Remarks on the Prosopography of the Byzantine Administration in Northeastern Asia Minor (7Th-11Th C.)
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the Evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews)
Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews) The social history of tenth and eleventh-century Armenia has attracted little in the way of sustained research or scholarly analysis. Quite why this should be so is impossible to answer with any degree of confidence, for as shall be demonstrated below, it is not for want of contemporary sources. It may perhaps be linked to the formative phase of modern Armenian historical scholarship, in the second half of the nineteenth century, and its dominant mode of romantic nationalism. The accounts of political capitulation by Armenian kings and princes and consequent annexation of their territories by a resurgent Byzantium sat very uncomfortably with the prevailing political aspirations of the time which were validated through an imagined Armenian past centred on an independent Armenian polity and a united Armenian Church under the leadership of the Catholicos. Finding members of the Armenian elite voluntarily giving up their ancestral domains in exchange for status and territories in Byzantium did not advance the campaign for Armenian self-determination. It is also possible that the descriptions of widespread devastation suffered across many districts and regions of central and western Armenia at the hands of Seljuk forces in the eleventh century became simply too raw, too close to the lived experience and collective trauma of Armenians in these same districts at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, to warrant -
Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early
Dokuz Eylül University – DEU The Research Center for the Archaeology of Western Anatolia – EKVAM Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea Congressus internationales Smyrnenses X Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey Edited by Ergün Laflı Izmir 2020 Last update: 04/05/2020. 1 Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. Papers presented at the international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity, May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey, Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea – Acta congressus communis omnium gentium Smyrnae. Copyright © 2020 Ergün Laflı (editor) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission from the editor. ISBN: 978-605-031-211-9. Page setting: Ergün Laflı (Izmir). Text corrections and revisions: Hugo Thoen (Deinze / Ghent). Papers, presented at the international video conference, entitled “Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity” in May 14–15, 2020 in Izmir, Turkey. 36 papers with 61 pages and numerous colourful figures. All papers and key words are in English. 21 x 29,7 cm; paperback; 40 gr. quality paper. Frontispiece. A Roman stele with two portraits in the Museum of Kırşehir; accession nos. A.5.1.95a-b (photograph by E. -
BYZANTINE CAMEOS and the AESTHETICS of the ICON By
BYZANTINE CAMEOS AND THE AESTHETICS OF THE ICON by James A. Magruder, III A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland March 2014 © 2014 James A. Magruder, III All rights reserved Abstract Byzantine icons have attracted artists and art historians to what they saw as the flat style of large painted panels. They tend to understand this flatness as a repudiation of the Classical priority to represent Nature and an affirmation of otherworldly spirituality. However, many extant sacred portraits from the Byzantine period were executed in relief in precious materials, such as gemstones, ivory or gold. Byzantine writers describe contemporary icons as lifelike, sometimes even coming to life with divine power. The question is what Byzantine Christians hoped to represent by crafting small icons in precious materials, specifically cameos. The dissertation catalogs and analyzes Byzantine cameos from the end of Iconoclasm (843) until the fall of Constantinople (1453). They have not received comprehensive treatment before, but since they represent saints in iconic poses, they provide a good corpus of icons comparable to icons in other media. Their durability and the difficulty of reworking them also makes them a particularly faithful record of Byzantine priorities regarding the icon as a genre. In addition, the dissertation surveys theological texts that comment on or illustrate stone to understand what role the materiality of Byzantine cameos played in choosing stone relief for icons. Finally, it examines Byzantine epigrams written about or for icons to define the terms that shaped icon production. -
“A Translation and Historical Commentary of Book One and Book Two of the Historia of Geōrgios Pachymerēs” 2004
“A Translation and Historical Commentary of Book One and Book Two of the Historia of Geōrgios Pachymerēs” Nathan John Cassidy, BA(Hons) (Canterbury) This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia. School of Humanities Classics and Ancient History 2004 ii iii Abstract A summary of what a historical commentary should aim to do is provided by Gomme and Walbank in the introductions to their famous and magisterial commentaries on Thoukydidēs and Polybios. From Gomme: A historical commentary on an historian must necessarily derive from two sources, a proper understanding of his own words, and what we can learn from other authorities . To see what gaps there are in his narrative [and to] examine the means of filling these gaps. (A. Gomme A Historical Commentary on Thucydides vol. 1 (London, 1959) 1) And from Walbank: I have tried to give full references to other relevant ancient authorities, and where the text raises problems, to define these, even if they could not always be solved. Primarily my concern has been with whatever might help elucidate what Polybius thought and said, and only secondarily with the language in which he said it, and the question whether others subsequently said something identical or similar. (F. Walbank A Historical Commentary on Polybius vol. 1 (London, 1957) vii) Both scholars go on to stress the need for the commentator to stick with the points raised by the text and to avoid the temptation to turn the commentary into a rival narrative. These are the principles which I have endeavoured to follow in my Historical Commentary on Books One and Two of Pachymerēs’ Historia. -
