Catalonian Journal of Ethnology. Número 44. December 2019

December 2019 - Second period Popular and Traditional Culture NO. 44

ethnologyCATALONIAN JOURNAL OF ETHNOLOGY

DOSSIER Cultural heritage in tourist contexts

World Heritage Dry stone in Catalonia after UNESCO recognition

Creating authenticity Menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona CATALONIAN JOURNAL OF ETHNOLOGY Issue No. 44. December 2019

Published by The Catalonian Journal of Ethnology is an open-access periodical that Generalitat of Catalonia. Ministry of Culture disseminates the initiatives, achievements, theories and experiences of Directorate General of Popular Culture and Cultural Associations researchers and groups of scholars in the field of ethnology and anthropology. (DGCPAC). The first issue of the journal appeared in 1992 and it has been published without interruption ever since. The journal’s second period of publication, Director General of Popular Culture and Cultural Associations in which this issue is included, began in 2012. M. Àngels Blasco i Rovira Director The journal offers open, free and immediate access to all articles through RACO Xavier Roigé Ventura (University of Barcelona) (https://www.raco.cat/index.php/RevistaEtnologia). Use of its contents is subject to a Creative Commons -Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives Assistant Director (by-nc-nd) licence. Reproduction, distribution and public communication are Camila del Mármol Cartañá (University of Barcelona) allowed provided this is not intended for profit and the content of the journal is not Dossier coordinator altered. To see a copy of the licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Saida Palou Rubio (Catalan Institute for Cultural Heritage Research; by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.ca. University of Girona) The magazine uses Open Journal Systems 2.3.7.0, open source software for managing and publishing journals. Editorial Board Xavier Busquets Masuet (DGCPAC), Roger Costa Solé (DGCPAC), Nineteen articles were received for publication in this issue of the journal in Rafel Folch Monclús (DGCPAC) and Joanna Guijarro Gisbert (DGCPAC) the Ethnological Research and Miscellaneous sections, seventeen of which were accepted after passing a double-blind review by two expert reviewers, Editorial coordinators meaning that two articles were discarded in the review process. Cristina Farran Morenilla (DGCPAC) and Verònica Guarch Llop (DGCPAC) The views expressed in the papers published herein are those of their Editorial Committee authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the journal or the Min- Jordi Abella Pons (Ecomuseu de les Valls d’Àneu), Oriol Beltran Costa istry of Culture. (University of Barcelona), Eliseu Carbonell Camós (University of Girona), Dolors Comas d’Argemir i Cendra (Rovira i Virgili University), Raquel Fer- Legal Deposit: B-46.605-2010 rero Gandia (Valencian Museum of Ethnology), Jaume Guiscafrè Danús Electronic ISSN: 2014-6310 (University of the Balearic Islands), Saida Palou Rubio (Catalan Institute Printed ISSN: 1132-6581 for Cultural Heritage Research; University of Girona), Isidre Pinyol Cerro (Centre d’Estudis de les Garrigues), Carles Salazar Carrasco (University of Lleida), Montserrat Solà Rivera (Serra del Montsant Natural Park), Montse Ventura Oller (Autonomous University of Barcelona) Scientific Advisory Committee Sabrina Doyon, Université Laval (Canada); Nina Kammerer, Brandeis Uni- versity (USA); Gloria Artís, National Museum of World Cultures (Mexico); Ismael Vaccaro, McGill University (Canada); Marc Jacobs, FARO - Vlaams Steunpunt voor Cultureel Erfgoed, Vrije Universiteit Brussel (Belgium); Ahmed Skounti, Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine (Morocco); Edmon Castell Ginovert, National University of Colombia (Colombia); Iñaki Arrieta Urtizberea, University of the Basque Country; Juan Agudo, University of Seville; Jaume Franquesa, University at Buffalo (USA); Mónica Beatriz Lacarrieu, University of Buenos Aires (Argentina); Eduardo Restrepo, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana (Bogotà, Colombia). Correction Incyta Multilanguage, SL Translation Linguaserve Internacionalización de Servicios, SA Editing and graphic design Autonomous Entity of the Official Gazette and Publications of the Government of Catalonia. Photograph on the front cover: Tables awaiting the arrival of masses of tourists in St Mark’s Square, Venice. Saida Palou. Contact Directorate General of Popular Culture and Cultural Associations Plaça de Salvador Seguí, 1-9 08001 Barcelona Tel. 933 162 720 [email protected] http://cultura.gencat.cat/rec Publication Annual 3

Maria Àngels Blasco i Rovira Directorate General of Popular Culture and Cultural Associations

t gives me great pleasure to offer you Garabandal (Cantabria), and the article by Roger Costa, a these words by way of introduction to member of our general management staff, which analyses this new issue, number 44, of the Cata- the heritage drive brought about by the inclusion of the lonian Journal of Ethnology, in which you dry-stone technique in the Representative List of the will find a central dossier that addresses Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, established from different points of view, and with by the 2003 UNESCO convention, in 2018. various cultural and territorial examples, one of the key issues today facing not only The “Ethnological Research” section includes two articles Catalan society but also the global society of great interest. The first provides a detailed introduction we are part of: tourism and its relationship with cultural to one of Catalonia’s outstanding cultural manifestations: heritage. In the early part of the 21st century, tourism has the jota dance in the Terres de l’Ebre region. It should become one of the most powerful cultural and economic be remembered that 2019 saw the first congress on the Iindustries in the world. There is no longer anywhere on jota in Catalan-speaking lands. It was held in the town the planet that is not subject, to a greater or lesser extent, of Falset and organised by the Directorate General of to its impact. This impact has often meant a boost to Popular Culture and Cultural Associations, the Ramon the social, economic and cultural dynamism of many Muntaner Institute and Falset Town Council. The sec- places and local cultures but, in other cases, as we know, ond article addresses a topic to do with the cultural and excessive tourism can undermine and impoverish culture religious diversity of our society: the tradition of Palo and its collective heritage. And the reality is that cultural Monte, a religion of Afro-Caribbean tradition, and its heritage is now totally immersed in these dynamics. You presence in Catalonia today. will be able to explore all these issues in the articles that make up the dossier from the broad range of perspectives The “Chronicle” section includes various articles and and realities analysed, both in Catalonia and the Balearic reports, such as the ones on the Galera (Montsià) jug Islands, with some specific examples from Andalusia and and bringing the dragon back to Banyoles; a chronicle Galicia, as well as the cases of Matera (Italy), Easter Island on the exhibition Building the territory. Traditional archi- (Chile) and the Zafimaniry community (Madagascar). I tecture and landscape in Catalonia, and a report on the encourage you to take the plunge and read them, so you Ethnological and Intangible Heritage Observatory’s visit have a better grasp of the role cultural heritage currently to the Netherlands in March 2019, to learn more about plays in its relationship with tourism and you can draw various Dutch heritage initiatives and facilities. Finally, the some conclusions and some ideas for improving heritage journal concludes with several book reviews and the one quality in contexts where there is strong tourist pressure. I would like to highlight is on Entre el celler i la taverna. Un recorregut per les bodegues de barri de Barcelona, No. The “Miscellaneous” section contains articles on a range of 29 in the collection “Temes d’Etnologia de Catalunya”, subjects: bullfighting festivals and their sometimes uneasy published by the Catalan Ministry of Culture. relationship with cultural heritage; an ethnographic take on the apparitions of the Virgin Mary in San Sebastián de Happy reading. n 4 Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 Abstract No. 44 - DECEMBER 2019

66 Quan l’hotel dona pas a la 148 El model CICATUR aplicat mesquita: món paral·lel i als patrimonis culturals del PRESENTACIÓ turisme parahalal a Tunísia Camí Portuguès Interior de HABIB SAIDI Santiago de Compostel·la 3 Maria Àngels Blasco i Rovira Universitat de Laval XERARDO PEREIRO, Directora general de Cultura Popular PEDRO AZEVEDO 76 L’efecte UNESCO Universitat de Trás-os-Montes i Associacionisme Cultural Gestió turística o gestió e Alto Douro patrimonial dels Patis de Còrdova? FOCUS JAVIER HERNÁNDEZ-RAMÍREZ Universitat de Sevilla 162 L’ús de la memòria en DOSSIER les pràctiques turístiques VICTORIA QUINTERO contemporànies i MORÓN 10 Presentació. Universitat Pablo de Olavide els processos de El Patrimoni cultural patrimonialització en contextos turístics 94 Sobre el patrimoni: L’estudi de cas dels Sassi SAIDA PALOU RUBIO lloguer turístic i moviments de Matera Institut Català de Recerca socials a la ciutat de Mallorca VITA SANTORO en Patrimoni Cultural; MARC MORELL Universitat de la Basilicata (Itàlia) Universitat de Girona Universitat de les Illes Balears 170 Turisme i espais de memòria 16 Tal com era, tal com és 106 Patrimoni i turisme, una a la Catalunya transfronterera Estratègies de relació històrica entorn dels DAVID GONZÁLEZ VÁZQUEZ patrimonialització turística al paisatges urbans espanyols Observatori Europeu de Memòries poble abandonat de Peguera de la primera meitat del de la Fundació Solidaritat (Pirineu català) segle xx FERRAN PONS RAGA 178 Zafimaniry: la invenció CARMEN GIL DE ARRIBA d’una tribu Universitat McGill Departament de Geografia, Urbanisme i Ordenació del Territori Un recurs estratègic entre 32 “Ara, vosaltres sou els - Universitat de Cantàbria turisme i patrimoni turistes”: Turistes indígenes FABIOLA MANCINELLI i usos del patrimoni inca a 121 Usos turístics del patrimoni Universitat de Barcelona Cusco i història del turisme BEATRIZ PÉREZ GALÁN a Barcelona 184 Usos polítics i econòmics Universitat Nacional d’Educació SAIDA PALOU RUBIO del Parc Nacional Rapa a Distància Institut Català de Recerca Nui (illa de Pasqua, Xile): en Patrimoni Cultural; Patrimoni de la Humanitat 46 Els efectes dels dispositius Universitat de Girona ROBERTO CONCHA participatius en la gestió MATHIESEN patrimonial del medi rural 135 L’acolliment turístic Universitat Catòlica del Nord (Xile) asturià als santuaris: la importància JOAN ROURA-EXPÓSITO, de la custòdia 192 Festa i festival Una història sobre dos models DAVID GONZÁLEZ-ÁLVAREZ, SILVIA AULET Universitat de Girona de cultura a la ciutat de Girona PABLO ALONSO GONZÁLEZ Institut de Ciències del Patrimoni NINA (CORNELIA) KAMMERER Institut Català de Recerca en Patrimoni Cultural 5

290 El patrimoni de guerra i la guerra pel seu patrimoni MISCEL·LÀNIA CRÒNICA Resseguint l’obra d’Adela Geli Anticó: 200 “Que no ens toquin els MUSEUS Recórrer la Garriguella bous!” fortificada. Desxifrant els Le festes taurines búnquers: arquitectura i a les Terres de l’Ebre 268 El cànter de la Galera paisatge. (Montsià) i el patrimoni dels ofesos JAUME PUIGREDON MANUEL DELGADO RUÍZ, OLGA RALDA BOIXADERA Tècnica de Terracota, Secció d’Història i Arqueologia – ROMINA MARTÍNEZ Centre d’Interpretació Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos ALGUERÓ, de la Terrissa de la Galera SARAI MARTÍN LÓPEZ Universitat de Barcelona 273 La recuperació del drac de Banyoles 215 Entre la muntanya i el cel GUERAU PALMADA AUGUET Rere les aparicions marianes Historiador de l’Art de San Sebastián de Garabandal EXPOSICIONS CARLOTA FUENTEVILLA Universitat de Barcelona 277 Crònica de l’Exposició 229 La pedra seca a Catalunya Construint el territori després del reconeixement Arquitectura tradicional de la UNESCO i paisatge a Catalunya ROGER COSTA SOLÉ XAVIER BUSQUETS MASUET Departament de Cultura. Departament de Cultura Generalitat de Catalunya de la Generalitat de Catalunya 280 Visita de l’Observatori del Patrimoni Etnològic i Immaterial a equipaments patrimonials dels Països RECERQUES Baixos ROGER COSTA SOLÉ 238 El ball de la jota Departament de Cultura a les Terres de l’Ebre de la Generalitat de Catalunya A Josep Bargalló Badia RESSENYES BIBLIOGRÀFIQUES LLUÍS-XAVIER FLORES ABAT, MIQUEL-ÀNGEL FLORES ABAT, 284 Beure per no oblidar JOAN-LLUÍS MONJO Una mirada antropològica MASCARÓ a les bodegues de barri Associacions etnogràfiques de Barcelona Grup Alacant (Alacant) JOSÉ MUÑOZ ALBALADEJO i Espai de So (Tortosa) Incipit CSIC

258 Creant autenticitat: 286 Ressenya del llibre Gaspar la menstruació en un ritual Lloret, mestre d’aixa afrocubà de Barcelona i llibertari MARTA PONS RAGA HELENA COLOM Universitat de Barcelona MONTORIOL Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya 6 Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 Table of contents No. 44 - DECEMBER 2019

66 When the hotel gives way 148 The CICATUR model applied to the mosque: to the cultural heritage of FOREWORD parallel worlds and para-halal Santiago de Compostela’s tourism in Tunisia Interior Portuguese Route 3 Maria Àngels Blasco i Rovira HABIB SAIDI XERARDO PEREIRO Directorate General University Laval (Quebec) of Popular Culture PEDRO AZEVEDO Universidade de Trás-os-Montes and Cultural Associations 76 The UNESCO effect e Alto Douro Tourism management or heritage management of the FOCUS Patios de Córdoba? JAVIER HERNÁNDEZ 162 Making use of memories DOSSIER RAMÍREZ University of Seville in contemporary tourist practices and VICTORIA QUINTERO patrimonialization processes 10 Foreword MORÓN Cultural heritage in tourist Pablo de Olavide University A case study of the Sassi di contexts Matera SAIDA PALOU RUBIO 94 Heritage and tourism in VITA SANTORO Catalan Institute for Cultural the old twon of Palma University of Basilicata (Italy) Heritage Research / de Mallorca University of Girona 170 Tourism and memory MARC MORELL University of the Balearic Islands spaces in cross-border 16 As it was, as it is Catalonia Tourism heritage strategies 106 Heritage and tourism: DAVID GONZÁLEZ VÁZQUEZ. in the abandoned village of a historical relationship European Observatory of Memories Peguera (Catalan Pyrenees) focusing on Spanish urban ot the Solidarity Foundation FERRAN PONS RAGA landscapes from the early McGill University twentieth century 178 Zafimaniry: the invention of a tribe 32 “Now, you are the tourists” CARMEN GIL DE ARRIBA A strategic resource between University of Cantabria Indigenous tourists and tourism and heritage the use of Incan heritage 121 Uses of heritage for tourism FABIOLA MANCINELLI in Cusco and the history of tourism in University of Barcelona BEATRIZ PÉREZ GALÁN Barcelona National University of Distance 184 Political and economic uses Education SAIDA PALOU RUBIO of Rapa Nui National Park Catalan Institute for Cultural Heritage Research / (Easter Island, Chile), 46 The effects of participatory University of Girona a World Heritage Site mechanisms in heritage ROBERTO CONCHA management in rural 135 Tourism in sanctuaries: MATHIESEN Asturias the importance of custody Catholic University of the North (Chile) JOAN ROURA-EXPÓSITO SILVIA AULET DAVID GONZÁLEZ-ÁLVAREZ University of Girona 192 Festivity and Festival PABLO ALONSO GONZÁLEZ A Tale of Two Models of Institute of Heritage Sciences - CSIC Culture in the City of Girona NINA (CORNELIA) KAMMERER Catalan Institute for Cultural Heritatge Research 7

290 The heritage of war and the war for its heritage MISCELLANEOUS CHRONICLE Following the work of Adela Geli Anticó: 200 Don’t touch our bulls! MUSEUMS Recórrer la Garriguella Bullfighting festivals in the fortificada. Desxifrant els Terres de l’Ebre and the búnquers: arquitectura i heritage of the offended 268 Earthenware in La Galera paisatge (Montsià) MANUEL DELGADO RUÍZ JAUME PUIGREDON OLGA RALDA BOIXADERA ROMINA MARTÍNEZ Terracotta - Galera Clay Empordà Reseach Institute ALGUERÓ, Interpretation Centre SARAI MARTÍN LÓPEZ University of Barcelona 273 Bringing the dragon back to Banyoles 215 Between the mountain GUERAU PALMADA AUGUET and the sky Art Historian Behind the apparitions of the Virgin Mary in San Sebastián EXHIBITIONS de Garabandal CARLOTA FUENTEVILLA University of Barcelona 277 Chronicle of the Exhibition Building the Territory 229 Dry stone in Catalonia after Traditional architecture and recognition from UNESCO landscape in Catalonia ROGER COSTA SOLÉ XAVIER BUSQUETS MASSUET Government of Catalonia Government of Catalonia Ministry of Culture. Ministry of Culture 280 Ethnological and Intangible Heritage Observatory of Catalonia visit to heritage facilities in the Netherlands RESEARCH ROGER COSTA SOLÉ Government of Catalonia 238 Dancing the jota Ministry of Culture in Terres de l’Ebre To Josep Bargalló Badia BOOK REVIEWS LUIS-XAVIER FLORES ABAT MIQUEL-ÀNGEL FLORES 284 Drinking to not forget ABAT An anthropological look at the JOAN-LLUÍS MONJO local bodegas in Barcelona MASCARÓ JOSÉ MUÑOZ ALBALADEJO Alacant Ethnographic Association Institute of Heritatge Sciences - Group and Sound Espace (Tortosa) Incipit CSIC

258 Creating authenticity: 286 Book review: menstruation in an Gaspar Lloret, mestre d’aixa Afro-Cuban ritual in i llibertari Barcelona HELENA COLOM MARTA PONS RAGA MONTORIOL University of Barcelona Government of Catalonia Ministry of Culture

Dossier CULTURAL HERITAGE IN TOURIST CONTEXTS

10 76 162 Foreword The UNESCO effect Making use of memories SAIDA PALOU RUBIO JAVIER HERNÁNDEZ RAMÍREZ in contemporary VICTORIA QUINTERO MORÓN tourist practices and patrimonialization processes 16 VITA SANTORO As it was, as it is. 94 FERRAN PONS RAGA On heritage: holiday rentals and social movements in the 170 city of Mallorca Tourism and memory spaces MARC MORELL. in cross-border Catalonia. 32 “Now, you are the tourists.” DAVID GONZÁLEZ VÁZQUEZ. Indigenous tourists and the use of Incan heritage 106 in Cusco Heritage and tourism: 178 BEATRIZ PÉREZ GALÁN a historical relationship Zafimaniry: focusing on Spanish urban the invention of a tribe landscapes from the early FABIOLA MANCINELLI twentieth century. 46 The effects of participatory CARMEN GIL DE ARRIBA mechanisms in heritage 184 management Political and economic uses in rural Asturias. 121 ofRapa Nui National Park JOAN ROURA-EXPÓSITO Uses of heritage for tourism (Easter Island, Chile), DAVID GONZÁLEZ-ÁLVAREZ and the history of tourism a World Heritage Site PABLO ALONSO GONZÁLEZ in Barcelona. ROBERTO CONCHA MATHIESEN SAIDA PALOU RUBIO

66 192 When the hotel gives way to 135 Festivity and Festival the mosque: parallel worlds Tourism in sanctuaries: NINA (CORNELIA) KAMMERER and para-halal tourism the importance of custody in Tunisia. SILVIA AULET HABIB SAIDI

148 The CICATUR model applied to the cultural heritage of the CPIS (the Portuguese Camino de Santiago) XERARDO PEREIRO PEDRO AZEVEDO 10 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Foreword Saida Palou Rubio CATALAN INSTITUTE FOR CULTURAL HERITAGE RESEARCH; UNIVERSITY OF GIRONA CULTURAL HERITAGE IN TOURIST CONTEXTS

hese days, the culture Today, in a world where leisure behaviour and spaces of tourist travel is very assert a powerful influence and enjoy social prestige, the much linked to that of links between tourism and heritage, undeniably histor- heritage consumption. ical and basically political and economic, are expanding The roots of this link and often lead to situations of conflict, controversy and can be found in the early tension, especially when tourist consumption of heritage days of tourist travel at has a damaging and negative effect on the life of local the end of the 19th and people. At the root of most problems we find a notion beginning of the 20th and use of heritage as an artefact serving the interests of centuries, when the tourism and, therefore, subject to the laws of market tourist experience consisted in discovering historical supply and demand. The effects of these relationships remains, works of art, and cultural and natural landscapes. (sometimes markedly docile) are many and complex, so Tourism (which we should perhaps regard as one of the each case needs to be analysed in a specific way, avoiding Tsocially most important manifestations of modernity generalisations and inappropriate comparisons. in capitalist and industrialist societies) contributed to the appreciation, in economic terms, of the legacy and The function of heritage in contemporary global contexts cultural present of many peoples, as well as their natu- varies enormously and this dossier tries to reflect that. ral surroundings and resources. The capitalisation and The issues and cases analysed open up debates of great commercialisation of certain objects implied the idea interest that stem from tourist consumption of heritage that these resources contained intrinsic properties that in very diverse periods and places in Africa, America predisposed them to tourist consumption, which is why a and Europe, where the pros and cons, opportunities value hierarchy was established between those objects that and risks, benefits and losses, possibilities and problems could have a market interest and generate a return, and are in constant tension. All this shows the conflictive those that did not. In this sense, the phenomenon of tour- and eminently magmatic nature of heritage in tourist ism contributed to heritage “activation”, “promotion”, contexts (Prats, 2014). The articles in this special feature “categorisation” and “ classification” linked to power raise questions, among others, about how heritage fits in interests, and planted a series of dominant references with, and is used and managed in tourist contexts, which in our collective imagination which, in many western objects are chosen to be offered in the tourist markets, European destinations, have endured over the decades. what narratives are spread about the place and its people, Moreover, in the Catalan case, it should be added that it what is heritagised, who is involved in those processes, had a strong political dimension, as the tourist display of and what the repercussions are for heritage and the host some cultural and natural landscapes and objects served society. In short, the articles we present here contribute to express identity symbols and vindicate national aspi- a wealth of valuable analysis, reflection and knowledge rations. All in all, throughout the first third of the 20th that we hope can contribute to the work of agents and century, heritage was used as a factor in competitiveness scholars who specialise in tourism, heritage and related and territorial prestige within the context of an emerging fields, as well as arouse interest among a wider public tourist system. sensitive to these issues. Foreword Dossier 11

One of the central ideas that appears in all these articles Who does heritage speak of? Who does heritage speak (sharing a constructivist perspective) is the categorisa- to? We will return to these questions at the end. tion of heritage as an object constructed by many social interactions, one of which is tourist interaction. Far Heritage does not belong to society in the strict sense, from being conceived as a static, eternal and essential rather it is society that belongs to heritage. If we presuppose object, or one fatally affected by tourism, heritage is that heritage belongs to a certain society, we accept that presented to us as a malleable construct that is con- its individual members can appropriate it in whatever stantly being defined: the product of a specific political way they like, because it is theirs and they maintain a economy (Del Marmol, Frigolé, Narotzky, 2010), a relationship of authority. If, on the other hand, we assume socio-political construct (López López, 2016) created that it is society which belongs to heritage, it means we by those in power (Prats, 1997). The understanding is understand it is precisely society’s individual members that heritage “appears” to be the result of a process of who create it, who interact and intervene in it according incorporating value into certain elements of culture and to their needs (and commit to preserving it in order to nature which, therefore, have no inherent or universal continue bequeathing it). According to Prats (1998), value but rather a socially attributed one. From this perspective, expressions such as “activating” or “highlighting” heritage would presuppose the existence of a heritage value sui generis, of a latent heritage condition present in some objects or aspects of culture and nature predisposed to the emergence of heritage (Franquesa, 2010). A notion often associated with heritage activation is the idea of conservation as presented in authorised heritage discourses (AHD). Within this framework, notes Smith (2014), heritage is defined as material, non-renewable and fragile, and it prioritises aesthetically pleasing physical objects, sites, places and landscapes. Thus “heritage is something that is found, it has an innate value the authenticity of which speaks of a common and shared sense of human identity” (Smith, 2014: 14). In the AFP framework, therefore, heritage contains identity and is something that has to be preserved. Reading the articles in this dossier enables us to reflect on how and in what way the tourist system has endorsed and legitimised the categories of heritage activation and conservation and, consequently, how it ends up sustain- Old house of General Gaffory (1704-1753), who led the Corsican government. Façade ing the dominant authorised heritage with traces of the shots fired by the Genovese in 1750. One of the most central and discourses. Who speaks of heritage? visited places in Corte (Corsega). 2018. SAIDA PALOU. 12 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 heritage is, among other things, that which socially is complexities and aspects regarded as inconvenient can regarded as being worthy of conservation. Thus heritage harm the heritage object and, consequently, a people’s has to be preserved so it can be transferred, not fossilised. memory. On the other hand though, we also know of Smith (2014) tells us it is a political negotiation of iden- experiences where great care is taken in the processes of tity, place and memory, a reconstruction and negotiation heritage transmission and protection, and where it is of the values, memories and social and cultural meanings tourism itself that encourages heritage conservation and of a group It is neither own nor eternal, it is common and dissemination. In Catalonia’s case, for example, we have changing. the sacred elements of some sanctuaries and historical memory sites in the transborder region. In heritagisation The idea of change is key and critical. In tourist contexts processes involving vestiges of past conflicts, opening there is an evident tension between heritage conserva- these places up to visitors is vital for arousing memories, tion (in its acceptance of legacy that is transformed and because it is through interaction with present perspec- transferred) and modification (in an affect and harm tives that it is possible to have a dialogue with the past. sense). In fact, one of the most critical questions when In this regard, tourism can play an important role in it comes to exploring the relationship between tourism terms of knowledge, dissemination and a critique of the and heritage has to do with the transformation certain historical aspects of a society. But it all depends on how elements experience due to tourist exposure (or overtourism, heritage and memory (understood, obviously, exposure). The value of change acquired when found as heritage) is managed. in tourist contexts can displace or cancel out their use value and original function, which is intimately bound Heritagisation is not the result of a neutral process, as up with the life and ways of the local community. Thus it always obeys the interests of certain players. Conse- tourism can produce wear, loss or transformation in the quently, the tourist orientation of heritage is not arbi- utilitarian character of heritage, and consequently call trary or neutral either. It will always depend on political into question its identity. Obviously, the transformations and economic factors. One of the basic questions when will be more pronounced depending on the number of situating heritage in tourist contexts is to foresee what visitors, its uses and the management systems for pro- will be represented and related about a place, its people tecting the heritage, as well as the nature and fragility of and its history. Heritage can evoke and create versions of the heritage itself. The incompatibilities often produced history to suit the taste of visitors and tourist agents. In between tourist and local uses can have a negative impact tourist contexts, heritage can act as an image of the place. on its use value, that is, on the meaning it has for the It can be turned into a reference and even an emblem community. See the examples of Cordova’s patios, Palma of the destination and, by means of reductionist and de Mallorca, Madagascar and Matera, which illustrate metonymic processes, in the eyes of a tourist, embody the transformation in heritage uses and meanings due an identity or cultural character. The identity burden or to its overexposure and tourist orientation. overburden attributed to it becomes profitable in tourist terms, even though it is not representative of local society Some transformations can often be inconspicuous, dif- as a whole. In fact, excessive heritage touristisation nearly ficult to see. Often changes have wide-ranging implica- always shows this will not be culturally significant for tions for the local community. And often these impacts the people it represents. The fact that heritage serves to end up being justified bytourism-centric discourses. The broadcast (tourist) narratives of places is not in itself a interpretive element of heritage (that which explains and problem, as it can turn into an opportunity for conveying is explained about heritage) is one of the aspects most and explaining sociocultural aspects of a people. However, likely to be affected by tourism. Misrepresentation of if these narratives succumb to frivolities, superficialities what is being conveyed can significantly harm the her- and spectacles, or adulterated versions of the history and itage object, although it might not seem so or might be culture of the society represented, it will mean the role difficult to grasp. Marketing strategies often suppress of heritage is reduced to a mere instrumental function. the conflictive and subversive elements of heritage in In this regard, all the situations which end up reifying order to create tourist images and narratives that make its inhabitants (Lacarrieu, 2005) or fossilising certain it easier to attract visitors. In this sense, deleting certain cultural practices are particularly critical. See the case of Foreword Dossier 13

Tourists at Iguazu Falls. Iguazu National Park (Brazil). 2009. SAIDA PALOU.

Cuzco (Peru) for the fabrication of artificial identities ences, which requires the adaptation of their content and the role of the community. so it can be interpreted beyond that society’s borders. Thus, within the framework of a global (tourist) culture, In tourist contexts, the density of visitors, change of tourism makes all those aspects of a local community uses and misrepresentation of the meanings of herit- that it considers idiosyncratic intelligible. For heritage age alienate and distance local people from it. In fact, to enter international tourist circuits, it has to undergo one of the most critical effects of the overexposure of a certain decodification and recodification, a change of heritage through tourism is precisely the disaffection language, so it can be grasped by visitors from other, of local people and loss of the relationship with their very diverse cultural areas. In many tourist contexts, heritage. It never ceases to be a paradox that the increase what is local switches to an international language. See in interest and tourist value of some heritage objects the cases of Barcelona and other Spanish cities in this is often to the detriment of local values and interest, dossier in relation to the globalisation of local references or that tourist sacralisation of some elements results in and tourist iconisation of historical heritage. their trivialisation (distorting their appearance, memory and function). Likewise, the change of scale experienced There are sociocultural contexts where the penetration by some heritage objects (when they cease to be local of tourism may be conditioned by political questions references and become global ones as well) is becoming and even terrorism. See the worrying study on Tunisia one of the most pressing problems in the tourism-her- presented in this dossier. Tourism can move from con- itage relationship. Due to the effect of tourism, certain flict to festivals: see the example of Girona and the role aspects of a society can become iconic, global refer- of folk traditions. 14 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

The dossier also explores other questions, for example, the heritage to a non-expert public, thus fostering its social- sociocultural, economic and territorial conflicts that arise isation and popularisation. All of that is positive because, when rural economies and landscapes are introduced (or thanks to tourism, heritage becomes more accessible and the intention is to introduce them) into tourist dynamics. offers visitors the opportunity to learn, to get to know The role of local players and the transformation of the and to understand various aspects of a society. However, environment in the cases of Asturias and Peguera, in the we have to be critical of those who justify actions and Catalan Pre-Pyrenees (foothills) are particularly relevant types of tourist heritage consumption that do not benefit in this regard. And if we are talking about tourist heritage the heritage itself or the local community, or which do promotion and management, the Portuguese Way of St not transmit knowledge and values to their visitors but, James and Easter Island (Chile) provide very illustrative instead, are clearly dictated by commercial and economic examples. motives.

The articles included in the dossier explore the relation- Today, many heritagisation processes are largely moti- ship between tourism and heritage and focus particularly vated and justified by the tourist industry which, on the on the sociocultural aspects of tourist contexts, adopting one hand, associates tourist promotion of heritage with a critical view and a constructivist perspective. Taken its conservation and, on the other hand, legitimises its together, they basically warn of the effects and contra- change of use and value, even to the detriment of the dictions involved in orienting, exposing or overexposing uses and meanings it has for the local community. And heritage to tourism, but they also point out the opportu- not only that: tourism can even legitimise itself thanks nities and benefits that tourism can have for heritage, the to the supply of heritage, When this all happens, we local community and visitors. Finally, whether tourism is can understand how tourism ends up acting as a kind seen as a possibility or a problem, we need to be wary of of instrument and authorised discourse on heritage. discourses that legitimise linking heritage with tourism. According to this logic, heritage activates, justifies and explains heritage and, in extreme cases, places with her- To what extent can we consider that tourism sustains, itage become heritage sites of tourism. And that is one of uses and reproduces authorised heritage discourses? Smith the most important challenges that needs to be raised: (2014: 14) tells us that experts who participate in AHD that heritage in tourist contexts never ceases to be the assume the duty of not only safeguarding heritage but also heritage of its community. n “providing stewardship for the way heritage is communicated to and understood by non-expert communities”. In this sense, it seems obvious that tourism acts and is justified as a mechanism which helps to disseminate

REFERENCES

Franquesa, J. (2010). “Una Lacarrieu, M. (2005). “Els fluxos Prats, Ll. (2014). “El caràcter Smith, L. (2014). “Intangible herit- aproximación al patrimonio des- turístics i el patrimoni immaterial”. magmàtic del patrimoni etnològic”. age: a challenge to the authorised de la antropología económica: la Nexus ‘Noves polítiques per al Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya, heritage discourse?”. Catalonian patrimonialización como guard- turisme cultural: reptes, ruptures, 39, 152-159. Journal of Ethnology, 39, 12-21. ar”. In Del Marmol, C.; Frigolé, J.; respostes’, 35, 160-177. Narotzky, S. (coords.), Los lindes Prats, Ll. (1998). “El concepto del patrimonio: consumo y valores López López, J. (2016). “El pat- de patrimonio cultural”. Política y del pasado, 39-58. Barcelona: rimonio como constructo político Sociedad, 27, 63-76. Icaria Editorial. y su potencial reflexivo”. Perspec- tivas, Revista del PH Instituto An- Prats, Ll. (1997). Antropología y Del Marmot, C. ; Frigolé, J.; daluz de Patrimonio Histórico, 90, patrimonio. Barcelona: Ariel. Narotzky, S. (coords.) (2010). 218-219. Los lindes del patrimonio: consumo y valores del pasado. Barce- lona: Icaria Editorial.

16 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Ferran Pons Raga MCGILL UNIVERSITY Bachelor’s degree (2012) and Master's degree (2014) in Anthropology from the University of Barcelona. Degree in Biology from Pompeu Fabra University (2004). Studying for a PhD in Anthropology from McGill University since 2015. He has published a book, Mines, boscos i hotels. Peguera: usos i representacions d’un poble abandonat (2015); a research project, Cartells, runes i fites. Coneixements oblidats i marques invisibilitzades en els paisatges d’alta muntanya al peu del Port de la Bonaigua (Val d’Aran i Pallars Sobirà) (in print), and the chapter, “Esquí, conservación y ganadería. Mundos (in)compatibles en Baqueira Beret, Alto Pirineo catalán” in the book, Repensar la conservación. Naturaleza, mercado y sociedad civil (2018) (in print). He has been awarded the J. F. Mira Prize (2015), a grant from the Ramon Muntaner Institute for Research Projects (2018) and a scholarship from the Observatory of Ethnological and Intangible Heritage for activities that promote the research, conservation and dissemination of Catalan ethnological heritage (2018). As it was, as it is Tourism heritage strategies in the abandoned village of Peguera (Catalan Pyrenees)

bandonment and rub- aims to break down and understand this Paraules clau: abandonament, ble become essential heritage rationale through the theoretical runes, patrimonialització, analytical components and analytical prism of abandonment and valor, Pirineu català. in understanding how rubble in order to trace potential channels Palabras clave: abandono, runas, patrimonialización, tourism heritage pro- that make it possible to oppose certain tour- valor, Pirineo catalán. cesses seek, and some- ism projects beyond heritage discourses. Keywords: abandonment, times manage, to give new market value rubble, heritagisation, value, Catalan Pyrenees. Ato uninhabited locations in high mountain Case study, ethnographic regions. The approval of a tourist project in techniques and method: 2012 in the abandoned village of Peguera towards an ethnography generated conflicting positions concern- of abandonment and rubble ing the future of this enclave. Although the Peguera is a small village located in the Alt project did not go ahead due to a lack of Berguedà region, in the pre-Pyrenees area of funding, its rationale, as well as the rationale central Catalonia. From an administrative of the opposition platform, Salvem Peguera, point of view, its territory belongs to the form part of heritage language. This article municipality of Fígols, and it is located at an

El 2012 el poble abandonat de Peguera En 2012 el pueblo abandonado de In 2012, a tourist heritagisation project va ser objecte d’un intent de patrimoni- Peguera fue objeto de un intento de pa- for the abandoned hamlet of Peguera alització turística que plantejava restau- trimonialización turística que planteaba was approved. This urban plan aimed rar les seves cases en runes “tal com restaurar sus casas en runas “tal como at restoring the ruined houses “as they eren” i preservar els entorns naturals eran” y preservar los entornos naturales were” and preserving the natural environs “tal com són”. Aquest article analitza les “tal como son”. Este artículo analiza las “as they are”. This article analyses the lògiques patrimonialitzadores al voltant lógicas patrimonializadoras alrededor heritage activation logics surrounding d’aquest projecte turístic a través de la de este proyecto turístico a través de la this tourist project through the emerg- multivocalitat simultània emergent i dels multivocalidad simultánea emergente y ing simultaneous multivocality and the usos i representacions històriques dels de los usos y representaciones históricas historical uses and representations of recursos naturals de la vall de Peguera. de los recursos naturales del valle de Peguera valley’s natural resources. Aban- L’abandonament i les runes es presenten Peguera. El abandono y las runas son donment and rubble are presented as an com a mètode etnogràfic per desgranar presentados como método etnográfico ethnographic method to tease out tourist la patrimonialització turística en espais para desgranar la patrimonialización heritagisation processes in uninhabited deshabitats d’alta muntanya. turística en espacios deshabitados de high mountain areas. alta montaña. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 17

altitude of 1,700 metres, between the natural creating an ethnography for a space without 1 spaces of Els Rasos de Peguera and Serra people represents an ethnographic challenge. Although the verb to dwell can be interpreted as meaning to inhabit, d’Ensija, which constitute a single PEIN A challenge addressed through the use of the experiential connotation (Plan for Spaces of Natural Interest). The three techniques (field trips involving mobile beyond the mere fact of residing in a specific place exposed by Ingold village, made up of around 20 houses (some conversations (Strang, 2010), the taking has resulted in me choosing to use of which are scattered throughout the valley of photographs (Zanotti et al., 2010) and to dwell. that bears the same name, and all of which, archive research focused on demographic with the exception of one, have no roof and fluctuations (Beltran, 2010)), and an ana- are in an advanced state of ruin) was built lytical method that uses the abandonment on the south-facing foot of a rocky outcrop. and evocative materiality of the rubble as a That is home to the centre of the village, gateway for studying the rationale and dis- consisting of a dozen buildings, including cursive strategies that support the tourism a church next to a cemetery. heritage of uninhabited spaces.

