DOCSLIB.ORG

Lebanon As a Test Case for the EU's Logic of Governmentality In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Lebanon As a Test Case for the EU's Logic of Governmentality In Lebanon as a Test Case for the EU’s Logic of Governmentality in Refugee © 2020 IAI Challenges by Tamirace Fakhoury Prior to 2011, Lebanon was no traditional displacement. After nearly a decade gatekeeper in managing migrant and of cooperation between the EU and ISSN 2532-6570 refugee flows to the EU. Following Lebanon in this area, and ahead of mass refugee influx from Syria, the the EU’s new budgetary and policy- small Middle Eastern state acquired key planning cycle (2021–27), now is a importance in the EU’s architecture of key moment to critically assess EU- externalisation, alternatively framed as Lebanon cooperation on displacement the set of norms and practices that the from Syria. EU crafts to govern migration from a distance. I argue that the EU’s logic of governmentality in the context of Lebanon currently hosts more than 1.5 the refugee challenge has remained million Syrian refugees and since 2012 disconnected from a deeper grasp of the EU has been the key funding power Lebanon’s cumulative crises on the seeking to help the refugee-hosting one hand, and its politics of refugee state cope with the spillover effects that reception on the other. Moving mass displacement brought about on forward, the EU would need a revamped the country. approach that looks at Lebanon beyond the prism of a partner in refugee The EU’s recently published New Pact challenges, bringing the principle on Migration and Asylum reiterates of good governance in EU-Lebanon support to refugees and refugee- negotiations as crucial element to hosting countries – including those improve the relationship, placing it in Syria’s neighbourhood – as one of on a more sustainable and mutually the central elements of cooperation beneficial plane. with third countries on migration and Tamirace Fakhoury is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Lebanese American University and the Director of the Institute for Social Justice and Conflict Resolution. She is currently the Scientific Advisor to the Kuwait Chair (2020-2022) at Sciences Po in Paris. This paper was prepared with partial support of the Open Society Foundations, in the IAI COMMENTARIES 20 | 94 - DECEMBER 2020 IAI COMMENTARIES framework of the project “A New European Consensus on Asylum & Migration”. Views expressed are the author’s alone. 1 Lebanon as a Test Case for the EU’s Logic of Governmentality in Refugee Challenges Lebanon in the context of mass to return by opening return centres. displacement from Syria At the same time, in light of various geopolitical motives, rival governing In 2011, with the onset of Syria’s lethal parties such as the Sunni-based conflict, Lebanon opened its borders Future Current have warned against to displaced Syrians. What started as rushing repatriation as long as suitable an open-border policy quickly evolved conditions are not in place in Syria.3 into a highly securitised refugee policy. © 2020 IAI By the end of 2014, under the impact of Three features have characterised the heavy strain that the neighbouring Lebanon’s approach towards displaced conflict brought about in Lebanon, the Syrians: incoherent policymaking, government closed its borders to new securitisation and fragmentation. refugee arrivals. Further, it instructed Far from reflecting an absent asylum the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) to policy, such features mirror the state’s halt refugee registration. imperative to uphold a reluctant yet strategically ambiguous policy of As soon as the Bashar al Assad regime reception as its preferred mode of action. ISSN 2532-6570 started making territorial advances in Devolving authority over refugees, be it 2016, key political figures in Lebanon to municipalities, landowners, security began lobbying for refugee repatriation agencies or political parties, allows to Syria.1 In this context, factors such the state to disperse accountability for as illegal municipal curfews, evictions refugee rights.4 and crackdowns on employed refugees pushed many Syrians to consider Within this context, Lebanese return.2 In collaboration with security officials have continuously called agencies, the Lebanese government on international powers, including started in 2017 to organise so-called the EU, to channel more