Participant profiles

Name/ Abeer Nazia Kausar Shahida Tuba Aabida Aneeqa Farzana Characteristic

D.O.B 1999 1999 1999 1998 1998 1990 1998 1999

Age at 6 6 6 15 16 17 16 8 migration Migration 2004 2005 2004 2013 2014 2007 2014 2006 year & origin Kenya Kenya Kenya Ethiopia Turkey Kenya Ethiopia- Kenya

Prior none none none 7th None Not Middle 1st schooling grade given sch grade Grade started Kinder- Kinder 1 st 10th 9th 9th 8th 1st in U.S garten garten High schools 1 1 1 2 3 2 2 1 attended Graduation 2017 2016 2017 2016 2018 2011 2018 2017 year

Abeer, a soft- spoken mother of one moved to the U.S at age six in 2004 from

Kenya, with her parents, five siblings, and a nephew. Her parents left Somalia to look for money to support the family. She did not have any prior schooling. She graduated in

2017 and got married in the same year. I met Abeer in her brightly decorated house, typical of a cross-section of Somali homes.

Nazia, a mother of two moved to the U.S at age six in 2004 from Kenya, with her parents and five siblings. Her family first moved from Somalia due to war and difficulties in getting jobs. She did not have any prior schooling, so she started 1st grade in the

U.S. and graduated in 2016. I met her in her in the company of siblings and extended family members at her parents’ house where she normally hangs out over the weekends. Nazia has a job and is taking some college classes.

Kausar, who was more outspoken and appeared eager to share her high school experience than all the other participants, migrated in 2004, with her parents, three sisters and two brothers, due to war in Somalia. She had no prior schooling. I met her in her parents’ home. She was dressed in pants, had open hair, and was very lively as she gave the responses throughout the interviews. Kausar graduated in 2017 and is currently attending college for an associate degree.

Shahida who wore a confident look, migrated in 2013 with her mother, four sisters and a brother from Ethiopia, where the family had been for six years.

They left Somalia due to war. Shahida started schooling in Ethiopia, up to 7th grade, and upon arrival in the U.S, was placed in 10th grade. She attended two different high schools and graduated 2016. She is currently in college for an associate degree in the medical field. She hopes to go back to Somalia someday, as she does not like snow much.

Tuba was soft spoken, confident and with a sense of humor, and was one among nine siblings. She moved to U.S. in 2014 at age 16, with her mother, two sisters, and a brother, for better life and education. She was born in the Middle East and then moved to

Europe. She was not sure when parents moved from Somalia. She had no prior schooling and upon arrival in the U. S., she was placed in 9th grade. She only knew how to read and write Somali and Turkish but not English. Tuba attended three different high schools,

66 graduated in 2018 and is in college doing an associate degree program. Her love for school is clear, and she hopes to study for the rest of her life.

Aabida, the oldest among the participants was born and raised in the Middle East and spent her last years in Uganda and Kenya prior to migrating. She migrated to the U.S. in 2007 at age 17 with her mother and 10 siblings in search of better education and life.

Prior education was up to 7th grade and listening to hip hop music had helped her learn some English. She was placed in 9th grade, attended two high schools in Columbus and graduated in 2011. She is currently working in a facility in Columbus among ESL students. I first met with Aabida in a public library and a later at her workplace for the final interview.

Aneeqa, a soft spoken, slender girl, migrated at age 16 from Ethiopia in 2014 due to unrest in her country. In our initial encounter, Aneeqa apologized that her English was not good enough, and she hoped the interview would go as needed. Her responses to the interview questions were very brief. She migrated with her parents, six brothers and three sisters. Prior education was up to middle school. Upon migration, she was placed in

8th grade, attended two schools in Columbus and graduated in 2018. She is doing an associate degree in a college in Columbus and hopes to pursue nursing later.

Farzana migrated in 2006 from a refugee camp in Kenya, with her parents, some of her siblings and a relative. She does not remember why they came, but thinks it was due to the war going on in Somalia, which made it very hard to survive. She had a schooling experience in a makeshift school in the refugee camp, where she did first grade but says she didn’t learn much. Farzana graduated in 2017 and is currently doing an associates’ art degree. Her end goal is to get a doctorate in nursing, and thereafter go back

67 to either Somalia or Kenya, to serve mothers and children in health care needs. And to prove her passion for this career, she is already working in health care.

Somali cultural norms as understood by the participants

To have a detailed understanding of Somali cultural norms, as understood and experienced by the participants, I asked the participants to describe a typical Somali family. Several cultural norms were cited: the Somali language, adherence to the Islam religion, high value of family, distinct chores for males and females, respect for elders, and submission to parental authority.

Somali language. The participants explained that this is the language spoken in their homes, the main reason being that the parents feared that their children might forget it. It was also clear that most of the parents could not speak English as the participants explained the need for translators during school meetings and visits to hospitals. During the interviews, the participants occasionally switched between English and Somali.

The smooth flow of words and the brightening of their faces, when using the Somali language exhibited their love and commitment to their language.

Practice of the Islamic religion. Several of the participants cited religion as the most important thing in their families and showed how their daily lifestyles revolved around their faith. This entails adherence to Islamic teachings, observance of festivals including Ramadan and Eid, dressing as required, with girls needing to be covered from head to toe, intentional separation of boys and girls and abstinence from certain food stuffs like pork. Each participant explained how their parents wanted them to learn from the holy book, the Quran, thus attended Islamic classes for teachings from an early age. Farzana explained:

… the biggest thing as a family you do is your parents making sure you grow with

an Islamic family background, you understand the Islamic religion, they raise you

in understanding, this is your religion, this is what you do, and they like practice

that, they show you videos, they show you how to pray, they show you how to

dress as an Islamic woman. Your parents become like examples for you. They set

the stage, like this is how you practice your religion, they sit you down they give

you the Koran and they start teaching you… how to write and how to pronounce

the words correctly in Islamic.

The Somali Family. A typical Somali couple is expected to have many children, and the older children, especially the first of the girls, are expected to help in taking care of the younger. Aabida, attested to this: “I was always helping my mum; she did have 10 kids and it wasn’t easy to leave her by herself.” The extended family members are close knit such that at times the Somali will count cousins as siblings. In their response to the question on who the participants were with when they migrated, some had problems giving the precise count. The Somali family values eating together, and at times from the same plate. Marriage is encouraged at a fairly young age and is considered a serious life event; dating and premarital sex are highly discouraged. Wedding ceremonies are very elaborate, and some last several days.

Varied chores for boys and girls. Women and girls do household chores, while men and the boys are involved in activities outside the home. Thus, men are expected to work to provide incomes while women stay at home taking care of the children. The participants explained a deviation from this norm for Somali families in the U.S. where some mothers had to work to supplement their husbands’ income. For some families, the

69 husbands had been left out during migration, thus the women were the sole bread winners. Despite the deviations, the girls made it clear that they were expected to do all the household chores together with their mothers.

Respect for elders and submission to parental authority. The young are expected to respect the elders in their communities and submit without question to parental authority. The participants were clear on what their parents permitted and what they did not, and the tone in which they explained the latter was clear: no debate on issues like manner of dressing for the girls, dating, pre-marital sex, and for some, choice of a marriage partner. Aabida put it this way:

… in our culture it’s like we believe in ... if you are getting married, you ask your

mum. Mum I have this guy, and you know this is what he is, what he does, and

um ... his education background and things like that, and then the mum might say

yes, go ahead and … or oh no, he is not the same tribe as me. I want you to get

someone who is my tribe; is just kind of depends on parents.

Emergent Themes

From coding and categorization of participant responses, several key terms surfaced.

From these, six themes that show the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali immigrant girls in public high schools in Columbus, Ohio emerged: Isolated, restricted, underrated/misjudged and embarrassed, overworked, torn between two worlds, and lumped (Table 4.1). The analysis given under each theme is on the responses to the four research questions. Thus, under each theme some learning experiences of the participants are given, and the role played by cultural norms as well as

70 the supportive structures and/or hindrances to the educational experiences of the girls. To introduce each theme, a direct quotation from the response of one participant is used.

Table 4.2

Themes and clarifying terms

Question Clarifying terms Emerging themes 1. Learning • Othered, alienated, marginalized, Isolated experiences foreigner, hated Restricted • Inhibited, hindered, held back, Misjudged covered, stared at Overworked • Misunderstood, stinky, made fun Torn between of, Lumped up • Respected • Stretched, no sibling help, mother version, princess

2. Role played by • Dress code, separation of boys cultural/home and girls, experiences/norms & language- limiting in class, sports, clubs, careers • Spicy food- stinky/smells • Bathroom practices- embarrassment • Chores- overwork • Respect & hard work – respect

3. Supportive • Family, especially mothers structures • EL teachers, • counselors, • Somali students, someone with a hijab, • Staff in libraries • Some bus drivers

4. Hindrances • Parents • Some teachers • Some school administrators

Theme one: Isolated

“And one thing that made us different from other people was, while still in school, you had to remember, you are still a foreigner, cos you were reminded by the students, oh look at this Somali kid over there.” Farzana

Each of the eight participants in the study voiced a sense of isolation either in the classrooms, hallways, gymnasiums or in the cafeteria. This was due to their dressing, smell, language and looks. Citing her dressing as the reason for isolation, Tuba described isolation in the hallways and in the gym. Although hallways were crowded places where students used to push each other, Tuba would be given much space as “something contagious”. In the gym, in addition to being given much space, the students passed the ball to each other, numerous times ignoring her. She mostly touched the ball when it was thrown off the play area and she ran to pick it up. Tuba explained the feeling of isolation:

they gave me so much space, but in the gym class, I cried a lot because, the

teacher told us to play together… and I’m not allowed to wear shorts… so I wear

my long thing, so we are supposed to pass the ball to each other, they are not

passing at all, and I’m sitting…wait for them to pass the ball, so they pass to each

other like ten times, and they pass me once, and whenever the ball goes away,

I’m the one who used to get it back and sometimes they get it, I felt I wasn’t

really needed, I sit by myself somewhere, and I cry.