This article focuses on the heritage discourses These three ethnographic techniques can of and around a tourist project and an be divided into two blocks, although this unsuccessful urban plan, the Special Urban division must be understood from a purely Plan for Peguera (hereinafter, Special Plan) operational perspective. While field trips based on the construction of a new five-star through mobile conversations and the hotel with 40 rooms, a spa and a heliport, taking of photographs provide for a more and on the restoration of the houses in the phenomenological, experiential and agen- centre of the village as they were. A project cy-related approach to landscape transfor- that generated differing positions between mations in a place like Peguera, archive different stakeholders through the multiple research provides a more socio-economic voices linked to particular uses of those ter- and structural vision of these transforma- ritories. These different territorial concerns tions. Both methodological blocks involve constitute what I refer to as a conflicting a historical and ethnographic analysis that polyphony towards Peguera and are expressed articulates transitional heuristic models from specific experiences and perspectives. (Bell, 1976; Polanyi, 1989) and simultane- Multiple voices which, therefore, cannot be ity (Vaccaro, 2006) in order to understand detached from a series of actions or from a these transformations. multifactuality, which marked the history of the informants in relation to this location. Is Peguera really an abandoned village? This I refer to these spatial and temporal biog- question serves to address the problemati- raphies as embedded biographies. Based on sation of the triad of adjectives mentioned this conflict, this case study is particularly above. Peguera was left uninhabited in 1968. relevant in investigating the tourism heritage This demographic fact does not exclude the processes of uninhabited rural areas in high possibility and analytical potential of tak- mountain regions through the problem- ing abandonment and rubble as a method atisation of a triad of adjectives expressed and theoretical framework for the study of both by the tourism project and by various tourist heritage processes. On the one hand, informants. The cataloguing of Peguera as this approach is inspired by the "dwelling an abandoned, empty and/or natural place perspective" contemplated by Tim Ingold serves to frame the methodology, method (2000) 1 and in the summary created by and theoretical framework used. Julian Thomas, who states that "feeling close to something is not simply a question Drawing on the premise that participant of physical location. [...] Although people observation and interviews with different can only be in one place at any given time informants constitute the idiosyncratic they dwell in a much larger area (2001: 173. essence of any fieldwork in anthropology, Emphasis added). 18 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

The Peguera Festival, the year after it was resumed (1998). PERSONAL ARCHIVE OF JOSEP ORIOLA

The pair of opposites “occupying/abandonment linked, in this case, to that of ruins. doning”, “living/leaving” allows for a key According to this author, while ruins refer analytical distinction when addressing the to an abstract conceptualisation of space, in case study of Peguera. From this perspec- which the past is presented as if it had been tive, abandonment would be an action that dissociated from the present, rubble "con- requires not only physical detachment from nects with the sensual texture of real places a place, but also the breaking of social ties and objects" (2014: 7). From this perspec- with it. Based on the knowledge and spa- tive, the concept of ruins is linked directly cial practices towards the village of Peguera to that of tourism heritage as a process that employed by the different stakeholders, generates an abstraction of space and time, including former inhabitants of the village, dissociating first of all both analytical cat- I believe that Peguera should be defined egories to escape them, delimit them and as an uninhabited village, rather than an recombine them strategically afterwards to abandoned village The periodic collection provide new values with these tourism her- of jugs of water by former residents from itage elements: a spring close to the village, Font de Cal "Ruins are part of the abstraction of Coix; the celebration of a festival on the last space, but an abstraction that is often Sunday of July that brings together both for- ideologically erased from discourses, mer residents and residents from across the which present it as a spatial quality of region; the leasing of the valley's pastures by an incalculable value, i.e., as 'heritage'. a shepherd, and the restoration of the chapel Ruins as an abstraction emphasises the and roof of the Cal Gran dwelling demon- preterite condition of objects. [...] The strate·that social ties have been maintained preterite condition of the past is crystal- with this uninhabited space. lised·with attempts to present the ruins as objects that are separate from the pres- Gastón Gordillo's work, in which the terms ent." Ibid.: 18. abandonment, ruins and heritage are marked by the distinction between notions of ruins Taking these words from Gordillo as a and rubble constitutes the other theoretical reference, this article, through Peguera as pillar in problematising the notion of aban- a case study, aims to add a new analytical Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 19

category, rubble, to the dual approach, tion of these resources, in which the tourism 2 ruins and rubble, employed by this author. heritage processes are erected as a central Joan Nogué synthesises this conceptualisation of the notion of This category would be located between element. landscape as a palimpsest in the an abstraction, shifts in meaning and eco- following passage: “Landscape is The supposed abandonment of Peguera both today and yesterday, present nomic revaluation based on the transval- and past, and yesterday, the past uation of objects and spaces that compile combines with the material and evoca- [...] are the historical inheritance, the tourism heritage materiality of the ruins tive presence of its rubble. These material continuities, continuation, over- lapping strata of the remains of (Kirschenblatt-Gimblett, 1998), and the remains demonstrate a mixture of natural former landscapes. The landscape loss of meaning and value(s) entailed by the and cultural aspects that make up the cur- is an old palimpsest consisting of undifferentiated and dismembered materi- rent landscape (Nogué, 2007). The rubble centennial layers "(2007: 20). ality of rubble. Therefore, the ethnographic also illustrates the definition of theland - challenge consists of being able to present scapeas a palimpsest2. This approach forces the rubble of Peguera not as self-contained us to conceptualise the term landscape in a relics of a specific time and space or as mere plural and stratified way,laminated land- stones, rocks and walls devoid of meaning, scapes, since they are made up of different but as marks of the landscape that make it spatio-temporal layers associated with both possible to draw connections between their different historical times (diachronic layers) past and present, evoking historical processes and the multiple voices, guises and actions, through which certain spaces and modes the simultaneous multi-vocalism and mul- of using and representing natural resources ti-factuality that constitute and offer dif- have been socio-economically marginalised. ferentiated sensations in each place at any These processes make it possible for us to given time (synchronic layers) (Raffles 1999; better understand the complex reality of the Vaccarat 2006). This conceptualisation of present. The rubble of Peguera reflects the the Peguera landscapes allows us to analyse collapse of capitalist, industrial exploitation together two variables and domains such of natural resources in the mid-20th cen- as space and time, on the one hand, and tury, which led to the abandonment of the nature and culture, on the other, that usually village, and, at the same time, provides an appear as discreet and separate compart- explanation of the transition to a new type ments that are paradoxically intertwined in of capitalism, based on the tertiary exploita- heritage discourses. If "landscape is nothing

Water collection from the Cal Coix spring by a former resident of Peguera who resided in the nearby village of Vallcebre (2013). FERRAN PONS 20 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 more than the emergence of a time in space" Peguera really a natural space? The process (Tuan, 1977, in Jakob, 2009: 69), the insep- of abandoning a location combines with the arability of spaces and times in Peguera has process of naturalising its environments. In been erected as an epistemological premise the case of Peguera, this conjugation was for the analysis of the transformations of institutionally consolidated as part of the its landscape. This premise combines with cataloguing of the PEIN Serra d’Ensija-Ra- the analytical potentiality of peripatetic or sos de Peguera that surrounds the village field-based ethnography through mobile and the valley of Peguera without including conversations that make it possible "to exam- them as protected natural spaces. An insti- ine the way in which social relationships tutional naturalisation process preceded by are spatialised and spatial relationships are the reforestation of environments, linked to socialised" (Darby, 2000: 4), and that serves greening landscapes and the almost ubiqui- to question the rationale and discursive strat- tous spread of a new environmental mental- egies set forth in the Special Plan. ity; an environmentality that would encom- pass institutions, but also subjectivised in Is Peguera really an empty space? This second the new seizure of natural spaces (Agrawal, question is framed by the conceptualisation 2005; Roger, 2000). that space is a social production and product (Lefèbvre, 2013). This approach reinforces Abandonment, emptiness, and nature as the belonging of a historical and social nouns that define a place like Peguera are approach to a seemingly empty place like synergistically conjugated through their Peguera. Certain socio-economic reasons tourism heritage intentions in the Special resulted in gradual emigration from, and Plan. This project strategically uses this triad finally the abandonment of the village of to provide Peguera with added market values Peguera. Understanding and breaking down as part of a process based on three distinct these reasons helps to address Peguera as a sequential phases: divisions, equivalences process rather than as a state or quality; as a and recombinations. This process, paradox- vacated space rather than an empty space. ically, is capable of absorbing antagonistic This approach also serves to question the goals within the language of heritage and last adjective of the aforementioned triad: Is market by converging rationale from "keep- Current appearance of Cal Gran, the only house that remains standing thanks to the restoration of its roof in 1997 (2013). FERRAN PONS Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 21 ing for selling" and "keeping against selling" coal extracted from the surrounding mines, (Franquesa, 2013). specifically from the mouth of the Graell mine. The structure of this text will take the form of circularity over time. An ethnographic If we continue along path starting next to portrait, the description of the tourism the aforementioned spring, we come across project and the simultaneously emerging the first remains of houses that formed part multi-vocalism and multi-factuality will be of the village of Peguera: Cal Gordo, Cal the first block used to describe the conflicting Coix, Cal Manuel, Cal Diana, Cal Peron, polyphony of the present ethnography of Cal Pubill and Cal Sec. From here, looking Peguera associated with different embedded left, we can see much of Peguera valley. Green biographies. The second block will make it predominates over any other colour among possible to connect these different voices the trees that grow and cover the shady face and actions in the present with the histor- of Rasos de Peguera and the pastures of the ical transitions of Peguera’s landscapes. A valley. The view, however, also allows us to connection made as part of a chronological contemplate more tangible evidence of the journey through the different phases of the humanisation of this riverside: a tower still village and surroundings until peaking in its standing that used to be the old electric gen- incomplete post-industrial conversion. This erator providing the area with electricity look into the past will eventually make it at the start of the 20th century, a much possible for us to return to the present to ana- more modern water tank and even further lyse rationale logics and heritage strategies down, the decaying structure of the former from an economic sphere. An analysis that Cantina. will conclude with the following question: how do you escape this rationale linked to Continuing up, to the left is the white struc- the language of heritage and market when ture of the walls of the Peguera chapel and opposing certain tourist projects that employ the stone walls that formed part of the prim- this same rationale and language? itive structure of the former church, which now define the boundary of this cemetery. The conflicting polyphony of At this point, looking west, we can see and Peguera: the tourist project and the imagine the path that continues up to the emerging voices highest part of the valley. Roc de Peguera rises Arriving on the paved road that runs along up to the right and at its foot is the centre the side of the village of Fígols, an earth track of the village. Cal Jan, Cal Parta, Can Pons, runs off to the left and descends to a small Cal Penjorell and Cal Gran (the only house esplanade where there is a fork in the road. which still has a roof structure) are the most Taking the path to the right, we come across important buildings, while the houses of Ca one of the nerve centres of the Peguera vicin- l'Agutzil, Cal Bepu and Salamó can also be ity, the Font de Cal Coix spring, where the seen, in different states of collapse, spread a village women would come to wash their few metres west of the rocky outcrop. clothes. It provides water for hikers and some of the village's former inhabitants, who still This ethnographic portrait provides a silent return to the spring regularly to fill bottles and static image of Peguera. Silence, in fact, and take them back to their new homes. We would be the environmental component have already passed a number of remains that would best summarise my first sensory that pay testament to the mining past of impression of this setting. However, walk- the village and the entire valley: the rubble ing in the vicinity of Peguera in December of Graell, an old farmhouse that served as 2011, I learned about the existence of a a hostel and dining room for miners, and a tourist project and the consequent urban sloping structure that served to transfer the plan that were subject to approval. These 22 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Panoramic view of Peguera from La Baga. In the foreground, the remains of the cemetery and the church, while at the foot of the rock are the houses that make up the centre of the village, including Cal Gran, the only one with a roof (2013). FERRAN PONS

predictions were confirmed a few months as it is: "[With regard to] the conservation 3 later, in March 2012, when the project of the natural environment [...] the pro- "Peguera [...] is a veritable popula- submitted by a Manresa-based property posed action should not damage the flora, tion hub, currently abandoned but with a very recent historical and developer received approval from the local forest mass, fauna, landscape or any other social background." (OUA, 2012: authority, Fígols Municipal Council. The environmental characteristic of the area. [...] 33) first impressions of silence and stillness were The maintenance and enhancement of these 4 quickly contrasted by the knowledge of con- natural values are those that will help the "The intervention will prioritise a naturalistic, ecological path that flicting positions concerning the potential proposal to succeed” (ibid.: 34; 45). The is compatible with the natural implementation of that project. The Special first of these objectives also included the con- conservation of the place and, most Plan generated a series of positions that were struction of a new hotel, concerning which importantly, that does not fracture the purity of the landscape [...] [The in disagreement concerning the past, pres- emphasis was placed on it being properly project] aims to avoid the formation ent and future of the village and valley of integrated into the current landscape as if it of great volumes that could break the delicate and peaceful dialogue Peguera. A conflicting range of voices that had always been there: "The proposed hotel that is sought between landscape, began to resonate faced with the possibility [...] [shall be] built using local materials and architecture and history." (ibíd.: 2) that tourism plan would become a reality. typologies. [...] It is important that the hotel 5 is ‘born old’, that placing it there is so natural "The recovery of the village of The general objective of the project was to it would appear to have been in that spot for Peguera with its new uses will never achieve the impact on the reconvert "a totally abandoned village" into many years” (ibíd.: 44-45). environment that was historically a rural tourism complex (OAU, 2012: 6). At seen during its mining phase." the same time, the Special Plan pursued two These two objectives are strategically articu- (ibíd.: 23) more specific objectives: on the one hand, lated, linked to the processes of natural and to revitalise the village by reconstructing it cultural heritage. On the one hand, Peguera, as it was through the "rehabilitation, resto- described as an abandoned place, is a rele- ration and/or reconstruction of the houses vant place to implement a tourism project, in the centre", and, on the other, in view while, at the same time, the centre of the of the success of the project, preserve the village has close historical and social ties, current natural landscape, maintaining it which adds value to the proposal 3. On the Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 23 other hand, while a narrative is structured the tourism project did not bear fruit, from around the preservation of the current natu- an analytical perspective, it generated a dis- ral environment 4, the same discourse makes cussion focussing on two areas: new uses and, references to Peguera's mining past to justify consequently, new representations of Peg- the possible degradation of the environment uera being suggested; and, at the same time, in the construction process 5. a series of discourses on these uses and representations being articulated. This myriad The discourse of the tourist project based of contrasting ideas about Peguera and the on the division and subsequent recombi- tourism project is reflected in the following nation of the cultural domain (people’s fragments extracted from semi-structured houses) and natural domain (purity of interviews with four different informants: the landscape) through its restoration as a member of the Salvem Peguera platform; they were and its preservation as it is, is the mayor of Fígols; a farmer whose flock the key narrative strategy to understand of cows grazes in the Peguera valley, and a its means and ends. This strategy is based former inhabitant of the village who goes by on the spatio-temporal condensation of that name, El Peguera . Peguera’s past and present, which is typical of heritage processes, enhanced by the In August 2011, a diverse group of people rubble scattered throughout the valley and formed the Salvem Peguera platform with the categorisation of Peguera as an aban- the intention of opposing the tourism pro- doned village. ject. This platform remained active until September 2012, when it became clear that The handling of this project by Fígols the newly approved Special Plan would not Municipal Council resulted in many peo- prosper. The stance of this association can ple speaking out simultaneously in line with be summarised in the following objectives, their personal experiences and actions in referred to by one of its members: "The ter- this area. This simultaneous multi-vocalism ritory must be preserved as it is; we must and multi-factuality is irrevocably linked to fight against the commercialisation of the embedded biographies between different territory, instigated both by foreign investors stakeholders and a single location. Although and local politicians." Peguera, according View of the Peguera valley, showing an old electricity pylon and the Cantina in an advanced state of disrepair (2013). FERRAN PONS 24 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Old Cantina de Peguera, during visit with El Peguera (2013). FERRAN PONS.

to this informant, has recovered its natu- return to nature, the mayor emphasised a ral condition after the different historical productive use. processes that took place during the 20th century, with the actions of the platform The only farmer present in the Peguera val- described as a fight against the attempts to ley has another perspective to be considered. denaturalise Peguera. This farmer has leased the pastures that he defines as "the Peguera estate". When I was A desire to maintain the current conditions covering the area round the village with this of Peguera that is in staunch opposition with informant, his words offered me a human- the opinion of the mayor of Fígols, not only ised perspective on the Peguera landscape: concerning this village but the entire Alt Ber- a natural, green landscape but, at the same guedà region: “There’s no future. From Berga time, productive and functional. This per- north, there’s no future." The mayor openly spective is inextricably linked to the uses supported the Special Plan as a mechanism resulting from his work as a farmer. From a for restoring houses in the centre of Peguera high point where a large part of the pastures as they were, and as a way of providing eco- in the area surrounding Peguera could be nomic sustainability throughout the region, seen, he emphasised that much of the grass as the dismantling of the coal mining indus- we were looking at had been replanted by try from the middle to the end of the 20th him, to enhance the grazing conditions of century entailed the absence of a socio-eco- his flock. From that same point, he also nomic future for this region. This opinion is stressed a number of changes he had made based on the progressive population decline to the landscape, such as building ponds, seen in most of its villages since the·collapse putting up fences, installing feed troughs, of the mining sector, with Peguera serving etc. as a prime example. Finally, the voice of El Peguera allowed me to The comparison between these two voices look towards the potential future landscapes serves to·illustrate two different ways of of the village and its surroundings by taking viewing the landscape of Peguera. While in its present landscapes. These meetings the member of the platform highlighted a allowed me to create bridges between the Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 25

Two of the holes located on the north side of Roc de Peguera that served to store the potatoes that each house harvested from their own vegetable gardens, leased or transferred from the surrounding area (2013). FERRAN PONS

present and the past of the Peguera area its surroundings, as reflected in the following through the footsteps, eyes and words of fragment from my field diary: a person who lived and worked there, and After pointing out several "gaps", speci- who still maintains strong social ties with fying to which house each corresponded, the village, to the point that he even goes and following the marks of a path that is by the same name of the village and is the now invisible, but which formerly sepa- instigator in recovering the celebration of rated two fields owned by Cal Penjorell its main festival. and Cal Gran, where wheat was stored, El Peguera wanted to show me the "Cal El Peguera was born in Peguera in 1941 but Jan well", hidden beneath a number of he was not known by the name of the village stones. There is still water at the bottom until the start of the 1960s, when he and today. He demonstrated this by setting his family moved to another village in Alt aside a stone and throwing another into Berguedà, following the closure of the last the abyss, which made a splash. This water mine in Peguera, El Graell, where he worked. was used by the inhabitants of the vil- His social ties with these places have lasted lage to provide livestock with drinking until today, and his knowledge of these areas water. El Peguera mentioned a path that played an essential role in revealing the layers ran to Cal Jan and another that ran to a of meanings and old practices hidden by the plot, currently hidden under the grass of village’s present tumbledown appearance. "Planells de·Peguera", which belonged to This knowledge and these practices help us the church (the "priests") and was known to understand how this land was organised, as "the field of the priests". and how it was used and represented in com- 26 November 2013 pletely different ways not many years ago. This brief account reflects the different con- Both these territorial apprehensions and trasting voices about the present situation the notion of the Peguera landscapes as a in Peguera and highlight the wide range palimpsest are undoubtedly inspired by the of definitions used to define this location. descriptions of each corner of the village and The simultaneous range of voices, including 26 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 the Special Plan itself, describe Peguera as a from a pre-industrial model, based on an tourist complex, a former mining complex, extractive economy of the raw materials from a nature reserve, an abandoned village and the forest (wood) and meadows (crops and valley, and a farm. pastures) to an apparently imminent post-industrial model, based on a tertiarisation of The historical transitions and the economy linked to the tourist use of its landscape transformations of territories and natural resources. Between Peguera: an incomplete post- one model and the other, especially during industrial conversion the first three decades of the 20th century, The simultaneous nature of the voices that the village was subject to an intensive pro- describe Peguera in its current state in a con- cess of mining industrialisation, in which trasting, but conflicting way, take me on animal-drawn trains and wagons full of coal journey into its past. A look back that reveals, and logs extracted from the mines and forests in part, the reasons for such a diversity of in the surrounding area travelled through opinions, given the link with Peguera’s past the valley via a suspended cable that passed landscapes. just in front of the core of the village. This series of industrial infrastructures shaped Over a period lasting approximately a cen- the landscapes of the surroundings and the tury, the village of Peguera has been through village itself. different stages regarding its relationship with the landscapes that surrounded it and This historical tour of the surroundings of has become a reflection and construction Peguera has helped us to understand, on a of certain prisms with which to look at local scale, how the representations of the high-mountain rural landscapes. At the same same area can incite their exploitation or time and inseparably, these landscapes have their protection, in the same way that, on also been subject to changing physiognomies a global scale, there have been changes in linked to different representations of rural the cultural conceptions of mountain and territory or, in more general terms, nature. nature, moving from a productivist, agrar- Paying special attention to the economic ian or industrial perspective, to an aesthet- sector, Peguera would have made a transition ic-landscape outlook, produced and con- Current appearance of Cal Jan, next to water well that the former residents used to water the village cattle. This well is still there, although it is now in disuse, covered by stones (2013). FERRAN PONS Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 27 sumed mainly in urban settings, intimately and lasted until the middle of the 1990s, linked to environmental protection policies and during which, following constant emi- and the culture of leisure (Rome, 2004; gration from the middle of the 1940s, the Williams, 2001). In both cases, however, final houses in the village were abandoned in the natural resources of rural areas are still 1968. During this period, the old Cantina exploited, although as part of two different de Peguera served to house summer camps capitalist types of exploitation: primary or between 1956 to 1978, of which much of secondary and tertiary (Walker, 2003). This the population from Berguedà born in the transition in rural high mountain areas of middle of the 20th century remembers the western world began and has progressed something; and d) the post-industrial era, exponentially since the final quarter of the coinciding with the recovery of the village's 20thcentury until today, and it has been main festival in 1997, along with a series of associated with a series of cultural changes architectural restorations that were launched linked to the changing relationship between by a number of former residents, such as the humans and nature (Cronon, 1996, Sivar- remodelling of the Coix fountain and the amakrishnan and Vaccaro, 2006). reconstruction of the chapel in 1995, the reconstruction of the roof of the Cal Gran This historical approach simplifies reality house in 1997, and the recovery and resto- but serves as a way of tracing a chronological ration of the Sant Miquel sculpture in 1999. path through the rural landscapes of Peg- At the same time as these local events, in uera. Various regions in the Pyrenees and 1992 the Catalan Government approved the other rural areas elsewhere have experienced Spaces of Natural Interest Act and created a similar processes (Vaccaro, 2010; Vaccaro network of PEIN areas. This new environ- and Beltran, 2007), although the case of mental policy represented the culmination Peguera is of particular interest, as, despite of a "green transformation process", using being erected as an example and serving the term coined by Alain Roger (2000), as a reflection of the pre-industrialisation, promoted and sustained at an institutional industrialisation and post-industrialisation level. This greening would experience two transitional model, it poses questions in two transcendental turning points in relation ways. First, because it is in transition, as its to the attempt to reconvert Peguera into tertiarisation has not been consumed, and a heritage space aimed at tourism. Specifi- secondly for the simultaneous nature of the cally, in 2003 an area of land covering 1,800 different voices that interpret the territories hectares encompassing Peguera, including based on different representative practices the village houses and much of the land sur- and frameworks. rounding them, was acquired by a sheikh from the United Arab Emirates; and, in Schematically, the history of Peguera can 2012, the tourist and urban planning pro- be divided into four distinct periods: a) the ject was approved by the Fígols Municipal pre-industrial era, from the beginning of Council. This post-industrial conversion was the 14th century, which covers the arrival incomplete, however, as the aforementioned of residents until the first attempts at min- Special Plan was not successful due to a lack ing at the end of the 19th century (Serra, of capital to proceed with it, and the houses 1989); b) the industrial era, divided into of Peguera and the adjacent buildings have two distinct phases: intensive coal mine continued their decline to this day. exploitation from the end of the 19th century, and in particular from 1916 until 1928, The establishment of bridges between the and the residual exploitation of these min- synchronic and diachronic descriptions of eral resources until the closure of the final the landscape of Peguera reveal the logical Peguera mine in 1962; c) the deindustrial connections that support them. In that sense, era, which overlaps with the previous phase I believe that the different representations or 28 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Panoramic image of Peguera, featuring the remains of the pylons that carried the cable car, allowing the transportation of coal extracted from the mines throughout the Peguera valley (undated photograph; mid-20th century). PERSONAL ARCHIVE OF A RELATIVE OF EL PEGUERA

voices concerning the same area are expressed between both pairs of categories through from contrasting positions, interests and the processes of tourism heritage. Finally, practices, and that both the first (multi-vo- I also intend to emphasise the analytical calism) and the second (multi-factuality) value of an ethnography of the rubble and correspond to different experiences, mem- a critical approach to the notion of aban- ories and previous times, experienced spa- donment. tially. They are linked to different embedded biographies. This meshed approach between What is the logical mechanism that sup- the synchronic and diachronic depictions of ports the economic revaluation of places Peguera thus helps us to better understand like Peguera, as abandoned, empty and/or the spatio-temporal configurations of its past natural spaces? This is the central question and present, expressed by each of the voices that guides this analysis. First, I would like that make up the conflicting polyphony to stress that the response is framed in the described. establishment of a type of ambivalent interaction between the two pairs of categories Tourism heritage strategies for mentioned above: nature/culture and space/ the revaluation of an abandoned, time. This interaction is articulated through empty and natural space the processes of tourism heritage, especially This last section is dedicated to analysing in uninhabited high-mountain spaces, and the tourism heritage processes and their that fluctuates strategically between the economic rationality, based on the discur- apparent permanent separation of each of sive strategies of both the Special Plan and the variables or domains, and their extrica- the Salvem Peguera platform in line with tion and timely interaction. the abandoned-empty-natural triad. This analysis allows us to reflect on classical onto- Since the end of the 20th century and logical premises of the modern western the start of the 21st century, heritage has world, based on the categorical dichotomies emerged as a legitimising tool, used both of nature/culture and space/time, as well as to justify and to criticise urban plans in breaking down the relationships established rural and urban areas (Franquesa, 2010, Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 29

Marble, 2012). Conceived as an objective components of this new space/time ontol- 6 fact that is disclosed, heritage is mobilised ogy (space-present/nature and space-past/ This process has some parallels with the processes of "purifica- by different stakeholders for purposes that culture) with the economic sphere through tion" and "translation", and the can even be antagonistic. Despite criticism its use as heritage. In other words, the inten- interactions established between the two, proposed by Bruno Latour of heritage-permeating essentialism, aca- tion is to present tourism heritage as the when referring to the nature/culture demic work has demonstrated that while creator of the transvaluation or economic division and the resulting hybridisa- conceptualised as a sociocultural process or revaluation of a place like Peguera. My inter- tions (1993). economic strategy, heritage contains a dual est, therefore, does not focus so much on inherent paradox. It is a process that ends reiterating the division or separation of the up producing objects, i.e., it becomes an space/time and nature/culture variables, but objectifying process, and at the same time, on the subsequent recombination equiva- it establishes an ambivalent relationship lences and processes, and on the provision towards the market (positive and negative) of new values concerning this space. This (Franquesa, 2013). interest is aligned with the issues raised by Bruno Latour on how or perhaps when The processes of tourism heritage are artic- western societies ceased to be completely ulated through the decontextualisation of modern. According to this author, "as we both the heritage objects and the conditions direct our attention simultaneously to the and processes that lead them to this new process of purification [division, in this conceptualisation (Marble, 2012). In the case] and to the process of hybridisation case of Peguera, this decontextualisation [recombination], we stop being completely consisted of the dissociation of certain modern" (1993: 11). By transposing these spaces and times to produce and define ideas to the case study, the Special Plan a new heritage landscape. Some elements shows how nature and culture are presented from a specific moment in the past had to separately and discreetly only in the first, be restored as they were (the village houses) initial phase, while later fluctuating toward while others in the present (the natural recombinations or strategic hybridisations, environments) had to be preserved as they with equivalences in the middle of these are today, although this preservation had to two stages, between the two domains and evoke a time preceding the region's mining between the space and time variables. Based exploitation period. on this analysis, it is a strategic separation relating to the transvaluation and economic The discursive analysis of the tourist project revaluation of a specific space rather than demonstrates, however, how these space- an ontological division. time separations are somewhat porous, as the categories of space and time are strategically The analytical relevance of addressing the separate, but also recombined6. Faced with processes of tourism heritage as discursive these porous separations, the focus of my strategies from this perspective lies in inves- analysis was on breaking the logics behind tigating how nature and culture, conceived this discursive strategy based on the sepa- as seemingly separate domains, are used as ration/recombination ambivalence. First, a means of justifying the economic revalua- this approach to heritage strategy consists of tion or commercialisation of certain spaces separating and establishing discrete and clear previously conceived as abandoned, empty delimitations between the domains of nature and/or natural. These tourism heritage and culture. Once these two domains have processes require two essential premises: been split, the second step consists of tracing the division or abstraction of certain vari- different spatial and temporal equivalences ables embedded in specific social contexts for each one. Finally, the third phase of this and the passage of an amount of time in process aims at strategically recombining the which the tourism heritage components are two previously separated and conjugated framed and defined as abandoned, empty 30 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 of meanings and values, and naturalised. The key point to these two antagonistic posi- This second premise focuses on the status tions on the same project and place is the or condition outside the capitalist mar- use of identical logics that are framed within ket of objects and, in this case, a place like the language of heritage. Franquesa points Peguera. It is a logical mechanism that, out that this language is usually guided by paradoxically, is defended both to achieve the changing interests of the market and the protection of the patrimonial values of the geography of the capital and, therefore, a space like Peguera through its economic it must be conceived as hegemonic in two abstraction or alienation, and to challenge ways: “Heritage is not just one hegemonic or oppose commercialisation attempts, pro- language that articulates hegemonic and moting an identical logical mechanism, counter-hegemonic projects, it is also a lan- whilst defending its inalienability. Follow- guage of hegemony, which frames conflicts ing the economic analysis of Franquesa under terms that, by camouflaging their inspired by the works of Annete Weiner on connections with issues of broader political the processes of tourism heritage (2013), economy, benefit dominant groups” (2013: an argument that, while the Special Plan 347). The action mechanism for tourism strategically used the condition of the Peg- heritage processes in relation to market val- uera space as separate or stored for a period ues therefore raises the extent to which the of time to provide it with a greater market use of the same logics, the same hegemonic value ("keeping for selling"), the Salvem language that certain tourism heritage pro- Peguera platform also based its discourse jects oppose, is effective. and opposition to the tourism project on the value of Peguera as a heritage space as Faced with this doubt, I believe that it is separate or saved from the real-estate and relevant to question and expand on the triad tourism market, while in this case pursuing of abandoned-empty-natural adjectives, an opposite objective: keeping-against-sell- as well as filling a space like Peguera with ing. However, sometimes these saved and meaning and value, explaining the social separate spaces acquire new added eco- ties that define the embedded biographies nomic value, specifically thanks to their between certain people and this uninhabited “abandonment” over a certain period of high mountain location. Abandonment is time. This condition combines with the intimately linked to the abstraction (new qualities of emptiness and nature. meaning) or dismemberment (loss of mean-

Panoramic view of the village and surroundings from Cantina. In addition to the houses in the centre of the village and the surroundings in perfect condition, you can see the division of land and the work in the fields, which contrasts with the wooded landscapes of today (undated, 1920s). PERSONAL ARCHIVE OF JOSEP ORIOLA Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 31

ing) of the space; intrinsically linked to the landscapes as palimpsests, which I believe is 7 reconversion of rubble into ruins filled with a relevant analytical tool for avoiding both In 2018, a tourism project was published that seeks to reconvert heritage or invisible rubble. The first type types of reconversion. This tool not only an old hut that is currently in ruins, of conversion is strategically presented by serves to debate certain essentialist argu- Borda Socampo, into a rural hotel in the valley of Bonabé, in the village tourism heritage processes, which, in order ments that sustain these tourism heritage of Alt Àneu (Pallars Sobirà). The to avoid the second, are often presented as a processes, but also acts purposely and allows parallels between this case and the mechanism for filling and providing value us to move forward with the filling of values case of Peguera, both in terms of the project itself, with the inclusion to places with no value or that are empty. beyond the economic and heritage spheres. of a spa in the proposal, and the This is a critical approach (relational and This ethnographic method concerning heritage discourses that support it, the analytical use of the notions historical) towards abandoned, empty and abandonment and rubble, in short, allows of abandonment and rubble is natural qualities with which uninhabited us to address the tourist heritage strategies evident beyond the specific case of villages or rural high mountain areas are corresponding to this and other projects in Peguera. defined, and an ethnography of the rubble, uninhabited high mountain areas beyond understood as the most evocative material the hegemonic language of heritage and the expression concerning the conception of market7. n

BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

Urbanístic de l’Indret de Peguera”. Theory Today, 165-186. Cam- Agrawal, A. (2005). Environmen- Gordillo, G. (2014). Rubble: [Unpublished]. bridge: Policy Press. tality. Technologies of Government The Afterlife of Destruction. Dur- and the Making of Subjects. Dur- ham and London: Duke University Polanyi, K. (1989). La gran trans- Vaccaro, I. (2006). “Valles postin- ham: Duke University Press. Press. formación. Madrid: La Piqueta. dustriales: la urbanización de las montañas y sus consecuencias Bell, D. (1976). El advenimiento Ingold, T. (2000). The perception Raffles, H. (1999). “Local theory: sociales y ecológicas”. In Frigolé, de la sociedad post-industrial. Ma- of the environment. Essays in live- nature and the making of an Ama- J.; Roigé, X. (coord.), Globalidad drid: Alianza Editorial. lihood, dwelling and skill. Oxon: zonian place”. Current Anthropol- y localidad. Perspectiva etnográfi- Routledge. ogy, 14 (3), 323-360. ca, 61-90. Barcelona: University of Beltran, O. (2010). “People, Barcelona. numbers, and natural resources: Jakob, M. (2009). Le paysage. Roger, A. (2000). Breu tractat del demography in environmental Gollion: Infolio. paisatge. Barcelona: La Campana. Vaccaro, I. (2010). “Theorizing im- research”. In “Vaccaro, I. [et al]”. pending peripheries: postindustrial (coord.), Environmental Social Kirschenblatt-Gimblett, B. Roma, F. (2004). Del paradís a la landscapes at the edge of hyper- Sciences: Methods and Research (1998). Destination Culture. nació. La muntanya a Catalunya. modernity’s collapse”. Journal of Design, 11-34. Cambridge: Cam- Tourism, Museums, and Heritage. Segles xv-xx. Valls: Cossetània. International and Global Studies, bridge University Press. Berkeley: University of California 1(2), 22-44. Press. Serra, J. (1989). Baronies de Cronon, W. (1996). “The Trouble Pinós i Mataplana [Llibres I, II i III]. Vaccaro, I; Beltran, O. (coord.) with Wilderness; or, Getting Back Latour, B. (1993). We have never Bagà: Centre d’Estudis Bagane- (2007). Ecología política de los Pir- to the Wrong Nature”. In Cronon, been modern. Cambridge: Har- sos. ineos. Estado, Historia y Paisaje. W. (ed.), Uncommon Ground. vard University Press. Tremp: Garsineu Edicions. Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, 69-90. New York: Norton. Sivaramakrishnan, K.; Vacca- Lefèbvre, H. (2013). La produc- ro, I. (2006). “Postindustrial na- Walker, P. (2003). “Reconsider- ción del espacio. Madrid: Capitán tures: hyper-mobility and place-ating ‘regional’ political ecologies: Darby, W. (2000). Landscape Swing. tachments”. Journal of Social toward a political ecology of the and Identity: Geographies of Na- Anthropology, 14 (3), 301-317. rural American West”. Progress in tion and Class in England. Oxford Mármol, C. del (2012). Pasa- Human Geography, 23(1), 7-24. and New York: Berg. dos locales, políticas globales. Strang, V. (2010). “Mapping Procesos de patrimonialización histories: cultural landscapes and Williams, R. (2001). El campo y Franquesa, J. (2010). Sa Ca- en un valle del Pirineo catalán. walkabout methods”. In Vaccaro, la ciudad. Buenos Aires: Paidós. latrava Mon Amour. Etnografia Alzira: Germania. I. [et al.] (coord.), Environmental d’un barri atrapat en la geografia Social Sciences: Methods and Zanotti, L.; Glover, D. M.; Sepez, del capital. Doctoral thesis. Palma: Nogué, J. (2007). “Introducción. Research Design, 132-156. J. (2010). “Local communities and Documenta Balear. El paisaje como constructo social”. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- natural resources: ethnobiology In Nogué, J. (ed.), La construcción sity Press. in practice”. In Vaccaro, I. [et al.] Franquesa, J. (2013). “On social del paisaje, 9-24. Madrid: (coord.), Environmental Social Keeping and Selling. The Political Biblioteca Nueva. Thomas, J. (2001). “Archaeolo- Sciences: Methods and Research Economy of Heritage Making in gies of place and landscape”. In Design, 110-131. Cambridge: Contemporary Spain”. Current OUA (Oficina d’Urbanisme i Ar- Hodder, I. (ed.), Archaeological Cambridge University Press. Anthropology, 54 (3), 346-369. quitectura) (2012). “Pla Especial 32 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Beatriz Pérez Galán NATIONAL DISTANCE EDUCATION UNIVERSITY University Professor PhD in Social Anthropology from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid (1999) with the thesis Authority, order and identity in the southern Peruvian Andes. The representations of the Wachu. This research was carried out in Quechua communities in Cuzco, where the professor has carried out most of her ethnographic fieldwork since 1994. She did predoctoral studies at Goldsmiths College (University of London) and postdoctoral studies at the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC). She has been a professor and researcher at the Department of Social Anthropology of the University of Granada (2000-2008) and the Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology of the UNED (Madrid) from 2008 to the present. Guest researcher at the universities of Veracruz (Mexico), Autónoma de Querétaro (Mexico), Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú (Lima), Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (Lima), Universidad de Caldas (Colombia) and Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Colombia (Calí), among others. She is Vice Dean of Anthropology and International Mobility Coordinator at the Faculty of Philosophy (UNED). “Now, you are the tourists” Indigenous tourists and the use of Incan heritage in Cusco1

Indigenous tourists taking pictures with non-indigenous foreign tourists at the door of the Temple of Santo Domingo, Cuzco, December 2014. BEATRIZ PÉREZ Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 33

Indigenous people as tourists responsible tourism networks to defend Paraules clau: turisme local, indigenous rights (Pereiro and De León, turistes indígenes, patrimoni ince the beginning of the 21st 2007), the invention of new ethnic and inca, identitat, Cusco. century we have seen a renewal cultural identities with indigenous remi- Términos clave: turismo local, turistas indígenas, patrimonio of themes and interpretative niscences promoted through tourism (Asen- inca, identidad, Cusco. frameworks in the anthro- sio, 2012), the tourist heritage processes of Key words: local tourism, pological study of tourism in indigenous cultural practices and products indigenous as tourists, Inca heritage, identity, Cusco. relation to indigenous peoples. as a development strategy (Asensio H. and The growing interest in what is known as Pérez Galán, 2012; Herrera, 2013; García, S"indigenous tourism" around the world is 2018), and processes of indigenous and cul- contextualised, on the one hand, within the tural self-affirmation and political resistance framework of a global discourse prone to (Pérez Galán, 2006). environmental conservation and the recognition of cultural diversity, and, on the other Although this shift of emphasis means rec- hand, in the reflective and post-modern shift ognising and influencing the analysis of the that social sciences have been experiencing indigenous population as social actors rather since the last century. Other factors to take than passive subjects, the role assigned to into account in the case of Latin America, them in the tourism game always continues according to several authors (Pereiro, 2013; to be that of "hosts". Often as suppliers of Valcuende del Río, Murtagh and Rummen- typical products (crafts, food, exotic images), hoeleer, 2012; Hernández‑Ramírez, Pereiro, unskilled labour (chambermaids, prosti- and Pinto, 2015), are the growing visibility tutes, porters, muleteers, cooks, polishers, of indigenous communities as actors in eth- cleaners) and, at best, as entrepreneurs who nically and culturally focused development participate in the tourism business by pro- and social inclusion policies (Asensio H. viding accommodation, food and guidance and Pérez Galán, 2012: 1) and the so-called services in the ecotourism, indigenous and "indigenous emergency" (Bengoa, 2006), community-based tourism initiatives that which implies a new stage in the genera- have proliferated in Latin America since the tion of ethnic awareness associated with 1990s. In contrast, there are very few refer- the demand for rights at the national and ences to their role as "guests", i.e. as local international levels. New topics of interest tourists who consume the natural, historical, in the study of tourism include: analysis of artistic and cultural heritage of their own 1 indigenous participation in the manage- regions. I would like to thank my colleagues ment of new types of tourism (Stronza, 2001 and friends for the comments received on the previous versions and 2005; Pérez Galán, 2008; Valcuende Peters and Higgins-Desbiolles (2012) ana- of this text, María García-Cano, et al., 2012), the creation of transnational lyse the dual role of indigenous Australians Jordi Gascón and Raúl H. Asensio.