ROUTES and COMMUNICATIONS in LATE ROMAN and BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (Ca
ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY TÜLİN KAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. D. Burcu ERCİYAS Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Suna GÜVEN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ufuk SERİN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşe F. EROL (Hacı Bayram Veli Uni., Arkeoloji) Assist. Prof. Dr. Emine SÖKMEN (Hitit Uni., Arkeoloji) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Tülin Kaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) Kaya, Tülin Ph.D., Department of Settlement Archaeology Supervisor : Assoc. Prof. Dr. -
Byzantium's Balkan Frontier
This page intentionally left blank Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier is the first narrative history in English of the northern Balkans in the tenth to twelfth centuries. Where pre- vious histories have been concerned principally with the medieval history of distinct and autonomous Balkan nations, this study regards Byzantine political authority as a unifying factor in the various lands which formed the empire’s frontier in the north and west. It takes as its central concern Byzantine relations with all Slavic and non-Slavic peoples – including the Serbs, Croats, Bulgarians and Hungarians – in and beyond the Balkan Peninsula, and explores in detail imperial responses, first to the migrations of nomadic peoples, and subsequently to the expansion of Latin Christendom. It also examines the changing conception of the frontier in Byzantine thought and literature through the middle Byzantine period. is British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow, Keble College, Oxford BYZANTIUM’S BALKAN FRONTIER A Political Study of the Northern Balkans, – PAUL STEPHENSON British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow Keble College, Oxford The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org © Paul Stephenson 2004 First published in printed format 2000 ISBN 0-511-03402-4 eBook (Adobe Reader) ISBN 0-521-77017-3 hardback Contents List ofmaps and figurespagevi Prefacevii A note on citation and transliterationix List ofabbreviationsxi Introduction .Bulgaria and beyond:the Northern Balkans (c.–) .The Byzantine occupation ofBulgaria (–) .Northern nomads (–) .Southern Slavs (–) .The rise ofthe west,I:Normans and Crusaders (–) . -
The Migration of Syrian and Palestinian Populations in the 7Th Century: Movement of Individuals and Groups in the Mediterranean
Chapter 10 The Migration of Syrian and Palestinian Populations in the 7th Century: Movement of Individuals and Groups in the Mediterranean Panagiotis Theodoropoulos In 602, the Byzantine emperor Maurice was dethroned and executed in a mili- tary coup, leading to the takeover of Phokas. In response to that, the Sasanian Great King Khosrow ii (590–628), who had been helped by Maurice in 591 to regain his throne from the usurper Bahram, launched a war of retribution against Byzantium. In 604 taking advantage of the revolt of the patrikios Nars- es against Phokas, he captured the city of Dara. By 609, the Persians had com- pleted the conquest of Byzantine Mesopotamia with the capitulation of Edes- sa.1 A year earlier, in 608, the Exarch of Carthage Herakleios the Elder rose in revolt against Phokas. His nephew Niketas campaigned against Egypt while his son, also named Herakleios, led a fleet against Constantinople. Herakleios managed to enter the city and kill Phokas. He was crowned emperor on Octo- ber 5, 610.2 Ironically, three days later on October 8, 610, Antioch, the greatest city of the Orient, surrendered to the Persians who took full advantage of the Byzantine civil strife.3 A week later Apameia, another great city in North Syria, came to terms with the Persians. Emesa fell in 611. Despite two Byzantine counter at- tacks, one led by Niketas in 611 and another led by Herakleios himself in 613, the Persian advance seemed unstoppable. Damascus surrendered in 613 and a year later Caesarea and all other coastal towns of Palestine fell as well. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com10/04/2021 08:59:36AM Via Free Access
Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp. -
Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition, 867-1056 1St Edition Download Free
BYZANTINE LEGAL CULTURE AND THE ROMAN LEGAL TRADITION, 867-1056 1ST EDITION DOWNLOAD FREE Zachary Chitwood | 9781107182561 | | | | | Byzantine Empire See also: Byzantine Empire under the Heraclian dynasty. Retrieved February 23, Theophylact Patriarch of Constantinople With the exception of a few cities, and especially Constantinoplewhere other 867-1056 1st edition of urban economic activities were also developed, Byzantine society remained at its heart agricultural. Born in at ArabissusCappadocia. The Persian Empire is the name given to a series of dynasties centered in modern-day Iran that spanned several Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition the sixth century B. Amorian dynasty — [ edit ] See also: Byzantine Empire under the Amorian dynasty. After becoming the emperor's father-in-law, he successively assumed higher offices until he crowned himself senior emperor. Named his sons MichaelAndronikos and Konstantios as co-emperors. In: L. Only son of Andronikos III, he had not been crowned co-emperor or declared heir at his father's death, a fact which led to the outbreak of a destructive civil war between his regents and his father's closest aide, John VI Kantakouzenoswho was crowned co-emperor. Imitating the Campus in Rome, similar grounds were developed in several other urban centers and military settlements. The city also had several theatersgymnasiaand many tavernsbathsand brothels. The "In Trullo" or "Fifth-Sixth Council", known for its canons, was convened in the years of Justinian II — and occupied itself exclusively with matters of discipline. Live TV. Inthe barbarian Odoacer overthrew the last Roman emperor, Romulus Augustusand Rome had fallen. They never absolutized natural rights or Roman law or even the Roman people. -