For Farzana, it was difficult for Somali girls to blend with other students because their way of dressing indeed made them look different from others. She added that fellow students would remind them that they were foreigners as was evident from the way they

72 dressed. Farzana clarified her experience of isolation:

… one thing that made us different from other people was, while still in school,

you had to remember, you are still a foreigner, cos you were reminded by the

students, oh look at this Somali kid over there. So, you were always reminded you

are a foreigner, you are a Somali. And even if some people tried to ignore that and

tried to blend with other kids, but you were always reminded that. The way you

dressed was like something that showed we were different from other students,

cos we wore skirts and a head scarf, , covered up, some sort of stuff like that.

Smelling like a spice. All the eight participants stated that the Somali students had specific tables in the school cafeteria, where they would sit, laugh and be loud as they ate their meals. One of the reasons to this was the stinky smell associated with them. Farzana explained that the smell was from the spicy foods Somali people use: “so when you come out of a Somali house you always smell like a spice, even though you spray so much, you still smell like a spice.” Given that the girls do a lot of cooking, they are considered smelly, and had to keep to themselves.

Inability to communicate in English also led to isolation. Tuba, who started schooling in 9th grade and did not know any English at the time of migration felt isolated. She used to do activities together with a girl from Nepal who shared in the isolation. “… she was isolated because she was different, we used to do activities together, she didn’t speak English, that well, I didn’t speak English that well, but we had something in common, that we were both alone.” In addition, Tuba had interest in the newspaper club in her school, but her limited English kept her from joining; she joined the recycling club which was more hands on than speaking.

Not fitting. Lastly, every participant alluded to isolation by expressing the fear they constantly felt of not fitting or belonging because they were different. For Kausar,

“The hardest thing is like fitting you know, just because you’re so different from the” a feeling that continued for her even after high school: “even like right now when with some of my friends, I don’t fit, that’s the hardest thing for me, as you just feel like, they’ll never accept me.” I asked the participants what advice they would give to new Somali immigrant girls on fitting/not fitting. Shahida’s response:

be yourself, don’t try to fit it, cos like you were never like born to fit it, you were

born to find out and do your thing; never change anything about yourself

because you are beautiful the way you are, the way you are dressed, everything

about you is like, nobody has it, that’s just special to you … so I would say like,

dress the way you are, and don’t do anything just to fit in, cos that not who you

are really.

Theme Two: Restricted

“I wish they weren’t as strict as they were, may be, may be a lot could have been

different, if they weren’t, may be, I could have been a soccer player, may be, um, may

be, I could have got a higher diploma …” Abeer

Every participant mentioned cultural restrictions on her as a girl, which was not the case with her brothers. These included dressing, amount of time they could spend outside their homes, relationship with the opposite sex. Dressing stood out among other restrictions. The participants had to be covered up “from head to toe” using a head cover, the hijab, long dresses, or skirts and long-sleeved tops. All the participants except one were covered up during the interviews. They are not allowed to wear shorts or pants, or

74 any clothes that show any parts or the shape of their bodies. This was for modesty, moral and religious reasons. Aabida explained covering as something God told them to do.

As for me and my family, covering up, you know the way God told us to cover

and is the way to dress for those who understood the value of religion and the

value of a woman, they just wear the way I’m dressed, like this.

Aabida knew some girls did not like to dress this way, but dressing differently was considered being Americanized; “you are Somali and you are wearing pants, side eye and is like she is Americanized, and that is why most girls wear this even if they don’t wanna wear it.” This was the case for Kausar who explained it was something forced on her.

I don’t wanna dress like that, I wanna do whatever I want. Sometimes when I am

wearing pants or have my hair open, my mom yells at me, that’s bad, and I’m like

why is it bad? Because you are not like Americans, and I’m like, I grew up in this

country though, so, I don’t know what she expects from me. They don’t

understand that, and just because I dress like that does not mean that I forget my

roots, so it doesn’t mean I forgot my religion, I’m still Muslim, it’s just that I

don’t wanna wear the hijab sometimes.

Although all participants except Kausar described their mode of dressing with a sense of satisfaction, they articulated several concerns. These included being “stared at,” by fellow students, restrictions in sports, discomfort in hot weather, and bullying.

Farzana had concern with the cultural attitude to sports: “In Somali, they don’t really encourage the girls to do sports, they kind of encourage you to do sports, but not as much as the guys.” All the participants stated they had problems in the gym, and some

75 clearly stated they could not do any sports for they were not allowed to wear shorts.

Those who chose to participate did so with their covers on, which was a problem: they would have to keep “dragging the thing along,” and some like Tuba thought, this was the reason her team did not pass the ball to her.

Dressing led to discomfort in hot weather. Tuba explained how the girls would sometimes get very uncomfortable in the school buses and would be at the mercy of school drivers. To help cool down, the girls in her school bus would request the driver to let them use the back seats away from the boys, so that they could pull off their hijabs.

With the foregoing issues on dressing, Tuba, Aabida, Nazia and Abeer explained how some girls would dress as required at home but change once they boarded the school buses. This made them lead double lives. Nazia and Abeer confessed doing this on several occasions.

Dressing for girls also led to teasing and bullying. Kausar said fellow students would often ask, “why do you have that thing on your head?” And Aabida narrated how on a rainy day during a school trip, a fellow student asked to use Aabida’s hijab to keep her hair from getting wet. Per this student, Aabida, and by implication girls who covered their heads had no hair, “give me your scarf … you don’t need to worry about it you don’t even have hair it doesn’t matter to you, you could just give me that scarf, so my hair doesn’t get wet.” Aabida had to find a suitable place and time to show her hair to this student, which was a pain for she could not do this in an open place. Nazia also had to answer questions related to her manner of dressing. Her view was that most students asked this to learn more about the Somali girls, but quickly added: “there are some people who are mean and make fun of you.”

Another restriction was on the amount of time the girls could spend outside their homes. The girls articulated that their parents expected them to spend a lot of time at home and be home after school, not spend time out there hanging out. In addition, the girls are not allowed to come home late compared to their brothers. Kausar lamented over this because it limited her participation in after school activities. Kausar explained that her father demanded the girls be home as a way of protecting them from the regular fights in her neighborhood but added that he was over-protective. Abeer looked at this restriction as a hindrance to her progress

I wish they weren’t as strict as they were, may be, may be a lot could have been

different, if they weren’t, may be, I could have been a soccer player, may be, um,

may be, I could have got a higher diploma, um, if I could have been allowed to

stay after school to do what I had to do, may be just being, living my teenage life.

In addition, the girls are expected to keep away from the opposite sex. This is especially a requirement during Ramadan which made it difficult to work together with boys in school even when they had class projects. It is a common practice to have separate classes for boys and girls in Islamic schools. Aabida and Aneeqa who had prior schooling before coming to the U.S. explained how difficult it was to mingle with boys in their high schools in Columbus. In the classroom, Aabida whose prior schooling in

Kenya was among girls only, explained how strange it was to sit next to boys or partner with them for class projects.

for me the whole perspective having men, boys in your class having like the

freedom of sitting next to them was something that was very different for

me while others girls, my friends from different cultures it was easy to sit with

boys or just shaking their hands and hugging them, and I was a little bit of like,

no, I don’t touch men, don’t even put your hand out because I won’t shake it and

I don’t wanna be rude.

Moreover, the participants expressed uneasiness at school whenever they watched boys and girls expressing affection. Tuba, Aabida and Shahida said they used to cover their faces when boys and girls kissed in the hallways and wondered why showing this kind of affection could not be confined to private places. The feeling of uneasiness the participants experienced was made clear by the emotion Shahida expressed as she gave the response below.

Hallways, people, you would see boyfriends and girlfriends, was crazy … it was

like, you came here to learn, not to make boyfriend and girlfriend, I was like I

would hide my eyes, cover my face, stuff like that because it was like I don’t

mind you doing, but just go in a place where no one can see you, because the

hallways are where everybody is passing.

The expectation to keep away from the opposite sex kept the participants away from activities such as prom. In responding to whether they attended prom or not, the immediate response was a no, with every participant adding that they are not allowed to date. Kausar raised her voice: “Dates, that’s a no! that’s a no! a definite no. Somali parents don’t allow that.” And Nazia confirmed: “… our parents don’t allow us go to prom.” Abeer explained how she tried dating a fellow student, but her brother who was in the same school threatened to report this to her parents. Farzana gave her reason for not dating in high school: “… religious wise they say it is haram, we’re not allowed to date, and my parents don’t allow me to date even, if it’s not a religious thing.”

Kausar was the only participant who attended prom in her senior year. Her dress code deviates from the cultural expectation and her view was that Somali girls found it difficult to dress for prom. “I don’t wear the hijab. For my friends that did, I think it would be, their parents would be like you don’t wear that dress, you have to wear something like religious stuff.” Six out of the eight participants expressed having no interest in prom, and then added some qualifying statements. Shahida had concern with dressing and mingling with the opposite sex. She used to go for fun activities for girls only where she could show her hair, but for prom, “I wasn’t a big fun of them, go with somebody that is not even your husband.” For Aabida, prior to migration she attended school dances, because they were for girls only. Tuba kept off from prom for several reasons: there were boys; it was expensive; she was not ready to dress in ways that would show her body, or stand people making fun of her if she dressed in her usual way, all covered. She stayed home and watched cartoons. Abeer and Farzana thought it was too expensive, especially with the need to buy the appropriate attire.

Given these restrictions on girls, Abeer confessed she used to forge her parents’ signature to enable her to attend activities like school trips. The parents wanted to shield the girls from things that would lead them astray, which sometimes meant keeping the girls away from necessary school activities. Kausar openly questioned the value of the restrictions on girls; they all revolved around men.