Des d’una aproximació reflexiva que Desde una aproximación reflexiva que From a reflexive approach that highlights prioritza l’anàlisi de la pràctica social i el prioriza el análisis de la práctica social y el the level of social practice and the role paper que desenvolupa la diferència èt- papel que desempeña la diferencia étnica of ethnical difference on the dialogue nica en el diàleg entre amfitrions, invitats en el diálogo entre anfitriones, invitados y between hosts, guests and tourism her- i gestors del turisme i del patrimoni, en gestores del turismo y del patrimonio, en itage managers, in this paper we focus aquest article s’examina un programa de este artículo se examina un programa de on a local tourism program targeted to turisme local dirigit a la població indígena turismo local dirigido a la población indí- indigenous population of Cusco Region, de la regió de Cusco, Perú. Per interpre- gena de la región de Cusco, Perú. Para Peru. To elucidate the cultural meaning of tar el significat cultural d’aquesta experi- interpretar el significado cultural de esta this patrimonial and touristic experience ència turística i patrimonial per als turistes experiencia turística y patrimonial para for indigenous tourists, we study what indígenes, s’indaga a propòsit dels seus los turistas indígenas, se indaga cuáles their interests are on these tours, the interessos en aquests viatges, com es son sus intereses en estos viajes, cómo ways they relate to the visited heritage, relacionen amb el patrimoni visitat i amb se relacionan con el patrimonio visitado and about the production of regional and la producció de narratives sobre identitat y con la producción de narrativas sobre national identity narratives. regional i nacional. identidad regional y nacional. 34 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 as guests (tourists) and as tourism agents inclusion in the United Nations system and 2 (entrepreneurs) and ask why there is a lack benefit from the interests of tourism capital, According to Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human of analysis in this field. The authors highlight with which the organisation has close ties. Rights, “Everyone has the right to the colonial and Eurocentric perspective rest and leisure, including reasona- ble limitation of working hours and (the "white gaze") that has traditionally Defined as "the set of activities that generate periodic holidays with pay". dominated studies of indigenous people a tourist demand essentially characterised by 3 as "others", the predominant neo-liberal its scarce economic resources, so that access The Montreal Declaration on approach to tourism as a resource, and the to tourist leisure can only occur through Social Tourism. Towards a human- under-representation of indigenous views the intervention of some operator agents ist and social vision of tourism, adopted by the General Assembly in academia that would facilitate the con- who act to maximise the collective benefit" of the International Social Tourism struction of arguments from other places (Muñiz, 2001: 36), social tourism is mostly Organisation (ISTO) in 1996, is the document that contains the of enunciation and other epistemology. As associated with developed countries and tar- guidelines and attributes of social well as these reasons, studies of domestic gets low-income families, young people, the tourism at an international level. elderly and people with reduced mobility. tourism have paid little attention to domestic 4 tourism compared to receptive tourism and, However, in the last two decades, this kind of The implementation of social within the latter, the so-called "social tour- tourism has opened up slowly and unevenly tourism programmes dates back to 2013. In 2015, within the ism", which defends the right to rest and paid in less developed countries and the tradi- Inclusive Tourism programme, the holidays established in the United Nations tional beneficiary groups have been extended Mexico City Secretary of Tourism 2 to include "all groups that have a different launched the Smiles for your city Universal Declaration in 1948 . As Muñiz programme. Holidays for all. This (2001) points out, the history of the democ- culture, have less economic means, or live programme, which is still operating, ratization of tourism and the enjoyment of in less developed regions" (ILOS, 1996)3. is for indigenous communities, children and older adults. For more leisure by the grassroots classes throughout information: [Last consulted: 12 July 2019] free time and economic resources to pay for a pioneer in the region in implementing travel has generated defenders and detrac- social tourism for workers linked to Per- tors, especially with regard to its potential onism in the 1950s, in Brazil, Ecuador, Ven- political uses in countries where holidays ezuela, Argentina, Uruguay and Chile, social are considered a luxury for the middle and tourism programmes aimed at low-income upper classes and where the basic needs of the populations and families, without consider- majority of population are not guaranteed. ing the ethnic variable, emerged during the first decade of the 21st century in a favour- Minnaert, Maitland, and Miller (2009) have able regional context of macroeconomic investigated the beneficial effects of social growth, democratisation, and redistributive tourism on the population. The authors and social policies. In addition to these pro- assert that tourism increases social capital grammes, other regional and municipal ini- in the medium term and family capital in tiatives carried out in recent years in Mexico the short term and consequently can be an City (Mexico)4 and in Cuzco (Peru), specif- added value to social policy. Likewise, Hig- ically aimed at the indigenous population, gins-Desbiolles (2006 and 2007) argues that are of particular interest. it is useful in promoting social cohesion and inclusion of minority groups such as indig- To further characterise and reflect on indigenous people in Australia. From a political enous people as tourists from an anthropo- economy perspective, Gascón (2012) criti- logical perspective, this text explores one cises the advantages obtained by the World of these programmes. Specifically, the eth- Tourism Organization (WTO), which pre- nographic example comes from 5, a social sents itself as an international champion tourism programme promoted by the Cuzco of social tourism, in order to promote its Regional Directorate of Foreign Trade and Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 35

Tourism, aimed at indigenous people in this extent these initiatives do or do not contrib- 5 region in southern Peru. ute to local appropriation of identity narra- From the Quechua language: "meeting" "recognising each other tives and national imaginaries constructed as equals” Tupananchis consists of a free sightseeing by others. Secondly, taking a broader social 6 tour of the monumental Inca heritage of the and political approach, barely outlined on R&D&I Modernity and indige- city of Cusco and its surroundings. The visit this occasion, the potential contribution of nous peoples in Latin America, Ministry of Education and Science includes transport to and from the commu- social tourism to an inclusive notion of citi- (HAR2011-25988) nity, coach transport during the tour, lunch zenship, through the visibility, normalization in city centre restaurants and the services of and daily exercise of social rights of indig- official Quechua speaking guides. In 2017, enous peoples (Zamosc, 2008; ECLAC, the most recent year for which up-to-date 2010 and 2015). figures are available, after just over a decade of operation Tupananchis has taken about The data on which this research is based 20,000 indigenous tourists, male and female have been gathered using ethnographic of all ages from mountain and the jungle methodology. I came across the Tupanan- communities, on tours around the historic chis programme in 2008 by chance while centre of the city of Cusco and its surround- doing research on the staging of indigenous ings. For many of them, this is their first and culture and the uses of intangible heritage only opportunity to visit the city's heritage as in a set of Peruvian government-supported tourists and not as service providers, to com- Community-based Rural Tourism initia- pare their knowledge with the guides' expert tives in southern Peru (Pérez Galán, 2012). information, to take pictures and share space Tupananchis had been launched the previous in monuments, restaurants and archaeolog- year. Contrary to my initial predictions that ical ruins with other foreign and domestic such an initiative was unlikely to survive in tourists, and to show off their ethnic and a society so deeply fractured by racism and regional difference on the city's streets. discrimination against indigenous people, in subsequent years this programme not only Using a reflective approach that prioritises survived, but became discreetly established social practices and the role of ethnic differ- by taking advantage of a favourable politi- ence in the dialogue between hosts, guests, cal and macroeconomic situation derived tourism and heritage managers, at this time from the benefits of the regional extractive we ask ourselves if there is an indigenous economy (mainly mining and gas royalties), viewpoint ("indigenous view") that differs and the unstoppable growth of international from non-indigenous tourism (foreign and tourism. domestic). And, if there is, what is the potential influence in the construction of this view In 2014, as part of a new research project, I6 of the colonial and post-colonial context of returned to Cuzco to analyse the transfor- relationships marked by the racism, power mations in relationships with indigenous and inequality experienced by the Peruvian peoples (Quechuas) and the tourism indus- indigenous population vis-a-vis hegemonic try and the gradual recognition of diversity creole and mestizo society. through public programmes and policies. To be precise, the ethnographic fieldwork This investigation into the cultural signifi- for this research took place over ten week cance of the indigenous tourism and herit- weeks between October and December that age experience is based on two different but year. I participated as a guest companion in related levels of analysis, Firstly, in terms of half a dozen Tupananchis programme tours the indigenous population itself, which is in the city of Cuzco and its surroundings. addressed by studying their motivation for During these tours I carried out participant participating in these excursions, how they observation and conducted eleven inter- relate to the heritage visited, and to what views, all in Spanish, while waiting for the 36 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

tours and during coach and walking trans- Valcárcel, Abraham Guillén and Martín 7 fers: Six with indigenous tourists (four men Chambi, and other indigenists, would take Peru is one of the Latin American countries with the most recognis- and two women) from different provinces this discovery as a landmark in the construc- able historical-cultural heritage. It (Paucartambo, Canchis, Espinar and Calca), tion of the nation and political nationalism has eleven sites on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the most and the remainder with service providers based on an exalted Inca past. frequently visited of which is Machu (drivers, restaurant owners and employees Picchu. There are also about etc.). I also had numerous shorter, infor- In the 1940s, literature, cinema, the media, twenty Inca archaeological sites for tourist use in the city of Cuzco and mal conversations with the museum and theatre, schools, archaeology, politics and its surroundings. archaeological group staff during visits and tourism joined forces to defend the Inca 8 with foreign tourists we encountered during essence of the Peruvian nation and situate Although national tourism plans the tours. Beyond the tours, I conducted it geographically and culturally in the city have been created and promoted of Cuzco, a process that has been studied by Peru since the creation of a total of seven in-depth interviews with the Peru-UNESCO Tourist and tour guides participating in the tours and by several authors (De la Cadena, 2004; Cultural Plan, COPESCO) in the person running this programme at the Pacheco, 2007; Gómez, 2009; Silverman, 1969, institutionalised tourism did not become established in Cuzco Tourist Board headquarters. 2012). Three of the significant milestones Peruvian national policy until the that make a decisive contribution to pro- second half of 1990. Among the Incas, Gringos and Tourism jecting this image for international tourism main milestones were the creation of PROMPERU (1996) and of the in Cuzco are the celebration of the Inti Raymi since Vice-Ministry of Tourism (1998); Cuzco, the ancient capital of the Inca Empire 1944, still a central aspect of local festivities the creation of the "Master Plan of National Tourist Development and urban centre during the colonial era, is today; the publication of Bingham's " The of the Republic of Peru" and the both a service centre and a gateway to Machu Lost City of the Incas” in 1948; and the 1954 creation of the Ministry of Tourism Picchu, a leading destinations for foreign and Hollywood movie "The Secret of the Incas", and Foreign Trade (2001), and finally, the production of the first domestic incoming tourism in Latin Amer- with Charlton Heston. National Strategic Plan for Tourism, ica. In 2017, more than 3.2 million tourists PENTUR (2005), which is still the tool for developing tourism arrived in the city, 1.2 million of whom were Although the Peruvian government has at the national level. The plan is domestic, mostly from Lima, and just over been promoting international tourism by updated every three years and two million foreign tourists, primarily from the Peruvian state since the last 1960s8, coin- contains guidelines and indicators to integrate the tourist resources the United States, Brazil, Argentina, France, ciding with the growth of mass tourism in and services of interest, adapted the United Kingdom, Japan and Australia Europe, it was not until the mid-nineties in the respective Regional Plans (PERTUR), with a ten-year horizon. (BADATUR, 2019) after a crisis caused by years of political vio- However, beyond these plans, Peru lence and the cholera epidemic, that the city still has no public tourism. Although nature tourism and other new of Cuzco became an established interna- forms of tourism have increased substantially tional destination (Fuller, 2009). It achieved in recent years, cultural tourism associated this by recreating an image of the Inca past, with the Inca monumental heritage (visits to seasoned with esoteric and new age nuances Machu Picchu and tours of the city), are still that the city projects to this day (Pérez Galán, the most popular choice among foreign and 2011). domestic visitors. In part, this is because the history of tourism in this country is insepa- Cuzco and Incaism, regional versions of indi- rable from the contemporary production of genism with strong roots in the Cuzco city "Inca Cuzco" as the cradle of Peruvianness elite, would become the political-ideologi- whose origin dates back to the beginning of cal backdrop that would proclaim Cuzco’s the 20th century. cultural superiority the ancient capital of the Inca empire. Daniel Estrada, the city The scientific discovery of Machu Picchu by mayor at the time, would have a key role Hiram Bingham (1911) and its publication in the reinvention of Cuzco as a symbol of in National Geographic two years later, were regional identity of the Incas and their status the first milestones in the development of as a tourist attraction. Among other activi- this industry and at the same time in the ties, he reinstated the former names of the indigenism of the time. Uriel García, Luís streets and squares in Quechua. redesigned Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 37

the historic centre with numerous fountains, entrance to the sites, the services of a profes- 9 statues and large murals extolling mythi- sional Quechua and Spanish speaking guide, The history of local tourism dates back to the 1970s as a voluntary cal heroes and the Inca founders of the city meals and transport. initiative by an association of using a heroic and romantic aesthetic that students studying tourism at the This local tourism offer is made up of four University of San Antonio Abad del contrasts sharply with reality of indigenous Cuzco (CEATEC), in conjunction people today. programmes that have been developed dur- with the University, the Ministry of ing the decade since the end of the nineties: Education, the Ministry of Industry and Tourism, and ENAFER-Peru Gradually, these, and other political uses of Sightseeing walks for students consisting of (a railway company). This initiative the Inca past became part of the city’s recent guided walking tours through squares and consisted of providing transportation, lodging and meals to groups history of the city and trends in interna- streets of the historical centre, churches of school children visiting the city of tional tourism, establishing a tourism model and colonial houses, museums and Cuzco on school trips. This initiative that exalts part of the heritage (Inca) to the was joined by others to encourage Saqsayhuaman archaeological park. local tourism, such as discounts on detriment of the rest (pre-Inca, colonial, Youth with Culturealso for students, in an entrance to tourist attractions and republican and contemporary). This model the local train to Machu Picchu. area of up to 50 km from the city. is overwhelmingly aimed at one type of tour- 10 ist only: the "gringos” as these foreigners Saturdays in Cuzco for "cusqueñas" fam- See note 7. ilies from the city to visit the most sym- from the first world are popularly known in 11 the Andes - with whom the local population bolic city sites, held on Saturdays. These programmes are funded Tupananchis, the most recent of these, is with the "tourist ticket", a single has an ambiguous relationship as a source ticket that gives access to the city's of resources and, simultaneously, of conflict. aimed at the indigenous Cuzco popula- main tourist attractions. In 2014, On the one hand, we have conflicts derived tion (from the mountains and jungle) of Cuzco took 66 million Soles (about 17.6 million euros) in ticket sales from the heritage management and conser- the Cuzco Region to visit the city's Inca to tourists. According to unofficial vation that pit the former National Institute heritage. estimates, approximately 700,000 euros were used to finance the of Culture (Ministry of Culture since 2010) DIRCETUR-Cuzco Social Tourism against the local population due to expropri- In 2009, this local tourism service was sup- service during that year. ation of property, the gentrification of the ported in budgetary and regulatory terms historical centre and their banishment to the and adapted to the global rhetoric and urban periphery, and on the other hand, we contemporary trends in social and inclusive have conflict with the tourism entrepreneurs tourism. The enactment of the new Tourism (both national and foreign) for restricting the Law (2009) which declares tourism to be of use of some places, increased crime, police national interest under the principles of sus- controls, etc. tainability, inclusion, non-discrimination, identity and conservation on the one hand, Local tourism in Cuzco and the publication of the second National Under the pretext of defusing local ten- Tourism Strategic Plan (PENTUR)10 which sions caused by the management of this incorporates sustainable, social and com- resource and making the local population munity tourism to indigenous destinations more active participants in the benefits of for the first time on the other, are both key tourism, DIRCETUR- since the late 1990s to achieving this purpose (MINCETUR, Cuzco has been promoting a set of tourism 2009). In the absence of national public programmes aimed at the local population policies that regulate the model of tourism that resume the associative experience devel- development, it is up to regional govern- oped in previous decades9. It is not necessary ments to make this new rhetoric a reality to specify a place of origin, ethnic-cultural through Regional Strategic Tourism Plans affiliation, or economic situation to benefit (PERTUR) and their budgetary alloca- from these programmes. The only require- tions11. ment is "to be a Cusqueño" and to prove it by means of a National Identity Document. In this context, the group of tourism pro- In fact, the attractions visited are identical grammes for the Cuzco population pro- to those offered togringos but include free moted by DIRCETUR must now be clas- 38 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

sified as "social tourism". Thus, in addition lation segmented by place of residence and 12 to the traditional objective of reinforcing ethno-cultural affiliation. According to the General Law of Tourism (2009) "cultural tourism" the cultural identity of the population and has three components: recognis- ensuring familiarity with the traditions and The groups in this programme consist of ing tourism as a mechanism for developing the country; welcoming customs that motivated the pioneering pro- delegations of up to 30 people that include tourists with kindness and cordial- grammes, at this juncture, others are taking families, schoolchildren, students on ity; valuing, loving and protecting cultural, natural and historical a more prominent role, by: adding to and study trips and senior citizens from any of heritage. diversifying the range of destinations which the almost 1,000 communities in the 13 13 have traditionally been highly dependent provinces of Cuzco. This rural and indige- From the Quechua language: on Machupicchu and foreign tourism; nous population, mainly Quechua, which “Finding ourselves, while we get to 12 know Cuzco." strengthening the "tourist culture" ; and accounts for slightly more than 53% of promoting social inclusion through tour- the total population of the region (INEI, ism by expanding the beneficiaries of these 2007), is extraordinarily heterogeneous programmes to the indigenous and rural in terms of educational level, gender, age, population of Cuzco. Tupananchis is the one and geographical and cultural origin, but that best responds to that objective. also in terms of other more specific factors such as communication links, the different The Tupananchis programme. Segmentation, segregation and degree of westernisation, and the greater or indigenisation of tourism lesser availability of economic resources in their districts. These aspects differentiate The bus finally arrives in Tupac Amaru the groups that enrol in the programme and Square with the tourists! [...] The pas- strongly influence their interaction with the sengers are from three rural communities guides, the Ministry's employees and other in the district of Maranganí, province of tourists, their command of Spanish, their Canchis, 150 km from the city of Cuzco consumption habits and inequality in the [...]. There are approximately 60 men and use of cameras, cell phones, typical costumes women of all ages [...]. The passengers and the general atmosphere of the activity. gradually go up to the auditorium on the So much so that, in spite of repeating the second floor of the Tourism Department. tours, guides and explanations at each site With some difficulty due to the lack of visited, no two Tupananchis are the same. space, the women sit on the chairs and put their wawas and heavy llikllas full of These factors have a significant impact on food and formal clothes on the floor to the different motivations for making the change. As part of the load, some women trip. The most frequent ones include to see also carry mobile phones, compact digi- ("to see the wonders of Cuzco", "to get out tal cameras, notebooks and pens... Once of the community", "to take a break from seated, the lights go out. Tupananchis the daily routine", "the bus trip", "the free Qosqota Reqsispa13, a presentation about food", "to stroll along the streets of Cuzco", tourist culture and heritage in Cuzco is screened. Delia, the guide in charge of and "to copy ideas for future business"), and this group, tells them what she will be also to be seen ("to show off your ethnic and doing during the day: “Now, you are the regional identity and customs in the city of tourists.” (Excerpt from the Field Diary, Cuzco in multiple ways": making music, eat- Cuzco, 04.12.2014). ing in groups, wearing colourful costumes), in a culturally alien, ethnically segregated Tupananchis has many similarities with other space, charged with symbolic violence that social tourism programmes for families and marginalises and excludes them historically urban students but also some differences. and continuously, while idealizing the Incas The most evident refers to the target popu- of the past as a source of regional identity. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 39

In the same way as the other local tourism other ritual and festive occasions such as Sun- Indigenous tourists at the door of DIRCETUR, Tupac Amaru programmes, the beneficiaries of Tupanan- day civic parades and Fiestas Patrias, which Square, Cuzco (December chis do not travel as individuals but as are attended by supra-communal authori- 2014). BEATRIZ PÉREZ delegates of their institutions, in this case ties, usually non-indigenous. Along with the their communities, in groups of up to 30 traditional dress, sometimes Tupananchis people selected by each community in tourists spontaneously perform traditional advance. Although the selection procedure dances and music in open air esplanades usu- and criteria vary between one community ally in the archaeological ruins visited. This and another, preference is usually given to is the case of Saqsayhuaman Archaeological those who hold a position of authority in Park where at another time of the year Inti the community, either in democratic bodies Raymi, a festival that evokes the internation- (Board of Directors, Committees, Parents' ally famous Incas is held, which has become Associations and Mothers' Club) or in the a core episode of the city's patron saint festiv- wachu or traditional office system (Pérez ities. In addition, the indigenisation of this Galán, 2004). This means that the officials activity is manifested through other social representing their communities who come practices common to the Andean popula- to a place under foreign rule such as Cuzco, tion that occur at every step of the journey, aid understanding of some cultural behav- such as the ritual exchange of food and drink iours exhibited during these trips. accompanied by thanking the Pachamama and the Apus or guardian spirits nearby, to This is the case of the relatively frequent use the amazement of guides, employees of the of "typical clothing" by these tourists, despite Ministry of Culture and other tourists. this not being required by the programme. Rather, it is a way to stand out and express These behaviours trigger the openly dis- collective identity similar to that used on criminatory and racist situations that occur 40 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

during visits by some mestizo employees on the other: "What country do you come 14 who are forced to serve indigenous tourists: from?” "Is it very cold in there?" "Why are The guide service for the Social Tourism programmes is a public from their expulsion from the premises on they so white and so tall?" [...] Meanwhile, sub-contract that DIRCETUR the pretext that "folklore performances" are the gringos, usually very pleased with this puts out to tender every year. As well as being fluent in Quechua, prohibited, to other more veiled yet no less brief intercultural experience, admire their guides must have an official obvious reactions, such as giving priority typical clothes and ask permission to take qualification and be registered with of entry to foreign tourists queueing in the pictures of them. Sometimes it is the male one of five associations of which the more than 3,500 registered same line because the Tupananchis groups indigenous tourists who take advantage of guides (DIRCETUR, 2014) were "are too numerous", or prohibiting them their position to take pictures with the for- members in 2014. With regard to language skills, a careful look from using the toilets "because the water eign tourists with their compact cameras at this record shows that almost is not working", or forcing them to leave and cell phones. two thirds of those registered do their bulky qepis at the entrance to the rooms not include a second language, another third declare themselves "so as not to hinder the flow of tourists", Another characteristic derived from the to be bilingual (mastering the restrictions which are not applied to non-in- cultural segmentation that makes this pro- Spanish-English combination, but not exclusively) and approximately digenous tourists’ backpacks. To counteract gramme unique is that it is the only one the remaining third include the this situation, the Directorate of Tourism has carried out entirely in Quechua. Although use of a third language. Only 20 the rate of bilingualism among indigenous of the total say they are bilingual held "training workshops on local tourism" "Quechua-Spanish" or trilingual for the employees of the Ministry of Culture tourists varies depends on gender, educa- "Quechua-English-Spanish". who take care of these visitors. tional level, age and previous migratory 15 “The communal man is still not treated experience, Quechua is the mother tongue The diversification of productive well in the city of Cuzco [...]. Why don't spoken on a daily basis and as is one of the activities in the rural area and the wider availability of resources we put them together? Because they have most powerful markers of cultural and class are among the factors that have different characteristics in this country. identity in the Andes. In fact, despite being contributed to encouraging social the second language in terms of number of mobility of some indigenous For example, I can't give a “comunero” families who send their children Spanish-speaking guide because he won’t speakers in the country and being recognised to complete their secondary and understand, I have to give him a Que- as a co-official language with Spanish, it is higher education in Cuzco or in intermediate cities in recent years. chua-speaking guide. We also offer them scarcely used in government bodies. That Tourism is among the most pop- the rest of the programmes as cusqueños is why it is significant that DIRCETUR ular courses, along with tradition makes it an absolute condition that all staff management, a topic that we have [...]. Peru has a serious social segmenta- addressed on other occasions tion, we have tremendous disparities, we providing this service (guides, drivers, wait- (Pérez Galán, 2004). have a very marked racism and because ers and management support staff in this of this we deal in pragmatics and not programme) know the local language14. We with the discourse of integration: local do not have sufficient data to infer that the citizens see that peasants can be tour- few guides who say that they work in the ists, too” (VHPC, Director of DIRCE- native language to carry out their work are TUR-Cuzco, 2014). of indigenous origin - in Cuzco, some of the mestizo population, particularly adults and It is worth mentioning the relationship elderly people, speak Quechua - however, between indigenous tourists and non-in- there is no doubt that there is a trend for digenous tourists, whose encounters are opening up this professional sector tradi- usually brief and restricted to transit or at tionally occupied by mestizos, creoles and the entrance to tourist attractions. Accus- foreigners living in Cuzco15. Likewise, from tomed to seeing them as handicraft vendors, the interviews with the Tupananchis guides, beggars or porters, most gringos are surprised all of whom are mestizo and bilingual, it when they meet them, and hope they will be is clear that finding a qualified guide who seeing an unscheduled folklore performance. speaks Quechua correctly and who has the If there is any possibility for the groups to right qualifications is no easy task. In spite communicate (Spanish-English), brief but of this, little social and economic value is fruitful conversations ensue, during which given to the use of the indigenous language ¡each group of tourists projects its stereotypes in professional environments, as can be Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 41 deduced from the remuneration obtained by of the candidates for mayor, beyond a few the guides who work in these programmes, short news items in the local press to praise which is about half of that received when the Regional Government's management they work with foreign tourists in English, of tourism "for cusqueños". Yet more sur- French, Japanese, German etc. prising is the lack of promotion and raising of visibility of these programmes by the A final aspect that makes this programme Regional Directorate vis-a-vis the Ministry unique in relation to the indigenous condi- of Trade and Tourism. Structural violence tion of its participants, is the evident "insti- and racism toward indigenous people and tutional discretion" in which these tours take the immediate political impact of everything place. This attitude is evident in the discreet that affects the uses of heritage in this city or separate reception of the tourist buses at seem sufficient grounds for this caution, as the Tourist Office premises, the fact that they recognised in the interviews: run on school days, and in that, despite how "Because you don't know much... Well, numerous and difficult these groups are to because this subject must continue to handle in the city with members who are mature, and on the other hand there are constantly lagging behind to look at things, a number of dangers. There are a lot of sit down for a rest, buy something sweet or political and partisan attempts to win a soda, the guides never carry any sound votes in the communities, and those com- amplifier to get about in the city and the par- munities [the politicians] are going to Indigenous tourists ticipants are given nothing to identify them bring them [to Cuzco] to be ambassadors on a guided tour of the as tourists. The programme is not advertised for promotions and they are going to want Church of Santa Domingo, in the media or in the electoral programmes November 2014 BEATRIZ us to give them the full service. We want PÉREZ 42 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

to separate technical issues from political the structural violence exercised in the past issues, so we don't want to give them to and present by the hegemonic society. people in power which would denaturalise the whole issue, and eventually they The Peruvian case is paradigmatic in this would say that the resources are being respect. Although the construction of the used for the benefit of the party, and when nation and of political nationalism-region- the party disappeared, the programme alism based on the Inca past dates back, as would disappear and create a different we pointed out, to the discovery of Machu kind of labyrinth” (VHPC, Director of Picchu, that discovery served to create an DIRCETUR-Cuzco, 2014). elitist local discourse whose current validity is inevitably mediated by the vast process of Tourism, otherness and coloniality. patrimonialisation and tourism of the Inca Who does the Inca heritage ruins in Cuzco built through the media, represent? social networks, the Internet, cinema, school “Tupananchis is aimed at peasant and and historical fiction. All these media inter- Amazonian communities. We think they act to produce a narrative that is consumed are the true owners of the heritage. They by foreign and domestic tourists and, within are the direct heirs of the Inca culture, and this group, also by indigenous people. it is they who we bring as tourists to the city of Cuzco..." From this polysemic perspective, we propose to interpret the perceptions of the Inca In anthropological literature, several heritage visited in the Tupananchis circuits. approaches are used to interpret the rela- On the one hand, for the mentors of this tionship of indigenous people with the programme for whom it is a question of the past. For example, through the study of restitution of a right previously expropriated unique ways of creating one's own histo- from the today’s indigenous people whom he ricity as a feature of ethnic identity (Rappa- considers the bearers of an Inca identity and port, 2000), or by emphasising processes the legitimate heirs of that heritage, more of tourist and commercial standardisation than any other Cusqueño. And, on the other and spectacularisation of archaeological her- hand, for indigenous people, who like all itage (Silverman, 2002, 2005 and 2006), other Peruvians are consumers of legends or by analysing the relationship between about giant Incas capable of moving the hills political uses of archaeological discoveries that make up the contemporary landscape, and the creation of national and regional astronomical observatories converted into identity narratives (Asensio, 2012; García, landing strips for aliens, and amazing Inca 2018). In contrast, approaches that focus building techniques used in fortresses, pal- on interpreting the patterns of perception aces, temples and other stone monuments and understanding of the heritage assets that of imposing size and amazing cost that they represent the essence of the nation/region are observe in detail throughout these tours. less frequent when the recipients - as in the case of the Tupananchis programme - are the From this perspective, indigenous tourists indigenous people or other ethnic minorities of Tupananchis, like other modern tourists, traditionally excluded from the construction come to find out whether what they know of that political project. For Taussig (1995: about the Incas is true, and often the expert 67-8), who reflects on the significance of explanation of the official guides, which in monumental archaeological ruins for indig- no way resembles the popular magical-eso- enous Colombians, it is a question of a type teric narratives, proves a disappointment. of universalist narratives of foreign origin "They come eager to find out whether the which he qualifies as "our chimeras" and Incas really made those walls and took the which constitute the material expression of stone from the bedrock, 'but they have Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 43

no idea what the architecture was like! and, in particular, social tourism aimed at 16 So they say that the stone was moved and local ethnic minorities in Latin America. There are numerous ethnographies in the Andes that study cut by rubbing it, or that the aliens did the daily relationship between it. Sometimes they don't believe what Specifically, this tourism opens a space for the indigenous people and the "ancients", "machus", or "gentiles" they're told. They're incredulous. That's reflection on the marginal participation of and other mythical characters why it is a good idea for them to go to the indigenous population in relation to the from the past that inhabit the historical heritage that sustains the national Andean geography. In the highland the Inca museum, because everything is communities of the district of there” (DM, Tupananchis programme narrative: how the "indigenous view" of Pisac (Cuzco) where I carried out Guide, 2014). these tourists - who are not part of the indig- extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the 1990s, the places inhabited by enous intelligentsia, and do not they have "the ancients", mythical charac- But particularly because these Inca archae- university degrees, and are not international ters from the past, are the sites representatives of the pan-Indianist move- of choice for their cemeteries. In ological complexes are not culturally sig- these it is common to find stones nificant places to the indigenous people ment - is experienced and based on a heritage and bones in the shape of animals who visit, any more than they are for any that has been previously defined by other (illas), considered essential elements for their propitiatory rituals. other Peruvian. They are not part of their non-indigenous people; and, the extent to These spaces have a number daily identity, nor do they come from the which social and inclusive tourism is a means of qualities including a set of prohibitions and appropriate ritual indigenous narratives of "their" past or from to democratisation of heritage, in the sense treatments (Pérez Galán, 2004). their tradition, despite what is drummed proposed by García Canclini (1993). That into them time and again by the managers is, a collective appropriation of heritage that and tour guides on these tours, by teachers, involves all social sectors: indigenous and the media, the government, some anthro- non-indigenous, peasants and migrants, and pologists and everyone else who projects a especially those whose identity is disrupted supposed Inca identity onto them. Unlike by the hegemonic uses of culture. those inhabited by their ancestors and studied on other occasions, spiritually connoted It also highlights the deeply ideological and or charged with energy unlike those in which political framework implied by tourism her- their ancestors lived (Pérez Galán, 2004)16. itage for the local population, which is by no means a neutral or necessarily new process. Indigenous tourism and inclusive As illustrated by the Tupananchis programme, citizenship which is formally framed in the global nar- This text is based on the need to understand ratives of sustainability, inclusion and devel- the transformation of the roles played by opment of social tourism at the beginning indigenous peoples in Latin America in rela- of this century, but which is in practice heir tion to tourism: traditionally as providers of to currents of Cuzco's heritage, regionalist services, products and exotic images for West- indigenism and popular tourism initiatives ern tourists; and, increasingly in recent years, that date back several decades and the struggle as participants and promoters of indigenous to impose their version of the pre-Hispanic tourism businesses and as consumers of leisure legacy and its rightful place. So, while for the linked to tourism and heritage. This is the case mestizo society of Cuzco, the Inca heritage of Tupananchis, the tourism programme for supports a regionalist and national political indigenous people run by the Cuzco Regional narrative and is a symbol of social distinction Directorate of Foreign Trade and Tourism that has little or nothing to do with the indig- (Dircetur), briefly described in this text. enous people of flesh and blood, for those responsible for this programme this legacy In contrast to the anthropological emphasis is the immediate material expression of the on the study of different types of tourism and indigenous identity of the current population the experiences of tourists with their western, and, as such, is above all a right that must foreign, urban and middle class origins, this be restored to this population; while for the example highlights the multiple possibilities indigenous tourists the Inca monumental involved in the study of domestic tourism heritage represents a symbol of oppression and 44 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

exclusion in relation to the hegemonic society It is clear that to obtain recognition of this 17 of Cuzco, and also a space mediated by exotic, right it is not enough to invite a few indig- Several national and international human rights organisations have monumentalist and mythical criteria of a dis- enous people to board a tourist bus, have denounced the escalation of tant past and alien to their Andean identity, an lunch in a restaurant and show them a part violence and the assassination of environmental leaders that has identity to which I have referred on previous of the city's historical heritage. Especially taken place in the last decade in occasions as "authentically hybrid" (Pérez when part of the funds that finance these Latin America. Among the most Galán, 2004). social programmes and redistributive pub- seriously affected countries are Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, lic policies come from income from the Honduras and Guatemala. With regard to the recognition of leisure and "extractive economy" through the payment its relationship with tourism as a strategy to of royalties and fees from multinational promote social inclusion, the study of this mining and gas companies that have been type of programme aimed at indigenous depriving that same population of the right people deserves a final reflection. to territory, health and life for more than two decades throughout Latin America17. Although inclusive public policies targeting Based on the need to establish public pol- vulnerable groups such as indigenous peo- icies in this area, this study suggests that ples have been implemented in a number of tourism for indigenous people, with its Latin American countries since the begin- lights and shadows, can, under certain cir- ning of the twenty-first century (through the cumstances, contribute to the construction application of conditional income transfer of a citizenship that must also be concerned and poverty reduction programmes), they with guaranteeing access to heritage as well have an impact on basic areas of protection as the right to leisure and tourism, with the such as access to health, education, housing non-folkloric and marginal participation of and pensions, and the multidimensional these peoples. That is, both in the manage- focus on social inequality makes it possible ment and appropriation of benefits and in to think of broadening the coverage to other the definition of and access to cultural assets areas that may contribute to the exercise of by promoting their own heritage projects full citizenship by the indigenous people. as citizens and consumers. n