aid so as “voluntary returns”, notwithstanding to help the overburdened host state the UNHCR’s disapproval and ongoing withstand the challenge. It would be violence in Syria. no exaggeration to add that Lebanon’s approach to refugee governance has Though they have no legal mandate hovered between openly contesting to do so, parties such as the Shiite- refugees’ stay and adopting a tactical based Hezbollah or the Christian-based “marketplace” strategy to leverage Free Patriotic Movement have played hospitality in return for more financial an active role in coordinating return aid. operations or “encouraging” Syrians 1 Tom Rollins, “Incitement, Tensions Rise Over 3 For a full account of Lebanon’s incoherent Syrian Refugees in Lebanon”, in Al-Monitor, 28 politics on return, see Tamirace Fakhoury, September 2016, http://almon.co/2qx4. “Refugee Return and Fragmented Governance 2 Rouba Mhaissen and Elena Hodges, in the Host State: Displaced Syrians in the Face Unpacking Return. Syrian Refugees’ Conditions of Lebanon’s Divided Politics”, in Third World and Concerns, Beirut, Sawa for Development Quarterly, 8 June 2020, https://doi.org/10.1080/ and Aid, February 2019, https://reliefweb.int/ 01436597.2020.1762485. node/2977858. 4 Ibid. IAI COMMENTARIES 20 | 94 - DECEMBER 2020 IAI COMMENTARIES 2 Lebanon as a Test Case for the EU’s Logic of Governmentality in Refugee Challenges The EU’s logic of refugee govern- The EU moreover integrated its refugee mentality in Lebanon response into a broader politics of resilience-building, which took on Three interrelated characteristics two dimensions in Lebanon. Firstly, have marked the EU’s logic of refugee the EU channelled financial support governance in Lebanon since 2011: to activities that would spur benefits reinforced cooperation with the to both refugees and local populations government, emphasis on resilience- in terms of job creation or economic © 2020 IAI building despite the political elite’s growth. Secondly, the EU explored contestation of such an approach, and with the government a set of measures a tactical non-engagement towards that would help Syrians “temporarily” Lebanon’s securitised refugee practices. integrate in Lebanon, and become more self-reliant pending their repatriation, Since 2012, the EU has conducted a means to provide the host state with high-level meetings to explore how incentives for refugee reception. the EU and Lebanon could turn the refugee challenge into an opportunity. The 2016 EU-Lebanon compact ISSN 2532-6570 In the wake of the eighth EU-Lebanon epitomises the EU’s search for a politics Association Council (2017), for example, of refugee resilience in Lebanon.6 The the two sides embedded cooperation so-called tailored partnership channels on the refugee challenge within a wider funding to projects in livelihoods, diplomatic context, seeking mutual economic growth and job creation to benefits in issue areas such as trade and both Syrians and Lebanese, in return the fight against terrorism. for the government’s facilitation of access to residency and employment in The assumption at the time was that certain sectors for Syrian refugees.7 cooperation on refugee governance could evolve into a win-win outcome. Indeed, following the compact, the The EU would implement a plethora Lebanese government sought to of activities in the fields of capacity- facilitate residency requirements building and security-sector reform for Syrian refugees, and ease their in Lebanon. In return, Lebanon would access to employment in, for instance, evolve into an upscaled partner that agriculture. The compact also inspired co-devises solutions on migration a broader conversation on improving management.5 Syrian refugee protection in Lebanon 6 Cindy Huang and Nazanin Ash, “Jordan, Lebanon Compacts Should Be Improved, Not Abandoned”, in Refugees Deeply, 5 February 5 Tamirace Fakhoury, “Leverage and 2018, https://deeply.thenewhumanitarian. Contestation in Refugee Governance: org/refugees/community/2018/02/05/jordan- Lebanon and Europe in the Context of Mass lebanon-compacts-should-be-improved-not- Displacement”, in Raffaella A. Del Sarto and abandoned. Simone Tholens (eds), Resisting Europe. 