… they are more strict on girls, tell them you can’t do this, can’t do that. They

make it seem like it’s religion wise, but I think is culture-wise, and I feel like they

force the religion on girls a lot, they want you to wear this and that, and

everything you do is basically all about men, I don’t know like you are wearing

this, no man is gonna marry you, you can’t cook, no man is gonna marry you, is

like everything, from growing up is all about men, is like the whole world

revolves around them; I don’t like that at all.

Theme three: Underrated, misjudged and embarrassed

“So never underestimate a person cos of their background or because of their lack of understanding the language they are speaking, but everybody has a life skill that you might not see.” Aabida

Underrated. The participants expressed many ways they felt underrated because they had problems with the English language, and, although is not a problem specific to girls only, it is a cultural factor that largely impacted their learning experience. Language is part of culture. The Somali language is encouraged in families. Parents are concerned their children might forget, so they have them speak Somali at home. Shahida seemed to have the same mindset with the parents when she said: “We have to speak Somali, because we don’t want to forget our language.” Besides, some parents may not be conversant in English as was the case with all the parents for my participants, so the only way of communicating as a family was through the Somali language.

Underrating of the participants based on language came out strongly in the content taught in school. I asked what they wished the school community did for each of them as Somali immigrant girl and each wished there was better treatment despite their language limitations. Aneeqa, while acknowledging her need for the ESL classes complained that they were taught basics like the alphabets, yet she had already done

8th grade before moving to the U. S. Kausar put it this way: it’s like they don’t want us to learn things, it’s like they wanna teach us like baby stuff, they don’t wanna take us

80 higher.” Tuba echoed the same experience: they don’t want us to learn things, they don’t take us serious; I cannot speak for all Somali but personally, … they saw me as a damn

…like I don’t know anything, like I’m not fashionable. Aabida summed this up with a call to the school community to see Somali girls beyond limitations due to language:

“Um don’t underestimate a person just because they don’t speak the same

language you do, people always tend to, oh you don’t know English, … you don’t

know what life is, which is not true cos um, our younger girls especially, they

have the abilities to do so many things that adult American person will not be able

to do, um like for example, you will see a 10-13 year old actually being able to

cook a full course meal, by herself, but a 10-13, American will not be able to do

the same. So never underestimate a person cos of their background or because of

their lack of understanding the language they are speaking, but everybody has a

life skill that you might not see.”

Farzana had varying experiences with different teachers:

some teachers, yes, some teachers were about making sure you got to the places

you wanted. But there was this group that was like, I don’t really care. They

didn’t care for the Somali group, mostly there was…. Were done, done on us, cos

there were so many kids ….and they were like, you guys are all the same, and

they looked down on us…guys won’t make a change…be useful or drop out or

something like that.

Farzana expressed underrating and racism from students as well. She was quick to state that some days were good, while some days were terrible, when certain Somali kids would be picked on or negative comments made. She put it this way:

It was like, there was racism, going on in the school. There was people who didn’t

like Somali kids cos they felt like they were beneath them, we were embarrassing

them. They felt like we were to no good, we didn’t belong.

More specifically on girls, Farzana cited regular demeaning comments from students: “…you are Somalis, you’re like, you are probably not going to complete high school, you’re going to get married. Adding that Somali kids in her school fought a lot, the girls were regularly asked embarrassing questions such as - “you are not fighting today? you’re not in drama, today?”

Another basis for underrating was the consultation and seeking permission by the girls from parents on different issues. The participants explained this was expected as a way of showing respect to parents and elders in their communities. This, together with the expected dress code for Somali girls was misinterpreted by some members of the school community as Aabida explained - “the perception they have- Somali girls can’t speak up for themselves, they don’t have the sense of freedom to do or say just or be whatever they might want to be.” The girls felt this perception was the root cause of demeaning comments and treatment from different members of the school community.

Misjudged. The girls described instances where they felt misjudged. Kausar and

Tuba cited instances where they felt wrongly judged together with their parents due to their religion and language. To Kausar, some people “weren’t nice because of

9/11.” Tuba described the experience this way:

… when we came here, we already had been hated, some people thought that

were bombers, that we were ISIS, that we are bad people because of our religion,

they already gave us labels, they already said, this is what you are, even we didn’t

have a chance, I mean, I’m not this, I’m not that, it’s true, everything bad

in America, we were….. Muslim weren’t loved, black people weren’t loved, so

we were black, and Muslim and we were Somali, and then we didn’t speak the

language, it was hard, really it was hard.

In describing how misjudged they felt, some participants asked to narrate experiences before high school when they felt their parents were wrongly judged. Aabida said dads were said to be abusive “...father figures or fathers being strict … does not necessarily mean they are abusing to them (children).” Kausar explained how one time while in second grade, a school bus driver, alarmed by her

(Kausar’s) crying as her mother escorted her to the school bus, called Children’s

Services. The driver thought this mother was abusive; Kausar had wanted to stay at home due to bullying at school.

Embarrassed. The participants expressed instances when they felt embarrassed.

The major reasons were tied to the types of foods they eat, their language, dressing, and the different ways in which they express their religious beliefs. Regular reference to

Somali student as being stinky, was a source of concern. Farzana explained that the smell was from the spicy foods the Somali people use. She particularly hated hallways because they “… were just crowded, and there was probably like a couple times when somebody had to say something of Somalis being stinky or who didn’t belong or stuff like that.”

Language issues also contributed to embarrassment. Nazia said students

“would make fun of you because we didn’t know English- yah, even the Somali, they would be like, she is in ESL, she doesn’t know English.” Kausar disliked her parents’

83 visits to her school, because half of the time her mom did not understand what the teacher was saying, and she had to translate for her when translators unavailable; this was hard and embarrassing. Farzana had some students make fun of her: “I think people used to make fun of me cos I was quiet, I didn’t know English first time.”

Another source of embarrassment were the comments some students made about the type of dressing that the girls and their parents wore. Kausar described her experience when her parents visited her school:

I used to be embarrassed for my mom to come to school cos she used to wear

Muslim clothes like oh my god, kids would make fun of my mom, why is you

mom dressed like that? Why is your dad wearing a skirt? You know the kind of

stuff Somali men wear? And I was like kid, you don’t know that stuff Somali

wear, it’s not a skirt! It is just our culture. it would be hard for parents to visits,

especially in parent meetings and stuff…”

It is no wonder some of the participants chose not to inform their parents of the parent- teacher meetings, even if they expressed the desire to have their parents more involved in their school affairs.

Aabida felt embarrassed when a girl alluded that those who use the hijab had no hair, yet she could not just uncover her hair in an open place. This was during a rainy day while out for a school field trip. Once back to school, Aabida invited this girl to the bathroom to display her hair. With a big smile on her face, Aabida concluded - “I did show her my hair and she was so shocked. We do have a hair, it’s just that we cover it!”

Aabida also disliked the ignorance some students portrayed when they referred to her hijab, as a towel: “they were a little bit ignorant of what a scarf was, and so instead of

84 calling it a scarf, they called it a towel. Likewise, Kausar explained that her school had days when students could wear different outfits and girls would be allowed to wear hijabs. “I didn’t like that to be honest, they wouldn’t understand how to wear a hijab, I think that was stupid, I don’t know why my school did that.”

All the girls cited instances they felt embarrassed during Ramadan, the thirty- days fast by Muslims. During this period, ladies are exempted from fasting while going through their menstrual period. Given that all Muslim students would abstain from meals, the participants narrated the embarrassment they experienced while going for meals at school during Ramadan, during their menstruation period. Aabida explained, “You know especially when we were getting our menses its very embarrassing to go and eat in front of people, because every Somali boy, and every Muslim boy would know you have your periods.” As an educator today, Aabida provides a room for girls having their menses at

Ramadan to enjoy their food and not face boys who are known to openly bully them.

Questions on why the girls carried water bottles to the bathroom were common and an additional source of embarrassment especially during Ramadan. The girls stated the bathrooms did not adequately cater for Wudu which Farzana explained, “is what you make before going to pray, is like cleaning yourself, you clean yourself before you go to pray.” They had to carry water bottles to the bathrooms, and any time they left these bottles in the bathrooms, they would be thrown away by the cleaners. Kausar described the whole bathroom experience as crazy and called for change:

Like me and my friend, when we would pray, and people would be like

why would you put your foot in the sink and we wash ourselves and they don’t

do that, and is like, I would get a water bottle, and they would be like, why do you

get a water bottle to the bathroom. I think that’s crazy, I think schools and other

places should build something to wash ourselves with, yah, they should do that,

but they don’t want to.., and that’s crazy, because they always talk of making a

change in America, but they don wanna do the changes, that’s like crazy to me.

Aabida explained there was stereotyping of Somali girls, evidenced by people in school who incorrectly called them Somalians, or Somalis.

“… that’s kind of stereotyping us- Somalian girls … it is Somali, we don’t have

‘n’, we don’t have ‘s’, it is just Somali ...” She decided to voice her concern

especially to her teachers requesting that they would just refer to them as Somali

girls.

Loved and respected. Paradoxically, it is worth noting that most of the participants stated their teachers in ESL loved, treated them with respect, and willingly assisted them in different ways as needed. Tuba tearfully explained how her teachers were willing to help her in areas she struggled with homework during their lunch breaks; others received help after school. For Tuba ESL teachers provided advocacy for her and others who struggled with language. She tearfully, narrated how at one point, one ESL teacher translated a quiz to the Somali language and pleaded with another teacher to allow students who had failed to retake the quiz.