REFERENCES

la desigualdad en América Latina itage in Mexico, 134-156. Mexico Antxustegi, E., (2010). “Ciu- BADATUR. (2019). Observatorio y el Caribe. Lima: Regional Con- City: Economic Culture Fund. dadanía y derechos sociales”. Lan Turístico del Perú [Online] Lima: ference on Social Development in Harremanak, 22, 151-165. [Last Asensio, H. R.; Pérez Galán, suspicion. Lima: Pontificia Univer- consulted: 2 March 2019]. B. (ed.). “Introducción”. In Asen- De la Cadena, M. (2004). Indí- sidad Católica del Perú. sio, H. R.; Pérez Galán, B. (ed.), genas mestizos. Raza y Cultura ¿El turismo es cosa de pobres? Bengoa, J. (2006). La emergen- en el Cusco. Lima: Instituto de García, P. (2018). En el nombre Patrimonio Cultural, Pueblos indí- cia indígena en América Latina. Estudios Peruanos. del turista. Paisaje, Patrimonio y genas y nuevas formas de Turis- Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cul- Cambio Social en Chinchero. In- mo en América Latina (1-14). La tura Económica [1st ed. 2000]. DIRCETUR (Directorate of stituto de Estudios Peruanos. Laguna: Colección PASOS Edita Foreign Trade and Tourism) n.º 8. Serie Turismo n.º 4. PASOS Comisión Económica pa‑ (2009). Regional Strategic Plan Gascón, J. (2016). “Decon- RDTP/Instituto de Estudios Peru- ra América Latina (CEPAL). of Tourism of Cuzco, Plan Q`ente. struyendo el derecho al turismo”. anos. (2010). La hora de la igualdad. Opportunities for All. Cuzco. CIDOB d´Afers Internacionals, Brechas por cerrar, caminos por DIRCETUR (Directorate of For- 113,51-69. Asensio, H. R. (2012). “Nosotros abrir. Santiago de Chile: Chile. eign Trade and Tourism) (2014) los Muchik. Turismo, arqueología, List of Tourist Guides. Cuzco. Gómez, L. (2009). Iluminados y antropología y discursos de iden- Comisión Económica pa‑ tránsfugas. Relatos de viajeros y tidad colectiva en la Costa Norte ra América Latina (CEPAL). García Canclini, N. (1993). “Los ficciones nacionales en Argenti- del Perú (1987-2009)”. In Asensio, (2015). Desarrollo social inclusivo. usos sociales del patrimonio cultur- na, Paraguay y Perú Madrid: Iber- H. R.; Pérez Galán, B. (ed.), (op. Una nueva generación de políticas al”. In Florescano, E. Cultural Her- oamerica-Vervuert. cit., 35-60). para superar la pobreza y reducir Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 45

gencia permanente. Barcelona: Hernández‑Ramírez, J., Perei‑ Ministry of Foreign Trade and Pérez Galán, B. (2011). "New Gedisa. ro, X. y Pinto, r. (2015). “Panora- Tourism (MINCETUR). (2012). and old tourist narratives about ma de la Antropología del Turismo National Tourism Strategic Plan indigenous culture in the Andes" Uurry, J. (1990). The tourist gaze. desde el Sur” Vol. Pasos. Revista (PENTUR) 2012-2012. Lima: In PRATS, L.; SANTANA, A. Leisure and travel in contemporary de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, (coords.), Turismo y patrimonio. societies London: Sage. 13 (2):277-282. Ministry of Foreign Trade and Entramados narrativos (27-48). Tourism (MINCETUR). (2013). La Laguna: PASOS. Colección Valcuende del Río, J. M.; Herrera, A. (2013). “Heritage National Tourism Strategic Plan PASOS Edita. N.º 5. Murtagh, Ch.; Rummenhoeller, Tourism, identity and development (PENTUR) 2012-2021. Lima: h. (2012). “Turismo y Poblaciones in Perú”. Journal of Historical Ar- Pérez Galán, B. (2012). “Retóri- indígenas: espacios, tiempos y chaeology, 17, 275-295. cas de Turismo y desarrollo en los Muñiz, D. (2001). La política del recursos”. Scripta Nova. Revista Andes. La red de Turismo Rural Co- Turismo Social. Seville: Directorate Electrónica de Geografía y Cien- munitario Pacha Paqareq, Perú”. In Higgins-Desbiolles, F. (2006). General for Tourism Planning. cias Sociales, XVI(410), 1-33. “More than an industry: The forgot- Asensio, R.; Pérez Galán, B. (ed.). ten power of tourism as a social (op. cit., 171-200). International Organization of Valcuende del Río, J. M. (coord.). forcé”. Tourism Recreation Re- Social Tourism (ILOS). (1996). Amazonía: viajeros, turistas y po- search, 27(6), 1192-1208. Rappaport, J. (2000). La Política The Montreal Declaration on Social blaciones indígenas. La Laguna: de la Memoria. Interpretación Indí- Tourism. For a humanist and social PASOS, Colecc. PASOS Edita gena de la Historia en los Andes Higgins-Desbiolles, F. (2007). vision of Tourism. [Last consulted: 12 Universidad del Cauca-Serie Es- Zamosc, L. (2008). Ciudadanía Dins Burns, P.; Novelli, M. (Ed.), July 2019]. tudios Sociales. Indígena y Cohesión Social en Tourism and politics: Global frame- América Latina. San Pablo y San- works and local realities (83-107). Schenkel, E. (2013). “El turismo Pacheco, K. (2007). Incas, indios tiago de Chile: IFHC /CIEPLAN. Amsterdam: Elsevier. y fiestas. Reivindicaciones y repre- social como política estatal en Su- sentaciones en la configuración de damérica”. PASOS, RTPC, 11(1), INEI (National Institute of Sta‑ la identidad cusqueña. Cuzco: Na- 173-183. tistics and Information). (2007). tional Institute of Culture, Regional Censos Nacionales 2007, XI de Direction of Culture of Cuzco. Silverman, H. (2002). “Touring Población y VI de Vivienda [en ancient times: the present and pre- línea]. [Last del turismo en las culturas indí- American anthropologist, 104(3), consulted: 4 February 2017]. genas de América Latina”. Revista 881-902. Española de Antropología Ameri- INEI (National Institute of cana, 43(1), 155-174. Silverman, H. (2005). “Embod- Statistics and Information). ied heritage, identity politics, and (2014). Estadísticas. Turismo Pereiro, X.; De León, C. (2007). tourism”. Anthropology and Hu- [Online]. [Last consulted: 4 kuna de Panamá. Madrid: Editorial Silverman, H. (2006). “The his- February 2017]. Ramon Areces. toric district of Cusco as open-air site museum”. Dins Silverman, H., Minnaert, L., Maitlant, R.; Mill‑ Peters, A.; Higgins-Desbiolles, Archaeological site museums in er, G. (2009). “Tourism and social F. (2012). “De-marginalising tour- Latin America. University Press of policy: the value of social tourism”. ism research. Indigenous Austral- Florida. Annals of Tourism Research, ians as tourists”. Journal of Hos- 36(2), 316-334. pitality and Tourism Management, Silverman, H. (2012). “Cuzcoto- 19, 1-9. pia. Imagining and performing the Ministry of Industry, Tourism Incas”. In Staiff, R.; Bushel, R.; Wat- and Trade. (2008). Buenas Pérez Galán, B. (2004). Somos son, S. (ed.), Heritage and Tourism. Prácticas de Gestión del Turismo como incas. Autoridades tradi- Place, Encounter, Engagement Social. Experiencias Iberoameri- cionales en los andes peruanos. (128-151). London: Routledge. canas. Madrid: MITC. Madrid: Iberoamericana/Vervuert. Stronza, A. (2001). “Anthro- Ministry of Foreign Trade and Pérez Galán, B. (2006). “Turis- pology of Tourism: Forging New Tourism (MINCETUR). (2008). mo y representación de la cultura: Ground for Ecotourism and Oth- National Tourism Strategic Plan identidad cultural y resistencia en er Alternatives”. Annual Review of (PENTUR) 2008-18. Síntesis comunidades del Cusco”. Anthro- Anthropology, 30, 261-283. para la puesta en operación. Lima: pologica, 24, 29-49. Stronza, A. (2005). "Hosts and Ministry of Foreign Trade and Pérez Galán, B. (2008). “El Pat- hosts: the anthropology of com- Tourism (MINCETUR). (2009). rimonio Inmaterial en proyectos munity-based ecotourism in the National programme of Communi- de desarrollo territorial en comu- Peruvian amazon". NAPA Bulletin, ty-based Rural Tourism, 2009-10. nidades indígenas de los Andes 23, 170-190. Lima: National Directorate of Tour- Peruanos”. Revista electrónica de ism Development and Directorate Patrimonio Histórico, 3, 1-26. Taussig, M. (1995). un gigante en of Tourism Product Development convulsiones. El mundo humano como sistema nervioso en emer- 46 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Joan Roura- David González- Pablo Alonso Expósito Álvarez González INSTITUTE OF HERITAGE INSTITUTE OF HERITAGE SCIENCES INSTITUTE OF HERITAGE SCIENCES SCIENCES Doctor in Prehistory Doctor in Heritage Graduate (2016) and awarded the Studies from the in Social Extraordinary Doctoral Department of and Cultural Prize in 2015-2016 by the Archaeology at the Anthropology (2010) and holder of Complutense University of Madrid, where University of Cambridge and Doctor in a Master’s Degree in Anthropology he completed his predoctoral research History from the University of León. He and Ethnography (2013) from as part of a university lecturer training works as a researcher at Incipit-CSIC in the University of Barcelona. He contract (2009-2013), having graduated Santiago de Compostela. He has published has investigated topics involving in history from the University of Oviedo several books on the anthropology ethnicity, migrations and sport in (2007). Since 2016, he has been a post- of cultural heritage, archaeology and the Plurinational State of Bolivia doctoral researcher at the Institute of social theory in addition to more than 50 and urban anthropology in the Heritage Sciences (Incipit) at the CSIC in international articles on the same subject. case of Barcelona's wine cellars. Santiago de Compostela, and is currently His research includes the anthropology He is currently on a research on a Juan de la Cierva training contract of cultural heritage in Spain and America, contract at the Institute of (2019-2021). His research is based around especially Cuba. He has also made four Heritage Sciences (Incipit) at the the genealogy of the cultural landscapes ethnographic films that have premièred at CSIC in Santiago de Compostela, of the Cantabrian mountain range international festivals, and several short films and is completing his doctoral (Northwest Spain) during recent prehistory, disseminated in scientific spheres in the field thesis on the meaning, uses and through the comprehensive study of of heritage. He is currently researching the effects of citizen participation in archaeological, paleoenvironmental and relationship between quality, heritage and the heritage. ethnographic data. value in the artisan wine sector of Galicia. The effects of participatory mechanisms in heritage management in rural Asturias

1 1. Ethnographic scene According to Francisco, the migratory flows 1 of wild animals are better planned than This article forms part of the ParticiPat Project, funded by the n a small dining room decorated those of civilised animals and, therefore, Ministry of Science, Innovation and with dried animal skins, we talk he believes it would be logical for biologists Universities (HAR2014-54869-R). to Francisco, a former union rather than politicians to assume responsi- leader in the mining sector, who bility for town and country planning. For has become an ecological farmer. some decades now, Francisco has directed With a particularly sarcastic sense this type of criticism at the way institutions of humour, he jokes about the "danger of operate and is personally involved in build- Iextinction” in the Fuentes del Narcea, ing political alternatives. In recent years, Degaña e Ibias Nature Park (Asturias). Sta- as the chair of a property owners’ associ- tistics reveal that the population of brown ation, he has led the legal process against bears is consolidated and will guarantee the Principality of Asturias to repeal natural tourism for several generations, while the park management instruments. The main region’s towns and villages continue to lose argument of their case is that when desig- inhabitants at a fast and alarming pace. nating the protected spaces, the formulas Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 47

for citizen participation stipulated in the With regard to the methodology, we use var- Paraules clau: governança current legislation were not adequately ious research techniques, from participant participativa, patrimoni implemented. Francisco recently received observation and semi-structured interviews natural, espais protegits, xarxes clientelars, neoliberalisme a letter from the technical staff at the Rural to the study of regulations and textual docu- corporatiu. Development Group inviting him to par- mentation generated by organisations with Palabras clave: gobernanza ticipate in its meetings at Cangas del Nar- responsibilities for heritage. Our intention participativa, patrimonio natural, espacios protegidos, cea. On this occasion, he has no intention is to examine how the participatory require- redes clientelares, of driving the long distance that separates ments established in the official recommen- neoliberalismo corporativo. him from the regional capital to endorse, dations and regulations are carried out, the Keywords: participatory governance, natural heritage, with his presence, decisions that he believes conflicts between the political agendas and protected areas, cronyism, have been taken in advance by those he calls discourses of the different heritage stake- corporate neoliberalism. "the same old politicians." He is willing to holders and the hybridisation of participa- invest his time and energy in the demand tory processes with pre-existing socio-polit- for citizen participation but criticises its ical inertias (co-optation, cronyism, etc.). In appropriation and instrumentalisation by other words, far from addressing the alleged the heritage networks in the region. involvement of citizens in governance as an independent and isolated phenomenon, we 2. Research objectives, investigate participatory practices in relation methodology, and questions to the dynamics inherent in representative This article analyses the practices and dis- and administrative bodies at a municipal, courses concerning "citizen participation" county and regional level, the different sec- by local stakeholders, such as Francisco, in toral or corporate representations and the addition to public institutions and various specific nature of the trade union fabric. sectoral interest groups (politicians, public Based on this knowledge, located in the "syn- servants, representatives of·conservationist tax of participation" (Roura-Expósito and groups, landowners and farmers, workers Alonso González, 2018) we ask ourselves and business owners from the tourist sector, whether the participatory mechanisms rep- etc.). On the one hand, we approach the resent a democratising, decentralising and narratives of the subaltern and peripheral transparency-enhancing vector of institu- sectors that historically have constituted the tions as a form of defending the official polit- traditional object of anthropology, while also ical discourse, or whether they constitute looking at the perspective of the leading sec- an instrument to stabilise and strengthen tors of heritage management, along the lines pre-existing power relations (Alonso et al., of the classical works in the English-speak- 2018; Quintero Morón and Sánchez-Car- ing world on political elites (Marcus, 1983; retero, 2017; Sánchez-Carretero and Jimén- Nader, 1972). ez-Esquinas, 2016; Adell, et al., 2015; Hertz,

L’article analitza les estratègies d’imple- El artículo analiza las estrategias de imple- This paper analyses the roll-out of partic- mentació de la governança participativa mentación de la gobernanza participativa ipatory governance strategies regarding del patrimoni i el turisme en el medi rural del patrimonio y el turismo en el medio heritage and tourism in rural areas in del Principat d’Astúries. A través del rural del Principado de Asturias. A través Asturias. Ethnographic fieldwork has treball de camp etnogràfic es posa de del trabajo de campo etnográfico se pone revealed that participatory practices not manifest que les pràctiques participatives de manifiesto que las prácticas participa- only legitimise the reception and redis- no només legitimen la recepció i redistri- tivas no solamente legitiman la recepción tribution of European funds by Spanish bució de fons europeus per part de les y redistribución de fondos europeos por institutions, but also take on quite differ- institucions de l’Estat espanyol, sinó que parte de las instituciones del Estado es- ent configurations from their initial logics, adopten configuracions allunyades de les pañol, sino que adoptan configuraciones thus consolidating pre-existing power seves lògiques inicials i consoliden les alejadas de sus lógicas iniciales y consoli- relations between different local actors. relacions de poder preexistents entre els dan las relaciones de poder preexistentes diversos actors locals. entre los diversos actores locales. 48 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

2015; Cooke and Kothari, 2007; Cox, 2010; 2003). As these international bodies place Cleaver, 1999). greater emphasis on the role of civil society, citizen participation mechanisms are being In a broader sense, the article discusses forms incorporated into legislation and are becom- of political management in rural areas, the ing bureaucratic pre-requisites in terms of scope of institutional power networks, and the heritage management (Cortés-Vázquez et extension of neoliberal governance formulas al., 2017). This style of government can be of heritage and tourism, connecting with cur- conceptualised as participatory governance rent anthropological debates on governance, (McNulty and Wampler, 2015), although bureaucracy, and political elites (Ferguson and there is no shared scholarly consensus on the Gupta, 2002; Hoag, 2011; Marcus, 2008). meaning of terms such as governance (Howe, In this approach to institutional intervention 2012) or participation (Hertz, 2015). strategies and political interactions between sectoral groups, we identify traditional par- Participatory governance could be tenta- tisan and corporatist networks of the rural tively defined as a new system for bringing environment in Spain, in addition to the pro- institutions and civil society together, in gressive incorporation of elements of techno- which institutions ideally share, assign or cratic and neoliberal governance, inherent transfer certain powers over political deci- in EU development programmes such as sions. The materialisation of this promise LEADER or PRODER. As regards ethnog- can be seen in significant budgetary efforts, raphy, a heritage and tourist management which not only generate expectations and model has emerged that hybridises corporate hopes between civil society and social neoliberalism within the European frame- movements, but also new fields of profes- work, the institutional structures of the 1978 sional specialisation and a growing interest regime in Spain and cronyistic dynamics at a in academia. In recent decades there has regional and local scale (Alonso González and been abundant disciplinary literature on Macías Vázquez, 2014). Through this analy- "participation", presented in most cases as sis, we aim to demonstrate that participatory a beneficial political practice that should be processes are a result of the depoliticisation encouraged to overcome the deficits in repre- of civil society, the illegitimate exercise·of sentative democracy. However, there is also a institutional power, and the reproduction of more critical body of literature that interprets domination relationships between heritage Foucauldian participation, either as a "form stakeholders. of governance of neoliberalism" (Ferguson and Gupta, 2002), an "instrument of insti- 3. Theoretical framework tutional domination" (Cooke and Kothari, Over the past two decades, we have seen sig- 2007), an "anti-political machine" (Rose, nificant transformations in natural heritage 2006) or a "strategy for democratising ine- management models, which are progres- quality" (Lee et al., 2015). At present, it is still sively abandoning biocentric conservation unusual to find genealogical studies on the approaches and starting to value the role conditions of citizen participation or radical of local populations in the preservation of challenges concerning its ontological value, biodiversity (Berkes, 2007, Bixler et al., although more and more research laments 2015). This change has been encouraged the depoliticisation, technification and by numerous groups of EU experts and bureaucratisation of participatory processes. political committees that foster partici- At the same time, disciplinary literature is pation as a "good practice", as well as by dominated by applied approaches or theo- international manifestos and charters by retical approaches inspired by quantitative multilateral agencies such as ICOMOS or and speculative elements, which we believe UNESCO that incorporate it as a "recom- must be complemented by ethnographic, mendation" (ICOMOS, 1990; UNESCO, empirical and qualitative contributions. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 49

4. Ethnographic approach a profound productive and demographic Our fieldwork is focused on the south-west crisis (Rodríguez Gutiérrez and Menén- region of the Principality of Asturias, in an dez, 2005; Santos González and Redondo eminently rural area made up of the munic- Vega, 2016). The primary sector is limited ipalities of Cangas del Narcea, Degaña and to a number of agricultural initiatives ded- Ibias, with a population of 15.287 inhabit- icated to the cultivation of grape vines and ants. This population is encompassed by the extensive livestock farming linked to meat Alto Narcea-Muniellos Rural Development production. The mining industry, which Group’s area of action and within the terri- historically represented the main source of torial boundaries of the Fuentes del Narcea, regional income, has ceased production. Degaña e Ibias Nature Park. In this section, Consequently, regional governments are we address the socio-economic context that opting for a transition to a post-industrial

explains the emergence of these heritage economy based on the tertiary sector. In this Location of the area subject to study. We have used the management structures, before analysing socio-economic context, most of the active territorial boundaries of the their respective representation procedures population is engaged in the public sector, Fuentes de Narcea, Degaña e and a number of the causes and effects of the tourism or small-scale trade. Ibias Nature Park, in addition to the area of action of the introduction of participatory mechanisms in RED Alto Narcea-Muniellos, the rural environment of Asturias. To address the territorial challenges of this which coincides with the peripheral and impoverished area, in recent municipalities of Cangas del Narcea, Degaña and Ibias 4.1 Socio-economic context decades the Asturian administration has (2019). AUTHOR’S COMPILATION Statistics show that the south-west region implemented several plans for "rural devel- of the Principality of Asturias has been hit opment" and the "promotion of tourism." by depopulation and ageing dynamics, by Institutional strategy to promote the region’s the decline in the primary sector and by economic conversion to the tourism sector 50 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

has involved designating protected spaces, mechanisms in their respective governing Like other towns in the area designing advertising campaigns often fea- bodies, which meet the canons stipulated subject to study, Pradías (Ibias) is an example of the turing essentialist landscape narratives and by international agencies. The participa- rural area in the Principality the transformation of nature into a product tory instruments used by these management of Asturias affected by the of contemplative consumption (González structures are in essence online surveys, dis- exodus from the rural area (2017). DAVID GONZÁLEZ Álvarez, 2018). As in other areas of Spain, cussion tables, interviews between managers the creation of natural parks has meant and sectoral board members and public acts legal, economic and symbolic reclassifica- aimed at establishing public debates. tion of the land, as well as the landscape 4.2.1 Alto Narcea-Muniellos Rural being adapted to meet the demands of the Development Group tourist sector (Beltran and Vaccaro, 2014; The RDG is an institution created in 2001 Cortés-Vázquez, 2012; del Mármol, 2012; to implement the European rural develop- Santamarina, 2009; Valcuende del Río et ment plans in the area, first ERDF, and then al., 2011; Coca Pérez, 2008). PRODER and LEADER. Legally, the RDG 4.2 Heritage management structures is an association of associations, governed by Worthy of particular mention among these the representatives of each entity, who serve administrative initiatives are the creation of as spokespersons for the respective corporate public bodies such as the Las Fuentes del interests. The structure of the RDG involves Narcea, Degaña e Ibias Nature Park (here- multiple organisational and administrative levels, though governance is ultimately for- inafter, NP) and the Alto Narcea-Muniel- 2 los Rural Development Group (hereinafter malised through the direct participation Act 12/2002, of December 13, RDG). These organisations promote actions of associations. In its founding charters on the declaration of the Fuentes del Narcea, Degaña e Ibias Nature in the field of rural development and the and internal regulations, we can identify Park, Official Bulletin of the protection of nature, almost always with a a clear concern for institutional openness, Principality of Asturias No. 298, 27 view to legitimising the notion of "natural the democratisation of public management December 2002 heritage", which provides symbolic protec- and interaction with the local population. In 3 tion to institutional actions. The RDG was fact, its operation is governed by an assem- To obtain further details on the organisation and operation of the set up in 2000 and in 2002 the area was bly where 51% are representatives from institution, its territorial scope, declared an NP2. The following year, UNE- associations and sectoral groups, while the technical team and institutional trajectory, you can consult its SCO included it in the Biosphere Reserve. remaining 49% are made up of technicians website: http://www.altonarceamu- These bodies have citizen participation and institutional representatives3. niellos.org/ Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 51

The creation of this "public sphere" to repre- relegated from regional government (young sent civil society through associations repro- people, women, unions, etc.). In terms of duces the illusion·of representative democ- RDG management, the ideological distance racy. The various groups that make up this between the European legislative framework body appear as if they were equal, despite and the local context is not in doubt, rather the socio-economic inequalities. Its projects they are strategically adapted to the rural prioritise the technical knowledge inherent development requirements of programmes in positivist sciences and reproduce bureau- such as PRODER and LEADER, with a clear cratic dynamics that impose hierarchies of neoliberal inspiration (Mulero and Garzón, knowledge and a marked formalist emphasis 2005). Technical staff are personally involved on management. In this pragmatic context, in the selection of associations and, to a large RDG technicians are obliged to comply extent, instrumentalise these entities to meet with the formal requirements imposed by social and geographical representation quotas. European law, and simultaneously act as In practice, their function is to incorporate the interpreters of these international logics external discourses and narratives (participa- to continue managing their political and tion, democracy, heritage, etc.) to legitimise economic power at a local level. the receipt and redistribution of international "In 2002, PRODER was made up of funding. This process of selecting associa- 12 representatives in Cangas (6 public, 6 tions is marked by secrecy, opacity and partial private). […] Then, in 2006, the period explanations of the official discourse, as well ended and a new framework began, known as rumours of cronyistic practices that involve as LEADER. We submitted our candidacy antagonistic stakeholders in the RDG. for this new programme. And Europe "Go to the office in Cangas and talk to the responded: ‘OK, but now we need you to RDG manager, and they’ll say how they be blond with blue eyes’. Now they want help people so much... And they’ll talk to increase participation, and also ask for about participatory, representative pro- young people, the agricultural unions and cesses and everything you want to hear. But women to be involved too. […] And, log- let me tell you, I live here, and first of all, ically, it must have an organised structure. they get their relatives and friends involved, And there must be a territorial and sectoral and especially people who they can con- balance. In the previous programmes, local trol or owe them favours." (Interview with councils called on associations they already group representatives, 26 July 2016). had relations with. […] For example, with young people and women, we consulted The RDG staff operate from the facilities of the association records and sent a letter to the Alto Narcea-Muniellos association, on everyone that met the criteria. With women, the high street in Cangas del Narcea, in the it worked pretty well. With young people, immediate vicinity of other public build- in the end the result was not so good. They were few and far between and most young ings that represent political and symbolic people studied elsewhere, and… in the end power at a municipal level. These members we had to choose one from the Ibias board, of staff are responsible for performing tasks to ensure the Ibias board was represented as associated with the agreements adopted by well. And now, the young person has the the RDG assembly and often performing same problem as me. They are old." (Senior mediation activities with local and regional RDG manager, 29 March 2016). administrations, as well as with strategic stakeholders from the local population. A In this section, we address the dirigisme of manager, whose appointment is approved the European Union, which promotes the by the RDG assembly, is responsible for importance of the private sector in the deci- coordinating its work. Below the manager, sion-making process, while encouraging the four workers carry out administrative tasks participation of social players traditionally with contracts that are awarded by means of 52 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 public competition. Professional staff pro- It is subject to the structures of the State and files are linked to disciplines such as business public administration, which allocate tech- management, geography or administrative nical responsibility for the everyday manage- law. In practice, the RDG’s technical staff ment of the protected area to the civil service. are responsible for implementing local And its organisational chart can be reduced development projects, generally linked to to a single technical position: the director/ promoting the tourism sector. These actions conservationist. That person is responsible are usually defended from a marked neo- for the everyday management of the pro- liberal stance, which highlights the value of tected area and their action is controlled by individual entrepreneurship as a solution to the NP’s governing and advisory bodies, and the shrinking job market. by more senior staff in the organisational "Our association manages funds to be structure of the regional government. The applied in the region, mainly for busi- director works from the headquarters of the ness initiatives, which is the most impor- regional administration in Oviedo, 90 km tant area and accounts for 60% of the from Cangas del Narcea, although he makes total. Then, a part for the public sector periodic visits to the protected area. Amongst and another for ourselves. Our part is to Asturian administration officials, there is work on the idea of the region, to become a perception that the NP generates social a tourist destination and have a tourist conflict and that its management is prob- identity." (Senior RDG manager, 29 lematic. Since its creation in 2002, it has had March 2016). three different directors, including vacant periods of more than a year in which the 4.2.2 Fuentes del Narcea, Degaña e regional government was unable to appoint Ibias Nature Park any public servant to serve in this position. The Fuentes del Narcea, Degaña e Ibias Nature Park is also governed by a formally During our fieldwork, we interviewed the participatory system, although there are three directors and they all emphasised several differences when compared to the that it is difficult to accommodate partic- RDG. Structurally, affected rights holders, ipatory logic with procedures which take professionals and trade unions account for a long time, are bureaucratic in terms of 30% of representatives on the NP Board, management and vertical in terms of public and conservation groups and the Univer- administration decision-making. The NP sity of Oviedo account for 10%. However, managers also expressed uncertainty about the Board is only an advisory body to the citizen participation mechanisms, because Governing Commission, which consists of the limits imposed by bureaucratic insti- solely of institutional representatives from tutions and systems on implementing them, local councils, rural parishes and technical as well as a lack of specific training in par- staff of the regional administration. The ticipatory techniques and methodologies. Governing Commission is the body that The inclusion of participatory dynamics is approves the main actions and oversees the considered a requirement imposed "from director’s work. The management structure above" and disassociated from the logics of of the protected area is quite precarious and the local population. The absence of specific is mainly oriented towards the conservation action procedures means that the success of of "heritage values" in the region. The NP is citizen participation depends on the respon- clearly designed from a tourism perspective sibility, style and individual disposition of and, in its area of influence, we can identify each director. several enclaves that have been declared as "Having no funds and no staff is diffi- being of ethnological interest: landscape cult. Remember, I have no technical staff interpretation centres, nature classrooms, under me. Public participation, both in visitor reception centres and so on. the methodological and professional Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 53

fields, is carried out as best it can be. In a whether the introduction of formal "par- Nature Park, we should be able to have ticipatory" practices changes the direction a structure: with an auxiliary body, an of power flows in the region. Participatory administrative team... In short... A struc- processes are considered as part of the general ture that is essential to management. But framework of the economic, political and here the reality is that there is only one cultural life of the municipalities of Cangas director with a chair, a computer and lim- del Narcea, Degaña and Ibias. The wide ited capacity and autonomy for focusing variety of views, concerns and expectations on what his relationship with the territory of the various heritage stakeholders shapes should be like... So, participation is sui a complex dynamic in which areas of insti- generis. Because it is not formalised in any tutional action often overlap and intersect. way. Look, I’m all for personal contact We then consider the structural conditions, and, obviously, management cannot be the interest and the political agendas of the conceived without understanding people’s concerns. But this currently depends different heritage stakeholders, exploring the on my good will, my willingness, even in heterogeneous semantics, floating meanings, terms of times, days... So I try to remain in and social impacts of participatory processes close contact with all sectors, even minor- in the fields of heritage and tourism. ity sectors to get an idea... But often I can’t 4.3.1 Local politicians and it’s frustrating." (Director of the NP, Local politicians, in particular members of 26 July 2016). the municipal governments, have a lot of 4.3. Heritage management scope for intervening in the bodies that chan- stakeholders nel citizen participation in the RDG and NP, In this section, we address the other stake- through their direct representation and their holders involved in heritage management ability to mediate in the selection of social or from an ethnographic perspective to discuss producer representatives. In practice, their

Map of stakeholders in the Divide created case study (2018). Design by Assembly and Board by technical of the Alt Narcea-Mu- Maria Massaguer and Sergi language and bureaucratic practices. Hernández.

Filter by municipal weight. niellos RDG Local communities Participatory process too fast. Owners Local associations Stakeholders no training or experience and groups Rural parishes

Political parties at Conservationistgroups local level

Local councils University of Oviedo

Professional associations, Participatory trade unions representations: Politicalregional parties level at groups and residents think and propose, Nature Park Board council technicians

Asturias decide.

Principality of

Government of the Governing Nature Park Commission 54 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 function is to facilitate (or hinder) certain with arguments. The instrument is then citizen demands, through their privileged drafted, which also involves public par- access to the media and their connections ticipation. Each of stakeholders who put with regional political groups. The politi- forward their arguments is then notified... cians’ agenda is linked to partisan interests at So there was all this participation and, various territorial levels, and this conditions what’s more, strictly complying with the their support for the actions of the RDG or legal provisions in my view." (Mayor of NP administration. The perception of local a municipality inside the NP, 30 March stakeholders in different sectors of interest is 2016). that political positions generate a sensation 4.3.2 Regional politicians of distrust, as it affects their direct control At a higher territorial level, we identified over resources and forces them to establish the regional political parties and their rep- compensatory mechanisms to maintain their resentatives. Their agenda coincides, in most power networks. cases, with the agenda of the local political "Europe doesn’t want the public author- representatives of the corresponding parties, ities or any specific interest, to represent although disagreements arising merely from more than 50%. There must be fewer an electoral perspective at different levels public representatives than private rep- have also been recognised. These stakehold- resentatives. And that is non-negotiable. ers are particularly important in the study of Elected politicians do not understand conflicts concerning the designation of NP. this, and they don’t like it much either." The development of the regulations appli- (Senior manager of the RDG). cable to the NP resulted in some owners in the protected area filing a legal complaint, However, in our interviews, politicians often which most of the technical experts, manag- appeal to the semantic field of participation ers,environmental groups and rural tourism and, at a rhetorical level, defend the citizen business owners considered inappropriate. involvement in public management of the The landowners alleged that vertical impo- NP and the RDG. The descriptive meta- sition of the status of NP violated their right phors used by politicians to refer to partici- to access the land, imposed limitations and pation appeal to materialities of modernity obstacles to its economic exploitation and with a huge social value. In particular, they violated the participatory procedures con- tend to include participation as a communi- templated in the legislation. Ethnographic cation infrastructure (path, channel, bridge), research demonstrates that the groups of a medical formula (prescription, treatment, owners behind this claim also accused polit- drug), or a work instrument (tool, mech- ical representatives of reproducing corrupt anism, device) (Roura-Expósito, 2019). and cronyistic governance practices. The use of these metaphors suggests that "The National Park is an idea of those the approach of politicians to participation enlightened politicians who have always is procedural and pragmatic, and is often ruled here, with the same shenanigans and subordinated to other bureaucratic, legal or corruption as always. We even filed claims technical governance devices. in Europe, telling them ‘Watch out! You’ll "In the preparation of the NP instru- be giving money to those climbers with ments, there was some public participa- no regard for public participation.’ [...] tion and, what’s more, we believe that But they [the politicians] didn’t care about these participation channels are impor- public opposition. They rushed through tant. You are going to talk to the owners its publication in the BOPA [Official and they are going to say no. But there Gazette] and ‘stuff you’. In short... Why was public participation. I’m sure you're call on those affected to look at the pros aware of the procedure: an index is created and cons for the Park? Everything here and a participation channel is opened works by ‘order and command’, just like Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 55

Press cutting, La Nueva España, 13 May 2016.

it did 50 years ago.” (Interview with group political advisor of a parliamentary group in 4 representatives, 26 July 2016). the Xunta Xeneral del Principáu de Asturies This parliamentary process can be consulted on the Parliament of pointed out, in these legislative procedures, Asturias website: http://videoteca. Against this backdrop, landowners began a participatory lexicon is devoid of political jgpa.es/library/items/actos-in- stitucionales- x-legislatura-ch-comi- lengthy lawsuit against the regional govern- content and is used in an instrumental and sion-de- desarrollo-rural-y-recur- ment of the Principality of Asturias to repeal ambivalent way. sos- naturales-2019-06-06. the framework plans and documents that "Appearances [by party spokespersons] regulated management of the NP. This pres- are an ordeal for MPs, hours on end of sure resulted in a number of regional political listening to things that they already knew parties assuming this claim as their own. For were going to be said. Because all parties example, the regionalist and conservative have the habit of citing their technical party Foro de Asturias Ciudadano (FAC) expert for these. This is the same technical led the amendment to Act 10/2017 on the expert who has drafted the arguments for Protection of Natural Spaces in Asturias, them. So it’s a dialogue between idiots dated 24 November 4. In the parliamen- where nobody listens... And the same goes tary process, all the political parties encour- for their interventions... It‘s all for show. aged participation and seemed to agree on What they do is just use words that sound the need to involve the local population good in their speeches: "participation", in the management of the protected area "democracy", etc. But there is no real will (Cortés-Vázquez, 2017). However, the lack to face the reality behind these words." (Interview with the political adviser to of a definition, poor workability and lack of a parliamentary group, 26 July 2016). specification in terms of the concept of "participation" (Cornwall, 2008; Hertz, 2015; 4.3.3 Representatives of·conservationist Parfitt, 2004) prevented in-depth territorial groups debates, programmatically speaking, and Ecological groups play a significant role in masked the antagonistic views concerning the debates established around the manage- the nature heritagisation processes. As the ment of cultural and natural heritage. Con- 56 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Press cutting, La Nueva España, 14 May 2016.

servationist positions often conflict with the and highly technical language linked to sci- stance of local stakeholders, such as farmers, entific disciplines such as biology, ecology, hunters and certain tourism practices that forestry engineering, etc. By contrast, they are of interest to local business owners and maintain tense, antagonist relations with politicians (wildlife spotting, sports fishing, certain political parties, agricultural unions the organisation of mountain races, etc.). and members of local communities, who The visibility of·conservationist groups is accuse conservationist groups of hindering notorious on account of their presence on the development of productive activities the Board of the NP, their organisational linked to the primary sector. The misun- capacity and the international scope of derstanding, in most cases, is mutual and their political connections. Faced with this it is not uncommon for representatives of defence of strict conservation of the natural environmental groups to accuse the local environment championed by these ecolog- population of reproducing bad conserva- ical movements, some local stakeholders tion practices or practices that minimise the raise the inertia of tradition in managing existence of critical groups in the NP. the territory exemplifying the dichotomous "Only a few are fighting against the Park... confrontation so often observed between Why doesn't the rest fight for the gen- nature and culture (Descola, 2005). eral interest? […] Often, these owners do not respect the environment... And they These clashes are instrumentalised by local think that because the land is theirs, they and regional political parties, which con- have the right to do whatever they want." vert the debate into fuel for their disputes (Representative of an ecological group, in the media. In many cases, these con- July 27, 2016). flicts help to reinforce simplistic discursive frameworks that ignore the complexity of 4.3.4 Representatives of professional rural landscapes. Conservationist groups associations, employers and trade are often in agreement with the adminis- unions tration's technicians, as they share practices The interests of the different professional and discourses concerning the environment groups, employers and unions are repre- Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 57 sented on the management bodies of the other "parachute", "phantom" or "front” NP and the RDG through the spokespeople associations, created on an ad hoc basis by designated by the employers’ associations, agents who control regional reliance net- professional associations or unions. Nor- works and who use them to meet the tech- mally, these groups ensure the joint interests nical bureaucratic requirements of partici- of heterogeneous economic sectors (tour- pation. This accusation is not only spread ism companies, hotels, wine producers, by members of groups opposed to the RDG agricultural workers, etc.) and demand the or the NP. During the fieldwork we also extension of "citizen participation" formu- documented certain cases on the ground. las to increase their ability to intervene and "Once in Degaña, we tried to interview influence heritage management. The repre- the secretary of one of the associations sentatives of these groups establish alliances represented in the RDG. After locating with political or technical representatives, her, behind the counter of one of the few trying to increase their representation in the local businesses, we asked her if she would regional structures that mobilise economic have a moment to talk about the perfor- resources. Amongst these stakeholders, we mance of the RDG. To our surprise, she have identified associations with significant stated that she did not have the security social dynamism that represent particular of being legally listed as a secretary of the interests. However, we have also identified association, that she had never attended