7 European Commission, EU-Lebanon Practices of Contestation in the Mediterranean Partnership: The Compact, August 2017, https:// Middle East, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/ Press, 2020, p. 142-163. sites/near/files/lebanon-compact.pdf. IAI COMMENTARIES 20 | 94 - DECEMBER 2020 IAI COMMENTARIES 3 Lebanon as a Test Case for the EU’s Logic of Governmentality in Refugee Challenges through measures such as allowing Notwithstanding its calls for refugee Syrian refugee children to register on protection and resilience, on-the- Lebanese soil.8 ground pragmatic realism has marked the EU’s policy behaviour. Thus, the EU In practice however, the compact was has sought to upscale collaboration with a non-binding document that lacked the political establishment regardless mechanisms for implementation. of recurrent refugee rights abuses. This Further, the principles the compact set is neither surprising nor novel. © 2020 IAI out to uphold were strongly contested by Lebanon’s political elite. Key officials Drawing non-European partners into have relentlessly critiqued the EU’s crafting refugee governance
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Global Trends Analysis 03/2020
    GLOBAL TRENDS ANALYSIS Renata Ávila Pinto Tech Power to the People! Democratising Cutting-edge Technologies to Serve Society 03 2020 INTRODUCTION Governments all over the world are adopting cutting-edge technologies to experiment with quicker, cheaper and more efficient delivery of services traditionally provided by human beings. From citizen security to allocation of social ben- efits, technologies are being deployed at a rapid IMPRINT pace, the aim being to serve people better, reduce Published by Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden/ costs and enhance accountability. The results are Development and Peace Foundation (sef:) mixed. In some cases, the technologies exclude Dechenstr. 2, 53115 Bonn, Germany Bonn 2020 entire groups of the population, thereby exacer- Editorial Team bating race, gender or economic inequalities. In International members: Dr Adriana E. Abdenur (Instituto Igarapé, other cases, technology is used to surveil specific Rio de Janeiro), Professor Manjiao Chi (University of International Business and Economics, Beijing), Dr Jakkie Cilliers (Institute groups or communities, eroding their right to pri- for Security Studies, Pretoria), Dr Tamirace Fakhoury (Lebanese vacy. And there are no clear remedies to mitigate American University, Beirut), Professor Siddharth Mallavarapu (Shiv Nadar University, Dadri/Uttar Pradesh), Nanjala Nyabola the harm done by machines or to increase the (political analyst, Nairobi), Professor Mzukisi Qobo (University of accountability of those deploying the systems. the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg)
    [Show full text]
  • Incidence Des Politiques Migratoires De L'union Européenne Sur La
    UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL INCIDENCE DES POLITIQUES MIGRATOIRES DE L' UNION EUROPÉENNE SUR LA GESTION MIGRATOIRE EN AFRIQUE DE L'OUEST :LE CAS DE LA POLITIQUE ÉTRANGÈRE ESPAGNOLE AU SÉNÉGAL MÉMOIRE PRÉSENTÉ COMME EXIGENCE PARTIELLE DE LA MAÎTRISE EN SCIENCE POLITIQUE PAR MYLÈNE CODERRE-PROULX SEPTEMBRE 201 3 UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL Service des bibliothèques · A yertlssement La diffusion de ce mémoire sa fait dans la~ respect des droits de son auteur, qui a signé le formulaire Autorisation de repfOdulre et da diffuser ua travail da rechercha da cycles s up~rfaurs (SDU-522- Rév.01-2006). Cette autorisation stipule que ccconformément à l'article 11 du Règlement no 8 des études de cycles supérieurs, [l'auteur] concède à l'Université du Québec à Montréal une lic~nce non exclusive d'utilisation at de . publication de la totalité ou d'une partie importante de [son] travail de recherche pour des fins pédagogiques et non commerciales. Plus précisément, [l'auteur) autorise l'Université du Québec à Montréal à reproduire, diffuser, prêter, distribuer ou vendre dea copies de. [son] travail da rechercha à dea flna non commerciales sur quelque support qua ce soit, y compris l'Internat Cette licence at catte autorisation n'antrainent pas une renonciation da [la] part [de l'auteur} à [ses) droits moraux ni à [ses) droits de propriété intellectuelle. Sauf ententâ contraire, [l'auteur) conserva la liberté de diffuser et de commercialiser ou non ce travail dont [il] possède un exemplaire ..» REMERCIEMENTS Je voudrais tout d'abord remercier les personnes ressources rencontrées au Sénégal. Le partage de connaissances, de témoignages, d'espoirs et d'humanité a profondément contribué à donner un sens à la réalisation de ce mémoire.