The girls explained the love and respect from these teachers as a payback for their behavior. Showing respect to elders and parents is a cultural norm among the Somali people. Farzana explained: “Somali kids look up to their teachers, our teachers, we treat them like parents, we always treat them with respect no matter what. So, we respect and look up to our teachers.” The participants described how they exercised this amid

86 classmates who at times showed outright disrespect to the teachers. On the contrary, the participants found students sometimes acting crazy and disrespectful; the yelling, and noise making in class and in school buses were unlike what used to happen in schools outside the U.S. Shahida loudly wondered why students did this. “People were crazy, they act crazy when they come to school, I don’t know why... it should be opposite. When you come to school, you should be respectful, do your thing and then go home ...”

Shahida further described how saddening it was to see a teacher cry in class when the students acted crazy. “... the teacher would cry because students were acting in sort of crazy… when I see those girls were Somali and other people too, I was really saddened.” Tuba wondered how those who acted crazy towards the teachers would have felt, if their mothers were treated this way. Aneeqa and Shahida explained how such disrespectful behaviors could have led to spanking and other forms of punishment in their former schools.

The participants observed that there were Somali students who had taken up the same disrespectful behaviors. Also, some of the participants admitted disrespecting to teachers, and in unrelated instances, also felt disrespected by some of their teachers. Aabida outrightly said she was disrespectful to a teacher who repeatedly acted rudely to her and other ESL students: “... so I would just get up and slam the door on my way out of disrespect, you disrespected me…that’s not how teachers should be teaching anybody.” Aabida behaved this way until an administrator intervened and had the situation rectified. From their cultural teaching, respect is reciprocated.

Theme four: Overworked?

“… girls are expected to do maximum, they are expected to be a version of their mothers, … are responsible, they cook, they clean, everything.” Tuba

Most participants explained how they did many chores at home, before and after school, and that their brothers did very little, if any. Shahida’s family encouraged all children to work inside the home, but she still did many chores because her brothers were much younger. Tuba explained: “girls are expected to do maximum, they are expected to be a version of their mothers, … are responsible, they cook, they clean, everything,” Given that Somali families are typically large, the girls explained they had many more chores than just cooking and cleaning as summarized by Farzana:

the girl is responsible for the cleaning, cooking , for making sure that everybody

eats, the house is clean, when guests come over, you make them tea, you’re

responsible for any chores in the house that needs to be done, anything in the

house that’s missing like groceries or anything like that you are responsible to

know like what you need, what you don’t need , the fringe being cleaned, you are

responsible for clothes being done, bed being made everything being done, from

top to bottom. You are kind of in charge of making sure the place is clean, and

everything, that’s your duty.

In response to the question what Tuba wished her family did for her during her high school years, “I wish my siblings were more helpful that they did work at home.”

She explained how she struggled balancing doing her work at home and school, given that her mother was the only bread winner back then, with a work schedule that demanded that Tuba even make meals for her mom as well.

From Aneeqa, it was clear the girls are expected to do much: “You come from school after eight hours, and you have to do chores, cook.” The participants repeatedly said the Somali culture has it that these are normal responsibilities for girls. Most of the participants did not report the chores as a problem, but from our conversations, it was clear the girls struggled to balance home and schoolwork.

On the other hand, the chores for Somali girls inculcate a high value for hard work. The participants apparently transferred this value to their schooling. Most of the participants explained how they worked hard in school with a goal to become “something” in life. Farzana explained how she worked hard and was on the honor roll every semester.

I stayed on top of things, I did my homework, I got honor roll every semester, just

understand that I want to make change, I’m not here to play games, I want

education, you know I want this. And for my friends, cos I mostly hang out with

Somalis, we all had different groups, there was a Somalia group that came to

school to play around, and there was a group that was serious and wanted to get

education and change themselves, change their community, and I was in that

group.

Tuba, who had no prior schooling outside the U.S and started her schooling in

9the grade, explained her struggle in her schoolwork, which continues even in her first year in college. She however explained she worked hard and got good grades, despite her obstacles especially in language. She used many of her lunch breaks seeking help from teachers in areas she struggled with homework and chose not to miss school even on the due date for her baby in her senior year in high school.

As if to sum up the benefits of their hard work, despite the common feeling of overwork for the girls, Farzana stated that some administrators looked up to them (the girls). This was when they shared their passion to not only excel but advance in their education.

Some of our administrators looked up to Somali girls because we wanted to make

a change. We wanted change for ourselves, we wanted change for our

communities. We were so tired of us getting married when young, not getting

educated, just taking care of kids, doing house chores, it was very surprising when

we told some administrators were not going to get married young, we will have

Ph D’s and master’s degrees, they looked at us like …because it wasn’t that

common., They looked up to you when you said you wanted to make a

change, would want to start this or that program.

Even after high school, it was evident the participants have continued to work hard. Each one stated how they currently did the chores, worked to earn a living; six of the participants were in college, and as mentioned earlier, two of the participants were married and had children, and jobs. This was one reason it was very difficult to find time for the interviews, given their very tight schedules, at their young age. It was encouraging to find that even with all this, they still had time for fun and family.

Theme Five: Torn between two worlds

“At home, you are in the Somali culture and in school you are in the American culture, and stuff and people were like, why do you have that thing on your head?” Kausar

The girls described instances when they, and/or some other Somali- born girls in their high schools felt conflicted between the Somali and the American culture. Tuba

90 and Aabida expressed satisfaction in the way their cultural attire, covered from head to toe but explained how some Somali girls copied the American attire. Such girls would change from Somali wear to other kinds of clothes and open their hair while in the school buses. Aabida saw this as a lack of confidence in the expected attire and observed: “So they are forced to live a double life in order for them to fit both worlds.”

Kausar rarely dressed as expected. She articulated her own struggle at home with her mom, and at school with peers:

sometimes when I am wearing pants or have my hair open, my mom yells at me,

that’s bad. And I’m like, why is it bad? Because you are not like Americans, and

I’m like, I grew up in this country though, so, I don’t know what she expects

from me, They don’t understand that, and just because I dress like that does not

mean that I forget my roots, so it doesn’t mean I forgot my religion, I’m still

Muslim, it’s just that I don’t wanna wear the hijab sometimes.”

Although expressing great appreciation for the support they got from their families, and especially their mothers during high schooling, the participants cited constant struggling to be understood by their parents and the Somali community. The parents did not speak English, could not read or write and had deep concerns that their children might forget their culture. The participants found their parents stuck in their culture to the extent they had problems relating to them. Farzana put it that her parents were “so stuck back in the days,” and Kausar summarized it this way:

In the Somali community, it’s kind of hard to understand, for your parents to

understand, like for them to help on current stuff, everything is all about culture-

wise, I think it’s just hard for parents to connect with their kids, especially Somali

parents. They are used to Somali culture, not to the American culture; they don’t

even want to get used to it.

Stating that her mindset as a high school student opened to new things in school, Farzana wished the same happened to her parents. The new mindset would have enabled the parents to listen more and help her in her endeavor to keep her identity as an immigrant, a

Somali girl, a Muslim, and still succeed in completing high school.

as an immigrant coming from Somalia, your mindset is different, you don’t think,

in Somalia, their priorities were different, now they are different, as a high school

student is I have to finish high school, I also have to make sure I’m Muslim at the

same time, I have ,..Somali girl at the same time.

Aabida had the same wish: “I wish our parents, or the Somali community as a whole would understand that you know, their time, in Somalia, is very different from our time.” Such an understanding, she added, would give the girls a sense of freedom to discuss the obstacles faced in schools due to cultural expectations, which were not there in Somalia. Kausar, repeatedly said she did not know how to relate to her parents, more so her mother. She grew up in this country, and had very little connection with Somalia, yet she was expected to behave like a Somali girl. She is the only one who voiced that

Somali parents do not even show affection to their children, yet growing here, other children receive open affection from parents, and TV shows portrayed this as the typical way for families.

Another area of conflict was the fact that the parents encouraged the girls to have education but were high handed in the direction this went. Every participant gladly explained that their families highly valued education for both boys and girls, unlike what

92 happened back in Somalia, where boys were encouraged to go to school more than girls.

However, citing her own experience, Kausar explained that some parents dictated what the girls needed to pursue in college, and constantly asked them about marriage. Farzana clarified this through the following family and community expectation on the girl:

They expect you to stay at home, not interact with the opposite gender. Your

community expects you to be a princess, just staying home. Even if they want you

to go out and get an education, they kind of want you to hold back.

For these participants, although the parents wanted the girls to get an education, they expressed a sense of being held back at the same time.

Theme Six: Lumped

"I wish they knew that not all Somali girls are the same, there are those who hold to their beliefs, culture, values.” Shahida

Most of the participants wished people in the school treated them as individuals, and not lump them together, simply because they were Somali- born, and wore the hijab.

They expressed lumping in language, dressing, mannerisms, and even in their academic work. Shahida who had a 7th grade education before moving to the U.S explained how one of the teachers was surprised that she could speak some English in her first days in school in America.

And my teacher was like, you just came from Somali… how do you like know

this, people from Somalia don’t even speak English, and everything and it was

like people are all different. I know I came from there, just because they saw this

other girl, that but we’re all different… they used to be so surprised. I think they

had a wrong idea about every Somali, they would ask me why are you different,

why are you dressing differently from them?”

Tuba voiced lumping when it came to academic work. In her view, Somali students and more so those with difficulties with English language were at times seen as not doing their best. Tuba had not had any schooling outside the U.S, and upon arrival, was placed in 9th grade. She tearfully explained how difficult learning was, which was made worse by being categorized among students that were not doing their best. To overcome this problem, she chose to privately explain to her teachers how determined she was to do her best, and to always ask for help. This, she said helped her a lot and has continued to help her now in her college, where she closely works with her professors.

During the interview, on the question what distinguished her as a Somali girl, she was quick to point this out:

… every Somali girl is different … there are two types of Somali girls: there is

one who tries to be like what other people are, try to copy them, and then there is

us who don’t really care what others say about us because we wear long clothes,

and we care about our education, don’t waste time……. But other Somali, they

want to copy Americans.