Press cutting, La Nueva España, 11 April 2017. 58 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

an RDG meeting, and that her organi- The interests of landowners and farmers are sation's general meeting had not met for channelled through law firms or political many years. Visibly surprised by our ques- parties who are familiar with current legis- tions and worried about more customers lation in the field of protected spaces. Law coming into the shop, she suggested that firms hired by different landowner groups perhaps the chairperson of the entity regu- play a key role in lawsuits. These firms not larly attended the RDG general meetings only design the legal strategy for the law- in Cangas del Narcea but, either way, he suits against the Principality of Asturias, but does not say what he does.” (Field diary, also undertake political and media actions 28 July 2016). to sway public opinion. They also assume 4.3.5 Landowners and farmers responsibility for aligning the discourses The local population includes landowners of landowners, often introducing legal and farmers who perform their activities in language into the local context that then a structural framework of socio-economic become frameworks for action and political crises, as well as several landowners within mobilisation. For example, the complaint of the boundaries of the NP. In general, these a lack of participation amongst farmers and stakeholders are in conflict with conserva- landowners used in court proceedings stems tionist groups and managers of the NP and from the expert and privileged knowledge RDG, although this confrontation is ampli- of these law firms. fied by the media and intensified by political "Participation is a very important element parties to generate a framework for mobi- in the pleas. The rulings I have handled lising votes. Farmers and landowners offer have been repealed, inter alia, due to a resistance to the conservationist management lack of participation of the stakehold- of the NP and the importance placed by the ers affected by the development of the RDG on tourist initiatives to the detriment of regulations and due to a failure to call "traditional" agricultural activity. The conflict for public involvement and public infor- between these stakeholders can be traced to mation. Those affected sometimes need antagonistic views of the environment and to be informed of this, as they are not the right to use and harness specific territorial always aware of their rights in advance." resources. While the NP managers and con- (Defence lawyer representing complain- servationist sectors consider that humanity as ants against "the expropriation" of the a whole is the depository of the protected area’s NP, April 15, 2016). heritage values, farmers and landowners look to protect their differential rights by appealing Landowners and farmers not only incor- to tradition, affiliation and local belonging porate participation into their repertoire of (Valcuende del Río et al., 2011). As many demands to increase their political inclu- ethnographies have shown, the subordinate sion, but because at present, the language sectors tend to highlight their historical ties of participation is strategic in denounc- with the land and incorporate moral vindica- ing the political establishment in the legal tions that underline the lack of institutional sphere. Accordingly, the accounts of these respect for their human dignity (Carman, sectors are structured to fit with the articles 2017, Fassin, 2014; Franquesa, 2018). contained in the legal system, regardless of "My grandfather worked this land during whether they believe in the transformative the 19th century... So now some chap and emancipatory possibilities of participa- wants to come over from his office in tory mechanisms. Cangas or Oviedo to tell me how to do "The claim is that there is a lack of par- things in my own home. First, a little bit ticipation because it is one of the most of respect. We are the ones that live here." demonstrable factors. If only we could (Chairman of a landowners association, demonstrate misappropriation, extortion 26 July 2016). and other crimes they are more concerned Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 59

about concealing. However, by mention- owners, who reproduce commercial and ing participation they made a big mistake extractionist discourse about nature that is and didn’t expect us to use that opportu- typical of the neoliberal framework, mainly nity. It would have been a better idea for concerned with maximising their profits them to fake participation, as they do in (Tsing, 2015). For this group, the partici- other cases. I personally would not have patory mechanisms and scenarios in RDG participated, but from a legal point of and NP management represent opportuni- view they would have at least covered their ties for enhancing their productive activity. own backs." (Chairman of a landowners However, sometimes, the interests of these association, 26 July 2016). tourist entrepreneurs clash with the NP’s 4.3.6 Business owners and workers in conservationist interests. An example of this the tourism sector can be seen in the comments of the manager Tourism represents an emerging framework of the Parador Nacional de Monasterio de of economic activity, which is particularly Corias (Cangas del Narcea): important for creating jobs at a time when "To me, the Biosphere Reserve... We don’t coal mining has come to an end in the area care, because we never have access [...] researched. The tourism boom is one of the As a hotelier, it serves no purpose as my consequences of the leverage actions per- customers can never go." (Manager of formed by the RDG, harnessing the herit- the Parador Nacional, 31 March 2016) 5. age reference that the NP involves. Within the tourism sector, we can identify a wide We also identified tourist stakeholders that variety of stakeholders. First of all, business promote what they refer to as "alternative Press cutting, El Comercio, 4 December 2016. 60 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

tourism" or "ecotourism" initiatives, which participation mechanisms are directed by 5 Access to Muniellos demonstrate a concern for environmental stakeholders closer to pre-existing economic oak forest is limited to 20 people per day. To guarantee your visit, sustainability, the demographic viability of and partisan powers, channelled through you must reserve a space several local communities and the transmission of informal networks of political and economic weeks in advance. the culture and identity of the social land- control. scape. These positions intersect with the affinities and conflicts of the other stakehold- In the case study, we recognise the percep- ers resulting from typical reliance on cro- tions of various stakeholders in relation to nyism, which characterises the productive participation, which vary depending on fabric in the rural regions of Asturias (García their explicit or hidden political experiences, Martínez, 2016). However, the small-scale expectations and agendas. In particular, we tourism sector is usually in favour of the NP can see contradictions between the ideals of and the activities promoted by the RDG. horizontality that guide participatory prac- The discourse of these stakeholders usually tices and their materialisation in knowledge links entrepreneurship and keeping people hierarchies, as well as political readings inter- in the area, and it is common for them to be ested in official recommendations, proto- critical of public institutions on account of a cols and regulations. In this area, it must be lack of economic investment in rural areas. taken into consideration that participation "Of course I agree that it helps to have an as a practice and discourse is presented in a RDG, LEADER, or whatever they want particular way in the different areas of gov- to call it. There must be a body in place ernance. In the case of the NP, the key figure that helps and teaches people to take a risk for reproducing the everyday management and start their own business. In rural areas, of the protected area is the director/conser- it is imperative that this type of training vationist appointed by the regional govern- is undertaken, as it makes people want ment. In epistemological and logic terms, to stay here. That, in the end, is what it's the three successive directors of the NP were all about. Although it’s not just about the civil servants and, specifically, biologists and RDG, it’s about politics. Unfortunately, engineers, with a conception of natural space in that regard things are not very good. closely associated with conservationist logic. There are progressively fewer voters, so The directors received no training on par- they are bothered about us less and less." ticipatory techniques and the lack of public (Worker in a rural tourism establishment, funding made it difficult for them to remain 28 March 2016). in contact with the local population. Beyond showing goodwill, these stakeholders do 5. Conclusions not regard participatory processes as spheres The genealogical approach to governance for egalitarian interaction with the sectors discourses in the NP and RDG has iden- affected, rather as complementary fields of tified successive stages for configuring par- institutional activity subordinated to the ticipatory requirements, always mediated interests of the general public. by the conditioning of the social structure of the territory and the conflicts generated In contrast, the structure of the RDG is a by the extension of new forms for the polit- result of the technocratic governance typical ical management of heritage and tourism. of neoliberalism that is more adapted to the The study of participatory processes in the concepts of flexibility, entrepreneurship and implementation of the NP and RDG has participatory formulas, which, nonetheless, facilitated the anthropological analysis of are channelled through local networks loyal governance formulas relating to European to political parties. The RDG's budgetary policies of modernising tourism and turn- and technical resources potential is much ing the rural economy into a service econ- greater that of the NP, and the knowledge omy. Fieldwork demonstrates that citizen of its employees is more heterogeneous, as Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 61 it includes areas such as business adminis- strategic document assessing the dynamics tration. For example, the RDG has funded implemented: external studies developed by experts (his- "Participation has been the cornerstone torians, ethnographers, etc.) on heritage of the entire strategy-making process. aspects specific to the region. This research However, it is also the most complex on has justified decision-making in the field of account of [...] time (two months, sum- heritage management, and has sometimes mer) and space (extensive territory, dis- resulted in publications that are used to pro- persed and communication difficulties) mote rural tourism. Consequently, the RDG factors." (Asociación Centro de Desar- is an institution with a greater capacity for rollo Alto Narcea Muniellos, 2016: 96) intervention in terms of territorial dynamics. Beyond the objective conditions that would Ironically, county residents believe that the make participation viable from a material NP director holds greater power than the perspective, we have also identified that the technical experts of the RDG, even though institutions impose a morality that seeks to this post merely controls an infrastructure detract from local forms of heritage support. with limited economic resources within the For example, in the declaration of the NP, the narrow organisational constraints of the lack of landowner participation cannot solely Asturian administration. These nuances be attributed to the lack of funding, but also warn of the need for conducting detailed to the limited recognition of the territorial ethnographic work to describe the local per- concerns of the populations affected. In the ceptions of heritage and tourism manage- specific case of the NP, even stakeholders ment. As has been detected, the affected sec- that are clearly in favour of the assets decla- tors in particular direct their legal and moral ration, including public servants,conserva- demands at State structures, although the tion groups or players in the tourist sector, institutions with the most territorial impact criticise the failure to include participatory are based on the premises of neoliberal devel- procedures by the Asturian administration. opment that are increasingly defined by the These internal criticisms show that the sec- private sector. tors affected were conceptualised as recipients, rather than providing them with an Although official discourses present citizen active role as consultative agents, managers, participation as a socio-political practice or executors of heritage activation. that allows citizens to influence, monitor "The feeling is that initially, the adminis- and intervene in decision-making (Parés tration didn't do things entirely the way it Franzi, 2009), on the ground we have found should have. Landowners were not duly that the effects of participatory processes informed, or consulted... Nor did they are more ambivalent and contradictory, know how to communicate the advan- generating legal regulations, regulating tages that the NP might have... Therefore, people and involving new forms of power the first complaints were filed due to lack and governance (Shore and Wright, 1997). of participation and it was impossible to Ethnographic work has revealed that key speak without the involvement of lawyers stakeholders in heritage and tourism govern- and judges." (Former director of the NP, ance (RDG and NP managers) believe eco- 26 July 2016). nomic investment is lacking to set up more organised and systematic actions in terms In terms of NP management, we have repeat- of participation. The practical problems we edly identified clashes between groups, espe- have identified include the imposition of cially in the case of farmers and landowners temporal and spatial limits on participatory who mostly reject the idea of the protected processes, reducing the accessibility of the area. These tensions are instrumentalised by population and its transformative scope. law firms and political forces which harness As mentioned self-critically in the RDG the dichotomous simplification of discourses 62 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 relating to heritage management. These representations actually awakened distrust political disputes in turn reproduce binary and rejection among subaltern stakeholders, framing logics and consolidate seemingly who considered them excessively theatrical irreconcilable visions of heritage between and because they felt they were being treated "eco-mugs" and "office people” against as children. A number of these stakehold- "chavs" and "country bumpkins". In some ers also assert that RDG technical staff did cases, these confrontations are resolved in not report at the time of the meetings, that the courts, or even in the Parliament of the online surveys had been sent selectively and Principality of Asturias. However, on such that dialogue with dissenting groups was occasions, the hermeneutic plasticity of avoided. Instead, the technical staff involved participation results in widespread appro- in the design and implementation of par- priations of its meaning, which mask and ticipatory processes indicated limitations obscure the in-depth heritage debates. In relating to the political culture of Spain and parliamentary speeches, participation serves the traditional forms of negotiation in rural as an empty signifier (Laclau, 1996), that contexts. specific groups with powerful interests in "In Spain, we have come from a position limiting its definitions strategically use to of being under a dictatorship... Do you suit their own agenda. Ultimately, the notion think the place for negotiations here is a of participation becomes a rhetorical and sectoral committee? Here, things have political resource used by stakeholders even always been resolved in the bar!" (Senior from antagonistic ideological spectra, who RDG manager, 29 March 2016) have increasingly fewer expectations in their transformative scope. Within the framework of the RDG, cultural and neighbourhood associations perform As regards participatory processes in the an increasingly central role in the formalisa- RDG, ethnographic observation suggests tion and legitimisation of participatory gov- that they are resulting in highly ritualised ernance, and are gradually acquiring more representations, insofar as they incorpo- power. For example, in the RDG assem- rate certain language, technologies and bly, they hold 51% of the decision-mak- methodologies (such as cards and colour ing capacity. However, our ethnographic markers). According to certain players, research highlights the lack of control over these techniques, rather than stoking the democracy and the internal transparency debate, actually formalise and neutralise of some of these associations. The prom- it. The RDG meetings were driven by the inence of political representatives in their institution's own technical staff, who were selection implies that their representation concerned with modelling the scenario, set- is often influenced by the interests of polit- ting the standards for intervention, and the ical parties. We also recognise the existence limits of deliberations. Following an initial of "parachute", "fake" or "front" associa- presentation of the objectives set out at the tions, created on an ad hoc basis to satisfy the meeting (concerning most sectoral topics), technical and bureaucratic requirements of debate among attendees were encouraged, participatory processes. Members of these and different strategies were put into practice associations often reproduce partisan or to encourage public participation. However, business interests on a local scale and are the voices and narratives of the RDG staff easily co-opted by players close to regional predominated over other stakeholders, and powers. although local politicians and representatives of unions and professional groups The ethnographic approach also shows intervened, the participation of residents the growing distance between the differ- with agricultural or livestock interests was ent groups and their distinctive familiarity limited or non-existent. Theseparticipatory with administrative practices and technical Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 63 language. Participatory processes serve as economic resources at a local level. Subal- guidelines for technical drafting protocols tern heritage stakeholders associate those that often feature expert and obscure lan- promoting participatory processes with guage, which only those familiar with these the political party networks that have his- codes understand: political representatives, torically been dominant in the region, and administration technical staff, environmen- encourage reflection on the hybridisation tal representatives, trade union delegates, and between traditional forms of government in so on. A broad section of local communities, the rural environment and the dynamics of on the other hand, in particular older people, neoliberal governance in programmes such women and people with limited academic as the ERDF or LEADER. Far from reduc- education, do not understand this technical ing the distance that separates citizens from or legal language, so are excluded from deci- institutions, these participatory mechanisms sion-making spaces. Against this backdrop, are becoming cosmetic mechanisms to give the will of the technical staff involved in these the cronyistic networks a cloak of legitimacy. procedures is a key factor in encouraging (or limiting) their participation in equal Just like stakeholders such as Francisco asked conditions. The paradox is that although us to do, in this article we have addressed public participation is presented rhetorically the resilience of regional power structures as a strategy of political decentralisation, in and their instrumental incorporation of new practice, it is so technical, standardised and practices and grammatical forms of domina- bureaucratic that it favours the exclusion of tion such as citizen participation. However, stakeholders with less power over heritage participatory processes in the field of heritage management. should not only be interpreted as hegemonic procedures of the elite to recover their hold Research in a rural, impoverished and on democratic credibility, but also as possible stigmatised area in south-west Asturias institutional platforms for connection and demonstrates that public participation is response, in a global context of diminishing progressively being included in "author- "popular participation" in combative unions ised heritage discourse" (Smith, 2006), and antagonistic social movements. n almost always to satisfy the bureaucratic requirements of international agencies that make it possible to capture and redistribute

REFERENCES

se dignifica. Buenos Aires: Siglo Adell, N.; Bendix, R.; Bortolot- Alonso González, P; Macías, A. Berkes, F. (2007). “Communi- XXI. to, C.; Tauschek, M. (ed.) (2015). (2014). “Neoliberalismo corpora- ty-based conservation in a glo- Between Imagined Communities tivo y clientelismo en España: Et- balized world”. Proceedings of the Cleaver, F. (1999). “Paradoxes and Communities of Practice Par- nografía de la financiación europea National Academy of Sciences, of participation: questioning participation, Territory and the Making del desarrollo rural a través de un 104(39), 15188-15193. ticipatory approaches to devel- of Heritage. Göttingen: Universi- proyecto fallido”. AIBR. Revista opment”. Journal of International tätsverlag Göttingen. de Antropología Iberoamericana, Bixler, R. P.; Dell’angelo, J.; Development: The Journal of the 9(3), 223-250. Mfune, O.; Roba, H. (2015). Development Studies Association, Alonso González, P.; González “The Political Ecology of Partici- 11(4), 597-612. Álvarez, D.; Roura-Expósito, J. Beltran, O.; Vaccaro, I. (2014). patory Conservation: institutions (2019). PARTICIPAT: “Exploring Parcs als comunals. La patrimoni- and discourse”. Journal of Political Coca Pérez, A. (2008). Los the Impact of Participatory Gov- alització de la muntanya al Pallars Ecology, 22, 164-182. camperos: Territorios, usos so- ernance in the Heritage Field”. PO- Sobirà. Barcelona: Government ciales y percepciones en un “es- LAR: Political and Legal Anthro- of Catalonia, Ministry of Culture, Carman, M. (2017). Las fronteras pacio natural” andaluz. Seville: pology Review, 41(2), 306-318. Directorate General of Popular de lo humano. Cuando la vida hu- Fundación Blas Infante. Culture, Associations and Cultur- mana pierde valor y la vida animal al Action. 64 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

to say?”. Landscape Research, An Interdisciplinary, Searchable, Cooke, B.; Kothari, U. (2007). 44(2), 117-133. and Linkable Resource, 1-14. Santamarina, B. (2009). “De par- Participation: The New Tyranny? ques y naturalezas. Enunciados, London: Zed Books. cimientos y dispositivos”. Revista Hertz, E. (2015). “Bottoms, Mulero, A.; Garzón, R. (2005). de Dialectología y Tradiciones Genuine and Spurious”. In Adell, “Espacios naturales protegidos Populares, 64(1), 297-324. Cornwall, A. (2008). “Unpacking N.; Bendix, R.; Bortolotto, C.; Taus- y desarrollo rural en España: los ‘Participation’: models, meanings chek, M. (ed.), Between Imagined Planes de Desarrollo Sostenible”. and practices”. Community Devel- Communities and Communities Ería, 68, 315-330. Santos González, J.; Redondo opment Journal, 43(3), 269-283. of Practice: Participation, Territory Vega, J. M. (2016). “Gestión, pro- tección y despoblación en las Res- and the Making of Heritage, 25- Parés Franzi, M. (2009). Par- ervas de la Biosfera de la Cordillera Cortés-Vázquez, J. A. (2012). 57. Göttingen: Universitätsverlag ticipación y calidad democrática: Cantábrica”. Pirineos, 171, e025. Naturalezas en conflicto. Con- Göttingen. evaluando las nuevas formas de servación ambiental y enfrentam- democracia participativa. Madrid: iento social en el Parque Natural Hoag, C. (2011). “Assembling Ariel. Shore, C.; Wright, S. (1997). Cabo de Gata-Níjar. Valencia: partial perspectives: Thoughts on “A new field of anthropology. To- Germanía. wards an anthropology of policy”. the anthropology of bureaucracy”. Parfitt, T. (2004). “The ambiguity In Shore, C.; Wright, S. (ed.), An- Political and Legal Anthropology of participation: a qualified defence thropology of Policy: Perspectives Cortés-Vázquez, J. A. (2017). Review, 34(1), 81-94. of participatory development”. on Governance and Power, 3-33. “Conservación ambiental, partici- Third World Quarterly, 25(3): London: Routledge. pación pública y crisis económica: Howe, B. M. (2012). “Govern- 537-556. entre la amenaza de privatización ance in the interests of the most encubierta y la búsqueda de Smith, L. (2006). Uses of Herit- vulnerable”. Public Administration Quintero Morón, V.; Sánchez- políticas más equitativas para los age. London and New York: Rou- and Development, 32(4-5), 345- Carretero, C. (2017). “Los verbos espacios naturales protegido”. tledge. 356. de la participación social y sus con- Quaderns-e de l’Institut Català jugaciones: contradicciones de un d’Antropologia, 22(2), 231-241. Icomos. (1990). International patrimonio ‘democratizador’”, Re- Tsing, A. L. (2015). The Mush- Council on Monuments and Sites. vista Andaluza de Antropología, room at the End of the World: On Cortés-Vázquez, J. A.; Jimén- Bern: Swiss National ICOMOS 12, 48-69. the Possibility of Life in Capitalist ez-Esquinas, G.; Sánchez-Car- Committee. Ruins. Princeton: Princeton Uni- retero, C. (2017). “Heritage and versity Press. Rodríguez Gutiérrez, F.; Me participatory governance: an analy- Laclau, E. (1996). Emancipación néndez, R. (2005). Geografía de sis of political strategies and social y diferencia. Argentina: Ariel. Asturias: la reestructuración terri- UNESCO (2003). Convention for fractures in Spain”. Anthropology torial de una región de tradición the Safeguarding of the Intangible Today, 33(1), 15-18. Lee, C.; McQuarrie, M.; Walker, industrial. Barcelona: Ariel. Cultural Heritage. E. (2015). Democratizing Inequal- Cox, R. (2010). Environmental ities: Dilemmas of the New Public Rose, N. (2006). Governing ‘ad- Valcuende del Río, J. M.; Communication and the Public Participation. London and New vanced’ liberal democracies. In Quintero Morón, V.; Cortés- Sphere. Los Angeles: Sage. York: New York University Press. Sharma, A. i Gupta, A. (ed.). The Vázquez, J. A. (2011). “Natu- Anthropology of the State: A Read- ralezas discursivas en espacios Descola, P. (2005). Par-delà na- Marcus, A. (2008). “Interrogat- er, 144-162. Malden: Wiley-Black- protegidos”. AIBR Revista de ture et culture. Paris: Gallimard. ing the neo-pluralist orthodoxy in well. Antropología Iberoamericana, American anthropology”. Dialecti- 6(1), 27-56. Fassin, D. (2014). A Cmpanion to cal Anthropology, 32(1-2), 59-86. Roura-Expósito, J. (2019). “El Moral Anthropology. West Sussex: discreto encanto de la partici- John Wiley & Sons. Mármol, C. del (2012). Pasados pación en el proceso de patrimo- locales, políticas globales: los pro- nialización de la Casa del Pumarejo Ferguson, J.; Gupta, A. (2002). cesos de patrimonialización en un (Sevilla)”. Dins Sánchez-Carretero, “Spatializing states: toward an valle del Pirineo catalán. Valencia: C.; Muñoz-Albaladejo, J.; Ruiz- ethnography of neoliberal govern- Germania. Blanch, A.; Roura-Expósito, J. (ed.), mentality”. American Ethnologist, El imperativo de la participación 29(4), 981-1002. Molino, S. del (2016). La España en la gestión patrimonial, 79-108. vacía. Viaje por un país que nunca Madrid: Editorial CSIC. Franquesa, J. (2018). Power fue. Madrid: Turner. Struggles: Dignity, Value, and Roura-Expósito, J.; Alonso the Renewable Energy Frontier Marcus, G. (1983). Elites: Eth- González, P. (2018). “Too little in Spain. Bloomington: Indiana democracy in all the right places: University Press. nographic Issues. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. a comment on Kelty 2017”. Current Anthropology, 59(3), 332-333. García Martínez, A. (2016). Nader, L. (1972). “Up the anthro- Alabanza de aldea. Oviedo: KRK Sánchez-Carretero, C.; Jimén- Ediciones. pologist: perspectives gained from studying up”. In Hymes, D. (ed.), ez-Esquinas, G. (2016). “Rela- Reinventing Anthropology, 284- ciones entre actores patrimoniales: González Álvarez, D. (2018). 311. New York: Random House. gobernanza patrimonial, modelos “Rethinking tourism narratives on neoliberales y procesos partici- the cultural landscapes of Asturias pativos”. PH, Boletín del Instituto (Northern Spain) from the perspec- McNulty, S. L.; Wampler, B. (2015). “Participatory Govern- Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, tive of Landscape Archaeology: 90, 190-197. Do archaeologists have anything ance”. Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences:

66 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Habib Saidi LAVAL UNIVERSITY Full Professor of Ethnology and Museology at Laval University (Canada), where he is also Director of the Institute of Cultural Heritage (IPAC). His research focuses on the study of the heritage/tourism/museum trinomial, more specifically on the policies and poetics of heritagisation, museumification and the development of tourism. He is also interested in comparative studies of cities, through a transversal perspective of cities in North America and the Mediterranean region. Having studied Quebec City and Tunis as national capitals, world heritage cities and international tourist destinations, he is currently conducting a SSHRC-funded research project on over-tourism and urban and heritage gentrification in Barcelona and Montreal. He is also working on a research project on shared heritage, exploring sites in Quebec, Spain, Tunisia and Morocco.

Image of the Great Mosque of Sousse. The Medina of Sousse was declared a World Heritage Paraules clau: turisme, mercat para-halal, islamisme, Tunísia. Site by UNESCO in 1988. CC BY-SA 4.0 Palabras clave: turismo, mercado para-halal, islamisme, Túnez. Keywords: turism, para-halal market, Islamism, Tunisia.

When the hotel gives way to the mosque: parallel worlds and para-halal tourism in Tunisia Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 67

his article focuses on Atrapat entre dues corrents polítiques diametralment oposades, els islamistes per the major changes that un costat i els progressistes per l’altre, el turisme ha estat objecte d’instrumentalitza- have shaped Tunisia ció política i estigma religiós a Tunísia. La seva singularitat, com a microcosmos que through the prism of materialitza aquestes tensions, esdevé important per què deixa constància de la tri- tourism. This sector is ple relació problemàtica cap a l’altre, cap a un mateix i cap al passat i alhora tradueix l’ambivalència, que molt sovint ha marcat la societat tunisiana, per la imatge que té of such importance in de l’Orient i l’Occident, de la tradició i la modernitat i de la religió i la política. Aquest the contemporary history of the country fet és especialment rellevant per què el país està cada vegada més sacsejat, espe- Tthat it can be compared against a double cialment d’ençà de la revolució del 2011, degut a l’agitació, i fins i tot a les accions spatial and temporal framework, enabling us d’una transició política que es debat entre els adeptes al model democràtic i els to grasp these changes as they happened in defensors, insidiosos i ocults, del model teocràtic. En aquest sentit, dedicaré aquest article a exposar la situació que viu el turisme a Tunísia arran d’aquesta transició, the wake of the two defining moments that especialment em centraré en explicar les continues maniobres del partit islamista punctuated its history: the double advent of Ennahdha per apropiar-se del turisme, donat que no el poden erradicar, i conver- independence in 1956 and the revolution in tir-lo en una mena de via que permet obrir el país al mercat halal o com jo l’anomeno 2011. At each of these two historical turn- a l’article: el mercat para-halal. També tractaré els intents d’altres corrents islamistes ing points, tourism has found itself at the d’atacar el turisme perpetuant els atemptats terroristes dirigits a turistes o duent a terme campanyes d’invasió de les zones turístiques. heart of economic activity, public debate and political and social controversy. Rather Atrapado entre dos corrientes políticas diametralmente opuestas, los islamistas por than following a chronological approach un lado y los progresistas por el otro, el turismo ha estado objeto de instrumentali- by going from one era to the next, I will go zación política y estigma religioso en Túnez. Su singularidad, como microcosmos back and forth between these two moments, que materializa estas tensiones, pasa a ser importante porque deja constancia de la retracing the insertion of tourism in the dif- triple relación problemática hacia el otro, hacia uno mismo y hacia el pasado y a su vez traduce la ambivalencia, que muy habitualmente ha marcado la sociedad tunecina, ferent aspects of the political, economic, por la imagen que tiene del Oriente i el Occidente, de la tradición y la modernidad y social and cultural life of the country. In line de la religión y la política. Este hecho es especialmente relevante porque el país está with Georges Marcus’s ideas (1995), it is a cada vez más sacudido, especialmente desde la revolución del 2011, debido a la question of following this sector in relation agitación, e incluso en las acciones de una transición política que es debate entre los to the representations, uses, discourses and adeptos al modelo democrático y los defensores, insidiosos y ocultos, del modelo teocrático. En este sentido, dedicaré este articulo a exponer la situación que vive el political issues surrounding it. turismo en Túnez a raíz de esta transición, especialmente me centraré en explicar las continuas maniobras del partido islamista Ennahdha para apropiarse del turismo, da- In doing so, I will focus on the tensions and do que no lo pueden erradicar, y convertirlo en una especie de vía que permite abrir power struggles between modernists and el país al mercado halal o como yo lo menciono en el artículo: el mercado para-halal. Islamists as manifested through the attitudes También trataré los intentos de otras corrientes islamistas de atacar el turismo perpe- tuando los atentados terroristas dirigidos a turistas o llevando a cabo campañas de and positions adopted by both towards tour- invasión de las zonas turísticas. ism. Caught between the pressure of two diametrically opposed political currents, When the hotel gives Trapped between two diametrically opposite political currents–the Islamists on one tourism has experienced various forms of side and the progressives on the other–tourism has been the object of both political political instrumentalisation and religious instrumentalisation and religious stigma in Tunisia. Its unique circumstances, like stigmatisation. Its unique condition as a a microcosmos that materialises these tensions, make it relevant, as it provides way to the mosque: microcosm that crystallises these tensions evidence of a triply problematic relationship: with the other, with oneself and with the past. It also serves to render the ambivalence that has all too often marked Tunisian is all the more important since it reflects the society visible, given the image it portrays of Orient and Occident, of tradition and triple problematic relationship to the other, modernity, and of religion and politics. This is especially revealing in terms of the parallel worlds and to the self and to the past, and the ambiva- country’s increasingly shaken state, especially following the 2011 revolution; a re- lence that has often marked Tunisian society sult of unrest and the actions surrounding the subsequent political transition, which is the subject of debate between those in favour of the democratic model and, in- regarding its representations of the East and sidious and creeping in the shadows, those that advocate theocracy. In light of this, para-halal tourism the West, of tradition and modernity, and I have chosen to devote this article to exposing the situation surrounding tourism in of religion and politics. This is all the more Tunisia as a result of this transition, making special emphasis on the unending ploys significant as the country has been increas- orchestrated by the Islamist party Ennahdha to appropriate tourism–since they ingly shaken, since the 2011 revolution, cannot eradicate it–and convert it into a type of path that allows the country to open itself up to the halal market or, as I coin it in the article, the para-halal market. I will in Tunisia by the turmoil and even the machinations also address the attempts made by other Islamist currents to lay siege on tourism of a political transition torn between the either by perpetuating terrorist attacks directed at tourists or by carrying out invasion followers of a democratic model and the campaigns to take over tourist areas. 68 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

defenders, albeit insidious and unavowed, of with a tirade of psalmodies, just as he does 1 a theocratic model. With this in mind, I will during his Friday sermons, but this time See Kapitalis [La Gazelle, Tunisia], (3 June 2018). (Last Ennahda to appropriate tourism, for lack of should be envisaged: ‘a high tourism, a tour- consulted: 14 May 2019) being able to eradicate it, in order to turn it ism that rises to the level of a serious culture into a springboard for opening up the coun- that is not necessarily contrary to leisure’, as try to the halal market. I will then study the he wishes to qualify it. In the same vein, he origins of this dispute, which presides over emphasises, with supportive verses from the the tensions surrounding tourism, among Quran, the importance of marrying Islam others, between the two political currents to modernity around the values of beauty mentioned above. Finally, my reflection will and good taste. Then, he congratulates the focus on the situation that has prevailed since young couple for having opted to invest in 2011, emphasising the attempts of other the private sector and states that the Islamists Islamist currents to attack tourism, whether are going to win the day when it comes to by perpetuating terrorist attacks or by car- tourism and the economy, as they did in rying out campaigns to invade tourist areas. the last municipal elections. ‘We won’, he is happy to mention, before repeating him- From hotel to paradise: para-halal self and qualifying once again by saying in tourism. passing that Tunisia won, the whole coun- It would be useful to begin this section with try won by holding such elections. Finally, a description of a current event, namely the sheikh concludes with a smile that he is the opening of a so-called halal hotel, by pleasantly surprised that the hotel managers Rached Ghannouchi, president of the Isla- remembered the anniversary of his party and mist Ennahda party, in the presence of a prepared a ceremony for the occasion. Then representative of the National Tourist Office, we see two sturdy men carrying a large birth- which is governed by the Tunisian State. day cake decorated with a few candles. The This is the Paradise Sendra Palace Hotel, sheikh, the head of the party, is then invited located in the tourist area Yasmine Ham- to blow them out, which he does without mamet, the flagship area of the Tunisian being able to hide his emotion at the very hotel industry. The event took place on 2 moment he takes the knife to cut the cake. June 2018, a date that is not fortuitous as In doing so, he invites the participants in it corresponds to the 37th anniversary of the ceremony to sing ‘Happy Birthday’, in the creation of Ennahda, on 2 June 1981, Arabic and then in French, to wish Ennahda under the name ‘Movement of Islamic Ten- a happy anniversary. But that is not all: the dency’. Indeed, the anniversary ceremony of sheikh’s blessing here is not limited to open- the Islamist party dominated the opening ing a new hotel or celebrating the anniversary ceremony of the hotel to a certain extent, of his party. Additionally, and above all, he or at least relegated it to a secondary level, announces the birth of a new tourism prod- if the ceremonial stage is anything to go by. uct in Tunisia, namely halal tourism, a new In fact, according to the video1recording of concept on the Tunisian market. the event, which was widely reported on by the media, the ceremony begins with the That was this first step in what could be arrival of Rached Ghannouchi in a large called a halalisation or, so to speak, an room in the hotel. Surrounded by a few peo- islamisation of tourism, which sparked a ple, including the young couple who own heated debate among the public following this tourist establishment, he moves towards this event. The accusations and reproaches a lounge suite in the centre of the room and directed at Ennahda and its leaders regarding gives an improvised speech, which he begins their supposed hidden agenda of islamising Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 69 the country by creating a parallel state thus of all tendencies. Almost all of them consider resurfaced. According to these accusations, that tourism activity is infected by sin, shame- this parallel state takes the form of a par- lessness and debauchery. It is no coincidence allel society, a parallel army and a parallel that hotels, beaches and museums have been police force, and of course a parallel econ- the object of the deadliest attacks to date in omy based, among other things, on parallel Tunisia. Nevertheless, Ennahda’s unspoken tourism, embodied in this case by the halal hostility towards tourism is not only moti- hotel industry. The two words ‘parallel’ and vated by religious reasons. Rather, it emanates ‘halal’ can be combined to refer to ‘para-ha- from its radical, even hateful, opposition to lal’ tourism. This neologism follows on from the modernist political, economic and soci- a reflection I developed in another piece etal choices adopted by the post-independ- on what I called a post-halal phenomenon, ence State. In particular, we must think of which manifests itself through the tendency the choices dear to their arch-enemy, Habib of Islamist movements to apply the halal rule Bourguiba, namely the liberation of women, to practically all aspects of life (Saidi 2018). the modernisation of education and the open- This trend leads the followers of these move- ing-up to international tourism. It is these ments to self-marginalise, or even to live three choices that have been the most tar- in a parallel world, especially in migratory geted by the Islamists’ insidious manoeuvres contexts where halal has become one of the in recent years, if not direct attacks. Tourism major markers of Muslim communities. is the example to be studied in this article.

Returning to Ennahda, we must recall that On the origins of fundamentalist this party has never been in favour of tourism, tourismophobia: halal or otherwise. On the contrary, some of Indeed, all these attitudes of fear, rejec- its leaders, the most contemptuous ones I tion and hatred shown by fundamentalists would say, attack this sector harshly, as the towards tourism can be called ‘tourismo- philosopher Abu Yaareb Marzouki once phobia’, especially when they are translated did when he dared to compare tourism to into violent and destructive acts. However, disguised prostitution in a statement to the to better understand the origins of such media when he was Secretary of State in the attitudes in the Tunisian context, we must Troika government, dominated by his party go back in time to quickly take stock of the in 2012 (Saidi 2017). This comparison is, genesis of tourism in Tunisia, and the sym- moreover, very widespread among Islamists bolic charge attributed to it in the wake of the

Close-up of a street in Sidi Bou Said, a coastal tourist village north-east of the city of Tunis. 2018. HABIB M’HENNI. CC BY-SA 70 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

modernisation process set in motion by the promoted and promised to tourists. It also 2 post-colonial State under a euphoric name illustrates the desired image of a construction Habib Bourguiba (1903-2000), the first President of the Republic, resonating with the spirit of the time, namely site given to the country at the time of found- governed the country from 1956 the ‘Battle of Construction and Edification’. ing the national State and affirming the col- to 1987. This battle, which was dear to Bourguiba, lective Self. Showing the country in this form 3 was so important that it became the label of allowed the rulers of the time to create hope in It goes without saying that there were a few hotels built during an entire era – that of the 1960s, 1970s and the eyes of the population by presenting this the colonial period, but the focus 1980s – during which the country embarked project as the prelude to another one, whose here is on those built during the on a major construction campaign, in the scope would extend to the whole country post-colonial period as part of the launch of the tourism sector by the truest sense of the word, to build what were and whose dynamics would benefit every- post-independence State. then called ‘decent homes’. These are small one. The hotel, and by extension tourism, houses of one or two rooms built from brick became the harbinger of a renewed country, and intended to gradually replace, through- promising a better life for all its citizens. It out the country, dilapidated dwellings such thus contributed to the propaganda efforts of as huts, gourbis and oukalas, kinds of collec- a young State seeking to assert itself in ways tive houses, occupied by needy families in such as giving the illusion of standing upright the working class neighbourhoods of Tunis. like the hotels it builds. According to Pierre Legendre, ‘A building must not only stand The image of a State-builder, to paraphrase upright according to the laws of physics, but Debray (1993: 82), embodied by a presi- it must also look like it is standing upright; dent-architect2, permeates the spirit of Tuni- it has the strength of an image. Just like the sians, whether they are poor or somewhat State. ’ (Legendre, 1998:55) well-off. For both groups, owning a house, a ‘tomb of life’ as it was then called, meant With this in mind, it could be said that, in the deliverance from colonisation and access to case of Tunisia, the State has built hotels not the new world of independence portrayed only to accommodate tourists, but also to raise by political discourse in the image of a new itself up like an upright building, in the image collective structure called ‘modern Tunisia’. of the buildings it erects. This image is all the ‘I build, therefore I am’ was the watchword more multifaceted in that it targets Tunisians and the cogito of the time. Building is to be and foreigners alike. Moreover, it is doubly understood here in the sense of cultivating ‘edifying’ and ‘identifying’, to use Augé’s terms and elevating both buildings and people. In (1994: 107), i.e. it is involved both in edifying fact, in addition to people, the State was talk- the state and the identification of the coun- ing about building houses, roads, schools, try. Ahmed Smaoui, one of the pioneers of hospitals and clinics in small villages, as well Tunisian tourism whom I met during my field as something very new and now presented as surveys in 2014 in Tunisia, supports this idea the concrete embodiment of a modern Tuni- in substance. In response to my insistent ques- sia under continuous construction: hotels. tion on the reasons other than the economic doxa that may have motivated the country to Indeed, the establishment of the first hotels3 open up to tourist activity, he wished to point in Tunisia emerged during this same period of out that tourism in the case of Tunisia could post-independence, when the popular craze be considered just like the army, the police, for the construction of new houses was at its education or health, inasmuch as it contrib- peak. In other words, the hotel, as erected uted to the reconstruction of the country in concrete and positioned on the seafront, following independence. In addition, it has symbolically illustrates the desire of Tunisians provided a showcase for the country to reveal to free themselves from colonial subjugation itself to the world and to ensure that the world and to rise to the glorious times of independ- is aware of its achievements, whether in the ence by owning a home on their own land, field of tourism or in other areas considered previously occupied by the colonists and now the pride of the State at this crucial moment Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 71

Start of the Ennahda party campaign in Sidi Bou Said. October 2001. CC BY-SA 2.0

in its history. The former head of the National the other. In both cases, political investment 4 Traditional Tunisian veil worn less Tunisian Tourism Office (ONTT in French) into tourism, which is consubstantial with and less by Tunisian women. It spoke of what he called ‘the philosophy of its economic investment, is rooted in Bour- differs from the so-called Islamic Bourguiba’ and ‘his vision of a modern State’. guiba’s modernist ‘philosophy’ and in his veil, which was banned at the time of Bourguiba and Ben Ali. The According to him, Bourguiba was a vision- providential approach to power and society. removal of the veil scene can be ary and a strategist in the sense that he was In other words, like the liberation of women, viewed in this video excerpt that resurfaced on social networks able to bring together all the assets very early the separation of religion and the State, and after the Revolution: https://www. on to set in motion his project to modernise compulsory and free schooling of girls and youtube.com/watch?v=nN vswI8o- society by bringing the country politically boys, the adoption of tourism is in turn driven VQg. and economically closer to Europe, its main by a dual modernist and paternalistic vision partner: ‘Bourguiba was a man who saw far of change. Above all, we must think of the ahead, he said that in order to catch up with obsessive desire of the father of the nation, as the developed countries it was necessary to he was called at the time, to modernise the give priority to education and liberation for country, even if it meant imposing societal women. This was part of his concept of a and economic projects from above likely to modern State... And tourism allows others to bring about this change while dramatising come to us and us to go where they live [...] it through ostentatious, even spectacular, He believed in tourism as a factor in Tunisia’s achievements and acts. Building hotels is modernity. That’s quite a philosophy. ’ thus of the same dramatic order as removing women’s veils in public, or even in front of The assertion that Bourguiba’s concept of the television cameras, as Bourguiba did with his modern State is partly based on the adoption own hands when he met Tunisian women of tourism as a ‘factor of modernisation’ brings wearing safseri4 veils. In both cases, the aim us squarely into the problem of the political was to show the renewal of a country in the use of this sector, as well as the complexity midst of construction on the one hand, and of its insertion into the process of post-co- the newly adopted societal and cultural model lonial change. In other words, this assertion on the other. makes it possible to debate two related issues, namely tourism as one of the cornerstones Most Tunisian tourism officials with whom of the construction of the state on the one I spoke agree on the comparison of Bour- hand, and as an idiom of these changes on guiba to a theatre actor, or more precisely 72 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

to a talented director, when they talk about tion of architectural expressions that place 5 his passion for tourism. They insist on his importance on European styles. In addi- Lesser Eid, in Arabic Eid al-Saghir, is the name given to the feast ability to exploit this activity as a scenic tion, it made it possible to create an interface celebrating the end of the month device enabling him to show, expose and between Tunisians and tourists, and West- of fasting, Ramadan. Greater Eid, in Arabic Eid al-Kabir, is the name exhibit what can be called his modernist erners by extension. This interface has given of the feast of the sacrifice of the ‘theatre productions’ (Saidi, 2006). It is, in this policy a specular dimension in addition sheep. Each of these two feasts is this case, these tourist and town-planning to a spectacular dimension. inaugurated by a collective prayer at the beginning of the day. developments which, as they developed along the coast, served Bourguiba as theat- Mohamed Sayah, biographer of the Supreme 6 They also organised a preacher rical elements to highlight his dramaturgical Combatant, and one of the most devoted to meeting on the beach of Hamma- approach to modernity. Ibrahim, former his modernisation policy, looks back on his met, led by the Egyptian preacher Mohamed Hassan on 2 May 2013. head of the ONTT at the time of Bourguiba first meeting with Bourguiba, when he was The popularity of this preacher, who and Ben Ali, describes the Tunisian leader a young student, returning from a student received a lot of media attention as an exhibitionist thirsting for prestige and event in Uganda. He recounts how the Head from pan-Arab religious channels, enabled the organisers to attract a power, eager to show and to show himself: of State immediately interrupted them when large audience to all the sermons ‘Bourguiba wanted tourism not only for he and his colleagues, who had accompanied he preached during his tour of Tunisia. economic reasons, but also due to reasons of him on this trip, wanted to report on the prestige and openness. He wanted to show misery and poverty in Africa: ‘Better still, himself, he was an exhibitionist of moder- he warned us against comparing Tunisia nity. He was someone who liked to show with these countries, saying that Europe himself and show Tunisia, of course. ’ was our horizon, our ‘balcony opposite’, on the other side of the Mediterranean. He According to this ‘philosophy’ of Bourguiba, asked us to reason in comparison with Italy, it can be said that political investment into Greece or France. I’ve kept this memory. ’ tourism has been envisaged in two distinct (Camau and Geisser, 2004). Even if it had but interrelated versions. The first is the one been used in another context, the metaphor described above. It relates to the modernist of the ‘balcony opposite’ brings us back to vision of Bourguiba as conveyed through the idea of the engineering of the State and the development of tourism along most its leader. It is all the more revealing because Tunisian coasts. The second relates more to it perfectly illustrates the spatial organisation, his so-called Al-Infitah or Attafattouh policy. and by extension, the geopolitical orienta- These two expressions, which often recurred tion that the construction of hotels along in Bourguiba’s speeches, signify openness. the coast gave the country. Not only in the We must read this as political, economic (in sense that they were generally facing this sea, the sense of a liberal economy) and cultural with Bourguiba’s ‘balcony’ on the other side, openness to the West, and to Europe more but also in the sense that these new buildings particularly. Europe was now seen both as a were themselves another ‘balcony’, as they partner to be favoured and as a source and stood as the façade of the country and dis- model of modernisation to be followed or played it to Europe and Europeans. even copied. To this end, tourism played a decisive role in the implementation of this In this sense, the concentration of the tourist policy of openness, gradually anchoring area on the coast also sheds more light on the itself within the territory and relatively in policy of openness operated by Bourguiba terms of daily lifestyles. In fact, it provided throughout his reign and which continued the State with fertile ground, literally and largely during the reign of Ben Ali. As will be figuratively, for reshaping the country’s inter- explained in the following section, this policy action with Europe and for promoting the has been more specifically targeted by Isla- Western model in the eyes of Tunisians, in mists since the revolution, whether through particular through the establishment of new terrorist attacks, invasions of tourist areas urban infrastructures and the dissemina- or corruption tactics in the hotel industry. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 73

Prayers and invasions to curse tourism: In the aftermath of the revolution, Islamists of all tendencies have organised all kinds of events, most of which are similar to demonstrations of force whose primary aim is to give the impression that Tunisian society has indeed been won over to their cause and that it is therefore up to them to decide the fate of the country at this crucial moment of change. Among these events are preaching tents, collective prayers, simulations of the pilgrimage to Mecca, and preacher meetings held in honour of Wahhabi preachers from the Gulf countries and Egypt. Strange as it may seem, many of these events have been held, in addition to in large football stadiums and public squares, on famous beaches in tourist areas. Indeed, Islamists are keen to organise these activities in places that give them national and international media visibility, as well as a symbolic presence as new masters and powerful conquerors of public space.