    [Show full text]
  • Mesaʼs 51St Annual Meeting
    PRELIMINARY PROGRAM VER. 10-12-17 Jake McGuire Destination DC MESAʼs 51st Annual Meeting Washington DC November 18-21 We return to DC for MESA’s 51st annual meeting at the Washington Marriott Wardman Park Hotel where we have met every three years since 1999. The hotel is located in a lovely residential area near the National Zoo, but a nearby stop on the metro red line makes all parts of DC easily accessible. The program of 230+ sessions (see pages 12-51) spread over four days will offer a smorgasbord to whet the appetite of any Middle East studies aficionado. MESA’s affiliate groups meet mostly on Saturday, November 18 (see pages 10-11) and the first program session begins that day at 5:30pm. Panels run all day Sunday and Monday and end at 3pm on Tuesday. The book bazaar will be open Sunday and Monday from 9am to 6pm and on Tuesday from 8am to 12pm (see pages 8-9). MESAʼs ever-popular FilmFest (see the teaser on pages 6-7) begins screenings on Saturday morning and runs through Tuesday until around 2pm. The MESA Presidential Address & Awards will be held Sunday evening from 6pm to 7:30pm, and the MESA Members Meeting on Monday evening from 6pm to 8:00pm. As you will see, it’s business as usual, except of course for a new administration that is determined to ban nationals of six Muslim majority countries from traveling to the US, and MESA having joined a lawsuit against the ban that is making its way to the US Supreme Court in October.
    [Show full text]
  • Houses Built on Sand Ii
    i Houses built on sand ii Series editors: Simon Mabon, Edward Wastnidge and May Darwich After the Arab Uprisings and the ensuing fragmentation of regime– society relations across the Middle East, identities and geopolitics have become increasingly contested, with serious implications for the ordering of political life at domestic, regional and international levels, best seen in conflicts in Syria and Yemen. The Middle East is the most militarised region in the world, where geopolitical factors remain predominant in shaping political dynamics. Another common feature of the regional landscape is the continued degeneration of communal relations as societal actors retreat into substate identities, while difference becomes increasingly violent, spilling out beyond state borders. The power of religion – and trans- state nature of religious views and linkages – thus provides the means for regional actors (such as Saudi Arabia and Iran) to exert influence over a number of groups across the region and beyond. This series provides space for the engagement with these ideas and the broader political, legal and theological factors to create space for an intellectual reimagining of socio- political life in the Middle East. Originating from the SEPAD project (www.sepad.org.uk), this series facilitates the reimagining of political ideas, identities and organisation across the Middle East, moving beyond the exclusionary and binary forms of identity to reveal the contingent factors that shape and order life across the region. iii Houses built on sand Violence, sectarianism and revolution in the Middle East Simon Mabon Manchester University Press iv Copyright © Simon Mabon 2020 The right of Simon Mabon to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
    [Show full text]
  • Lettres De Byblos Letters from Byblos