As noted earlier, the participants voiced lumping in connection to smells and fights. Abeer said if one Somali student would smell, “that would be a label - all Somalis stink, we got a lot of that.” And this was a label for Somali girls especially as they do a lot of cooking of the spicy foods their families consume. Fighting was cited as common in high school among Somali students, and three of my participants gave instances when they were involved in fights when other students said mean things to them. Kausar had

94 been in many fights which led to several suspensions especially while in middle school;

“I fought with all kinds of people, when they said mean things to me.” Aabida too narrated how one time, in an attempt to establish what had led to a student’s tripping and falling at school, one boy’s response was, “… look at your towel head, you need to go back to your country, nobody needs you here.” This led to a fight with this boy. Abeer, too narrated her involvement in a fight while at school but was quick to add that the administration intervened, and this marked the end of her fighting.

Farzana wished the teachers in her school had taken more time to understand the students. She felt teachers did not understand that each kid was different and had a unique story. I found this participant very balanced as she also wished the students also took time to understand their teachers.

I wish teachers, school counselors take more time to know the students, mostly

immigrants, and Somali students because for Somali students, education is a big

thing, people don’t see that. They just see, you are an immigrant, our tax money is

what brought you here. It’s not like that, ya, your tax money brought me in and

I’m thankful for that cos I’m getting an education, but you should take the time to

know me. There is more to me than just being an immigrant. Immigrants also

have a story, I also have a background I wish you knew about, I also have some

facts about me, that’s something they should get to know, for the students. The

students too get to know their teachers, the teachers also have their personal life,

they also have a story, how they got to where they are now.

Summary

This chapter summarized data collection and analysis of the interview results from eight Somali immigrant girls. It included the participant profiles, brief outline of

Somali cultural norms and a review of the methodology used. This was followed by a detailed analysis of the collected information under the six emergent themes: Isolated, restricted, underrated, misjudged and embarrassed, overworked embarrassed, torn between two worlds and lumped.

The next chapter presents a discussion of the findings as they relate to literature review and previous research. This will be followed by implications of the findings, future recommendations, and then a conclusion.

CHAPTER V

Discussion of Findings

Introduction

There has been a significant rise in the global rates of international migration in the last decade, with the U.S hosting the largest number all international migrants in the world, about 50 million (United Nations, 2017). African immigrants have fueled the recent increase in Black immigrants in the U.S.: “Africans now make up 36% of the total foreign-born Black population, up from 24% in 2000” (Anderson, 2015, n. p.) majority of whom are from Sub-Saharan Africa. Somalia is in Sub-Saharan Africa, and

Columbus, Ohio has the second highest concentration of Somalis in the U.S. after the

Twin cities in Minnesota (Chambers, 2017). This study sought to understand the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali-born immigrant girls in public high schools in Columbus, Ohio. This chapter begins with a statement of the problem, purpose of the study, review of methodology, and then gives an overview of the findings from the study as they relate to literature review. Following this are implications for action, personal reflections, recommendations for future research, and then a summary.

Statement of the Problem

This study sought to assess the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali-born immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United States. Immigrant children form a significant proportion of the population in schools (Crosnoe & Lopez, 2011; Shah, 2012). Past studies on immigrants have been criticized for ignoring immigrant children, and those in place have by and large left out the role of gender. Gender determines the ways boys and girls are

97 socialized at home based on their native culture; it impacts the immigrant children’s identity, and adaptation in the cultures in their new schools (Qin, 2006). Different cultural practices impact education of girls in developing countries (UNFPA, 2016b) and for the many immigrant girls, the home and school culture differ significantly (Potter, 2001).

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to gain a deeper understanding on the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali-born immigrant girls during secondary schooling in public high schools in the United States. Schools are one of the key institutions that immigrants and their children first encounter upon migration (Bondy,

Peguero, & Johnson 2016); what these students experience in school impacts their self- perception and how they engage in society (Antoninis, 2018). There was noted paucity of research on African immigrants and the increasing presence of their children (African immigrant students) in U.S. k-12 schools, and a call for more studies to give educators to get a better understanding of African immigrant students - their unique schooling, educational experiences and academic performance (Ukpokodu, 2018).

Review of Methodology

I chose a qualitative approach because qualitative research is concerned with in- depth understanding of the meaning participants attach to their experiences and how those meanings shape their realities. Further, the qualitative approach focuses on people’s experiences from their perspective without manipulation of the environment (Hesse-

Biber & Leavy, 2011). This study was intended to provide an in-depth understanding of the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of Somali immigrant girls in

98 public high schools in Columbus, Ohio. The research questions used in the study were exploratory and descriptive and fall under qualitative research methodology.

A purposively selected sample of eight Somali- born immigrant girls who had completed high schooling in six different high schools in Columbus, Ohio were interviewed using a protocol of 25 structured and semi-structured questions. Observations were also made and recorded during the interview sessions. Following data collection, the audio recorded interview proceedings were transcribed, and copies of the transcripts presented to the participants for verification. Upon confirmation of the transcripts as true records of the information collected, repeated reading of the transcripts, and memo writing led to identification of initial codes. Axial coding helped show relationships among the initial codes; this led to broad categories of the data and later six themes emerged. A detailed descriptive and analytical report on the collected information was given based on each emergent them. I used pseudonyms to protect the identity of the participants.

Overview of the Findings

Six themes emerged from the analysis of the findings from this study as presented in chapter four. Following is a discussion on these findings under three sections: isolated, deficit model, and agency, and then the surprises that emerged after comparison of the literature review and the results from data analysis.

This study sought to address the following questions:

1. What were the learning experiences of Somali-born females who have recently

graduated from U.S. high schools?

2. What role did cultural/home experiences play in the learning experiences of these

girls?

3. What structures did the girls perceive as supportive of their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

4. What structures did the girls perceive as a hindrance to their educational

experiences given their cultural norms?

Isolated: Limited social capital

The findings in this study complement the literature review on immigrants’ isolation. Immigration is described as a stressful experience that strips immigrants of social relationships and social roles, leading to feelings of loss, lack of control and marginalization (Bondy, Peguero, & Johnson, 2016; Suarez-Orozco,1999). Schools are the first places of interaction for immigrant children. The girls expressed feelings of isolation and narrated incidences of exclusion. This was mainly attributed to language and dressing and family chores.

The issue of student exclusion results from the interaction of multiple forms of marginalization (Crenshaw, 1989). Several studies showed immigrant children experience different forms of exclusion (Adair, 2015; Chavatzia, Engel, & Hastedt, 2016;

Suarez-Orozco, 1999; UNFPA, 2016b; Zhou, 1997). Suarez-Orozco (1999) posited that exclusion can be structural as well as attitudinal; the former is about exclusion from opportunities, the later seen through the act of speaking about someone in a negative or belittling way.

The participants’ cultural mode of dressing, language and family chores led to the structural exclusion. The girls expressed difficulties in participating in sports because

100 their dress code was clearly not in sync with what was required. It is important to note one participant defied odds, played volleyball in her hijab and long skirts and was good at it; most of the others expressed feelings of not fitting, and incidences when they felt ignored, and not needed. Language problems have been identified as a major cause of isolation for immigrant students (Bashir-Ali 2008, Keeley 2007, Nieto & Bode, 2012).

Inability to understand and communicate in English language also led to exclusion from opportunities in the classrooms and in after school activities such as clubs. Tuba could not join the newspaper club; she joined one that was more hands on, less speaking. To some of the girls, the ESL program was an isolation program where they were at times taught “baby stuff,” in addition to being ridiculed by other students for belonging there.

Family chores including cooking, cleaning, taking care of siblings, interpreting for parents, and entertaining guests, viewed as surrogate mothering (Suareco,1999), also played into the isolation of the girls. Repeatedly the girls wished there was more help from siblings; this could have freed them to participate especially in co-curricular activities at school.

The participants experienced attitudinal exclusion arising from mean talk, teasing, and questions related to their dress code and other religious practices. This is in line with what Mendez, Bauman, and Guillory (2012) identify as verbal and relational bullying.

Verbal bullying involves name calling, teasing, and verbal threats while relational bullying which “encompasses actions such as gossiping, intentionally leaving students out of activities, spreading rumors, and other measures that seek to change peer groups”

(p. 280). The girls reported incidences when they would be asked why they were not fighting, simply because Somali students were regularly involved in fights. One girl

101 reported relational bullying related to her head covering and being Muslim. Others expressed feeling uncomfortable due to regular referral to the hijab as a “towel “or “that thing on the head,” and questions on the water bottles they carried along for washing when using bathrooms for religious reasons.

Moreover, isolation was the cost some of the girls had to pay for academic success; they kept away from fellow Somali students to avoid being labelled and punished for laziness, yet they narrated incidences of not fitting among other students.

Similar findings occurred in the study of the home and school culture of African

Americans; successful students were social isolates. They intentionally stayed away from other African American students to avoid being labelled as badly behaved and could not fit with the White students (Ladson-Billings, 1995).

Dempsey and Brafman (2017) underscore the importance of belonging; it “shapes our identity, it provides our sense of security, and it creates the order we need to survive”

(p. xi). They further observe that social exclusion is correlated with a less meaningful life, while a sense of belonging is positively correlated with perceived meaningfulness of life, adding that persons who lack a sense of belonging tend to seek it in unhealthy ways.

This to me appears to be the reason for the many fights by Somali students. Two participants admitted to having been involved in fights; others reported how they were disparaged by non-Somali students who often asked them why they were not fighting.