Thus, they have targeted more specifically the two cities of Hammamet and Sousse as flagship destinations of Tunisian tourism to organise seaside prayers on the occasion of the lesser and greater Eid5 of 2011 and Sunset on a street in a 6 He is standing there, with his back to the 2012 . The seaside preaching during the Tunisian town. CC0 1.0 lesser Eid held in Hammamet on 18 August sea, facing dozens of worshippers sitting 2012, at the height of the tourist season, is on the carpets that have covered an area of exemplary in this respect. The conversion 2,000 square metres of sand, according to the of the beach into an open-air sand mosque organisers of this prayer, who had naturally applied the principle of separation between according to an arrangement ‘plan’ not lack- 9 ing in ‘originality’ has received national and men and women , and by extension the international media coverage. A floating prohibition for non-Muslims to frequent 7 these newly purified places. minbar was set up a few metres from the 7 Throne upon which the imam shore on a platform ‘held in place by sand- At first glance, such controversial actions stands in a mosque during Friday’s bags’8, the local press reported, to prevent could be associated with other similar occur- sermon. it from sinking or moving away from the rences attributed to the simultaneously 8 worshippers gathered on the beach. This chaotic and euphoric post-revolutionary See Dreuz.info ‘throne’ was upholstered and raised like a context. However, the radical Islamists’ (20 August 2012). [Online] https://www.dreuz. pulpit, like a real minbar in a mosque. The relentlessness against tourism, which later info/2012/08/20/tunisie- imam had to use a footbridge that connected resulted in bloody attacks, shows in ret- la-plage-de-hammamet- transformee-en-lieu-de-priere- the platform to the beach to reach it. The day rospect that all these events were part of a interdite-aux-non-musulmans/. after this event, we could see the pictures of a programmed and methodical strategy whose [Last consulted: 14 May 2019] bearded imam preaching from this artificial ultimate aim was to defeat the sector by 9 minbar in the media and on social networks. proceeding in stages. In fact, at least two of Ibid. 74 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 them can be identified as being in solidarity understand. On another part of the beach, with each other, the first marked by acts people wrote the word Soubhanoullah, Glory of symbolic violence and the second char- to God, in calligraphy on the sand over an acterised by acts of physical violence. The area of a few square metres. Others carried first paved the way for the next, as it began banners bearing religious texts. Veiled girls the destabilisation of the sector through the were responsible for distributing leaflets and diversion and distortion of its spaces, as well booklets that both promoted religion and as the disfigurement of the country’s image advertised Ennahda, the party of the ‘pious’ in the eyes of tourists. This approach went and ‘God-fearing’, as it presented itself to hand in hand with another, consisting in Tunisians in the October 2011 Constituent using the same spaces and their notoriety to Assembly elections. rally Tunisians to their manoeuvres. In other words, the strategy of these fundamentalists Unlike the Salafi Jihadists, who seek to bru- was to kill two birds with one stone. On the tally impose the Sharia regime through the one hand, they aimed to frighten tourists by use of violence, as evidenced by the increase invading tourist areas, whether by organis- in terrorist acts, the Ennahda party’s following such events or by physically occupying ers prefer to achieve the same goal through beaches under the pretext of returning them a gradual process. From this point of view, to families concerned about respecting ‘our Ennahda’s event on the beach of Sousse cultural values’, which are often invoked aimed rather to play on the religious and in their speeches. On the other hand, they conservative sensitivities of traditional Tuni- wanted to impress Tunisians, especially sian families to rekindle their hostility to this young people from disadvantaged regions sector or at least to encourage their support and working-class neighbourhoods, by of its progressive halalisation, or even of its posing as the liberators of spaces that were definitive disappearance, in its current form previously inaccessible to them because they in any case. Let us not forget that despite were ‘occupied’ by tourists. Praying by the the expansion of this sector and its impact seaside thus comes to bless this liberation and on many aspects of daily life, especially on give it substance. By the same token, it aims the coasts, some Tunisians, especially those to purify, to ‘halalise’ a territory, so to speak, from conservative circles or those newly in this case the tourist area, desecrated by influenced by fundamentalist currents, still ‘immoral’ activities in the eyes of Islamists. see it as an attack on morality. The fear of seeing their children drop out of school to In the same vein, Ennahda took part in the wander the beaches, get drunk in bars or lurk ‘reconquest’ of the beaches and their ‘halali- around hotels is always on people’s minds. sation’, in a less offensive but spectacular way. It organised an event that claimed to By staging a prayer session on the beach, call for the defence of religion under the Ennahda becomes the proponent of another title ‘Everything but my religion’, Illa dini model of society that advocates a break with in Arabic, on 18 June 2012 on the beach the image of the young womaniser, drunk- of Sousse. It included prayer and recitation ard and philanderer in tourist areas. This of the Koran, sweetened by some drawing, is contrasted with the image of the pious, painting and religious calligraphy exercises. docile young man who obeys his parents The event targeted young people and chil- and defends his religion. This image is still dren and turned the beach of Sousse into a idealised in conservative and traditionalist large prayer training camp where children circles, and corresponds, from the perspec- learned to bow down on mats spread out tive of women, to the profile of the veiled on the sand, to chant their first verses of girl who shows exemplary modesty and the Koran, or to sing anachid, or religious chastity. A model promised by Ennahda songs, the meaning of which they did not to go against the impudent woman who Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 75

transgresses social values by behaving in an neglect the latter and to rally their children 10 immoral way, like tourists. This image of instead: ‘We don’t want them,’ he says, ‘we See Mag 14 [Ariana, Tunisia], (20 February 2012): http://www. women, which Bourguiba’s societal model want their children, their wives and their mag14.com/national/40-politique/ is accused of having promoted and propa- grandchildren. Today, we have their sons 348-singuliere-connivence- entre-mourou-et-wajdi- gated on a society-wide scale, is universally and daughters in our hands and our goal is ghanim.html. hated by Islamists. It is such an obsession to cut them off from their parents’ way of [Last consulted: 14 May 2019] that it motivated their campaign against thinking10.’ Bourguiba and Ben Ali’s anti-veil policy, carried out in the name of ‘defending chaste By way of conclusion, I would say that Tunisian women’, and which today leads tourism – and, by extension, heritage – them to celebrate the veil by associating it is a favoured field for Islamists, whether exclusively with chastity. It is certainly no radical or moderate. For the former, it is a coincidence that the pro-Islamist philos- battlefield in the truest sense of the word, as opher Marzouki associated tourism with evidenced by the bloody attacks they have prostitution and dependence on the West. committed in various tourist sites. For the In doing so, the Islamists of Ennahda pose as latter, tourism is one of the last bastions saviours of the honour of Tunisia, of Tunisian of the social model erected by Bourguiba. men and women, an honour ridiculed, in This is why they seem to be determined to their opinion, by the modernist model of conquer it, because they cannot destroy it. society. This is all the more strategic since In both cases, the aim of tackling tourism they target young people in particular, in remains almost the same: to wipe out the order to prepare them from childhood to aforementioned social model and thereby reject this model and to become, once they cut Tunisia off from the world in order to are adults, fierce defenders of the Islamist subject it finally to their project. However, project as a whole. this is in no way achievable, no matter how strong they are or how much trouble it may Ennahda’s number two, Abdelfattah cause. Not only because tourism is deeply Mourou, clearly explains this strategy to rooted in Tunisia, in the historical and cul- the Egyptian Wahhabist preacher Wajdi tural background of the country, but also Ghoneim during a closed-door meeting that because its openness to tourism and to the was filmed without his knowledge. Speaking West is to some extent conditioned by its of the ‘flexibility’ with which Ennahda treats geographical proximity to Europe and by its secular and modernist ‘adversaries’ who the historical Mediterranean confluences defy its power, he confided to the preacher in which it has always bathed. n that the strategy of the Islamist party is to

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Augé, M. (1994). Pour une an- Debray, R. (1993). L’État séduc- Saidi, H. (2006). ‘Tourists, Saidi, H. (2018). ‘Post-halal ou thropologie des mondes contem- teur. Paris: Gallimard. “Vadrouilleurs” and Whirling Der- post-islamisme: Pluralisation et porains. Paris: Aubier. vishes: Dancing Between Front- traditions recomposées dans les Legendre, P. (1998). Miroir d’une stage and Backstage in Tunisia», cités musulmanes d’aujourd’hui’, Balta, P. (1987). La Tunisie aujo- nation : l’école nationale d’admin- The Journal of North African Stud- lecture delivered at the internation- urd’hui. Paris: Hachette. istration. Paris: Mille et une Nuit. ies, 11, 4: 409-420. al symposium, L’Islam en/dans tous ses états, Laval University, 14-15 Camau, M. i Geisser, V. (2004). Marcus, G. (1995). ‘Ethnography Saidi, H. (2017). Identité de March 2018. «Entretien avec Mohamed Sayah», in/of the World System: The Emer- façade et zones d’ombre: tourisme, a Bourguiba : la trace et l’héritage. gence of Multi-Sited Ethnography», patrimoine et politique en Tunisie. Paris: Karthala. Annual Review of Anthropology, Paris: PETRA. 24: 95-117. 76 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Javier Hernández Ramírez Victoria Quintero Morón UNIVERSITY OF SEVILLE PABLO DE OLAVIDE UNIVERSITY Doctor of Social Anthropology and Anthropologist and professor in the Department Professor at the University of Seville of Social Anthropology, Basic Psychology and (Spain). His studies focus on the fields Public Health, Pablo de Olavide University. She is of Anthropology of Tourism and Cultural also a member of the Social Participatory Action Heritage. His recent research has Research Group (GISAP) in Andalusia, part of PAIDI. Her research dealt with the analysis of Tourism, addressing various centres on cultural and natural heritage, and in relation to this field, subject areas, including: the City, Heritage Management, environmental anthropology, landscape, tourism and urban space, Governance, Borders, Image, Routes and Itineraries. This currently focusing on a gender and feminist perspective. She has research experience is reflected in his published work. worked at the Andalusian Institute of Historical Heritage, with As a university professor, he is responsible for different which she continues to collaborate. From 2014 to 2016 she was subjects relating to the Anthropology of Tourism and the part of a research team on the anthropology of mobility, specifically Anthropology of Heritage in official degrees and masters on cycling and society in Andalusia. She is currently involved in at the University of Seville. At the same time, he has two lines of research: one on the logics of heritage governance taught Social Anthropology as part of master's degrees and habitation in relation to the assets on the UNESCO List of and specialisation courses in different Spanish and Latin Intangible Heritage, and another on narratives and experiences of American universities and research centres. the dehesas from feminist perspectives.

The UNESCO effect Tourism management or heritage management of the Patios de Córdoba?1

Introduction ical agents, the media, etc.) to highlight 1 the beneficial nature of what is known This article is part of the research project "Intangible Cultural ne of the most radical as cultural tourism. The World Tourism Heritage of Humanity. Heritage, trends in tourism Organization (UNWTO) itself maintains Management and Good Practices" development in the (CSO20216-77413-P) of the in the Global Code of Ethics for Tour- State Plan for Scientific and last three decades ism (1999) that tourism is "a factor for Technical Research and Innovation is the explosion the enhancement and enrichment of the 2013-2016, financed by the State Research Agency (AEI) and the of urban tourism. cultural heritage of humanity" (article 4). European Regional Development According to some sources, this type of However, the sustained growth of visi- Fund and the R&D project of the tourism represents 22 % of international tors in the most touristified and crowded National Plan, ParticiPat, "Heritage O and social participation: methodo- tourism, and tourist flows to European cities enclaves has in recent years led to debate logical proposal and critical review" are increasing at an annual rate of 20 % (ITB, and controversy about possible models (HAR2014-54869-R). 2018). Obviously, this increasing magnitude for tourism and city development (Huete has an impact on tourist-receiving socie- and Mantecón, 2018; Martins, 2018; ties, both on their economies and on other Milano, 2018; Pérez-García and García- spheres of social life. This phenomenon is Abad, 2018). Paraules clau: intensitat turística, turistificació, especially intense in hyper-specialised urban patrimoni cultural immaterial, areas that offer tourism-related services. In In this work a paradigmatic tourist/heritage dret a la ciutat, efecte these scenarios, which are a growing trend, enclave case: the Andalusian city of Cordoba UNESCO. Palabras clave: intensidad tourism transforms the place itself into an and more specifically its historic quarter is turística, turistificación, object of consumption (Fernández Salinas analysed. The socio-cultural and economic patrimonio cultural and Silva, 2017; Hernández-Ramírez, 2018; inmaterial, derecho a la effects arising from this expansive logic and ciudad, efecto UNESCO. Mansilla, 2017, 2018). from city management modes are generating Keywords: tourist intensity, an interesting debate in different social and touristification, intangible It is common for the actors involved in political forums on heritage and the right cultural heritage, right to the city, UNESCO Effect. the sector (business people, most polit- to the city. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 77

In Cordoba cultural heritage has so much what we could call "the tourist footprint" 2 weight in the development of tourism that in Cordoba. The research - which is ongo- A detailed description of this festival, its meanings and social the Tourism/Heritage dyad is often consid- ing - is based on in situ fieldwork, carried and symbolic functions can be ered to be inseparable: all public projects out so far from May to December 2018, found in Colmenarejo, 2018 and and actions on tourism take heritage as the applying two research techniques typical of Manjavacas, 2018. main strategic axis. Our hypothesis is that social anthropology: direct and participant one side of this two-way relationship (Prats, observation of everyday reality, and in-depth 2011) is much stronger, since "heritage interviews with qualified informants. These management" is conceived solely as "herit- qualitative techniques were complemented age tourism management", subordinating by a review of periodicals, research in various heritage to market logic. From this view- documentary and bibliographic sources, and point, heritage becomes an instrument, the processing of statistical data, mainly from a dependent variable of tourism, which Cordoba City Council's Municipal Institute cannot be governed and managed inde- of Tourism (IMTUR). pendently of a commitment to sustained growth in the sector. This study presents an overview of these processes, focusing on two axes: 1) First, a Our research will focus on the "Fiesta of the diagnosis of the tourism-driven transforma- Patios of Cordoba". On 6 December 2012 tion of the city linked to the promotion of this event was added to the Representative UNESCO-listed cultural assets, observing List of the Intangible Heritage of Human- the sustained growth of tourist numbers ity. This recognition has had a significant and the impact this has on the city centre. impact on the tourism sector itself and on 2) Second, an analysis of the controversies local and regional authorities, who have seen and actions arising in the city of Cordoba the UNESCO listing as an opportunity for between the sectors that rely on the growth economic growth, and have therefore posi- of tourism and other groups that point to the tioned the product "Patios of Cordoba" as problems of mass tourism and call for her- one of the main attractions bringing visitors itage to be uncoupled from tourism. Based to the city2. on this second axis, this work examines the set of public policies and private initiatives This article is our first contribution on this that in recent years have taken heritage as the cultural asset within a broader series ana- main tourist resource, and at the other end lysing the relationships between cultural of the continuum, the voices and actions of heritage and tourism. As the introduction to certain local sectors which propose heritage a series, it focuses particularly on contextu- management as an identity resource linked alizing this interaction, taking into account to the right to the city.

Aquest article aprofundeix en les reper- Este artículo profundiza en las repercu- This paper examines in depth the repercussions que generen les inscripcions de siones que generan las inscripciones de cussions of the inscriptions in UNES- béns culturals als llistats de la UNESCO bienes culturales en los listados de la CO’s Lists on the local society and on the sobre les poblacions dipositàries. Partint UNESCO sobre las poblaciones deposi- bearers of heritage. Focusing the “Fiesta de l´estudi de la Festa dels Patis de tarias. Partiendo del estudio de la Fiesta de los Patios de Córdova” as case of Còrdova, ens centrem en l´anàlisi de dos de los Patios de Córdoba, nos centramos study, we centre the analysis in two main aspectes centrals: 1) la transformació en el análisis de dos aspectos fundamen- aspects: 1) the tourist transformation of turística de la ciutat, ressaltant la lògica tales: 1) la transformación turística de la the city, highlighting the expansive logic expansiva del turisme i l’impacte que té ciudad, resaltando la lógica expansiva del of tourism y and its impact in the historical en el centre de la ciutat; 2) les actuacions turismo y su impacto en el centro histó- city centre; 2) the actions and controver- i controvèrsies que es produeixen entre rico; 2) las actuaciones y controversias sies between social actors that defend els sectors que aposten pel creixement i que se producen entre los sectores que tourist growth and the groups detracting els grups detractors de la turistificació. apuestan por el crecimiento y los grupos touristification. detractores de la turistificación. 78 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

The "UNESCO effect" and its maintain these cultural goods. This paradox paradoxes appears in how UNESCO listings often The case of the city of Cordoba once again not only fail to reinforce local identities, shows the interest of government and other but can disempower or dispossess the tra- social sectors in activating heritage, consid- ditional bearers of heritage (Hafstein, 2018; ered as a development resource and a "solu- Quintero-Morón and Sánchez-Carretero, tion" to various social problems (De Cesari 2017; Villaseñor and Zolla, 2012). The and Dimova, 2018; Quintero-Morón, 2009; 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of Yúdice, 2002). However, various investi- the Intangible Heritage proclaims among gations point out how heritagisation, and its innovations the prominence of "com- more specifically the processes of heritagisa- munities, groups and in some cases indi- tion linked to the world heritage lists, often viduals" as bearers of intangible heritage. have unexpected effects (Foster, 2012); that However, de facto, power relations and the they generate dispossession (Hafstein, 2009, entry of various public and private insti- 2018) or that they are paradoxical because tutions into the process of heritagisation they both empower and disempower local produces a displacement of local popula- populations (De Cesari and Dimova, 2018). tions. The analysis of UNESCO's "heritage regime" (Bendix et al. 2012; Hafstein, One of the first paradoxes of the "UNESCO 2009) highlights the need to consider the effect" is that recognition in their lists trig- actors of heritagisation in its multilevel and gers or accentuates the processes of touris- multi-sectoral dimension. tification of cities. This dynamic, which is spurious to the obvious objectives of safe- Many academics today point out the con- guarding as set out in the declaration files, troversial and conflictive dimension of herit- is in no way a unique feature of Cordoba's age (Quintero-Morón, 2009; Sánchez-Car- heritage, but is part of an overall dynamic retero, 2012), understanding heritage as a of resignifying heritage. Within this market socio-political process in which there is a logic, the "UNESCO brand" has become a selection, a resemanticisation and a change guarantee of "authenticity", used by public of functions, and where the asymmetries of and private decision-makers as an added power and opposing social models are high- value to the image of the destination and lighted. Heritage processes are almost never a fundamental element in promotion to unidirectional but rather dialectical and/ attract tourist flows. This article elaborates or dialogical, since 'there are antagonistic on the findings of other research on how dissensions, conflicts, narratives and uses UNESCO's "brand" is a resource to boost of heritage' (Van Geert and Roigé, 2014): tourism (Bendix, 2009; Hafstein, 2009; 10). The evidence of these debates on her- Jiménez de Madariaga and Seño-Asencio, itage led Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) 2018; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1998; San- to speak of "dissonant heritage", that is to tamarina and Del Mármol, 2017; Yúdice, say, of heritage assets whose valuation and 2002). Thus, despite the fact that UNESCO interpretation generate dissent, since the documents and regulatory formulas warn sectors involved in the struggle for heritage against the exploitation of heritage, the cor- attribute different meanings and values to relation between addition to the list and the the same referent or postulate other new commercialisation of many of these heritage ones that are not recognised. assets is undeniable (De Cesari and Dimova, 2018; Evans, 2001; Lixinski, 2015). In this respect, in the following pages we are interested in delving into the antago- Another of the paradoxes that we consider nistic positions of two social sectors that in this text is the direct effect of heritagisa- are exposed in the local arena, but which tion on the local populations who hold and have clear connections with regional and Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 79 international dynamics: the sectors of Cor- of Cordoban society, who regarded it as a doban society that are in favour of the use milestone in the trend of annually increasing of heritage mainly as a tourist resource or tourist flows. that understand tourism and heritage to be mutually beneficial, and those that interpret This upward trend also appears in over- heritage as a social and identity asset and night stays in conventional hotels, which propose other models of action in urban in 2017 totalled 1,616,706, an increase management. of 1.08% over the previous year in a sequence of increases covering the period The expansive logic of tourism in 2008/2017. Cordoba In 2017 the volume of travellers staying in In line with this positive behaviour, the hotel hotels in the city of Cordoba exceeded one capacity in the city has also experienced sig- million people, specifically 1,012,580 tour- nificant growth. As can be seen in graphs 3 ists, an increase of 1.56% from 2016 and and 4, in 2017 the hotel capacity of Cordoba part of a trend of sustained growth (Tourist city reached a total of 99 establishments with Observatory, 2017) (Graph 1). This highly a supply of 6,879 beds, which in the period symbolic and record-breaking figure was 2004-2017 meant a total increase of 39.44% 3 experienced as a real success by wide sectors and 39.00% respectively .

Graph 1. Cordoba. Change in the number of tourists

1200000

1000000

800000

600000

400000

200000

2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory. Municipal Tourism Institute (IMTUR). Annual reports. Original

Graph 2. Change in overnight stays in hotel establishments

1800000

1600000

1400000

1200000

1000000

800000

600000

400000

200000

0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory (IMTUR). Annual reports. Original 80 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

The upward trend of these various indi- only city in the world with four "Unesco 3 cators is due to exogenous causes, such as brand" sites4. As well as this hotel infrastructure, we must consider holiday lets. recovery from the crisis in the sector and According to the Informe de Análi- the consolidation of urban tourism as the Intensity and overload sis de Viviendas con Fines Turísti- What the numbers in themselves do not cos (VFT), a report by Espacio second most popular form of tourism in Común SCA, 55% of the holiday terms of consumer preferences (Hernán- explain is that the presence of tourists in lets in Cordoba are irregular, in dez-Ramírez, 2018), but also responds to some neighbourhoods of the historical cen- that they are not in the Andalusian Tourism Register (Sources: La local factors with international impact. One tre and at certain times of the year reaches Vanguardia; ABC; Radio Córdoba; of the most notable is the UNESCO World levels that approach overload (overtourism), El Día de Córdoba and Diario de Heritage listing of three cultural properties which can be seen in streets saturated with Córdoba, 03 and 04/10/2018). (the Great Mosque in 1984, the Historic visitors congesting the uses of public spaces 4 and even threatening the sustainability of Cordoba also shares two UNE- Centre in 1994 and in 2018 the Caliphate SCO listings with other territories: city of Medina Azahara), as well as the Fiesta the destination in business terms. Flamenco (2010) and the Mediter- of the Patios as Intangible Cultural Herit- ranean Diet (2013). age (2012). These listings have decisively This qualitative assessment, which is the strengthened the brand image of Cordoba result of direct observation in the streets of and are one of the elements that have most the city centre at different times of the year, is influenced this upward trend, as it is the confirmed when analysing official statistical

rah Coroa Change in hotel estalishents

120

100

2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory (IMTUR). Annual reports. Original.

rah Coroa Change in hotel laces

8000

7000

6000

5000

4000

3000

2000

1000

2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory (IMTUR). Annual reports. Original. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 81 data. Tourism intensity, i.e., the quotient between the number of tourists staying in regulated establishments and the number of residents, is extremely high in Cordoba, and one of the highest in all of Spain.

This ratio has increased in recent years. In the period 2013-2017 the volume of overnight tourist stays in the city grew by almost 13 % (12.28 %) while the total resident population decreased by 2 %. Furthermore, if we bear in mind that our statistical data only refer to tourists in regulated establishments, and do not include those who stay in unregulated apartments and day-trippers (tourists who do not stay overnight), the tourist-resident ratio is presumably much higher than the quotients above.

This ratio is much more intense in the limited area of the neighbourhoods in the Central District, where the visits are con- centrated5. In this territory, the population registered in 2013 was close to 45,000 people (44,543) while tourists staying in hotels exceeded 800,000 (824,078), so the tourism intensity reached no less than 18.5 tourists per inhabitant per year6.This figure is truly spectacular, comparable to tourism-heavy cities such as Barcelona, where the historic This area of Cordoba is the paradigm of the P4TRIMONIO MUNDI4L. New promotional logo quarter reached an annual ratio of twenty museumised tourist space, as its extensive for Cordoba. visitors per inhabitant in 2015 (Richards, cultural heritage, recognised institutionally, BEGOÑA ESCRIBANO SALMORAL 2016). and the urban environment have been the

rah atio touristsresients in the ain anish uran estinations

7 6

3 5 The Central District covers an area 2 of 307.47 hectares, 9.95% of the 1 city's total area.

0 6 Santiago Barcelona Cordoba Bilbao Valencia The latest data on the population Madrid Seville Madrid Malaga registered in the Districts of Cor- Source: INE. Original doba are from 2013. 82 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

object of public policies and private initi- in the following graph, the greater presence Streets of the touristified centre in the month of May atives for restoration, embellishment and of the hotel offer in the historical centre in (16/05/2018). DIARIO DE CÓRDOBA adaptation. These actions are mainly due to almost all categories is undeniable, which is a strategy of attracting tourist flows, which very significant if we bear in mind that its transforms this portion of the city into a area is less than 10% of the city. profitable consumer product. This emphasis on the aestheticisation of the historic city This hyper-specialisation of hotels in the generates two concomitant processes that historic town centre is even more extreme if are visible in Cordoba: on the one hand, it we consider the proliferation of holiday lets. creates an enclave that is spatially segregated Although the actual number is unknown, from the rest of the city, and on the other, according to the report prepared by the con- it favours the hyper-specialisation of this sultancy firm Espacio Común SCA, this "bubble" in the tourist sector. type of accommodation represents 64.75% of the city's total and is concentrated in the The official data on tourist activity confirms Central District. this hyper-specialisation: most of the city's hotel offering is concentrated in the districts World Heritage driven tourism of the historical centre7. If we look at the Recognition by UNESCO has increased the bars and restaurants sub-sector, the data are tourist attraction of the city. In this regard, unequivocal, as 53.84% of all the establish- the Tourist Plan of Cordoba 2014/2016 does 7 ments in the city are located in this tourist not hesitate to point out the importance Data provided by the Observatorio area. But this concentration is much greater of the Mosque, the urban landscape of the Turístico de Córdoba were pro- cessed and analysed. We consider in the supply of accommodation, since a very historical centre and the patios as the main the districts corresponding to significant 75.59% of the city's hotel space is tourist attractions. The text literally states postal codes 1, 2, 3 and 4 as the located in the historical centre. As can be seen that they are "the only differential resources historical touristified centre. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 83

rah reaon o aailale accooation

5 star hotels

4 star hotels

3 star hotels

2 star hotels

1 star hotels

Hostels / pensions / youth hostels Tourist apartments

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45

Rest of the city Historical centre Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory (IMTUR). Original.

Graph 7. Breakdown of apartments for tourist purposes in Cordoba

Total District properties 04200 40000 6000880000 11,00,000011,,200200 11,150,150 Centre 24,457 661414

12424 South 15,982 65 In the Centro district Apartments Apartments Residential 36 Total for tourist listed in tourist South-east 10,883 Area properties purposes the register pressure 14 La Cathedral 1,074 184 87 17.13 57 San Francisco - Ribera 581 91 52 15.66 17,890 East 13 El Salvador and La Compañia 369 48 25 13.01 San Pedro 1.121 115 63 10.26 81 La Trinidad 869 68 39 7.83 North Sierra 14,901 26 San Basilio 475 33 26 6.95 San Andrés - San Pablo 1,633 104 43 6.37 73 North-west 17,020 San Miguel - Capuchinos 903 56 23 6.20 27 La Magdalena 658 34 19 5.17 West 17 Santiago 1,033 44 25 4.26 North 5,031 6 Santa Marina 1,500 56 39 3.73 Huerta del Rey - Vallellano 1,157 41 23 3.54 West 202011 Centro comercial 5,482 191 94 3.48 South 21,759 81 San Lorenzo 2,042 42 36 2.06 C. Merced - Molinos Alta 765 8 3 1.05 Peri-urban 1077 Cerro de la Golondrina 2,317 22 11 0.95 6,409 West-Sierra 5 Ollerías 1,554 11 3 0.71 El Carmen 924 1 3 0.11 Peri-urban 25 East-Campiña 5,333 2 TOTAL 24,457 1,150 614 4.70

Apartments for tourist purposesurposes Apartments listed in the registerregister Source: Diario de Córdoba, 4-10-2018.4-10-2018.

of the city with real potential to attract tour- age-driven tourism. Focusing on the case of 8 ists" (2014: 8).8 The subsequent Strategic the Fiesta of the Patios, it can be seen that, The underlining is ours. Tourism Plan 2015/19 corroborates this from its inscription on the Representative assessment by stating that Cordoba is the List in 2012 until 2017, the volume of tour- "largest area in the world declared a World ists grew by 12.44% and that of overnight Heritage Site by UNESCO" (2015: 54) stays by 12.57%. At the same time, the and that "no products other than cultural city's hotel capacity also increased, both products have achieved a prominent posi- in terms of the number of establishments tion or recognition in the tourism market" (5.3%) and the number of beds on offer (2015: 40). (8.2%).

The statistical data are very clear and This increase in the number of tourists is confirm the importance of World Herit- more clearly evident in the month of May 84 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

(Graph 8), and not by chance, as this is the which as we will see is causing controversy 9 month of the annual Fiesta of the Patios, as among large sectors of the local population. In May 2017, Cordoba received 109,554 tourists, representing well as other important festive events in the The influx of tourists is so great that, in order 10.81% of the annual total. "May of Cordoba"9. to regulate these specific agglomerations, the city council itself publishes a geolocated map The fact that UNESCO's recognition of on the official website of the Fiesta of the the Fiesta de los Patios has driven tour- Patios of Cordoba (http://patios.cordoba. ism is also demonstrated by the fact that es/es/), which generates green, yellow and since 2012 the annual influx of visitors in red alerts to indicate in real time the level of the month of May has been pretty much tourist saturation. constant, in contrast to the fluctuating trajectory characteristics of the period In short, the data analysed reveal that the prior to the inscription of the Fiesta on tourist enclave of Cordoba is characterised the Representative List. by three main factors: firstly, by the overload produced by tourist flows in a relatively This sustained growth is generating problems small space; secondly, by the existence of a of tourist saturation during the competition, hyper-specialised offer that is oriented above

Graph 8. Tourists lodged in hotel establishments by months (2017)

1200000

1000000

800000

600000

400000

200000

0 l t r y s e ber Apri May June July March Augu temb cto Januar February O Sep November December

Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory (IMTUR). 2017 report Original

rah Change in tourists accooate in a 1200000

1000000

800000

600000

400000

200000

1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 Source: Cordoba Tourist Observatory (IMTUR). 2017 report Original. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 85

Table 1. Main features associated with touristification 10 As we have seen in our field work, Saturation of streets and squares the open debate between citizens and social agents in Cordoba is Privatisation of public spaces very broad and many associations, Reduction in the housing stock, increase in the price of real estate and increase in tourist businessmen, politicians, and accommodation ordinary citizens find themselves in a grey area or have nuanced Tourist gentrification. Local exodus: socio-territorial exclusion, depopulation and ageing positions on the interrelationship Decline in traditional patterns of local sociability between tourism, commercialisation and heritage, but for the sake of Socio-spatial segregation clarity we will leave these descrip- Disappearance and/or adaptation to tourism of the traditional local commercial fabric Emergence tions in the background (see also of a tourism-oriented offering Manjavacas, 2018). Crisis in the traditional economic bases and economy based solely on tourism Heritage fossilisation: alienation of the local population from heritage symbols transformed into decorations for tourist consumption Progressive detachment of local people from traditional festive ritual activities and authenticity staged for tourists Deactivation of the social uses of heritage and adaptation of assets to tourist consumption Heritage and landscape dispossession Loss of sensory heritage, environmental impact, waste generation, visual and acoustic pollution

Source: specialised bibliography. Fieldwork. Original.

all towards the conventional mass cultural Perspectives found on tourism and tourist; and, thirdly, by the central role of heritage management cultural heritage as the cornerstone that sup- In Cordoba, if we look at the specialised ports and underlies the entire industry and business sector on the one hand, and the drives tourism. citizens' movement with its demands on the other, we can see that the points of view The repercussions of this imbalance, and of on tourism and heritage management are the transformation of the place into a setting divergent and even polarised10. The discourse for tourist consumption, erode lifestyles on of the former stresses the effects of tourism multiple levels. For example, average prop- as a source of wealth creation with cascad- erty prices in the neighbourhoods where ing benefits (employment, income, diver- the patios are located have increased since sification, cosmopolitanism, etc.); for their the UNESCO listing (García del Hoyo, et part, various neighbourhood organisations al., 2018). emphasise the negative consequences of mass tourism on housing, social interaction, local This complex phenomenon, known as tour- commerce and, in short, on the continuity istification, is currently being analysed by of traditional lifestyles. numerous social scientists in different cities (Arias-Sant, 2018; Benach and Albet, 2018; Obviously, the weight of what we can call De Cesari and Dimova, 2018; Delgado, "the UNESCO effect" is very significant 2007; Hiernaux-Nicolás and González- in Cordoba, conditioning any debate on Gómez, 2014; Mansilla, 2018; Ríos-Llamas, tourism development. By the expression 2018; Santamarina and Del Mármol, 2017). "UNESCO effect" we mean the set of pro- By way of summary, the different authors cesses triggered after an asset is added to any highlight the following factors as the main UNESCO World Heritage list. As noted components of touristification in historic above, these processes can vary and even be town centres (see Table 1). paradoxical in relation to the declared and 86 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 planned goals of institutions when listing a although sometimes with internal contradic- specific asset as a World Heritage Site. tions, depending on the political alignment of the groups in power. In these scenarios of tourism acceleration, the basic issue is determining the load The initiatives of local government and the capacity that the destination in question Cordoban business sector coincide with can support. But in the case of Cordoba, those of many other tourist destinations. other more specific issues are added to this They are embodied in what Milano (2018) controversy, which have to do with the has called the 5D Strategy, the components dyadic relationship between "Tourism and of which are deseasonalisation, deconges- World Heritage". In Cordoba, a recurring tion, decentralisation, diversification and theme in all the forums is: "what to do with deluxe tourism. UNESCO sites", i.e. how to manage them. The Fiesta of the Patios, due to its important This 5D approach is how business adapts social roots, occupies a prominent place in to the changes experienced by the sector. these debates. It pursues the "sustainability" of tourism activity in primarily economic terms, sub- In the following pages we will go into the ordinating aspects such as the safeguarding actions of these actors and the debate itself of heritage or the continuity of local ways based on the analysis of the specific case of of life to this primary objective. As a whole, the Patios of Córdoba. the 5D strategy does not seek to mitigate tourism as a result of a critical assessment Initiatives for growth of the limits of growth, but rather aims to From the point of view of the business com- foster new business niches both temporally munity, the purpose of all tourism policy is to and spatially in a clearly growth-oriented ensure the growth of the sector and its eco- logic. nomic sustainability. To achieve this objective, they are committed to driving action Next, the activities promoted by local gov- to consolidate the upward trend through ernment and the sector itself in each of the strategies of territorial expansion, diversifica- components of the 5D Strategy in relation tion of activities or creation of new products, to the Patio Party will be presented. This etc. This tourist-centric orientation is, in set of actions instrumentalise the cultural general, supported by the local authorities, heritage, modelling it primarily as a resource