    Lettres de Byblos Letters from Byblos No. 18 THEODOR HANF (ED.) Power Sharing: Concepts and Cases Centre International des Sciences de l’Homme/ International Centre for Human Sciences and Friedrich – Ebert - Stiftung Byblos 2008 Lettres de Byblos / Letters from Byblos A series of occasional papers published by UNESCO Centre International des Sciences de l’Homme International Centre for Human Sciences The opinions expressed in this monograph are those of the author and should not be construed as representing those of the International Centre for Human Sciences. All rights reserved. Printed in Lebanon. No part of this publication may be re- produced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechani- cal, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © International Centre for Human Sciences, 2008 Published in 2008 in Lebanon by the International Centre for Human Sciences, B.P. 225 Byblos (Jbeil), Liban. ISBN 978-9953-9023-1-9 Contents Foreword 5 THEODOR HANF A Review and Critique of Consociational Democracy 9 TAMIRACE FAKHOURY-MÜHLBACHER Quasi-consociationalism in German politics - Negotiated democracy and the legacy of the Westphalian Peace 17 GERHARD LEHMBRUCH From Sunningdale to St Andrews - Dealmakers and Dead-Lock Breakers in Northern Ireland’s Political Process 35 MICHAEL KERR Power Sharing Imposed - The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina 55 KARIM EL MUFTI The European Union - A consensus-based federation 67 DOMINIK HANF The Lebanese Formula Revisited 85 AUGUSTUS RICHARD NORTON FOREWORD THEODOR HANF The roots of the democratic separation of powers lie in mistrust of unrestricted authority of an individual and of the concentration of power in one office.
    [Show full text]
  • Springer2009.Pdf
    BOOK_PRINT_ISBN BOOK_TITLE BOOK_AUTHOR OPENURL 13 http://www.springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn Single-Channel Recording 978-0-306-44870-6 =978-1-4419-1286-2 http://www.springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn Cataract Surgery in the Glaucoma Patient Sandra M. Johnson 978-0-387-09407-6 =978-0-387-09407-6 James B. Elsner, Thomas H. http://www.springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn Hurricanes and Climate Change 978-0-387-09409-0 Jagger. =978-0-387-09409-0 Shmuel C. Shapira, Jeffrey S. http://springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn=978- Essentials of Terror Medicine 978-0-387-09411-3 Hammond, Leonard A. Cole. 0-387-09411-3 Linear and Integer Programming vs Linear http://springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn=978- Jean-Bernard Lasserre. 978-0-387-09413-7 Integration and Counting 0-387-09413-7 Ian S. Anderson, Alan J. Hurd, Neutron Applications in Earth, Energy and http://springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn=978- Robert L. McGreevy, Liyuan 978-0-387-09415-1 Environmental Sciences 0-387-09415-1 Liang, Romano Rinaldi, Helmut http://springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn=978- R for SAS and SPSS Users Bob München. 978-0-387-09417-5 0-387-09417-5 http://springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn=978- The Unreal Life of Oscar Zariski Carol Parikh. 978-0-387-09429-8 0-387-09429-8 http://www.springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn Classical Fourier Analysis Loukas Grafakos 978-0-387-09431-1 =978-0-387-09431-1 http://springerlink.com/openurl.asp?genre=book&isbn=978- Modern Fourier Analysis Loukas Grafakos.
