Outside, Inside: Afghanistan's Paradoxical Political Party System
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Revolution in Afghanistan
Fred Halliday Revolution in Afghanistan On 27 April 1978 the world heard that there had been a successful military coup in Afghanistan. The régime headed by Mohammad Daud, which had itself come to power through a coup in July 1973, had been suddenly overthrown by tanks and jet planes that struck in the Afghan capital, Kabul. At first it seemed as if this was yet another military intervention which, although violent and abrupt, involved no major shift in the policies, social character or international alignment of those in power: a change comparable to Daud’s own coup, or to others in neighbouring Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Arab world. Yet within days it became clear that the announcements of radical change coming over Radio Kabul were more than just the ritual demagogy of military coups: something rather more substantial had occurred. In the first place, the coup, although carried out by the military, reflected much wider political forces. It had been preceded by mass popular demonstrations in Kabul, and as thousands of people flocked to inspect Daud’s conquered palace, 3 now renamed the House of the People, it became evident that it had ousted a hated régime and at least temporarily embodied the hopes of a wide section of the population. At the same time it became clear that the coup was not just the product of a conspiracy within the military, but had been carried out on the instructions of an underground Marxist political organization whose membership was overwhelmingly civilian. This at once distinguished the new rulers from other radical military régimes in the Arab world, South Asia or Ethiopia. -
Progress in Afghanistan Bucharest Summit2-4 April 2008 Progress in Afghanistan
© MOD NL © MOD Canada © MOD Canada Progress in Afghanistan Progress in Bucharest Summit 2-4 April 2008 Bucharest Summit2-4 Progress in Afghanistan Contents page 1. Foreword by Assistant Secretary General for Public Diplomacy, ..........................1 Jean-François Bureau, and NATO Spokesman, James Appathurai 2. Executive summary .........................................................................................................................................2 3. Security ..................................................................................................................................................................... 4 • IED attacks and Counter-IED efforts 4 • Musa Qala 5 • Operations Medusa successes - Highlights Panjwayi and Zhari 6 • Afghan National Army 8 • Afghan National Police 10 • ISAF growth 10 4. Reconstruction and Development ............................................................................................... 12 • Snapshots of PRT activities 14 • Afghanistan’s aviation sector: taking off 16 • NATO-Japan Grant Assistance for Grassroots Projects 17 • ISAF Post-Operations Humanitarian Relief Fund 18 • Humanitarian Assistance - Winterisation 18 5. Governance ....................................................................................................................................................... 19 • Counter-Narcotics 20 © MOD Canada Foreword The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission is approaching five years of operations in Afghanistan. This report is a -
People of Ghazni
Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs/ Province: Zabul April 13, 2009 Governor: Mohammad Ashraf Nasseri Provincial Police Chief: Colonel Mohammed Yaqoub Population Estimate: Urban: 9,200 Rural: 239,9001 249,100 Area in Square Kilometers: 17,343 Capital: Qalat (formerly known as Qalat-i Ghilzai) Names of Districts: Arghandab, Baghar, Day Chopan, Jaldak, Kaker, Mizan, Now Bahar, Qalat, Shah Joy, Shamulza’i, Shinkay Composition of Population: Ethnic Groups: Religions: Tribal Groups: Tokhi & Hotaki Majority Pashtun Predominately Sunni Ghilzais, Noorzai &Panjpai Islam Durranis Occupation of Population Major: Agriculture (including opium), labor, Minor: Trade, manufacturing, animal husbandry smuggling Crops/Farming/ Poppy, wheat, maize, barley, almonds, Sheep, goat, cow, camel, donkey Livestock:2 grapes, apricots, potato, watermelon, cumin Language: Overwhelmingly Pashtu, although some Dari can be found, mostly as a second language Literacy Rate Total: 1% (1% male, a few younger females)3 Number of Educational Primary & Secondary: 168 (98% all Colleges/Universities: None, although Institutions: 80 male) 35272 student (99% male), some training centers do exist for 866 teachers (97% male) vocational skills Number of Security Incidents, January: 3 May: 6 September: 7 2007:774 February: 4 June: 8 October: 7 March: 3 July: 8 November: 10 April: 11 August: 5 December: 5 Poppy (Opium) Cultivation: 2006: 3,210ha 2007: 1,611ha NGOs Active in Province: Ibn Sina, Vara, ADA, Red Crescent, CADG Total PRT Projects: 40 Other Aid Projects: 573 Planned Cost: $8,283,665 Planned Cost: $19,983,250 Total Spent: $2,997,860 Total Spent: $1,880,920 Transportation: 1 Airstrip in Primary Roads: The ring road from Ghazni to Kandahar passes through Qalat and Qalat “PRT Air” – 2 flights Shah Joy. -
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S. -
Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: a Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-27-2014 Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives Murat Altuglu Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14071144 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Altuglu, Murat, "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1565. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida ELECTORAL RULES AND ELITE RECRUITMENT: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE BUNDESTAG AND THE U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Murat Altuglu 2014 To: Interim Dean Michael R. Heithaus College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Murat Altuglu, and entitled Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual -
Alizai Durrani Pashtun
Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs Khugiani Clan Durrani Pashtun Pashtun Duranni Panjpai / Panjpal / Panjpao Khugiani (Click Blue box to continue to next segment.) Reference: Courage Services Inc., Tribal Hierarchy & Dictionary of Afghanistan: A Reference Aid for Analysts, (February 2007). Adamec, Ludwig, Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Vol. 6, 1985. Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs Khugiani Clan Durrani Pashtuns Khugiani Gulbaz Khyrbun / Karbun Khabast Sherzad Kharbun / Khairbun Wazir / Vaziri / Laili (Click Blue box to continue to next segment.) Kharai Najibi Reference: Courage Services Inc., Tribal Hierarchy & Dictionary of Afghanistan: A Reference Aid for Analysts, (February 2007). Adamec, Ludwig, Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Vol. 6, 1985. Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs Khyrbun / Karbun Khugiani Clan Khyrbun / Karbun Karai/ Garai/ Karani Najibi Ghundi Mukar Ali Mando Hamza Paria Api Masto Jaji / Jagi Tori Daulat Khidar Motik Reference: Courage Services Inc., Tribal Hierarchy & Dictionary of Afghanistan: A Reference Aid for Analysts, (February 2007). Adamec, Ludwig, Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Vol. 6, 1985. Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs Sherzad Khugiani Clan Sherzad Dopai Marki Khodi Panjpai Lughmani Shadi Mama Reference: Courage Services Inc., Tribal Hierarchy & Dictionary of Afghanistan: A Reference Aid for Analysts, (February 2007). Adamec, Ludwig, Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Vol. 6, 1985. Program for Culture & Conflict Studies www.nps.edu/programs/ccs Wazir / Vaziri / Laili Khugiani Clan Wazir / Vaziri / Laili Motik / Motki Sarki / Sirki Ahmad / Ahmad Khel Pira Khel Agam / Agam Khel Nani / Nani Khel Kanga Piro Barak Rani / Rani Khel Khojak Taraki Bibo Khozeh Khel Reference: Courage Services Inc., Tribal Hierarchy & Dictionary of Afghanistan: A Reference Aid for Analysts, (February 2007). -
“It Is Not Charity, It Is a Chair of Power” - Moving Beyond Symbolic Representation in Afghanistan’S Transition Politics?
“It is not Charity, it is a Chair of Power” - Moving Beyond Symbolic Representation in Afghanistan’s Transition Politics? Andrea Fleschenberg Research Study Publication Series “Reviewing Gender Quotas in Afghanistan and Pakistan” 2016 “It is not Charity, it is a Chair of Power”1- Moving Beyond Symbolic Representation in Afghanistan’s Transition Politics? Research Study Publication Series “Reviewing Gender Quotas in Afghanistan and Pakistan” 2016 Andrea Fleschenberg 1 “It is not charity, it is a chair of power and when you are there, you have to get tough with all the vulnerability you face” (interview with MP Farkhunda Zahra Naderi, Kabul, April 2015). The Heinrich Böll Stiftung is a German foundation and part of the Green political movement that has developed worldwide as a response to the traditional politics of socialism, liberalism, and conservatism. Our main tenets are ecology and sustainability, democracy and human rights, self-determination and justice. We place particular emphasis on gender democracy, meaning social emancipation and equal rights for women and men. We are also committed to equal rights for cultural and ethnic minorities. Finally, we promote non-violence and proactive peace policies. To achieve our goals, we seek strategic partnerships with others who share our values. Our namesake, Heinrich Böll, personifies the values we stand for: protection of freedom, civic courage, tolerance, open debate, and the valuation of art and culture as independent spheres of thought and action. For further information on our country programs in Afghanistan and Pakistan please visit our websites: www.af.boell.org www.pk.boell.org Disclaimer: This comparative action research project and its publication series were prepared with the support of the Heinrich Böll Stiftung, Afghanistan office. -
DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD by Brian Glyn Williams
VOLUME VI, ISSUE 8 APRIL 17, 2008 IN THIS ISSUE: DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD By Brian Glyn Williams....................................................................................1 SINO-PAKISTANI DEFENSE RELATIONS AND THE WAR ON TERRORISM By Tariq Mahmud Ashraf................................................................................4 CAPABILITIES AND RESTRAINTS IN TURKEY’S COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICY By Gareth Jenkins...........................................................................................7 AL-QAEDA’S PALESTINIAN INROADS Abdul Rashid Dostum By Fadhil Ali....................................................................................................10 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. Dostum: Afghanistan’s Embattled Warlord The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- By Brian Glyn Williams makers and other specialists yet be accessible to the general While the resurgence of the Taliban is the focus of interest in the Pashtun south public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the of Afghanistan, the year started with a different story in the north that many are authors and do not necessarily depicting as one of the greatest challenges to the Karzai government. Namely the reflect those of The Jamestown surreal confrontation between General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the larger-than- Foundation. life Uzbek jang salar (warlord)—who was once described as “one of the best equipped and armed warlords ever”—and one of his former aides [1]. In a move that many critics of the situation in Afghanistan saw as epitomizing Unauthorized reproduction or the Karzai government’s cravenness in dealing with brutal warlords, the Afghan redistribution of this or any government backed away from arresting Dostum after he beat up and kidnapped Jamestown publication is strictly a former election manager and spokesman in Kabul on February 3 (IHT, February prohibited by law. -
Hekmatyar Taken Off UN Sanctions List: Paving the Way for His Return – and Hezb-E Islami’S Reunification?