Isolation limited the social capital for the Somali-born immigrant girls. Keeley

(2007) gives three main categories of social capital: bonds, bridges and linkages. Bonds link people to those who share their identity, bridges go beyond a shared sense of identity and linkages connect people up and down the social ladder. That the Somali students

102 clustered around certain tables at lunch in the cafeteria, preferred to do projects among themselves or with other immigrants who resided in the same neighborhoods and rode in same buses to school, reflects social bonds. Despite the emotional, social and economic help social bonds provide, Keeley (2007) cautioned that heavy reliance on people who share similar ethnicity while lacking social bridges can lead to social exclusion from the wider society and hinder progress. Moreover, “communities with high levels of social capital tend to achieve better school outcomes than communities which face social fragmentation and isolation” (OECD, 2001, p. 59). And it is important to note that social capital promotes the development of human capital and vice versa (Keeley, 2007), hence the need to foster inclusion of all students in schools.

Supportive structures to counter isolation. The support most commonly listed by the girls was having Somali students, and more so, “someone with a hijab,” or “having a person understand like you know we are kind of outsiders,” the phrases the participants used for fellow Somali girls in the schools. A second supportive structure were strong adult-student relationships. Agreeing with other studies (Bridgeland, Dululio, &

Morrison, 2006; Okwako, 2011; Okwako, 2015), strong adult-student relationship in the school and parental involvement stood out as major support for the Somali-born immigrant girls. The girls cited most teachers as supportive, singling out the ESL teachers who were friends, like parents, and advocates.

In addition, every participant expressed support from her family. Even if the parents had little to offer in terms of schoolwork and in the parent- teacher meetings, they encouraged the girls to go to school every day and do their best. Mothers were the greatest support among family members; they encouraged the girls to go to school every

103 day, offered transportation, attended school meetings and challenged them to work hard at school. Other support included the homework center and staff in the public libraries and friends. Aneeqa was especially thankful for the many resources available like the school bus and food for lunch.

Girls in this study were treated differently by different groups of people; some students and teachers made the girls experience isolation, others helped them experience a sense of belonging. Murphy-Graham and Lloyd (2016) viewed education as an avenue that can impact structures that constrain opportunities for women by fostering “habits and dispositions that result in social action rather than apathy and social withdrawal” (p. 562).

Dempsey and Brafman (2017) boldly stated: “inclusion isn’t necessarily the opposite of exclusion. Real inclusion isn’t about letting just anyone in; it’s about understanding the pillars of participation, personalization, and purpose” (p. 42). The girls in this study needed to experience a sense of belonging, and to fully participate in school activities like other students, despite their cultural differences.

Deficit model: Questionable rhetoric

This study revealed a great deal regarding the deficit lens used to view marginalized students. The participants reported instances they felt underrated, misjudged, embarrassed, bullied and lumped up in groups they did not rightly belong to.

Each of these was pegged on some of the participants’ cultural norms, especially language, dressing, smells, work ethic, and religious practices. Tuba had to explain to her teachers she was not lazy, in order not to be punished for other people’s mistakes and

Aabida’s wish to the school community was to never underestimate a person just because he/she does not speak English. Aneeqa and Kausar wished people would know not all

104

Muslims were bad. All the participants wished teachers and students would understand the smell was from the spicy foods they cooked at home and stop labelling the girls as stinky.

Language stood out as the major reason for the deficit lens in this study. Other research has shown “that people often draw conclusions about a speaker’s intelligence, education, and other personal characteristics solely on the basis of how the speaker sounds, without much other evidence” (Hudley & Mallinson, 2011, p. 3). The 1966

National Education Association (NEA) bilingual conference titled “The Invisible

Minority” posited that “non-English speaking students were not deficient—the deficiency

… was in the materials, the techniques, and the schools” (NEA, 2011, p. 5). The question of language is a “question of power” ( Schmid, 2000, p.62), and Ahearn (2001) agreed that power and language go together and that unequal power relations exist where persons mistakenly view a dialect or way of speaking as better than their own way of speaking. Follet argued that power cannot be “given away”; it can only be developed in others (Schilling, 2000).

Various studies note and challenge the deficit lens used to view students of color and speakers of English as a second language (Baldridge, 2014, Hudley & Mallinson,

2011; Ladson-Billings, 2014; NEA, 2011, Schmid, 2000; Suareco,1999; Yosso, 2005).

Baldridge’s (2014) study of after school programs for Black and minoritized youths views the rhetoric used to portray them as ‘‘broken,’’ ‘‘at risk,” “disadvantaged,” as deficit framing, and one that disregards the assets these youths bring to educational spaces. This rhetoric ignores their agency, leading to damaged-centered scholarship that

“perpetuates a cycle of deficiency and pathology about marginalized communities”

105

(p. 440), and creation of narrow and limited programs for such students (Ladson-Billings,

1995b). Although some of the girls in this study enjoyed the ESL program, others felt the

ESL classes were unfit; two specifically complained of being taught “baby stuff.”

Previous studies attested to lumping of different cultural groups (Crosnoe &

Lopez, 2011; Raman & Hodes, 2011; Sanchez & Machado-Casas, 2009; Ukpokodu,

2018). The monolithic and deficit views occur due to failure of schools to address the intersection of layers of difference in students; this narrows the lenses of educators and leads to marginalization of such students (Crenshaw 1989). Moreover, Nieto and Bode

(2012) viewed culture as too complex and too varied, for anyone to conclude that people who share a background share the same behaviors and beliefs.

Support to counter the deficit and monolithic views. The ESL teachers, some school counselors and administrators, some mothers, and the participants’ desire to succeed, provided support for the girls. The ESL teachers stood out as the major support for the girls. Tuba explained how an ESL teacher translated test questions to Somali; other participants cited who teachers took time to explain the questions and this helped improve their grades. Some school counselors and mothers repeatedly assured some of the girls of their ability to perform. For Aabida, a school administrator identified her leadership abilities and gave her the opportunity to use them. The desire to succeed was clear for each participant. During the interviews they shared the passion they had to not only excel in high school but to advance in their education.

Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy. To address the deficit lens, an up-to-date asset or culturally relevant pedagogy (Baldridge 2014; Ladson-Billings, 1995; 2014; Paris,

2017; Yosso, 2005) is needed. Stating that culture and scholarship, are always changing,

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Ladson-Billings (2014) makes a call for continuing revision of culturally relevant pedagogy. She reasons: “such revisions do not imply that the original was deficient; rather, they speak to the changing and evolving needs of dynamic systems.” Ladson-

Billings recalls finding terms such as” at-risk,” “disadvantaged,” “under-achieving,” in her research on how to successfully educate African Americans, and her deliberate shift to use “culturally deprived” and “culturally disadvantaged” instead. Culturally relevant pedagogy has the “ability to link principles of learning with deep understanding (and appreciation for) culture” (Ladson-Billings, 2014, p.76). A more recent call which agrees with the 2030 sustainable development goals (SDG’s) is for culturally sustaining pedagogy (CSP). The CSP “takes dynamic cultural and linguistic dexterity as a necessary good and sees the outcome of learning as additive, rather than subtractive, as remaining whole rather than framed as broken, as critically enriching strengths rather than replacing deficits” (Paris, 2017, p. 2-3).

Agency: Choice and voice

The findings in this study complement the literature review on agency of girls.

Murphy-Graham and Leal (2015) described the agency of the adolescent girls in their study as “thin, opportunistic, accommodating, and oppositional” (p. 34), a view supported by the UNFPA (2016b) report. Agency is “the socio culturally mediated capacity to act”

(Ahearn, 2001, p. 111) and conducive learning environments, value formation and learning through action are core conditions of education for empowerment of adolescent girls. The need for physical, material, and sociocultural climate that provides safe spaces for learners comes first; value formation comes from a sense of value where students/girls have a sense of their dignity and their equal worth with other students

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(Murphy-Graham & Lloyd, 2016). They argued that the agency of girls is influenced by social relations and structures and that education should “thicken” the agency of girls by pushing the cultural barriers that limit their achievements.

This study was intended to give voice to the Somali-born immigrant girls; I see agency as choice and voice. In narrating their learning experiences, the girls in my study repeatedly used the phrase “held back” or restricted regarding dressing, mingling with the opposite sex, sports, career choices, prayer rooms, and appropriate bathroom facilities.

Some expressed struggles in balancing school requirements and family expectations; they were torn between the home and school cultures. Listening to the voices of students of

Color has been advocated by many, if their struggles in education are to be understood and their educational needs met. Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) doubted any understanding about education in communities of people of Color without listening to their authentic voices. Crenshaw emphasized the need for Black feminists to constantly tell their own experiences and not give in to the misconception that this is about seeking recognition (Adewunmi, 2014). On the same, Dempsey and Brafman (2017) posited that

“a narrative battle is won by drowning out the counter message” (p. 23) hence the need for immigrant girls to tirelessly retell their story, until the education system serves their needs appropriately.

Consistent with past studies, educated persons have agency and schooling increases the agency of girls (Murphy-Graham & Leal, 2015; Murphy-Graham & Lloyd,

2016; UNFPA, 2016b; World Development Report, 2018). Ahearn (2001) faults scholars who consider agency as free will, others as resistance, while others consider agency to be absent. She calls upon them to differentiate among types of agency: “oppositional

108 agency, complicit agency, agency of power, agency of intention” (p.130), and to be cognizant of the many types exercised based on situation. Using this approach, agency is always there, can take many forms, unlike the view of some scholars that marginalized and oppressed groups do not have agency (Cole, 2019).

Support structures for agency. Several participants in this study exercised some forms of agency; use of voice and contingent actions led to better learning experiences.

Aabida, who spoke and demonstrated her dislike for mean words and teasing by walking out of class and slamming doors ended up being a student leader and is currently an educator who advocates for new immigrants. Abeer secretly signed documents needing her parents’ signature to enable her to go for school trips which her parents would have naturally kept her from attending. Kausar wore pants despite her parents’ disapproval.

Although these actions may appear as negative, “in the context of oppressive social environments, resisting and rejecting authority figures that steward oppressive institutions have been documented as an important form of self-preservation, and thus, as agency”

(Cole, 2019, n. p).