    [Show full text]
  • Debating Lebanon's Power-Sharing Model
    DEBATING LEBANON'S POWER-SHARING MODEL: AN OPPORTUNITY OR AN IMPASSE FOR DEMOCRATIZATION STUDIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST? Author(s): Tamirace Fakhoury Source: The Arab Studies Journal, Vol. 22, No. 1, SPECIAL ISSUE: CULTURES OF RESISTANCE (Spring 2014), pp. 230-255 Published by: Arab Studies Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/24877905 Accessed: 27-05-2018 09:14 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Arab Studies Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Arab Studies Journal This content downloaded from 132.66.162.22 on Sun, 27 May 2018 09:14:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms DEBATING LEBANON'S POWER-SHARING MODEL: AN OPPORTUNITY OR AN IMPASSE FOR DEMOCRATIZATION STUDIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST? By Tamirace Fakhoury In spite of its small size, Lebanon is a divided state that is home to eighteen different ethno-religious groups.1 Its political system operates through a power-sharing arrangement organized along state-recognized sectarian lines. The arrangement purports to guarantee political representation and group autonomy in the realms of personal status, education, and cultural affairs to the major Christian and Muslim constituent communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon's Versatile Nationalism
    EUI Working Papers RSCAS 2008/13 MEDITERRANEAN PROGRAMME SERIES Lebanon’s Versatile Nationalism Tamirace Fakhoury Muehlbacher EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES MEDITERRANEAN PROGRAMME Lebanon’s Versatile Nationalism TAMIRACE FAKHOURY MUEHLBACHER EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2008/13 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). Requests should be addressed directly to the author(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. The author(s)/editor(s) should inform the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the EUI if the paper will be published elsewhere and also take responsibility for any consequential obligation(s). ISSN 1028-3625 © 2008 Tamirace Fakhoury Muehlbacher Printed in Italy in May 2008 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy http://www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ http://cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS), directed by Stefano Bartolini since September 2006, is home to a large post-doctoral programme. Created in 1992, it aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research and to promote work on the major issues facing the process of integration and European society. The Centre hosts major research programmes and projects, and a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration and the expanding membership of the European Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisian Migrant Journeys: Human Rights Concerns for Tunisians Arriving by Sea
    Laws 2013, 2, 187–209; doi:10.3390/laws2030187 OPEN ACCESS laws ISSN 2075-471X www.mdpi.com/journal/laws Article Tunisian Migrant Journeys: Human Rights Concerns for Tunisians Arriving by Sea Maegan Hendow International Centre for Migration Policy Development, Gonzagagasse 1, 1010 Vienna, Austria; E-Mail: [email protected] Received: 10 April 2013; in revised form: 26 May 2013 / Accepted: 13 June 2013 / Published: 6 August 2013 Abstract: In part due to its location on the North African coast, in conjunction with its history of being a former French protectorate, Tunisia has become an important country of emigration to the European Union. In particular, maritime arrivals have become a concern for European states, for both humanitarian and security reasons. The experiences of Tunisian irregular migrants arriving to the EU by sea, who are then detained and returned, highlights the multitude of human rights issues that arise across their journey as they interact with the various stakeholders involved—Tunisian and Libyan smugglers, EU and Tunisian authorities and NGOs, amongst others. The situation for these migrants at sea and during rescue and interception operations can most directly involve such issues as the right to life, access to food and water, access to emergency healthcare and access to information. The next stages of detention and return (either immediately or when later identified on EU territory) can most directly involve human rights issues related to the identification and referral mechanisms for groups at risk, access to information and legal remedy, the right of “non-refoulement” and prohibition of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment.