Aspects of Iconography in Byzantine Cappadocia
RESEARCH ARTICLE European Journal of Theology and Philosophy www.ej-theology.org Aspects of Iconography in Byzantine Cappadocia E. Ene D-Vasilescu ABSTRACT The main novelty my article brings concerns a particular iconographic motif: that known as the ‘trial by the water of reproach’. In the few cases Published Online: August 17, 2021 where this is rendered, usually only Mary is presented as undergoing this ISSN: 2736-5514 test, but in Cappadocian art Joseph is also subjected to it. DOI :10.24018/theology.2021.1.4.35 Additionally, to this visual topic, another one that is rarely depicted will be introduced and commented upon: that known as ‘Christ’s first bath’. E. Ene D-Vasilescu* I will provide a particular example: the fresco which constitutes part of (e-mail: elena.ene-yahoo.co.uk) the decoration that embellishes the walls of Karabaş Kilise/ ‘The Big Church’ in Soğanlı Valley, southern Cappadocia. *Corresponding Author A few images – one of them never published before – have been included within this publication. Keywords: Byzantium, Byzantine frescoes, Cappadocia, Constantine VII Porphyrogenetus. Karabaş church in the Soğanlı Valley, Phocas family, the Old and New Tokalı churches in Göreme. Cappadocians occupied a region from Mount Taurus (Fig. 1) I. INTRODUCTION to the vicinity of the Pontus Euxine (the Black Sea) [1]. The current piece is concerned with two rare visual motifs Therefore, the province was bordered in the south by the that can be found among other images which decorate Taurus Mountains that separate it from Cilicia to the east by churches established in Cappadocia under Byzantine rule. -
Migrating in the Medieval East Roman World, Ca. 600–1204
Chapter 5 Migrating in the Medieval East Roman World, ca. 600–1204 Yannis Stouraitis The movement of groups in the Byzantine world can be distinguished between two basic types: first, movement from outside-in the empire; second, move- ment within the – at any time – current boundaries of the Constantinopolitan emperor’s political authority. This distinction is important insofar as the first type of movement – usually in form of invasion or penetration of foreign peo- ples in imperial lands – was mainly responsible for the extensive rearrange- ment of its geopolitical boundaries within which the second type took place. The disintegration of the empire’s western parts due to the migration of the Germanic peoples in the 5th century was the event that set in motion the con- figuration of the medieval image of the East Roman Empire by establishing the perception in the eastern parts of the Mediterranean that there could be only one Roman community in the world, that within the boundaries of authority of the Roman emperor of Constantinople.1 From that time on, the epicentre of the Roman world shifted toward the East. The geopolitical sphere of the imperial state of Constantinople included the broader areas that were roughly circumscribed by the Italian peninsula in the west, the regions of Mesopotamia and the Caucasus in the east, the North- African shores in the south, and the Danube in the north.2 The Slavic settle- ments in the Balkans and the conquest of the eastern provinces by the Muslims between the late-6th and the late-7th century were the two major develop- ments that caused a further contraction of east Roman political boundaries, thus creating a discrepancy between the latter and the boundaries of the Christian commonwealth that had been established in the east in the course of late antiquity.3 This new geopolitical status quo created new conditions regarding the movement of people and groups within the Empire. -
(PART I) Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS* This Paper1 Is the Outcome
2016 2 / 2 (1-17) 12 SHORT NOTES ON THE PROSOPOGRAPHY OF THE BYZANTINE THEME OF KOLONEIA (PART I) * Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS *Research Fellow, Centre for This paper1 is the outcome of a preliminary study re- Advanced Study, Sofia. lated to the TAKTIKON database developed at the [email protected] 2 Academy of Athens, Greece. The history and proso- pography of the Byzantine theme of Koloneia in the Pontos area have been so far discussed in a very few – yet important – works only, and this is not because of lack of interest, but because of the limited infor- mation provided by literary sources and the small number of seals discovered. The main objective is to publish two so far unknown lead seals issued by officials who served in the theme of Koloneia, as well as to provide the reader with up- dated prosopographical lists of the thematic offi- cials. Needless to say, the prosopographical lists pre- sented in this paper are incomplete, because there are more unpublished collections of seals – some of them hard to access – that have to be examined. In a future second part of this study we shall present the remaining offices, together with discussion on some -------------------------------------------------------- 1 I would like to thank Dr. Osman Emir for encouraging me to write for KAREN Studies and also for his warm hospitality in Trabzon in May 2016. Moreover, I am indebted to Dr. Harald Schulze (Archäologische Staatssammlung München) and Dr. Vassa Kontouma (IFEB), for granting me permission to publish the seals, and, of course, to Prof. Jean-Claude Cheynet, who shared information and provided me with photos of the IFEB and BnF specimens.