Figure 1. Strategy 5D

Deseasonalisation

Strategy Decongestion Decentralisation 5D

Diversification Luxury tourism

Source: Milano (2018). Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 87 to serve the tourist market: the Fiesta of the ings, allowing a continuous offer throughout 11 Patios (the Festival) is conceived mainly as a the year around the setting of the Cordoba The underlining is ours. product, which is contradictory to the spirit patios" (2014: 10)11. of the UNESCO declaration. The most notable of these new products, the Deseasonalisation Christmas in the Patios programme is an Deseasonalisation refers to a set of measures initiative of the main associations of owners to help a sector or business linked to a specific of these properties, with municipal support season of the year by extending its offer over and financing. The clear objective of the a longer period. It is often defended as one "Christmas Patios Festival" is to extend the of the keys to mitigating tourism pressure opening of these houses to other dates of at certain times of the year (Milano, 2018). the year, with the argument that the ini- However, in this case, the implicit objec- tiative will reinforce the old tradition of tive is to attract a greater flow of tourists in neighbourhood hospitality and recover the the low season and to prevent activity from celebration of Christmas in these sites. This being concentrated in just a few months, but recreation of the spirit of the popular fiesta without giving up the volume of visitors in and of non-commercialised hospitality is the high season. publicised in the advertising campaigns and The 2014/16 Cordoba Tourist Plan is given substantial further publicity in the clear in this regard when it comes to the media. Patios: "... its influence as a tourist attraction is practically limited to the dates of the The city council itself designs a route festival during the month of May... A prod- through the different patios taking part in uct must be created, necessarily different these events and organises a programme of Routes for Christmas in the from the festival, that is compatible with live musical performances and a Christmas Patios, 2015. CORDOBA CITY the use of these properties as private dwell- dessert cooking contest. For their part, in COUNCIL 88 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

some patios, the owners' associations are business sector itself have devised a varied 12 offering stew, broth and anise at popular range of new products that diversify and The 2018 edition attracted more than 275,000 visits, according to prices within a clear mercantile logic. expand the tourist offer represented by the the event organisers. patios beyond the May Festival. Among the Thus, the purpose of the Christmas in the many existing initiatives, two interesting Patios programme is to extend the offer of ones stand out: "Flora, International Flower the "patios product" to the low season and Festival" and "The Festival of the Streets". is not intended, as suggested by UNESCO, as a "measure that will mitigate the possible "Flora" is a competition promoted by a negative effects of visitors following inscrip- major Chinese hotel company with the tion" (UNESCO, 2010). active participation of the city council. Its Decongestion setting is a series of institutional patios ceded by the City Council. Renowned interna- The goal of decongestion is a spatial redistri- tional artists create innovative and spec- bution of tourist flows. The City Council's tourism department establishes six routes tacular floral installations. The emphasis every year, which are expressly designed to on aesthetics offers an interpretation that guide visits and exploit more efficiently all simplifies the cultural significance of the the offer of the patios product during the patios, as it marginalises and overshadows two weeks of the festival. their traditional function as a popular neighbourhood habitat. However, according to The routes are justified as an appropriate the media and local authorities, the initiative measure to organise flows and cushion over- is fully justified, given the positive tourism crowding in the most saturated areas, near balance of the two festivals held so far and the most iconic monuments. However, the the considerable international impact of the implicit (not openly stated) objective is the event, which helps to build the image of 12 expansion of the tourist city, since the routes Cordoba as the City of Flowers . function to allow the activities to penetrate into more peripheral and less frequented The Festival of the Streets of Cordoba is a areas. This expansive initiative is accompa- municipal initiative that diversifies the patios nied by two complementary actions: firstly, product by raising the tourism value of the the aestheticisation of the urban environ- historic city centre, a UNESCO World Her- ment and of the visitable patios following itage site since 1994. This event underlines the pattern of the spaces that have already the uniqueness of the city's street plan - a been museumised; and, secondly, the con- labyrinthine network of narrow streets, alleys struction and dissemination of narratives and culs-de-sac inherited from the medieval that highlight and replicate certain evocative past of Cordoba (Qurtuba). The town coun- and idealised aspects of the culture of the cil has established five routes that lead into patios (neighbourhood community, soli- the historic quarter and its hidden alleyways, darity, hospitality, etc.), even though they presented as the soul of Cordoba. may be completely alien to the contempo- Decentralisation rary populations that inhabit these patios. This means creating new products associ- The result is the gradual tourist colonisation ated with the Patios that are located beyond of these territories, and consequently, the the tourist bubble. Like the routes, and expansion of the problems associated with supported by them, these initiatives try tourism to new areas. to attract the flows to new territories by Diversification extending the tourist city. One of the most As they strive to make the heritage business remarkable is the creation of the Patios of more competitive and economically sus- Cordoba Intangible Heritage visitors’ cen- tainable, both the local authorities and the tre in an area with great tourist potential, Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 89 located near important 13th-century Fer- patios and their transformation into high- 13 nandine churches, interesting courtyards end tourist accommodation. The rules of Many Spanish media outlets have been using the term tourism and the characteristic irregular street plan the competition prohibit these patios from phobia, an inaccurate and, from mentioned above. participating in the festival, but this does not our point of view, simplistic, exaggerated and pejorative name prevent them from appropriating the dis- for the philosophy and claims of Opened in 2016, this municipally-owned courses on tradition and history of this type these groups. There are numerous courtyard is a permanent exhibition space studies of the phenomenon of the of construction, as well as aesthetic values. citizen movement against tourism with galleries recreating how the working Staying in a hotel with a patio is offered to (Cocola-Gant and Pardo, 2017; classes of past generations lived in the city, high income tourists as a differential value Huete and Mantecón, 2018; Mansilla, 2018; Martins, 2018; and especially, the history of the competi- and as an opportunity to have an immersion Milano, 2018; Pérez-García and tion, exalting values such as non-commer- experience in the local culture. This is why García-Abad, 2018; Van Geertz, Roigé and Conget, 2014). cialised hospitality. A patio where beauty their advertising emphasises values such as becomes the main tourist attraction and silence, the sound of water in fountains, the which is defined in the media as "a perfect pebbled floors, the lush interior garden, the example of an urban oasis" (eldiario.es, scent of jasmine and night-blooming jessa- 13/12/2016). The museographic design mine... and the architectural style inherited emphasises aesthetics and simplifies its ref- from Rome and Al-Andalus. erences to collective lifestyles are simplified, which, moreover, remain frozen in an inde- Initiatives for living: heritage and terminate and idealised time before, without the right to the city taking into account the profound changes In recent decades, debates on tourism and that have taken place in recent decades. its effects have been part of the agenda of De luxe tourism social movements and neighbourhood This expression designates top-end prod- associations as one of their most frequent ucts or services of high differential value, requested subjects, with the greatest media designed to expand the market to tourist impact (Cocola-Gant and Pardo, 2017; segments with high purchasing power. As a Milano, 2018). These groups complain mature destination, in the city of Cordoba of a "social malaise", which some authors there are many private initiatives of this type call "overtourism" or the effects of tourist that reinterpret and diversify the offer of the saturation (Milano, o.c.); for others this Patios product. One of the most interest- phenomenon is directly related to anti-gen- ing of these, and part of current gourmet trification movements (Cocola-Gant and trends, GastroPatios, consists of the trans- Pardo, o.c.; Mansilla, 2017, 2018)13. formation of a series of iconic patios into points of promotion, sale and consumption Within this general context, a series of of local high quality products. Just like the proposals are being generated in Cordoba food markets in the centres of some tour- which, on the one hand, denounce the ist cities (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016), management of heritage as subordinate to in Cordoba the patios are transformed, tourism, and on the other, promote alter- without apparent contradiction, into ideal native formulas for living and "inhabiting settings for marketing and tasting gourmet heritage". A number of associations and food and drinks. Appealing slogans like entities are grouped here, which are small "Flavours among flowers" or "The tradi- in number but have some media coverage tional flavours of Cordoba in a unique and and are in tune with a large part of Cor- special environment" convey the possibility doban society. These associations do not of having a unique experience. take a stand against tourism, but rather emphasise that it must be made compatible Another "deluxe" private enterprise tourist with the daily life of the inhabitants of the product consists of the remodelling of old historic centre. 90 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Social unrest in the face of tourism and social and identity resources. One of the 14 the demands of a city to live most interesting is PAX-Patios de la Axer- The "right to the city" is a concept developed by Lefevre in his famous On 21 June 2018, the Forum for the Right to quía, a collaborative project that focuses on 1968 text (1969). We are inter- the City was constituted, bringing together the rehabilitation of courtyard houses and ested here in highlighting the way it has been taken up in the 21st cen- groups, organizations, institutions and the constitution of housing cooperatives for tury by different social movements. professionals. In its Manifesto, the Forum young people leaving home or for autono- As articulated in the World Charter mous elderly people. The initiative addresses for the Right to the City (Quito, takes a position against the gentrification 2004), it is multidimensional, inte- and exploitation of heritage for tourism, the problems of ageing, lack of generational grates various rights, considers the demanding the right to the city14: renewal and depopulation of the historic city as an interconnected whole, and defends equality and the full "In the face of the appropriation of the centre, thus promoting the right to housing exercise of citizenship (Girola common, historical and everyday herit- and the recovery of the sense of coexistence and Thomasz, 2013; Hernán- dez-Ramírez, 2018). age of our city by the leisure economy, and solidarity in the patios as a formula for there is a civic response against the abuses safeguarding a living heritage. of tourism, speculative funds and the inaction of public policies at regional, A different initiative, but in line with national and European levels" (Mani- the above, is the Forum for Co-housing festo, Forum for the Right to the City, (FOCO), an initiative by the Municipal Cordoba, 2018). Housing Company of Cordoba (VIM- CORSA) which aims to promote housing This movement reiterates the denuncia- cooperatives to facilitate access to affordable tion of what some of its associations and housing with the technical and economic components have been expressing for some support of local government. The goal is years now, and which the Federation of to revitalize the patio houses by reinforcing Neighbourhood Associations of the His- their use value and thus regenerating the torical Centres of Andalusia supports: the historic centre, "acting against some of its privatisation of public space, the "covert most significant threats, such as the physical reclassification" of residential space to con- degradation of the old town centre, sub- vert it into tertiary space (tourist accommo- standard housing, the process of gentrifica- dation), as well as the dismantling of the tion, and the metastasising of the holiday modes of coexistence, traditional commerce let phenomenon" (Alba Doblas, Councillor and the residential fabric. In other words, for Izquierda Unida in Diario de Córdoba they denounce a process, characteristic of 07/16/17). gentrification, which organises not only the transfer of land, but also a "symbolic and Another model of action from the patio material appropriation of class in space" as an identity centred on living (living in with the consequent loss of the value of the house and the neighbourhood) is pro- the use of land that society has granted to posed by certain groups of patio houses led those spaces (López-Morales, 2016: 224). by women who defend the experience of Thus the old taverns, the small shops, the the open patio. They are looking for a way neglected facades, the intestate dwellings, the to support their houses through activities spontaneous uses... are reordered, sanitised, aimed primarily at the people of Cordoba replaced, repainted, aestheticised... for the (craft or music workshops, small shows, use and pleasure of the tourists and the new spaces for discussion, family celebrations) foreign investors. in an updated recreation of the multiple uses of neighbourhood houses as a social centre. (Re) Inhabiting heritage: patios for the 21st century In all these initiatives and processes, a com- Various groups and associations are calling mon element can be observed: the claim of for and leading a re-examination of the heritage as a value of use, as an element of patios, understood first and foremost as memory, identity and coexistence, which Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 91 therefore cannot be subjected to the logic of status. The data show that, in the case of commercialisation or live off tourism. The Cordoba, the effect of World Heritage status "right to culture" is thus expressed as a claim has accentuated the impact of some of the within the right to the city and through components of tourism. There is an objective an alternative model that responds to the risk that the massive influx from this pull imperative of a "decreed aesthetic" (Girola effect could lead to the transformation of and Thomasz, 2013). the urban centre into a dying enclave, where slowly expiring local history and traditions All these small initiatives are weaving an are staged for crowds of tourists driven by the interconnected web that feeds back into international prestige of the UNESCO clas- itself. These networks and connections sification (D'Eramo, 2014). It has also been described within the city and between cities shown that UNESCO listing accelerates the have a potential amplifying effect (Milano, touristification processes, expanding them in 2018) and facilitate negotiation with the time and space, prioritising aesthetic values government, social visibility and the crea- as absolute values, and hiding or minimising tion of coalition narratives that counteract local memories and social values. pro-tourism discourses. They also show the responses, modes of resistance and alter- Secondly, "the UNESCO effect" introduces native heritagisations to a model that links a shift in the debates on the city model and heritage to commodification and to gentri- tourism development, bringing the heritage fication processes that are taking place in issue into the political agenda and into col- various parts of the world (De Cesari and lective concerns. The ways of interpreting Dimova, 2018; Díaz and Salinas, 2016; heritage and its management clearly show López-Morales, 2016). conflicts and dissonances between different power groups and different urban groups. Conclusions This is evident in Cordoba where the ques- The above analyses and descriptions lead tion of heritage has become central and has us to conclude that the heritagisation pro- injected its specific content into local discus- cesses linked to UNESCO listing are asso- sions on urban development and citizens' ciated with a series of paradoxes: firstly, the rights. relationship between heritage and tourism, and secondly, the consequences of heritage In short, in Cordoba the debate on tour- management subordinated to tourism for ism is also a discussion on heritage. In this the local societies that are the depositories of controversy there is no consensus on the these assets. These paradoxical consequences ultimate meaning of the concept of cultural and the debates they generate are what we heritage (economic resource vs. "place" of have called the "UNESCO effect". identity and life) and on the strategies that should be applied for appropriate heritage The analysis of data regarding levels of tourist management. The "Fiesta of the Patios" is a intensity and the patterns of urban mod- case par excellence of heritage conflict. From ification and the social fabric shows that the tourist-centric approach, heritage man- the historical centre of Cordoba is the par- agement is considered as one more chapter adigm of the museumised tourist landscape, of the tourism development strategy. The and that heritage functions as the corner- whole 5D strategy shows us this subordi- stone on which the tourist offer in the city nation of heritage to the market logic that is built. "The UNESCO effect" in the case transforms the Fiesta into a tourist product. of Cordoba is, in the first place, a pull effect In contrast, from the perspective of citizen leading to a mass influx of tourists, which organisations, what prevails is an integrated is one of the unforeseen consequences of an conception of heritage oriented towards the asset receiving the blessing of World Heritage continuity of traditional lifestyles in accord- 92 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 ance with 21st-century parameters. This in hand, it seems difficult to deviate from a means maintaining residential uses, rescuing route already mapped out of deterioration the values of social interaction, solidarity, and expropriation of the cities' tangible and community and hospitality. Between the intangible heritage unless forceful citizen two positions, a large number of Cordo- action, legislation and budgetary develop- ban people say they are looking for a middle ment are put in place to remove heritage ground; however, with the data and analysis from its absolute commercialisation. n

REFERENCES

al derecho a la cultura: reflexiones Arias-Sans, A. (2018). "Turisme D’Eramo, M. (2014). “UNESC- sobre la constitución del derecho i gentrificació. Apunts des de Bar- Ocidio”. New Left Review, 88, a la ciudad en Buenos Aires desde celona”. Papers: Regió Metropoli- 52-59. una perspectiva etnográfica”. An- tana de Barcelona, 60, 131-139. uario Antropológico, II, 131-163. De Cesari, C.; Dimova, R. Cordoba City Council. (2018). “Heritage and Gentrifica- Harvey, D. (2013). Ciudades re- (2014). Plan Turístico Córdo- tion: “Introduction: Remaking Ur- beldes: del derecho de la ciudad ba 2014/2016. Cordoba: City ban Landscapes in the Name of a la revolución Urbana. Madrid: Council. Culture and Historic Preservation”. AKAL. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 24, 1-7. Cordoba City Council. (2015). Hafstein, V. TR. (2009). “Intan- Plan Estratégico de Turismo de gible Heritage as a List: From the Córdoba 2015/19. Cordoba: Delgado, M. (2007). La ciudad Masterpieces to Representation”. City Council. mentirosa. Fraude y miseria del Dins Smith, L; Akagawa, N. (ed.), modelo Barcelona. Madrid: Los Intangible Heritage (93-111). New Benach, N.; Albet, A. (2018). “La Libros de la Catarata. York: Routledge. gentrificación como una estrategia global”. Papers: Regió Metropoli- Evans, G. (2001). “World Herit- Hafstein, V. TR. (2018). Making tana de Barcelona, 60, 17-23. age and the World Bank: Culture Intangible Heritage. El Condor and Sustainable Development?”. Pasa and Other Stories from UN- Bendix, R. F. (2009). “Heritage Tourism Recreation Research, ESCO. Indiana: Univertsity Press. between Economy and Politics: An 26(1), 81-84. Assessment from the Perspective Hiernaux-Nicolas, D.; Gon of Cultural Anthropology”. Dins Fernández Salinas, V.; Silva, R. zález-Gómez, C. I. (2014). Smith, L.; Akagawa, N. (ed.), In- (2017). “Reinvención patrimonial y “Gentrificación, simbólica y poder tangible Heritage (253-269). New revitalización urbanística. El caso en los centros históricos: Queréta- York: Routledge. del modelo malagueño”. Ciudad y ro, México”. Scripta Nova, XVIII, Territorio, XLIX(191), 63-79. 493(12). Bendix, R.; Eggert, A.; Pe- selmann, A. (2012). Heritage Foster, M. D. (2011). “The UN- Hernández-Ramírez, J. (2018). Regimes and the State. Göttingen: ESCO Effect: Confidence, Defa- “La voracidad del turismo y el dere- Universitätsverlag Göttingen. miliarization, and a New Element cho a la ciudad”. Revista Andaluza in the Discourse on a Japanese Is- de Antropología, 15, 22-46. Colmenarejo, R. (2018). La fiesta land”. Journal of Folklore Research, 48(1), 63-107. de los patios de Córdoba. Una his- Huete, R.; Mantecón, A. (2018). toria de resiliencia y emancipación. “El auge de la turismofobia ¿hipó- Cordoba: Utopía Libros. García del Hoyo, J. J.; Jiménez tesis de investigación o ruido de Madariaga, C.; Castilla, D. ideológico?”. Pasos. Revista de Cocola-Gant, A.; Pardo, D. (2018). “Aproximación al valor de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 16 (2017). “Resisting tourism gentri- un bien inscrito en el listado del (1):9-19. fication: the experience of grass- patrimonio inmaterial de la UNES- roots movements in Barcelona”. CO: estimación de un modelo de precios hedónicos para la fiesta Municipal Tourism Institute Urbanistica Tre, Giornale Online (IMTUR). (2018). Informe 2017 di Urbanistica, 5(13), 39-47. de los patios de Córdoba”. VIII Worshop en Economía y Gestión del Observatorio Turístico de Cór- de la Cultura. Seville: University doba. Cordoba: City Council. Crespi, M.; Domínguez, M. of Seville. (2016). “Los mercados de abastos ITB (2018). World Travel Trends y las ciudades turísticas”. Pasos. Report 2017/18. Berlin: Messe. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Girola, M. F.; Thomasz, A. G. Cultural, 14 (2):401-416. (2013). “Del derecho a la vivienda Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 93

gias, Tendencias e Innovación en Jiménez de Madariaga, C.; Comunicación, 16, 201-219. Villaseñor, I.; Zolla, E. (2012). Seño-Asencio, F. (2018). “Pat- “Del patrimonio cultural inmaterial rimonio Cultural de la Humanidad o la Patrimonialización de la cultu- y Turismo”. International Journal of Prats, L. (2011). “La viabilidad ra”. Cultura y representaciones so- Scientific Management and Tour- turística del patrimonio”. Pasos. ciales. Un espacio para el diálogo ism, 2(4), 349-366. Revista de turismo y patrimonio transdisciplinario, 6(12), 75-101. cultural, 9(2), 249‑264. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. Yúdice, G. (2002). El recurso de (1998). Destination Culture: Quintero-Morón, V. (2009). Los la cultura. Usos de la cultura en Tourism, Museums, and Heritage. Sentidos del Patrimonio. Alianzas la era global. Barcelona: Gedisa. Berkeley: University of California y Conflictos en la Construcción Press. del Patrimonio Etnológico Anda- luz. Seville: Fundación Blas Infante. Lefebvre, H. (1969). El derecho a la ciudad. Barcelona: Editorial Quintero-Morón, V.; Sánchez- Península. Carretero, C. (2017). “Los verbos de la participación social y sus con- jugaciones: contradicciones de un López-Morales, E. (2016). “Ac- patrimonio ‘democratizador’”. Re- erca de una gentrificación planetar- vista Andaluza de Antropología, ia, políticamente útil”. Revista INVI, 12, 48-69. 31(88), 217-240.

Richards, G. (2016). “El turismo Manjavacas, J. M.ª (2018). y la ciudad: ¿hacia nuevos mod- “Patrimonio cultural y actividades elos?”. Revista Cidob d´afers in- turísticas: aproximación crítica a ternacionals, 113, 71-87. propósito de la Fiesta de los Patios de Córdoba”. Revista Andaluza de Antropología, 15, 127-155. Ríos-Llamas, C. (2018). “De la ciudad vivida a la ciudad patrimonio”. Anuario de Espacios Urbanos. Mansilla, J. A. (2017). “¿Espa- Historia, memoria y diseño, 25, cio de consumo o consumo del 161-174. espacio? El caso de Palo Alto Market, Barcelona”. IX Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Santamarina, B.; Del Mármol, Urbanismo. Barcelona-Bogotá: C. (2017). “Ciudades creativas y Polytechnic University of Catalonia. pueblos con encanto: los nuevos procesos patrimoniales del siglo xxi”. Revista de Dialectología y Mansilla, J. A. (2018). “Vecinos Tradiciones Populares, LXXII(2), en peligro de extinción. Turismo 359-377. urbano, movimientos sociales y exclusión socioespacial en Bar- celona”. Pasos. Revista de Turis- Tunbrigde, J. E.; Ashworth, G. mo y Patrimonio Cultural, 16(2), H. (1996). Dissonant heritage: 279‑296. the management of the past as a resource in conflict. Chichester: J. Wiley. Martins, M. (2018). “Tourism planning and tourismphobia: an analysis of the strategic tourism UNESCO. (2012). Nomination Plan of Barcelona 2010-2015”. file nº 00846 for inscription on the Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Representative List of the Intangi- Services Marketing, 4(1), 3-7. ble Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2012. UNESCO: Paris Milano, C. (2018). “Overtourism, malestar social y turismofobia. Un UNWTO. (1999). Código Ético debate controvertido”. Pasos. Mundial para el turismo [en línea]. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio . Pérez-García, A.; García- Abad, L. (2018). “Turismofobia: Van Geert, F.; Roigé, X. (2014). presencia, impacto y percepción “De los usos políticos del patrimo- del concepto a través de los me- nio”. In Van Geert, F; Roigé, X; Con- dios de comunicación impresos”. get, L. (coords.), Usos políticos del adComunica. Revista de Estrate- patrimonio cultural (9-25). Barce- lona: University of Barcelona. 94 Dossier Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 On heritage: holiday rentals and social movements in the city of Mallorca

"Heritage makes sense when it resists the his partner had gone from having residen- 1 interests and business of the ruling class, tial tenants to housing tourists. Since then, All translations are mine. They are translations from English and not if it blatantly perpetuates them." the couple, who have no assets other than Spanish into Catalan. The article (Lladó and Sureda, 2019) their labour power, have had to deal with is written in the Balearic variety of temporary neighbours who organise parties Standard Catalan, which implies the use of verb endings, vocabu- "Monuments project on the ground a that last for days and confused visitors who conception of the world, while the city lary and expressions typical of the ring their bell at all hours. Islands. For example: among other projected, and still projects, social life meanings, a lloure means without (globality)." (Lefebvre, 1972 [1970]: 28)1 subjection, without surveillance However, what most concerns Carlos is that . So, in addition to the usual holiday rentals have a place in the city at dictionaries, the reader will find it all, given that he believes they contribute to useful to consult the Catalan-Valen- cian-Balearic Dictionary The fading habit of holiday rentals the increase in residential rent prices. At the (http://dcvb.iecat.net). moment, he and his partner are lucky and e're trapped", 2 will continue to pay €500 a month because Palma (de Mallorca) is also known exclaimed the owner knows them and likes them. But locally as Ciutat (de Mallorca). For Carlos, a other tenants from all over the city have a dissertation on city’s names, see Bibiloni (1979). “Ciutat per a qui 23-year-old had to leave their neighbourhoods, either l’habita”, Ciutat those who live in local man because residential lets have been switched to it, is a relatively new organisation from the Eix- tourist lets or because the owners have asked (September 2016), whose main objective is to denounce the grow- ample de Ciutat (also known as Palma), for higher rents in order to "compensate" for ing touristification of the city. "Wwhen entering the room where the meet- what they miss out on earning from holiday ing – held every fortnight by “Ciutat” for rentals. Other factors affecting speculative those who live in it, not those who visit – was dynamics and the lack of access to affordable taking place, to discuss the gentrification rents are the emergence in the real estate and tourist commodification of the city.2 market of public limited trading companies Carlos, a vocational training student who at investing in real estate for leasing (henceforth that time was working as a waiter in a hotel SOCIMI) and the lack of a bold policy on in the city centre, explained to his compan- social housing. ions, who made way for him, how in the last year, the owners of the apartments above While it affects everyone, the most vul- and below where he lived as a tenant with nerable population are the tenants, espe-

Marc Morell. UNIVERSITY OF THE BALEARIC ISLANDS Social anthropologist hired as a researcher at the Department of Geography of the University of the Balearic Islands, where he mainly works on the character of class in the production of space in the market society. He has conducted fieldwork in Catalonia, Mallorca and Malta and his most recent publications include: “Turismo y diferencial de renta” (in Cañada and Murray, Turistificación global, Icaria, 2019); “Turismofobia como arma arrojadiza" (in Abaco 98.4, 2018, with Blanco-Romero and Blázquez-Salom);“Una casa deshabitada no es en realidad una verdadera casa” (in Milà i Mansilla, Ciudad de vacaciones , Pol·len, 2018); “Urban tourism via the dispossession of oeuvres” (in Focaal 82. Winter, 2018), and "The rent gap in gentrification" (in Albet and Benach, Global Capital and Processes of Regeneration , Routledge, 2018). Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 95 cially retired people, people in precarious exorbitant cost of private space due to the Paraules clau: diferenciació forms of employment and migrants, and conversion of residential housing into tourist de classe, integració capitalista, single-parent families who cannot meet accommodation and the financialisation of lloguer turístic, moviments the rent prices demanded. For many, the the two. But some of the just over one mil- socials, patrimoni construït. Palabras clave: diferenciación authorities are failing when it comes to lion inhabitants of the Islands do not share de clase, integración guaranteeing affordable housing. Some see this view and see an opportunity to rescue capitalista, alquiler turístico, the displacement of local residents as the their family heritage. movimientos sociales, disappearance of the city itself, understood patrimonio construido. Keywords: capitalist as human heritage, something predicted by After all, in addition to looking after and integration, built heritage, Màrius Verdaguer in Ciutat esvaïda [Faded entertaining the tourists, the real business class differentiation, holiday city] (1977). Surprised by the fact that the is in their transport and accommodation, rentals, social movements. city could change so dramatically in such which means that over the last six decades the a short time, in the mid 20th century Ver- tourist industry of the archipelago, which is daguer stated that "there is a city for each one of the biggest attractions in the whole of individual and for each time" and, there- Spain, has been spurred on by infrastructure fore, "for each individual who disappears, development, property construction and a city also disappears "(Verdaguer, 1977: speculation (Murray Mas, 2015). The lat- 7).3 In the future city, he predicted, there est episode in this process is holiday rentals, will be "planes, trains, the big vessels of the which involves the conversion of residential future, and there is our imagination that accommodation into tourist units thanks gets drunk on beautiful dreams" (ibid.). to digital platforms such as Airbnb. This is particularly evident in the Centre, declared an Half a century later, this futuristic drunk- Asset of Cultural Interest, where up to August enness has ended in a nightmare, followed 2017, income from holiday rentals exceeded 3 Màrius Verdaguer was a Menorcan by a colossal hangover. It is in this context those that could be earned from residential lets scholar who mainly lived in Palma that different movements advocate limiting by more than 350% (Yrigoy, 2018). and Barcelona. His book La ciudad a tourist industry which in 2018 already desvanecida, published in 1953, was translated into Catalan in 1977. brought 16 million visitors to the Balearic The threat of displacement that hangs over Since the mid 1980s, this work and Pityusic Islands, which measure about Carlos and his partner, and the disappear- has been one of the main literary 5,000 square kilometres. The list of grievance of the living heritage represented by the icons of the Palma built heritage conservation groups. ances is long: excessive use of water and city in which they live, is the consequence of energy resources, mass generation of waste, turning property into a tourist and financial 4 This research is based on the com- uncontrolled urban expansion, exploita- asset. So this article links different aspects mitment to link social anthropology tion of a hyper-flexibilised labour force, gathered from fieldwork carried out in recent with a wider political project (Gavin replacement of small local businesses by large years.4 Here I explore how the platform cap- Smith 1999) and thus be able to grasp, illustrate and respond to the transnational corporations, destruction of italism of holiday rentals and the rentier class financialising strategy posed by neighbourhoods, saturation of public space, put pressure on the public administrations holiday rentals.

Inspirat per la tesi de diferenciació de Inspirado por la tesis de diferencia- Inspired by Eric Wolf’s thesis on class dif- classe d’Eric Wolf i per com Henri Lefeb- ción de clase de Eric Wolf y por como ferentiation and Henri Lefebvre’s concep- vre desenvolupà el concepte d’integra- Henri Lefebvre desarrolló el concepto tualisation of capitalist integration, this ció capitalista, aquest capítol explora de integración capitalista, este capítulo chapter explores the “sharing economy” “l’economia col·laborativa” i la conversió explora la “economía colaborativa” y la and the conversion of housing into tourist de l’habitatge en allotjament turístic, via conversión de la vivienda en alojamiento accommodation via digital platforms. plataformes digitals. La denúncia per turístico, vía plataformas digitales. La Such commoditisation of built heritage part d’una aliança de moviments socials denuncia por parte de una alianza de has been condemned by an alliance of d’aquesta mercantilització turística del movimientos sociales de esta mercanti- social movements, resulting in a unique patrimoni construït resulta en una divisió litzación turística del patrimonio cons- division of labour that imbues the legacy del treball singular que dona continuïtat truido resulta en una división del trabajo of class struggle with added continuity. al llegat de la lluita de classe ja existent. singular que da continuidad al legado de The study of this conflict provides insight L’estudi d’aquest conflicte contribueix la lucha de clase ya existente. El estudio into the financialisation of everyday life. a entendre la financerització de la vida de este conflicto contribuye a entender la quotidiana. financiarización de la vida cotidiana. 96 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 to regularise the business. However, holiday Each new type of accommodation was 5 rentals not only displace local residents, they approved by the legislator: hotels before Interview with members of the DEAT (Ginard, 2017). Leaving also incite tenants to become organised. For 1973, apartments in the 1980s, second aside the issue of whether or not that reason, I look at the forms that social homes owned by foreign citizens from the tourist accommodation is produc- movements take in Ciutat and conclude EU in the second half of the 1990s, agrot- tive, holiday rentals are an issue that has raised passions in recent years. with a reflection on the class relationship ourism at the start of the 21st century and that holiday rentals uphold in the current tourist lets in the mid 2010s. With this last 6 The " tourist booms” are “spacial dynamics of financialisation, emphasising type of accommodation, the “tourist booms” solutions" in the sense Harvey the polysemy of the concept of heritage and converge with the "waves of gentrification" (2006: 413-445) gives them. They the struggle that emerges around it. (Hackworth and Smith, 2001). So holiday reorganise the built environment through long-term fixed capital rentals are driving and worsening displace- investments temporarily avoiding The tourist frontier: capitalist ment (Cocola-Gant, 2016) in what is now (and/or displacing) the over- integration and class differentiation known as the fifth-wave gentrification, production crisis generated by capitalism (exhausting possibilities The Business Law and Tourist Activity defined as the consolidation of property for profitable investment and (DEAT) research team from the Univer- assets as financial assets, with investment destroying existing capital through sity of the Balearic Islands (UIB) explores funds becoming the major property holders, its devaluation or underutilisation of the labour force). The state always how to regulate the collaborative economy, the intensification of mortgage debt and the intervenes, ensuring the conditions which it characterises as an unstoppable force lack of affordable housing (Aalbers, 2019) for profitability, credit and financing. spreading to all productive sectors, including tourist accommodation.5 The DEAT con- These trends have become rooted in Spain. siders holiday rentals as the logical result of Between 2016 and 2017 real estate and con- entrepreneurial self-management of individ- struction sector profits increased by 54% ual assets: "[T]here is a market for everyone, (National Commission of Markets and [the hoteliers] no longer have the monopoly", Competition, 2018b: 48). Janoschka et al. "the market will end up regulating the supply (2019) state that much of this growth ends up [of tourist lets]". However, what the DEAT elsewhere, beyond the sovereign reach of the does not say is that it is the public authori- State, which at the same time encourages bank ties of the State that regulate these new types divestment (allowing SOCIMI to restructure of accommodation and thus facilitate the the market) and favours the concentration of expansion of tourism. That means capital does real estate assets and their management. With not function in accordance with its internal regard to tourist lets, in 2017 the 135,291 requirements, its logic or its own laws. places on the Islands available through Airbnb were managed by 3,137 agents (16 of them In that sense, Lefebvre maintained that the managed 22%) and the 10 main market- State integrates new sectors in which to ers had their headquarters in Germany, the invest in order to expand production and United Arab Emirates, the Netherlands or generate surplus (Lefebvre, 1976: 322). This were not locatable·(Terraferida, 2018). is how it has been on the Islands with a succession of “tourist booms” and their decisive Wolf also highlights the central role of the contribution to the restructuring of capital, State in the integration of new sectors. He expanding the tourist frontier as new types looks at how capital resolves its crises by of accommodation were established (Mur- providing new rounds of capital extraction, ray Mas et al, 2017).6 This process must be advancing the strategic relationship that gov- understood as part of the specifically Spanish erns the capitalist deployment of social work. accumulation cycle based on the so-called He maintained that each new round involves "brick economy" (Rodríguez and López, conflicts between segments of the capitalist 2011; Coq-Huelva, 2013). Through the class, some of which are aligned with segments consecutive regulation of different types of other classes, including the working class of accommodation, the Spanish State has (1997: 308). With regard to the working class, incorporated into the tourist industry several we need to get over the idea that it can be heritagised landscapes, built environments reduced to wage labour (or to that plus frac- and consumer segments. tions of the lumpenproletariat and informal Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 97 work), especially if we start from the idea that straddling the holiday rental digital platforms 7 work is everything that one finds at the base and the ownership of these holiday rentals. It See Morell 2016, for a theoretical consideration regarding this way of of value creation appropriated from others, is believed to identify a market that regulates understanding the working class. and ranges from wage labour to urban work supply. Against this principle, we now take a and which, in our case, ends up being com- look at how use of the comforting jargon "col- modified in the tourist industry7. laborative economy" has become established and how its use has given way to other stories Wolf's differentiation thesis shines a light on that encourage asset concentration and which the current reconfiguration of tourist accom- are located at the opposite pole to allegedly modation assets, as lobbying groups try to equitable reciprocity. Then, we explore how influence island politics in order to compete the same State administrations have ended up with hoteliers. Historically, the hoteliers have delivering a holiday rental regulation that lands determined the tourist policy of the Islands on our streets from distant EU bureaucracies (Amer, 2005), even exporting business thanks to the staggered mediations of the rest assets (Buades, 2014), and always from an of the public administrations. extremely complex class differentiation that is also incredibly unstable: bringing together The collaborative economy and EU wage relations, residence regimes, debt, etc. scalar politics Following the body of academic work on the On October 26, 2016, Jorge Cuneo, cre- financialisation of homes, associated with the ator of Hundredrooms, a company which withdrawal of public benefits, including hous- at that time compared the holiday rental ing, and the growing inequality in the field of offers of digital platforms, took part in the social reproduction (e.g. Lapavitsas, 2013), BusinessDMallorca forum organised by several authors have tried to clarify the concept the newspaper Diario de Mallorca. It was of class by relating it to property and debt. attended by 50 entrepreneurs from the sector who were concerned about their assets While Lemoine and Ravelli (2017) argue because the Balearic government had just that the democratisation of finance (e.g. announced that it would not allow a free- through small, well-scattered actions) leads for-all of tourist lets. Cuneo spoke of the new to widespread impoverishment, Harvey digital exchange and placed the horizon of states that debt always claims future income Hundredrooms at the crossroads between and, by extension, future labour (2018: 450- "the collaborative economy" and "the global 451). After all, when have social classes been impact." He summed up the reversal that clearly defined? Their readability is never the spurious link between the "digital tech- explicit, especially when the relationship of nology revolution" and the adage “another value creation and appropriation that defines economy is possible" had undergone. them is constantly changing shape. How- ever, this variability defines how social classes With regard to the peer to peer networks occur (Kalb, 1997 and 2015), the heritage (P2P), the work of Bauwens and Lievens, of which is nothing more than their struggle now collected in a single volume (2015), is (Morell, 2010) and it is precisely when these fundamental. They point out that the free are in motion that they are easier to grasp cooperation of producers creates a use value (Cox, 2013). I will illustrate these issues in that goes to a community of users, not to the the following sections based on the tourist market. However, for Botsman and Rogers commodification of housing. (2011),the collaborative economy includes more than exchange. There is swapping, However, before this, I will return briefly to trading, renting and gifting. New technol- the DEAT and its commitment to the entre- ogies and the P2P end up coordinating all preneurial self-management of property, the these forms of economic relationship. It is question with which this section started. What Gansky (2010) who points to the possibil- concerns the DEAT is the pulse that marks ity of gain by introducing the concept of "the collaborative economy·" and that we find "mesh", which connects different nodes to 98 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 coordinate talents, goods and services. This gestion is consistent with the expansion plans 8 rational optimisation ends up claiming an of the European Central Bank which aims to Having reached this point, we must outline the distribution of powers income and thus the use value generated stimulate the consumption and integration of between the different administra- becomes the exchange value. new investment areas (Kolasa and Wesołowski, tive levels of the Spanish state in 2018). These reports are drawn up in the con- relation to holiday rentals: residential rentals are governed by state On the other hand, different works conceptu- text of the single market where the European law, tourist policy is the compe- alise the collaborative economy as an epochal short-term holiday rental association, the Euro- tence of the autonomous regions expression of capitalism. Thus, while Rifkin and urban development is worked pean Holiday Home Association, lobbies to on at a municipal level. In the case (2014) announces the collapse of the capi- maintain the real estate assets of its members of the Islands, each one has a talist system due to its crisis of values and the and achieve the liberalisation of the tourist council that harmonises municipal urban development. As the capital erosion of the pace of growth, Sundararajan accommodation market (Haar, 2018). city of the archipelago, Palma is an (2016) sees in the expansion of P2P "crowd- exception in that regard. based capitalism". Sundararajan demands In Spain, the EC's support for holiday that we rethink the regulation of labour rentals spurs on the National Commission markets and social security. Rifkin discerns on Markets and Competition (CNMC), a third industrial revolution in the increase which disputes in the courts the regulations in collaborative common goods. But instead of autonomous regions and municipalities we find the erosion of the growth rate and that aim to ensure affordable residential the crisis of values, and "crony capitalism" rentals. For the CNMC, holiday rentals only encourages asset concentration and the constitute "a real revolution in the housing accumulation of capital of digital platforms. market, generating benefits for users, citizens and the economy of cities" (National Srnicek (2017) holds a view which is more in Commission of Markets and Competition, tune with the criticism of political economy 2018a: 61-62). That is why the CNMC when he talks about "platform capitalism". wants to reduce heterogeneity throughout He classifies digital platforms according to the State and avoid restrictions that prevent the way they do business. Thus, those for the "good performance" of the market (ibid.: tourist lets are purely rentier. They outsource 64-66).8 But it was the Measures for the Flex- everything and only maintain as their own ibilisation and Promotion of the Housing asset "control of the platform that allows them Rental Market Act (Official State Gazette to obtain a monopoly on lettings" (Srnicek, Agency, 2013), that modified the Urban 2017: 76). Apart from analysing, reflecting Leases Act (Official State Gazette Agency, on and speculating about the social transfor- 1994), and allowed the use of property for mation that is "the collaborative economy", non-residential purposes. The CNMC has academia also inspires the same State policy. challenged the Government of the Balearic Islands. It maintains that the modification Since 2016, the European Commission (EC) of the Regional Tourism Act (Parliament has produced several reports on "the collabo- of the Balearic Islands, 2017) "limits" the rative economy·", including holiday rentals marketing of holiday rentals. (e.g. Codagnone et al, 2016). Even the leading experts advise the EC (Sundararajan, 2017). In contrast, social movements note that this However, the EC's primary concern is neither regulation gives holiday rentals unprece- erosion of labour rights, social protection, dented recognition and they denounce the access to affordable housing, nor concentra- lack of a budget for carrying out inspections tion of real estate assets, but use of generated of the current illegal supply. Officially, the data (Martens, 2016; Easton, 2017). In addi- Islands have set a ceiling in terms of the tion, with the holiday rental in mind, the EC number of places, regardless of the type criticizes the limitation of "the collaborative of accommodation (623,624 according economy" because it adduces that this reduces to Sáenz, 2017; ) and each island council revenues and employment: "Europe should has established zones for holiday rentals. In be open to embrace these new opportunities" Ciutat, holiday rentals have been banned in (European Commission, 2016: 16). This sug- buildings between party walls but the lack of Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 99 inspections means breaches go unchecked. ists discovered that three floors of a building Especially in the Centre, which as mentioned destined for people with difficulties gain- above, is an Asset of Cultural Interest. I will ing access to housing (such as Queta) had now refer to the dual role of academia and been illegally rented out to tourists at €150 then illustrate with a specific case of abuse per person per night. The building was in "the global impact" of the business. Finally a neighbourhood in the city centre, which I will present the main holiday rental asso- had long been subjected to intense heritag- ciation in the autonomous region. isation, improvements and gentrification (Morell, 2013). With other workers in the On academics, fraud, company managing these social housing financialisation and associations units, the head of operations offered the flats The UIB does not have a single voice. There to digital tourist rental platforms. This was are records of various controversies. In 2016, a profitable business since each residential an agency of the regional government of the rent was €450 per month. The more they time funded a study by the Department delved into it, the bigger the case became. of Enterprise on residents' perceptions of The proprietor had other buildings in the holiday rentals (Garau Vadell, 2016). It was neighbourhood. intended to legitimise a policy that, as small as it was, was permitted. Habtur, the holiday Proprietor and managers had three things in rental association on the Islands, celebrated common: (1) a past as executives in the sav- the results since many respondents hoped ings and pension bank that assumed 45% of that holiday rentals would generate employ- the assets resulting from the neighbourhood ment, would complement an increasingly improvements (2) their passage through the scarce income and, at the same time, con- new bank that absorbed the aforementioned tribute to maintaining family assets. Also in bank in 2010, and (3) participation in the 2016, another government body commis- transfer of those assets through the "bad sioned other researchers from the same UIB bank", SAREB (company for the manage- department to conduct a second study on ment of assets from the restructuring of the the state of the market. banking system). In fact, the financialisation of property and management of holi- In front of IB3 Televisió cameras, Groizard day rentals and the inability to pursue the and Nilsson (2016) claimed that it could still irregularities of the sector illustrate the class grow, that holiday rentals did not displace relationship found in the concentration of tenants and that they spread the gains of assets by some that deprive others of access tourism, which up to that point had been to affordable housing. a monopoly of the hoteliers. About fifteen academics, also from the UIB, questioned Another strategy is to access the information the report, denouncing the impact on resi- that city councils have on indebted property dential rentals and the growing gap between owners in order to buy their real estate assets landlords and tenants. In another episode, with the support of a bank loan secured against in January 2017, IB3 Ràdio announced that a property. According to the information pro- the UIB would establish an observatory of vided by several neighbourhoods in a town holiday rentals led by an associate professor in Pla de Mallorca during my fieldwork, this who, they omitted to mention, was also the is how the former president of Habtur built vice president - now president - of Habtur. up his holiday rental assets. Joan Miralles, a Social networks suddenly flared up and the civil servant and vocational training teacher at initiative was deactivated. Other academics the regional Ministry of Education, obtained unmasked predatory practices. his doctorate in sociology with a thesis on the impact on Mallorcan culture of acquir- In the spring of 2017, following complaints ing residences by EU foreign nationals at the of Queta, a member of Ciutat for those who end of the 1990s (the "third tourist boom"). live in it, a group of researchers and journal- Miralles concludes that for the Mallorcans 100 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

it would be better to rent instead of selling, these movements and how they cooperate 9 as this would prevent the loss of the heritage with each other, weave a continuity with The hoteliers are fiercely opposed to holiday rentals but if they sovereignty of the land (2004). For non-own- the past and thus contribute to building a become established, they will ers, he argued, there is always "the spillover unique heritage with regard to class struggle. invest in them in the same way as economy". Accompanying this commitment they have done in the past with other types of tourist accommoda- to a class differentiation that shows alliances The division of labour between the tion (Magro, 2017). with non-rentier segments that would also social movements take advantage of holiday rentals (restorers, The exclusion of holiday lets in buildings local farmers, etc.), Miralles rejects the claim between party walls in Ciutat was a rule that this type of accommodation leads to res- brought in by the then mayor (now coun- idential rent increases. cillor), whose political career was rooted in the fight against evictions. Despite allowing This idea is expressed profusely as a mantra some tourist rentals, the association wanted of the holiday rental association both in the to take him to court for perversion of justice media (e.g. Miralles 2017, Sagrera 2017) (Ara Balears, 2019). While in Ciutat his party and in the Vacation Forum, the mecca of had the support of citizens opposed to holiday the island's holiday rentals, in which Habtur rentals because they understood that it would has been taking part since 2016. The Vacation push up residential rental prices (especially Forum invites digital platforms, tour opera- For years, the city of Mallorca in the heritagised parts of the city centre) in has been subjected to an tors, service providers (cleaning, decoration, other places on the island, his party encour- intense internationalisation etc.), financial entities, advocates of the free aged their contained expansion to maintain of its real estate market. MARC use of private property and members of the MORELL, 2016 government who try to appease the ignited spirits of the attendees who always rebuke them for "imposing" limitations. The hoteliers, true pilots of the archipelago's destination, also receive. Figures such as Miralles aspire to rival them while increasing their real estate assets: "The sooner they accept that we have come to stay, that we represent an important part of the tourist offer and that the tourist model is something we must all decide on between us, the better ... The tourist market is not [the hoteliers’], the tourist is the one who chooses, we cannot close our eyes to an obvious reality "(HOSTELTUR, 2017).9