    [Show full text]
  • 31E Marché De La Poésie La Vitrine De L’Édition De Poésie Et De La Création
    31e Marché de la poésie la vitrine de l’édition de poésie et de la création 550 éditeurs & revues poésie & création littéraire L’Irlande pays invité 2013 du jeudi 6 au dimanche 9 juin place Saint-Sulpice Paris 6e & juin 2013 Paris / Île-de-France poésie création littéraire petite édition lectures spectacles danse musique chanson art contemporain nouvelles technologies LE MARCHÉ DE LA POÉSIE EST ORGANISÉ PAR L’ASSOCIATION C/I/R/C/É 12 RUE PIERRE ET MARIE CURIE 75005 PARIS LES ÉDITEURS ET LES REVUES DU MARCHÉ AVEC LE CONCOURS DE : AVERTISSEMENT tante (moins de 0,2% du chiffre d’affaires en librairie !). Le Marché de la poésie À travers les éditeurs et revues que nous fête ses trente ans et, défendons, c’est bien entendu le travail et la donc, sa trente-et- parole des poètes qui est portée, diffusée. unième édition. Ces convictions nous poussent donc à dépas- Créé en 1983 par Jean- ser les difficultés que nous rencontrons Michel Place, pour sa première édition à la désormais chaque année dans l’élaboration Bibliothèque nationale (site Richelieu), il y de cet événement incontournable et néces- recevait près de cent éditeurs et revues. saire à la vie poétique française, européenne Aujourd’hui, sur la place Saint-Sulpice, ils et internationale. sont plus de cinq cents! Durant toutes ces Face à la crise économique, à la crise d’iden- années, nous aurons vécu des moments tité sociale et culturelle, nous avons su offrir certes difficiles mais tout autant mémo- à la poésie, aux poètes et à leurs éditeurs, rables.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PRODUCTION and CONSEQUENCES of MIGRANT IRREGULARITY: SENEGALESE in FRANCE, ITALY, and SPAIN Erik Vickstrom a DISSERTATION PR
    THE PRODUCTION AND CONSEQUENCES OF MIGRANT IRREGULARITY: SENEGALESE IN FRANCE, ITALY, AND SPAIN Erik Vickstrom A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RECOMMENDED FOR ACCEPTANCE BY THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY Advisors: Alejandro Portes and Douglas S. Massey November 2013 © Copyright by Erik Russell Vickstrom, 2013. All rights reserved. Abstract Irregular migration has become a politically controversial issue in most immigrant-receiving countries. Academic research has shown that states and their immigration policies actively create the legal conditions for the existence and perpetuation of irregular migration. Much of this literature, however, focuses on the United States and thus cannot examine how variation in contexts of reception may produce different configurations of legal status. In addition, much research on immigration has neglected migration from sub- Saharan Africa despite this region’s demonstrated migration potential. This dissertation uses a novel quantitative data source, the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE) study, to examine the production of irregular legal status among Senegalese migrants in France, Italy, and Spain and the consequences of configurations of irregularity. A historical chapter outlines the evolution of immigration policies in each country that set the parameters for irregular legal status. The first empirical chapter studies the pathways into irregular status for Senegalese migrants. Pathways early in a migrant’s trip—no-visa entry and overstaying—are more sensitive to both contextual variables and access to forms of capital, indicating that both state control and migrant agency shape these pathways. In contrast, befallen irregularity is less related to contextual variation, perhaps because immigration policies and enforcement resources are not focused on migrant integration.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia and Iran: the Struggle to Shape the Middle East Executive Summary
    Saudi Arabia and Iran: The Struggle to Shape the Middle East Executive Summary This report examines the impact of the increasingly fractious rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran upon politics across the Middle East, focussing upon Bahrain, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen. It documents the devastating impact of the rivalry and the mechanisms in which Riyadh and Tehran have become involved in, what have become viewed as ‘proxy arenas’. Since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the two states have become embroiled in an increasingly vitriolic rivalry that is shaped by geopolitical aspirations but given existential importance by claims to Islamic legitimacy, with repercussions felt across Muslim communities worldwide. As the rivalry took on a sectarian dimension it began to play out in divided societies such as those covered in this report, where domestic politics took place within the context of broader geopolitical events. The presence of allies and proxies across the region, often along sect-based lines, provided Riyadh and Tehran with the means of shaping political life and countering the influence of their rival. Regimes across the region have used sectarian language as a means of maintaining power, entrenching divisions within society. Political, social and economic life quickly became viewed through the prism of sectarian difference, deepening divisions and creating opportunities for grassroots ‘sectarian entrepreneurs’ to capitalize on such conditions. Whilst there are links between sectarian groups and their kin in the Gulf, it is important to recognise that many of these groups exercise their own agency independent of Saudi Arabia or Iran. The report argues that whilst the rivalry between Riyadh and Tehran plays a prominent role in shaping regional politics, we must not ignore domestic forces that find traction within the fallout from the struggle between the two states.
    [Show full text]