Hekmatyar taken off UN sanctions list: Paving the way for his return – and Hezb-e Islami’s reunification? Author : Thomas Ruttig Published: 11 February 2017 Downloaded: 4 September 2018 Download URL: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/hekmatyar-taken-off-un-sanctions-list-paving-the-way-for-his-return-and-hezb-e- islamis-reunification/?format=pdf The United Nations has lifted the sanctions against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the leader of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan. This was the next step in the implementation of the peace agreement signed by the Afghan government and Hezb in September 2016. It paves the way for the return of the former mujahedin leader, one of the most contentious figures in recent Afghan history – a hero of the jihad according to supporters, a war criminal according to detractors. AAN’s co-director Thomas Ruttig follows up on earlier AAN analysis of the peace agreement, looks at what happens next and possible implications for Hekmatyar’s party (with input from Kate Clark, Fazal Muzhary and Ehsan Qaane). Over four months after the peace deal between the Afghan government and Hezb-e Islami was signed by President Ashraf Ghani and Hezb leader (amir) Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (who was not personally present but brought in via video link), the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has taken Hekmatyar off its sanctions list. A press release about this measure was published on 3 February 2017 (see the full text in the annex to this dispatch). Without it, the government would have been obliged to detain Hekmatyar if he came to Kabul openly. In the September 2016 agreement with Hezb-e Islami Afghanistan (HIA, Islamic Party of Afghanistan), the Afghan government had committed to take measures that would remove “all sanctions” against the leadership and members of Hezb as a prerequisite for its implementation. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Visual Propaganda in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan – Part 2
The Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture. New Series 5 (1/2017): 67–87 [article] DOI: 10.4467/24506249PJ.17.004.6811 Visual Propaganda in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan – Part 2. Leading Role of the Party Mateusz M. Kłagisz Abstract In this article, a single poster of the Peopleʼs Democratic Party of Afgh- anistan is discussed. The starting point for the project is the statement that persuasion is more effective than compulsion and the fact that the Afghan communists did not find any formula to start an effective dia- logue with their society. The primary question for the article is: what kind of communication, and what sort of themes and motifs played a significant role in conveying revolutionary ideology aimed at a society where a majority, with political potential, could not read or write? Keywords: Party, masses, leading role, unity, cooperation Dr. Mateusz M. Kłagisz is an assistant professor at the Depart- ment of Iranian Studies at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. His main area of research on Afghanistan includes the question of modern- isation and regression in twentieth-century Afghanistan, especially in the communist period (1978–1992). e-mail: [email protected] Kłagisz, Visual Propaganda… 68 Our party is our school / And our laughter / We are its guard / We follow its path / (…) / We are scouts / And we are equal / If you fight with the enemy / You are the scoutsʼ friend1 The article, as a continuation of a text published in20152, is part of a re- search project on the propaganda employed by the would-be Leninist gov- ernment represented by the Peopleʼs Democratic Party of Afghanistan (here- after: PDPA)3. -
Afghan Presidential Election: Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers
Afghan Presidential Election: Open Source Center As of March Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers15, 2009 Presidential Election Scheduled for 20 August Article 61 of Afghanistan's Constitution1 states that the presidential election should be held "thirty to sixty days prior to the expiration of the current president's term," which ends on 22 May. However, Afghanistan's Independent Powerbrokers Election Commission on 4 March announced that it would push back the date of the election to 20 August in order A number of prominent Afghan figures appear to be powerbrokers in Afghanistan's political scene. to address funding, security, and weather challenges to organizing a nationwide free and fair election (iec.org.af). Many of these men acquired their influence as Jihadi leaders with authority and arms, which they Afghan media have highlighted potential candidates and powerbrokers who may be influential in the election. parlayed into backing from religious, ethnic, regional, or party coalitions that continue to support them. They could prove influential in this year's elections by supporting and mobilizing their political, religious, tribal, regional, and ethnolinguistic constituencies to support preferred Potential Candidates for 2009 candidates. Abdullah Abdullah, Afghanistan's minister of foreign affairs from 2001 to 2006, is running as the candidate for the National Front. In a 2 February interview with Jawedan.com, he supported the presence of international forces to improve the security situation in the country. Regarding the Taliban, he said that the door for negotiation should be "kept open to anyone willing to lay down their arms and join the peace process, except for Mullah Omar and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar," whom he claimed were "pushing Afghanistan to war and destruction." Once a special adviser and chief Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal is the current chairman of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan, formed in 2008 by .