Others exercised agency using a different approach: Tuba worked very hard and explained to teachers she was not lazy, did not miss classes throughout her period of pregnancy and resumed classes soon after getting her baby. Shahida played volleyball in her hijab and long skirts and was good at it. Farzana spoke her mind to administrators specifying the kind of changes the Somali girls needed; she asked other Somali girls to do the same, because the administrators listened. Others asked to be excused to have prayer time in the middle of the tight schedule at school so they could pray the five times according to their Muslim faith.

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These students had the opportunity “to name and explore their own experiences and understandings of inclusion” (Gonzalez, Love, Johnson, Picon, & Velazquez, 2017, p. 2) which is a way of disrupting dominant notions of inclusion and equity. It is interesting to note that the very structures that were supportive in the schooling of the girls had elements that stood as hindrances. Supportive as the parents were, some of the girls narrated conflicts for not dressing like Muslim girls, and isolation when parents warned them not to hang out with non- Muslims and for strictness that kept them from participating in co-curricular activities. And from teachers and administrators, the girls described discriminatory treatment mainly in the ESL program. There is need to involve students from diverse backgrounds in the decision-making process, and to listen and act on their contributions (Gonzalez et al., 2017). Wheelan (2010), argued that the “failure of human potential can almost always be traced to bad policy: a lack of good public institutions, a failure to give voice to a nation’s people, a lack of public infrastructure or some other policy failures that stifle human potential” (p. 8). Voice is part of agentic behavior. The agency of girls can be thickened by listening to their voice.

Surprises

The responses from the girls on FGM and early marriages, form a surprising contrast to my literature review. Two of the girls underwent FGM before migration: one below age ten and could not recall much about it; the other underwent a mild version, which she fully supported as way of keeping sexual appetites for girls checked. Another recalled her mother explaining that her uncle had wanted her to have the cut when she was little, but her mother refused. None of the participants had knowledge of FGM in the

U.S., contrary to findings in my literature review. Only one of the girls got married while

110 in school out of choice. The findings of this study clarified that these norms did not impact the schooling of my participants; they are significant back in Somalia, and in few

Somali families in the U.S that still encourage early marriages. However, there were notable concerns with early marriages. Some participants recalled a few of their friends who dropped out of high school and got married. One summarized her best experiences during high school as graduating, not dating, not getting pregnant, and not getting married.

Implications for educational leaders

The findings of this study have implications for educational leaders:

Rethink school. A paradigm shift, a rethink of school is needed, especially in the way minority groups are viewed and treated in the education system (Baldridge, 2014;

Yosso, 2005). This entails reimagining and affirming of Black youth in education and in the society; a shift to view them “as capable and gifted agents of change coming from communities of strength” (Baldridge, 2014, p. 467). This would change the language that defined the participants in my study: stinky, Somalians, foreigners, that thing, the towel on your head, and intentionally acknowledge the different forms of capital minority groups bring (Yosso 2005)). This tallies with the recent call from the Education Secretary to rethink school, to “question everything to ensure nothing limits a student from pursuing his or her passion and achieving his or her potential” (United States Education

Secretary, 2018, n. p).

Leadership is influence. This shift will be initiated by educational leaders.

Leadership is influence and the leaders of an organization create the core culture,

“consciously or unconsciously- from their own personal history, nature, socialization

111 experiences, and expectations of what it takes to succeed in their particular marketplace”

(Schneider, 1994, p. 26). Educational leaders have a part to play in ensuring cultural norms impact learning experiences of the immigrants positively. Northouse (2013) and

Kouzes and Posner (2013) posited that effective leaders challenge the status quo, and

Darling-Hammond (2010) asserted the need for educational leaders to be aware of the dominant cultures in their states. She also cited the need for policy systems changes, “to dismantle the institutionalized inequities that feed the racial, socio-economic, and linguistic achievement gap” (p. 277).

The participants pointed out teachers, counsellors and administrators in the schools who were instrumental to their success and some who were not helpful. I found their reasoning very balanced. Most of the ESL teachers stood out as most helpful to the girls. Although one might argue this was because these girls spent most of their time in school with the ESL teachers, it is clear not all the ESL teachers were helpful. Four participants made specific reference to administrators: one was a father figure to a participant, another helped one participant stop fighting by providing what she needed, and another listened to suggestions made by the Somali-born girls who made suggestions on new programs in their school. A student dean identified leadership qualities and groomed one participant to be a leader. These leaders encouraged agentic behavior in the girls.

Systems approach. Leaders need to use a systems approach in addressing the issues raised here, given the complexity of education systems. My literature review alluded that the deficit lens of students is from a society and school system that has failed these students (Baldridge, 2014 Fowler, 2013, NEA, 2011). Education systems are made

112 up of actors who interact with different institutions for different reasons (World

Development Report, 2018 ). The systems perspective requires leaders to be aware of the interrelatedness and connectedness of the elements in organizations including processes, inputs, feedback and the environment (French & Bell, 1999). Follet argued that the most successful company is “the one which recognizes its own system of interdependencies, studies the web of relations among its stakeholder groups, and works to integrate their interests” (Schilling, 2000, p. 229). A systems approach is in line with the call to rethink school, and the 2030 sustainable development goals (SDG’s); it “shifts the focus away from interventions designed to address specific problems, toward the broader changes required to improve learning sustainably” (World Development Report, 2018, p. 172).

Education secretary Devos explained the urgent need for a system change because the dreams, hopes, aspirations, and futures of students “can’t wait, while another wave of lawmakers puts yet another coat of paint on the broken ‘system’” (United States

Education Department, 2018, n. p). There is need for transformational leaders who understand the concepts of equity, power, freedom and dynamics of decision making, understand and realign cultural systems, make major decisions quickly and know when to jump and when not to jump (Morgan, 1989).

Equip teachers with culturally relevant skills. The role of teachers stands out in this study; they were the most commonly cited supportive structures. Training to give teachers culturally relevant skills will go a long way in shaping the experiences of

Somali-born immigrant girls. Ladson-Billings (1995) explained how teachers of some

African- American male students encouraged student leadership, used wrap songs to teach elements of poetry, appreciated and affirmed cultural values and styles of dress,

113 language, and interaction styles. This led to academic engagement which was evident even to other students. I find the change advocated by Keeley (2007), and Darling-

Hammond (2010), for institutions to consider teachers as the most important resource in education, and therefore needing to be well trained and to have structures in place for continued learning, as part of a systems change.

Moreover, equipping teachers with culturally relevant skills could be enhanced by intentional immersion of ESL teachers in the communities where the ESL students come from. In my search for interviewees, I greatly benefitted from a lady who occasionally teaches adult ESL classes in the Somali community in Columbus. She took me around the Somali community neighborhoods during functions such as weddings which are normally big social events, and in her interaction with the community, especially women,

I was able to find three of my participants. She clearly portrayed what immersion would look like: she spoke the Somali language with ease and partly dressed in the attire of

Somali women during the community functions. And although immersion for teachers might sound like a daunting task given the diversity in ESL communities, it might be practical for teachers to mingle with the communities in which most of their EL students come from. These communities are in close proximity to the schools. This would call for school systems that allow for flexible schedules for the EL teachers and also rewards such efforts.

In addition, professional development for ESL teachers need to have significant input from immigrants themselves; they can articulate the actual cultural issues affecting the learning experiences of immigrant children. There is need for new and experienced ESL teachers to undergo professional development which is “above and

114 beyond the teacher education coursework required by the state credential and certificate programs” (Mora 2009, p.18). Quintero (2017) cited professional development that is specific to the subject matter as better investments by schools compared to the general requirements for professional development hours for teachers per year.

Motherhood capital. Educational leaders should continue to seek and implement interventions that enable immigrant families and especially mothers to be fully involved in the education of their daughters. All the girls expressed great support from their mothers: encouraging them to go to school daily and do homework, provide transportation as needed, some attended parent teacher meetings, one hired a tutor to help with homework and assigned some of the support staff at school to check on their behaviors. Another had her mother take care of her new-born baby while she was at school. Lo, (2016) developed the concept of motherhood capital, to describe this rare but useful form of capital that immigrant mothers provided for their children in school settings. Inability of the mothers to all my participants to understand or communicate in

English language stood out as major limitation to the help they could offer on school related matters. Some participants had fathers as sole bread winners thus busy in their jobs, one had her father migrate to join the family much later, and two had their fathers still back in Somalia, awaiting proper documentation to enable them to join their families.

Reflections

Interest to conduct this in-depth study on the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of girls has roots in my background and in observations as an educator, when teaching girls in different high schools in Kenya. I was born and raised in a culture where for many years, education for girls was (and still is in some communities)

115 of second importance to that for boys, and oppression for girls present. This was mainly evident in demeaning talk, little or no recognition in leadership, discrimination in jobs and property ownership for girls despite key roles girls played and continue to play in families and in the society. This background, and as a female, an immigrant who has been raising school going children in a new culture, and the emphasis on the “centrality of culture” in many courses in the doctoral program, became a trigger for a study that would create space for the voice of the girl to be heard. Through this study, I hope to change the narrative of Somali immigrant girls as their responses help educators and parents understand their learning experiences in high schools, so they can find ways to help the girls succeed in school.

Looking back at the theoretical frameworks used in this study, Acculturation theory and Critical race theory, and in view of the findings of this study, the girls in this study experienced marginalization, summed up in the recurring expression of fear of not fitting. Segmented assimilation was evident but did not significantly impact the degree of marginalization. The participants suggested changes that both the home and school communities could implement to improve their learning experiences. Despite this, every participant’s advice for a Somali immigrant girl who is about to start high school in a public school in the U.S. was to be true to who they were, make right choices, and not struggle to fit.

Relating to the Critical race theory framework, the girls preferred to be viewed and assessed as individuals, with abilities that did not need to be defined just through their language or other cultural norms. They greatly appreciated members of the school community who took note of these abilities or listened and acted on their contributions.

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The descriptions of their overall experience in high school related significantly to how much each participant sensed the school community used this lens and treated her like other students. In view of this five of the girls described their overall experience in high school as “okay,” “like travelling to another world,” “fun,” “awesome,” “the best thing that ever happened to me.” For these girls, high school also depended on the choices everyone made, and they felt they had made good choices. Others said, “it wasn’t a great thing,” “was bittersweet,” “hard,” and “like a blah!”

Recommendations for Further Research

Research on the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of girls who dropped out of high school for various reasons will contribute more to ways of changing the narrative of Somali immigrant girls in high schools in the U.S. A community leader who assisted in the process of identifying participants, and who also teaches ESL in the

Somali community pointed out that many Somali immigrant girls especially among

Somali Bantus drop out of high schools. She cited pregnancy, early marriages, failure to pass OGT, and family demands such as the need to baby sit younger siblings as some of the reasons. One participant in this study mourned her friend who dropped out after failing to pass OGT. My sample only included those who have succeeded in completing high school.

More studies on the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of immigrant girls, and for immigrant children should be undertaken by researchers who are immigrants themselves. There needs to be studies covering immigrant girls from other countries and grades other than high schools. There was unmistakable ease and smooth flow of responses from the girls when I introduced myself as an immigrant from East

117

Africa, despite clear constraints of time and language. In addition, it was easy for me to understand some terms in my participants’ language when they had difficulty finding appropriate English words.

Summary

This study explored the impact of cultural norms on the learning experiences of

Somali- born immigrant girls in public high schools in Columbus. Listening to the girls narrate their day to day experiences generated details that both tallied and contrasted with my literature review. Emerging themes were discussed in this chapter as they relate to literature review. Overall, these girls experienced isolation, a deficit view and limited agency. The study showed the girls found different ways of dealing with these both at home and school. Cognizant of the diversity of cultures in schools in the U.S., educators need to promote a culturally sustaining pedagogy that will serve the diverse student population. Both educators and immigrant parents have a responsibility to listen to the voices of these girls and collaborate to enhance conducive learning experiences for the girls. As stated by the U. S. Secretary of Education, Betsy Devos:

What matters are the students the school serves. What matters are their futures.

We’ve been entrusted with their futures not because we asked to be, but because

it’s a duty to destiny – theirs… and ours. It all depends on what we do now. When

our grandchildren tell their children about this moment in history, let them say we

were the ones who finally put students first (U. S. Education Secretary, 2018, n.

p).

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APPENDIX A

INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

First interview

1. When did you move to the U.S?

2. Describe your migration journey-with whom, under what circumstances, who

were your first hosts?

3. What grade level were you in?

4. Describe your family?

(parents and siblings; where they are; education levels; family time/ hobbies;

occupations

Second interview

5. Describe a typical Somali family.

6. What are the family roles specific to girls in your home/community?

7. What distinguished a Somali student from other students in your school?

8. What differences did you observe between you and other girls in your

class/school?

9. What distinguished you as a Somali girl from other girls in your school?

10. What is the perception of a Somali girl by:

a. School administrators?

b. Teachers?

c. Peers?

d. Your school?

11. How would you describe the transition from school in Somalia to your high

school academically and socially? What are issues that you viewed as

difficult/easy with the transition?

12. What roles/requirements/reasons have made you miss school at any time as a

Somali girl?

13. What structures are supportive of Somali girls in your school?

14. What co-curricular activities did you engage in and why?

15. Describe your experiences:

I) At school in the

a. Classroom

b. Hallways

c. Dinning/Cafeteria (food, alcohol, pork)

d. Bathrooms (menstrual times)

e. Parking lot

f. School bus

II) During

a. Co-curricular activities- sports/games

b. Auditioning (plays, choir)

c. School trips

d. Parent visits to school (to the school office/parent-teacher

conferences/open houses)

e. Prom (dress, make up, dates)

f. Ramadhan

i. Are there different expectations for girls/boys?

ii. Making space and time for prayers

g. Visits to public libraries

16. Are there any people, such as fellow students, teachers, office staff, coaches,

counselors, that you viewed as helpful in your high school years? What kind of

help did they offer?

17. What part has your family and community played in your high school experience?

18. What family roles/responsibilities did you have during your high schooling?

19. Did you maintain connections with your relatives in Somali? If so, what kind?

20. How often do you travel back home and for what reasons? If no, why?

21. What have been some of the

i) biggest challenges you have faced during your

student life in high school?

ii) best experiences you have had during your student

life in high school?

22. Are there any particular events that stand out in your high school years that were

positive? Are there any events that were negative?

23. What advice would you give to a Somali immigrant girl who is about to start high

school in a public school in the U.S?

24. How can you describe your overall experience as a student in your high

schooling?

25. What would you wish

i) students/teachers/school personnel knew or had

done about/for you as Somali immigrant

student/girl?

ii) your parents, siblings, community knew or had

done about/for you as an immigrant student/girl in a

public high school in the U.S.?

138

APPENDIX B

INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN A RESEARCH STUDY

Informed Consent to Participate in a Research Study

The Impact of Cultural Norms on the Learning Experiences of Somali Immigrant Girls

A. PURPOSE AND BACKGROUND

Naomy Ndungu, is conducting this research study to explore how cultural norms affect the learning experiences of Somali Immigrant girls during their high schooling in public schools, in Columbus, Ohio. The objective is to gain an understanding on how the day to day learning of Somali immigrant girls is affected by their background as Somalis. Upon completion, the findings will help administrators, teachers, other school officials and

Somali immigrant parents to understand the experiences of these girls, and ways to support them as they navigate cultures in the school and home context. The findings will give the Somali girls an opportunity to voice their life experiences and empower them to embrace values that enhance their pursuit for education.

B. PROCEDURES

Data will be collected through multiple face-to-face interviews. The interviews will be done in at least three phases, using a set of predetermined structured and semi- structured questions. The first interview will mainly be to establish rapport with the interviewees and to clarify the expectations. The second one will entail getting the demographics and collecting data. The collected information will be transcribed in preparation for the third phase of interviews. During the last phase, the researcher will present the transcribed information to the participants who will read through to verify correctness. Any discrepancies will be discussed and corrected. The interviews will be audiotaped to ensure correctness during data analysis.

The researcher will meet the participants in settings and times convenient to the participants. The researcher’s preference would be to have at least 45 minutes to an hour for each interview.

Cognizant of the nature of the research, the researcher will be flexible. The goal will be to be in environments where the participants are able to freely share their lived experiences.

If you agree to participate in this study, the following will occur:

1. You will be asked to be participate in three face-to-face interviews

by Naomy Ndungu, each lasting about 45 minutes to an hour.

2. During the interview, you will be asked questions about your

• Your family and schooling before migration

• movement into the United States

• day to day experiences in high school in the United States

• structures that were supportive or unsupportive throughout

high school

3.Interviews will be audiotaped.

• You will be asked to review your responses with the

researcher to ensure accuracy.

4.The interviews will be conducted in a place and time convenient to

you.

C. RISKS/DISCOMFORTS

There are no physical risks associated with this study. However, you will be asked to describe and reflect upon events and experiences, some of which may have been unpleasant. You will be asked to give your name and personal information, but these will

not be shared with anyone. In the study report, names will be changed to protect your identity. Records of responses will be stored in a password protected computer and will be destroyed at the end of 36 months per program requirements.

D. BENEFITS

There will be no direct benefit to you from participating in this study. However, the information that you provide may help administrators, teachers, other school officials and

Somali immigrant parents to understand and support Somali immigrant girls. Ultimately your voice may help empower young Somali immigrant girls in high schools to embrace values that enhance their pursuit for education.

E. COSTS and PAYMENT

There will be no costs to you as a result of taking part in this study. There is also no payment associated with this study.

G. QUESTIONS

You will have the opportunity to discuss with Naomy Ndungu, the researcher any questions or comments about the study. At any point during the study, comments or concerns can be expressed directly to the researcher. Additional comments and questions can be directed to my supervisor Dr. James Olive, at phone number PHONE (419) 207

6643. If for some reason you do not want to do this, you may contact the Human Subjects

Review Board (HSRB) at Ashland University which protects volunteer participants in research studies, by calling (419) 207 6198 between 8:00am and 5:00pm, Monday through Friday.

H. CONSENT

You will be given a copy of this consent form to keep. PARTICIPATION IN

RESEARCH IS VOLUNTARY. You are free to decline to be in this study, or to withdraw from it at any point. Your decision as to whether or not to participate in this study will have no consequences.

If you agree to participate, please sign below.

______

Date Signature of Study Participant

______

Date Signature of Person Obtaining Consent

143

APPENDIX C

HUMAN SUBJECTS REVIEW BOARD APPROVAL

TO: Naomy Ndungu, & Dr. James Olive

FROM: Dr. Christopher R. Chartier, HSRB Chair

DATE: 9-25-18

SUBJECT: Human Subjects Review Board Approval

PROJECT TITLE: Blessing or Curse on Efficacy: Impact of Cultural

Norms on the Learning Experiences of Somali Immigrant Girls

HSRB APPROVAL CODE: 9 19-18 #012

The Human Subjects Review Board has approved your research study. You may proceed with the study as you have outlined in your proposal. The approval is granted for one calendar year. Research participant interaction and/or data collection is to cease at this time, unless application for extension has been submitted and approval for continuance is obtained.

The primary role of the HSRB is to ensure the protection of human research participants. As a result of this mandate, we ask that you adhere to the ethical principles of autonomy, justice, and beneficence. We would also like to remind you of your responsibility to report any violation to participant protections immediately upon discovery. Likewise, we would like to remind you that any alteration to the research proposal as it was approved cannot move forward. Any amendment to the application must be submitted for approval before the project can resume.

We wish you success in your discoveries,

Dr. Christopher R. Chartier Ashland University

Chair Human Subjects Review Board