While Habtur's rhetoric seems to ask for a mere supplement of income, an argument also used by Fevitur (the Spanish federation) and the European Holiday Home Associ- ation, its most prominent members have various properties and are already considered highly qualified professionals. Not for nothing, at a talk I gave in a coastal town, an entrepreneur proudly announced that his business was small, since he only managed 40 tourist rentals. Many social movements denounce the social and ecological excesses of this greed and oppose it with different mediated strategies of awareness-raising, rather than resistance. I will now talk about Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 101 family assets. Without a doubt, however, the the lack of official information on the sub- 10 decision of the City Council was the result of ject, Terraferida has ended up specialising In 2017, the municipal delegation of 10 the mayor's party wanted to award the work of social movements. in offering solid quantitative data on the its annual prize to Ciutat for those Islands' holiday rentals. That said, while the who live in it, who rejected it, stat- Historically, many social movements had GOB is open to affiliations, Terraferida acts ing that their task did not involve political patronage. The organisa- already opposed the tourist industry and more like a closed group in this regard. tion insisted not only on completely once again organised protests. On 23 Sep- eradicating holiday rentals, but tember, 2017, a month after the Tourism It is in Ciutat where residents' associations also on ending the proliferation of so-called ‘boutique hotels’ across Act amendment, a demonstration took place are stronger. The Palma Federation of Neigh- the city. under the slogan We've got this far. About bourhood Associations (FAVP) resorts to 11 3,000 people demonstrated in Ciutat in the neighbourhood activism dating back to the Among other aspects, the protest first great mobilisation against the govern- Francoist era. The FAVP maintains rela- was motivated by the growing ment's tourist policy. The protesters, sum- tions with Palma City Council by which it arrival of visitors by air and sea (cruises), the boom in holiday moned by environmental groups, urban guides other entities through its bureaucratic rentals and boutique hotels, and movements and trade unions, called for labyrinth. Given the positions at the FAVP the increase in car rentals. The bold measures to end excessive dependence are occupied by more senior activists, there precarious working conditions gen- 11 erated by the tourist model were on tourism. The 23-S platform brought has been a recent, urgent need to incorpo- also criticised, which the Kellys together up to 52 organisations. Here I will rate younger generations from the various (hotel chambermaids) represented highlight the trajectories of the main ones, neighbourhoods where they have a presence. to perfection. not so much for their specific contribution Most of these young people participated in to the demonstration, but for their specific the local replicas of 15M in 2011,which contribution within the division of labour helped to break the dynamics of federations in mobilising against holiday rentals. of neighbourhood associations in many of the State's cities, Ciutat included. I will first present those that explicitly work to protect the environment. In 1973, the Holiday rentals have breathed new life into Grup Ornitològic Balear i de Defensa de la the FAVP, and have generated new allies in Naturalesa (GOB – Balearic Ornithological the call for values of use, such as Ciutat for and Nature Conservation Group) was set up, those who live in it, to which Carlos and and since then it has been the most impor- Queta belong. Its origins lie in the group tant ecological organisation in the autono- Tot Inclòs (All Included), heir to Mallorca’s mous region: it has worked to protect the libertarian tradition, which between 2014 most sensitive areas from urban development and 2017 published an annual magazine and now works to promote active degrowth denouncing the predatory model of tour- strategies. The GOB maintains that holiday ism and recently pointed out the excesses rentals further deplete the scarce resources of of the tourist industry in a documentary the archipelago as well as its environmental of the same name. Ciutat for those that heritage. Due to its experience, the ability of live in it is an intergenerational and diverse the GOB to mobilise people is probably the organisation, with fortnightly meetings. It highest of all the groups that I mention. organizes festive gatherings such as a lane for trolleys in the centre, an auction in the city's Terraferida is a relatively new organisation, neighbourhoods, a have a dip on the most mostly made up of people who are part of touristic beach, an occupation of an illegal the GOB. Not only is it based on a more holiday rental apartment, and so on. incisive opposition, but in its ecological analysis it includes criticism of the economic True, these actions attract the media more depredation model promoted by different than the general population. Even so, from lobbying groups for their personal gain, as the struggle to protect the territory to trying well as expressing a political malaise with to ensure decommercialised cities, all these regard to corruption, improvisation and the movements participate in a division of the accumulation of public resources by what singular task if opposing the introduction of they point to as a dominant caste. Given holiday rentals. Their success lies not only 102 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 in the unique trajectories of each entity, but resulted in the denunciation of the tourist also in shared militants, common denom- commodification of housing followed by a inators and joint mobilisations, all coded fruitful division of labour. expressions of what it means to be working class (Morell, 2016; Kalb and Mollona, From what I have set out so far, we can affirm 2018). In other words, there is a class con- that holiday rentals are both a search for prof- vergence between the various organisations its that hamper access to affordable housing, that, ultimately, deal with questions about bait for the concentration of real estate assets, the social reproduction of life and share a and the configuration of an essential area of unique heritage in terms of their conditions life into a financial asset. This is no longer of transformation. the financialisation of homes via mortgage debt of the early part of the 2010s (Sabaté, Conclusion: the state of the 2016), but rather the financialisation of heritage and class movement tourist accommodation resources. Proof of In this article I have shown the State’s role in this, Airbnb, the best-known tourist rental regulating holiday rentals. Combining the platform, is organising an initial public offer- integration thesis of Lefebvre and the differing, a company's first sale of shares on the entiation thesis of Wolf, I have focused on stock market (Schleifer, 2019). In addition, how the expansion of the tourist frontier to and on the rebound, the promise of an eco- holiday rentals has segmented the owners of nomic return offered by digital platforms accommodation resources while at the same encourages demand for credit to carry out time establishing alliances with segments of improvements on real estate assets in order the working class, especially those that work to place them in the tourist rental market. in the transport, accommodation and tourist services sectors. In part, this has been thanks The other side of these financial movements to the enthusiastic reception of "the collabo- is concerned with the challenge of accessing rative economy" and its supposed "spillover affordable residential rentals for different effect." Furthermore, I have suggested that types of tenants: vulnerable people such as the conversion of dwellings into holiday Queta, a victim of real estate companies rentals (the tension between asset accumu- moved only by profit, or Carlos and his part- lation and precarious living conditions) has ner who have to thank the owner of their

Holiday rentals have revived local resident protest. The first mobilisation in that regard was the “carril guiri” itinerary, attended by about 200 people. MARC MORELL, 2017 Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 103 home for not increasing their rent or trans- but also have to do with value creation and forming it into a tourist let. Holiday rentals appropriation relations. Take for example reduce residential rental stock, increase the Ciutat for those who live in it, which fights price of those that stay in the residential to combat the replacement of residential lets market, and in turn increase demand for with holiday rentals, but which also fights properties as an object of investment and for a city that its members build day after encourage the formation of financial assets. day. There is a city in struggle for each mem- In the long run, residents, whether tenants ber of Ciutat and there is even a collective or owners, are displaced. one. Altogether, all these movements are a lively expression of a class in movement, Returning to Verdaguer's fading memories, which tries to combat the current confusion the question is not so much what kind of between social reproduction (housing) and city will be left when everyone disappears, production (tourist accommodation), not but what kind of city leads us to this virulent to mention the circulation that threatens situation. Here the question of class comes them whilst gathering them up (formation to the fore, not as a polarised simplifica- of financial assets). tion in fundamental strata established by the demand for tourist rentals (Valdivielso i Franquesa (2013) talks about "cultural" her- Moranta, 2019: 14), but always as a complex itage as the combined policy of conserving class relationship of integration and differ- and circulating in the economic realisation entiation in the production of these rentals. of built heritage in Palma city centre. This The principle governing this framework is hypothesis shows how the cultural affair the State's defence of private property and has ended up appropriating the contents its free commercial use. This strategy priori- covered by the term asset (family wealth, built tises the gains from real estate assets over the environment and land ownership, financial fundamental rights that have often been the assets invested in, etc.) and that end up being result of not-so-distant social struggles and potential economic gains which, in one led by social movements that represent the way or another, are losses for others. Not in interests of the working class. vain, referring to "cultural" heritage, Breglia (2006) recognises its ambivalence as it also In this sense, we find three distinct and has to do with other assets, labour inher- unresolved class fronts that are related to itances linked to this "cultural" heritage and the emergence of holiday rentals and at the legacies from generation to generation. The same time with the problem of access to introductory quote from Lladó and Sureda housing: (1) owners who hinder residential (2019) already points to how some people rentals; (2) the concentration of assets, often amass assets from certain uses of "cultural" in the hands of investment funds; and (3) heritage that is still extendible to collectively an internally differentiated accommodation produced goods. association that not only makes the employment conditions of remunerated work more It is as if the monument and the city that precarious, but which also makes the hous- Lefebvre (1972 [1970]: 28) tried to distin- ing conditions of the general population guish12, had collapsed and the social life (the more precarious too. With regard to social globality) that the city projects became a movements, as with precarious housing, the monument and remained equally subject to practice of being in motion with other com- the economic logic of tourism. Of course, it rades in arms is also important. Of course, is not easy to subject social life to the vertical despite these clear examples of class forma- dynamics of the culture of inheritance. It is tion, organised opposition is formally medi- often necessary to counter them with other ated by ideas of territory and community. less tangible assets, alliances around resis- tors, marriages rather than heritage, where Nevertheless, they are all movements that not life is reproduced socially, always in motion only address property and tenant relations, although the reason of state. Indeed, there 104 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

is a need to critically reconsider the class the Overtourism in Spanish Coastal Desti- 12 issue in the effective fight against the ways nations Research Project. Tourism Degrowth See the second introductory quota- tion of the article. in which the multiple levels of state favour strategies (RTI2018-094844-B-C31) by financialisation whilst hindering access to ERDF, Ministry of Science, Innovation and affordable housing. In order to understand Universities, State Research Agency. This text the current class formation we must grasp would not have been possible without the how this is expressed. help, tenacity, and patience of Saida Palou, Chris Hann, Don Kalb, and two anonymous Acknowledgements reviewers who have provided key comments With the support of the Margalida Comas for the development of the text, which on the Programme (Ministry of Innovation, other hand is dedicated to the people who Research and Tourism, Government of the enable the existence of emancipatory social Balearic Islands), this article is the result of my movements, especially to my comrades at ongoing research at the Department of Geog- Ciutat for those who live in it, not for those raphy of the University of the Balearic Islands, who visit, and their struggle to materialise where it contributes to the development of Ciutat.n

REFERENCES

of Heritage. Austin: University of Publicaciones/Informes/Informe_ Official State Gazette Agency. Texas Press. Anual_2017_.pdf> [last consult- Gansky, L. (2010). The Mesh: (1994). "Act 29/1994, of Novem- ed: 9 April 2019]. Why the Future of Business is ber 24, on urban leases". Official Buades, J. (2014 [2007]). Ex- Sharing. New York: Portfolio / State Gazette, 282, 26003. portando paraísos: La colonización European Commission. (2016). Penguin. turística del planeta. Barcelona: "Communication from the Com- Official State Gazette Agency. Alba Sud Editorial. mission to the European Parlia- Garau Vadell, J. B. (ed.) (2016). (2013). "Act 4/2013, of June 4, on ment, the Council, the European “Estudi de la percepció dels resi- measures for the flexibilisation and Cocola-Gant, A. (2016). "Holiday Economic and Social Committee dents del lloguer vacacional P2P” promotion of the rental market". rentals: The new gentrification bat- and the Committee of the Regions [online], December 2016. Mallor- Official State Gazette, 134, 5941. tlefront "[online]. Sociological Re- – A European Agenda for the ca: University of the Balearic Is- search Online, 21(3), 1-9. [last Brussels: European Commission. ticistiquesdeltourism / f / 226578> to the Forum: from third to fifth- consulted: 9 September 2019] [last consulted: 9 April Ginard, A. (2017). “Tras los en- Geografie, 110(1), 1-11. "The Passions and the Interests: 2019]. tresijos de la economía colabo- Unpacking the 'Sharing Economy'" rativa” [online]. El Económico. Amer, J. (2005). Turisme i política: [online]. Seville: Institute for Pro- Coq-Huelva, A. (2013). “Urban- Semanario de la empresa y el L’empresariat hoteler de Mallorca. spective Technological Studies, isation and financialisation in the turismo de Balears / Última Hora, Palma: Documenta Balear. JCR Science for Policy Report. context of a rescaling State: the 3 November 2017. [last 1223-1231. jos-economia-colaborativa.html> continues for holiday rentals. consulted: 9 April 2019]. [last consulted: 9 April 2019]. Habtur communicates that the Cox, L. (2013). “Eppur si muove: TSJIB has admitted its complaint National Commission of Mar- thinking ‘the social movement’”. In Groizard, J. L.; Nilsson, W. for processing "[online]. Ara kets and Competition (2018a). Barker, C. [et al.] (eds.), Marxism (2017). “Mito y realidad del Balears, 2 March 2019. [Last line], 19 July 2018. Madrid: Na- Easton, C. (2017). "European line]. DEA Working Paper Series, consulted: 5 July 2019] tional Commission of Markets and Union information law and the 84. [last consulted: 9 April Mallorca. Consideracions sobre un pdf> [last query: 9 April 2019]. Regulation and Enforcement, 163- 2019]. topònim”. Randa, 9, 25-30. 181. Cham: Springer International National Commission of Mar- Publishing AG. Haar, K. (2018). UnFairbnb. How Botsman, R.; Rogers, R. (2011 kets and Competition (2018b). online rental platforms use the EU [2010]). What’s Mine is Yours: "Annual report of the CNMC on Franquesa, J. (2013). “On to defeat cities’ affordable housing How Collaborative Consumption securities markets and their per- Keeping and Selling. The political measures. Brussels: Corporate is Changing the Way We Live. formance. 2017 financial year ". Economy of Heritage Making in Europe Observatory. London: Collins. Madrid: National Commission Contemporary Spain”. Current of Markets and Competition. Anthropology, 54(3), 346-369. Hackworth, J.; Smith, N. (2001). Breglia, L. C. (2006). Monu-

che en Sociale Geografie, 22(4), culpa del alquiler vacacional”. 464-477. Lapavitsas, C. (2013). “The finan- Morell, M. (2010). “Patrimonio de Diario de Mallorca, 14 July 2017. cialisation of capitalism: 'Profiting la clase obrera sin la clase obrera. [last con- Lefebvre, H. (1972 [1970]). La patrimonio. Consumo y valores sulted: 15 October 2019] Harvey, D. (2018). “Universal revolución urbana. Madrid: Alianza del pasado, 105-125. Barcelona: Alienation and the real subsump- Editorial. Icaria Editorial. Schleifer, T. (2019). “Airbnb sold tion of daily life under Capital: A some common stock at a $35 response to Hardt and Negri". Tri- Lefebvre, H. (1976). De l’État, Morell, M. (2013). “De l’espai billion valuation, but what is the pleC: Communication, Capitalism Tome 2: De Hegel à Mao par Sta- no te’n refies mai: Treball urbà i company really worth?”. Vox, 19 & Critique. Journal for a Global lin (La théorie “marxiste” de l’État). formació/lluita de classe”. Quad- March 2019. [last consulted: 2 June “Financiarisation et classes so- Hosteltur. (2017). “El recién el- Morell, M. (2016). “Turisme per 2019]. egido presidente desvela su plan ciales: introduction au dossier” despossessió, patrimoni col·lectiu i de acción. Aptur [Habtur]: 'Several [online]. Revue de la régulation el treball com a comú denominador Smith, G. (1999). Confronting lobbies have criminalised holiday 22(Autumn), 23 February 2018. urbà”. Quaderns de l’Institut Català the Present. Towards a Politically rentals.' The association wants to [last consulted: 9 Berg Publishers. and be treated as a top-level actor April 2019]. Murray Mas, I. (2015). Capitalis- "[online], HOSTELTUR, February mo y turismo en España. Del “mi- Srnicek, N. (2016). Platform Cap- 24, 2017. [last per la transformació social, 10 Murray Mas, I. [et al.] (2017). Sharing Economy. The End of Em- consulted: 9 April 2019]. October 2019. [last tion, destruction and restructuring Based Capitalism. Cambridge: Janoshka, M. [et al.] (2019). consulted: 15 October 2019]. of tourist spaces. The case of the The MIT Press. “Tracing the socio-spatial logics Balearic Islands”. Investigaciones of transnational landlords’ real Lopez, I.; Rodríguez, E. (2011). Turísticas, 13, 1-29. Sundararajan, A. (2017) The estate investment: Blackstone "The Spanish model". New left Re- collaborative economy: Socio- in Madrid "[online]. European view, 69(3), 5-29. Parliament of the Balearic economic, regulatory and policy Urban and Regional Studies, Islands. (2017). "Act 6/2017 of issues. In-depth analysis for the Magro, A. (2017). “Los hoteleros 0.0, 1-17. 19 July, on tourism in the Balearic icy Department, Economic and er, se pasarán a ese negocio” [on- [last consulted: 9 September Islands, in relation to the com- Scientific Policy. line]. Diario de Mallorca, 26 April 2019] mercialisation of tourist stays in 2017. [last ferida.cat/2018/08/04/desmun Duke University Press. consulted: 8 April 2019] Rifkin, J. (2014). The Zero Mar- tant-airbnb-summer-2018 /> [last ginal Cost Society: The Internet consulted: 7 April 2019]. Kalb, D. (2015). “Introduction: Martens, B. (2016). "An eco- of Things, the Collaborative class and the new anthropologi- nomic policy perspective on Commons, and the Eclipse of Valdivielso, J.; Moranta, J. cal holism”. In Carrier, J. G.; Kalb, online platforms" [online]. JCR Capitalism. New York: Palgrave (2019). "The social construction D. (eds.), Anthropologies of Class. Technical Reports. Institute for Macmillan. of the tourism degrowth record in Power, practice and inequality, Prospective Technological Studies the Balearic Islands". Journal of 1-27 . Cambridge: Cambridge Digital Economy Working Paper, Sabaté, I. (2016). “Mortgage in- Sustainable Tourism, 0(0), 1-17. University Press. 2016/05. [last Kalb, D.; Mollona, M. (2018). pdf> [last consulted: 8 April 2019]. isation of housing provisioning in consulted: 24 September 2019]. "Introduction. Introductory Spain”. Critique of Anthropology, thoughts on anthropology and Miralles Plantalamor, J. (2004). 36(2), 197-211. Verdaguer, M. (1977 [1955]). La urban insurrection”. In Kalb, D.; Impactos socioculturales del turis- ciutat esvaïda. Ciutat de Mallorca: Mollona, M. (eds.), Worldwide mo residencial en España. Análisis Sáenz, H. (2017). “Baleares Editorial Moll. Mobilisations. Class Struggles comparativo del fenómeno en las pone un tope al número de tu- and Urban Commoning, 1-29. diferentes comunidades autóno- ristas: 623.000 "[online]. El Wolf, E. R. (1997 [1982]). Europe New York: Berghahn Books. mas a partir del caso mallorquín Mundo, 8 d’agost de 2017. and the People Without History. (doctoral thesis). Alicante: Univer- [last of quantitative easing” [online], Miralles Plantalamor, J. (2017). consulted: 8 April 2019]. Yrigoy, I. (2018). "Rent gap re- European Central Bank Work- “Por un pacto de Estado sobre el loaded: Airbnb and the shift from ing Paper Series, 2229, 27 July alquilar vacacional” [online]. Di- Sagrera, B. (2017). “La patronal residential to touristic rental hous- 2018. [last con- quier-holiday/1234844.html> un informe que pretende dem- sulted: 9 April 2019]. [last consulted: 15 October 2019]. ostrar que la masificación no es 106 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Carmen Gil de Arriba DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY, URBANISM AND TERRITORIAL PLANNING. UNIVERSITY OF CANTABRIA Doctor of Geography and History (1994). She has been a researcher with the EU Researcher Training and Mobility Programme, DG XII, at the Université de Pau - CNRS Aquitaine. She has been a university lecturer since 1999. Subjects worked on include the social construction of images and territorial representations, the history of tourism and leisure activities, heritage resources, local development policies, residential tourism and lifestyle migration, the transformation of port spaces, and the current socio-economic dynamics of mountain areas. She has published several articles, books and book chapters on these issues with prestigious journals and publishing houses. She is a member of the AGE (Association of Spanish Geographers) and currently belongs to the TURHIS research group, made up of researchers from various Spanish and European universities. Heritage and tourism: a historical relationship focusing on Spanish urban landscapes from the early twentieth century

Views of artistic and monumental cities: Salamanca, c. 1927-1935) (PHOTOGRAPH BY ANTONIO PASSAPORTE). IPCE PHOTO LIBRARY, MECD. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 107

City, heritage and tourism: Within this general context, in the process of Paraules clau: paisatge urbà, the conceptual bases modernisation experienced by Spain in the història del turisme, imatges first decades of the twentieth century until turístiques, ciutats històriques, turisme urbà. n 1938, Lewis Mumford, influ- the beginning of the Civil War (Aguado Palabras clave: paisaje urbano, enced by the thinking of Patrick and Ramos, 2002), urban landscapes, the historia del turismo, imágenes Geddes, published The Culture of construction of their heritage value and their turísticas, ciudades históricas, Cities in the United States. In the aesthetic image, became a substantial com- turismo urbano. Keywords: urban landscape, introduction, Mumford (2018: ponent for the tourism practices, minority history of tourism, tourist 16) remarks: and therefore elitist, that developed in the images, historic towns, urban "Cities are a product of time. They are country as a whole in those years. This is tourism. Ithe moulds in which men's lifetimes also when significant changes occurred in have cooled and congealed, giving last- transport, construction and urbanisation. ing shape, by way of art, to moments that would otherwise vanish with the living Therefore, based on a careful selection of and leave no means of renewal or wider case studies, this contribution analyses the participation behind them. [...] In the relationship between the incipient heritag- city, time becomes visible: buildings and isation of certain urban landscapes and the monuments and public ways […] leave tourist activity promoted in Spain by the an imprint upon the minds even of the central government during the first half of ignorant or the indifferent." the 20th century. To do so, we investigate the processes of symbolic valuation developed in Due to the diversity of temporal strata various cities and their gradually increasing combined in it, the city has long been an importance for tourism. The argumentation appealing resource for tourism. In fact, the is conceptually based on the cited references, attraction of cities for their visitors predates but without attempting to review the inter- considerably the mass tourism which began national bibliography on the subject, since in the second half of the twentieth century. such a theoretical update is not the central This attraction precedes tourism itself, since goal of this paper. Enlightenment and Romantic travellers had already created and socially projected images Similarly, the methodology and sources used and representations of cities. are implicit in the presentation of ideas, so

Durant les primeres dècades del segle En las primeras décadas del siglo xx, los Urban landscapes were an important xx, els paisatges urbans van esdevenir un paisajes urbanos fueron un componente setting for tourist practices in the first dec- component substancial de les pràctiques sustancial de las prácticas turísticas. En ades of the twentieth century. This paper turístiques. En aquest article s’analitzen este artículo se analizan las relaciones examines the relationship between the les relacions entre el valor simbòlic i pa- entre el valor simbólico y patrimonial symbolic and heritage value attributed to trimonial conferit a determinats paisatges otorgado a determinados paisajes certain Spanish urban landscapes and the urbans espanyols i el desenvolupament urbanos españoles y el desarrollo de la development of tourist activity encouraged de l’activitat turística impulsat per l’Admi- actividad turística impulsado por la Admi- by the state administration during the first nistració central, al llarg de la primera mei- nistración central, a lo largo de la primera half of the century. This process went tat del segle xx. Aquest procés va passar mitad del siglo xx. Este proceso pasó por through several stages; from the selective per vàries etapes: des de l’activitat varias etapas: desde la actividad selec- activity promoted by the Comisaría Regia selectiva promoguda per la Comissaria tiva promovida por la Comisaría Regia de Turismo (Royal Tourism Commission) Règia de Turisme (1911-1928) a partir de de Turismo (1911-1928) a partir de la from 1911 to 1928, through the recreation la recreació de paisatges monumentals i recreación de paisajes monumentales y of monumental and picturesque land- pintorescos, fins a la producció i difusió pintorescos, hasta la producción y difu- scapes, to the systematic production and sistemàtica d’imatges urbanes efectuada sión sistemática de imágenes urbanas distribution of urban images made by the pel Patronat Nacional de Turisme (1928- efectuada por el Patronato Nacional de Patronato Nacional de Turismo (Nation- 1938). En aquest context, es revisen Turismo (1928-1938). En este contexto, al Tourism Trust) from 1928 to 1938. també les incipients actuacions legisla- se revisan además las incipientes actua- Within this context, the incipient legislative tives i normatives relacionades amb el ciones legislativas y normativas relacio- measures and regulations related to urban patrimoni urbà. nadas con el patrimonio urbano. heritage are reviewed. 108 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

no specific section has been devoted to their sea bathing had become customary from 1 presentation, considering that they can be the 1860s onward. Especially oriented to the foreign public as stated in Article 1 of the easily recognized by the reader. Nor have we decree of creation (Gaceta de been interested in establishing catalogues or While initially the leading active role had Madrid, 07/10/1905). typologies on a regional scale, which would been played by private agents, from the 2 be more appropriate in an art history inven- beginning of the 20th century the Spanish Gaceta de Madrid, 20/06/1911. tory. However, all the cases chosen have been Government began to play a more visible 3 placed in their spatial and socio-cultural con- role, especially with regard to the promotion Its ideas and title were inspired by the well-known book by Bartolomé text. Likewise, we have taken into account of tourism and attempts to establish specific Armengual (1903): La industria de the major intellectual and political currents policies (Moreno, 2005). Thus, in 1905, the los forasteros. Palma de Mallorca: of the time, which, however, would not all National Commission for the Promotion of Armengual and Muntaner. 1 achieve equal acceptance and reflection in Tourism was created (González Morales, 4 the practices of the government; only some 2005), followed by the Royal Commission Beginning in 1910 the SAF 2 published the magazine Barcelona would prevail. for Tourism in 1911 . Atracción.

5 When it comes to tackling the complex sub- In parallel and reproducing the European The Sociedad Valenciana de Atrac- ject of landscape (Roger, 2009) and more model, private initiatives continued to ción de Forasteros was created specifically urban landscapes (Maderuelo, develop, such as the professional associa- from the Círculo de Bellas Artes and would later be called Sociedad 2010), some disciplines, such as geogra- tions, tourism consortiums and companies Valenciana de Fomento del Turismo phy in its more classic orientations, have intended to attract foreigners3 (Luque and y de Bellas Artes (La Correspond- encia de Valencia, 27/04/1932). focused on visible and more easily recog- Pellejero, 2019). Among the latter we should Following the Barcelona model, nisable forms. However, as Nogué and de mention, because of its role, the Sociedad de the Valencian company published the magazine Valencia Atracción San Eugenio (2017) point out, an impor- Atracción de Forasteros de Barcelona (SAF) in 1926. tant part of the landscape is the social and (Palou, 2012: 69 ff; Blasco, 2016) created in cultural representations linked to it, many 19084 and which served as an example for of which are not explicitly "visible", but other similar associations, such as those of require reading or interpretation tools. In San Sebastian, Palma de Mallorca, Madrid, this same sense, it is possible to speak of the Cadiz, and Valencia5. social construction of the landscape (Nogué, 2007), which also implies the possibility of Meanwhile, starting in the early 20th cen- capturing, through it, the mentality, ideas, tury, the new models of tourist guides, with conceptions and meanings that landscapes practical indications, maps, illustrations have for social groups, especially for those and tour routes, played an important role who occupy a hegemonic position and have in curating and publicising destinations. a greater capacity to produce and dissemi- At the same time, posters, leaflets, post- nate discourses and images (Gil de Arriba, cards, books of photographs, stamps and 2002). cinderella stamps proliferated. They were all instruments of publicity that helped to From the beginning of the 20th century spread certain views and perspectives, widely until the Civil War, the enhancement of reiterated, from one medium to another. cultural heritage and landscape, through interpretations committed to the ideas Illustrated magazines also contributed to of the monumental and the picturesque, disseminating urban monumental heritage. played an important role in the promo- Thus, for example, from 1915, the magazine tion of tourism in Spain (Ortega, 2014; Blanco y Negro had a section dedicated to Brandis and Rio, 2015). This is also the "Monumental Spain" in which full-page period when the first modern tourist offers artistic photographs were published of the and spaces were formed, beyond what had cathedrals of Salamanca, Santiago, León, hitherto been spas in locations with hot Ávila, Segovia, Burgos, Toledo, Tarragona springs, and the places on the coast where and Murcia, the Mosque of Córdoba, Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 109

the Alcazar of Seville, the Generalife, the of postcards, with landscapes and city views 6 Casa de las Conchas and the University of obtained through high quality collotypes Eduarto Sanz y Escartín, member of the Conservative party and later Salamanca, and the Palacio del Infantado and published by Hauser y Menet. Minister of Labour. in Guadalajara. In this way, built heritage 7 became a tourist attraction for visitors with It was hoped that this proposal to catalogue The previous year, referring to the high purchasing power. what were already considered substantial Sunny Spain Exhibition, organized tourist resources would come to fruition on the direct initiative of the Royal Commissioner as part of the The recreation of monumental and with the creation of a Museum of Tourism, International Tourism Exhibition picturesque landscapes to attract a project for which was published by the held in London, ABC correspond- foreigners (1905-1927) 6 ent Juan Pujol Martínez had written then Civil Governor of Madrid (Diario (22/07/1914): "Pictures of Span- The promotional elements used by the Oficial de Avisos de Madrid, 11/01/1915). In ish hotels, of railway carriages, of National Commission and by the Royal this announcement, the future museum was interesting landscapes? Brochures explaining how to get to the Penin- Commission focused, on the one hand, on intended to be divided into rooms or halls, sula, the cost of the trips, the best artistic, cultural, historical and monumental with names and contents expressing the ini- time to make them, in the same way aspects and, on the other hand, on a selec- the British railway companies offer tial improvisation, on the one hand, and the them in the same place? Not at all. tion of natural and landscape qualities. All underlying concept, on the other. Indeed, The Spain of tambourines, or what of this was seasoned with popular customs the project reflected Vega Inclán's personal is worse, of castanets, bagpipes, piston cornets and shawms." For and picturesque elements. Thus, Article 2 of vision of tourism and that of Alfonso XIII his part, Tomás Trénor, at the head the Royal Decree creating the Commission himself, who supported his action. However, of the Ateneo Mercantil de Valen- for Tourism established that one of its duties cia, in Memoria de la Exposiciones the customary and selective approaches of Regional Valenciana de 1909 y was to "oversee the effective conservation of the Commissioner for Tourism had already Nacional de 1910 (1912: 32), and ensure the proper display of the artistic, been criticised by journalists and profession- said: "in Spain there is more than just the Seville Easter processions monumental and picturesque Spain". als in the sector, who favoured a much more and Feria bullfights in Betis; there practical and modern approach7. is more than just the Alhambra and In this way, one of the initial plans of the the Escorial and Toledo." Later, in the early 1920s, the SAF would Royal Commissioner, Benigno de la Vega Almost all the rooms in the planned museum also publish a critical view of the Inclán y Flaquer, II Marquis de la Vega Inclán were named after painters or schools of paint- actions of the Royal Commission, reflected in articles in the magazine , was to draw up a catalogue of “artistic, mon- ing, although the subjects exhibited were not Barcelona Atracción. umental and picturesque Spain”, which led related to them: the Velázquez room would to the publication of several provincial series be devoted to religious and civil heritage

Postcard - Bank of Spain, Madrid, c. 1896). Postcard, Royal Commission for Tourism, artistic, monumental and picturesque Spain. HAUSER Y MENET. 110 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

buildings, including gardens and ruins; the Tarifa, Algeciras, Sóller, Sitges, and Tarrag- 8 Murillo room would be about museums, ona). Finally, the announcement concluded Throughout Europe and following the model of the Alps, mountain collections and royal sites (with express men- with what appeared to be another room in areas were the preferred natural tion of the Royal Palace in Madrid, El Pardo, the planned museum, where information settings for the promotion of tour- Aranjuez, Escorial, Valsaín, San Ildefonso, on railways, accommodation, roads and ism (Nogué, 2016: 30). the Royal Alcazar of Seville, the Alhambra, sports would be concentrated, that is, the 9 As stated in theGeneral Review of Generalife and Almudaina in Mallorca). fundamental part which would enable these Education and the Fine Arts, 15 Another room, the Spanish School room, tourist activities. January 1915. would be for libraries and archives. Three more rooms were named after Goya, El A building on Calle del Sacramento in Greco and the Italian School and would Madrid 9was considered for the museum present excavations, archaeological remains site, and numerous press releases, as well as and caves (Numancia, Italica, Altamira, etc.). the official announcement, called for the In turn, the Flemish School room would be collaboration of those who wished to con- dedicated to spas and weather stations. tribute data or materials. Later, by Royal Decree, the transfer of the museum and the The only exception to the use of pictorial Popular Library of Madrid to the Casa de references were the “mountaineering halls”, Cervantes in Valladolid was considered (Gac- for which the official announcement cited eta de Madrid, 18/03/1916). However, the various mountain systems or elevations planned Museum of Tourism did not crys- (Picos de Europa, Gredos, Central Pyre- tallise on this new site either, unlike another nees, Guadarrama, Sierra Nevada, Pico del of the Royal Commissioner's aspirations, the Teide and Gorg Blau de Mallorca)8, along Romantic Museum, inaugurated in Madrid with other landscape components such as in 1924, in the same building that had been Official visit to Toledo, in front of El Greco House-Museum beaches, lagoons and cliffs, also listed in a dis- the headquarters of the Commission since (21/10/1912). La Ilustración ordered and scattered manner (Cantabrian, 1920. Artística. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 111

Before his appointment as head of the Tour- Inclán (Gaceta de Madrid, 04/05/1910). 10 ism Commission, Vega Inclán had worked The House-Museum of El Greco was soon For more on the creation of regional clichés by painters, architects and as an antique dealer and art dealer, and was included in the tourist guides of the time universal exhibitions in the late also Alfonso XIII's artistic advisor, which as one of the points to visit in the city of 19th and early 20th centuries, see Storm (2019). gave him privileged contacts (Menéndez, Toledo (cf. the Arco 1910 and Baedeker 2006). These included the Hispanic Society 1913 guides12). In addition, given the prox- 11 An article in the Imparcial of America, founded in 1908 in New York, imity to Madrid, it was a regular venue for (01/10/1906) by Francisco which, in 1909 and 1911, sponsored two official receptions. Alcántara, linked to the Institución famous exhibitions of Joaquín Sorolla, who Libre de Enseñanza, which in turn played an important role in the would later produce fourteen large oil panels Already as Royal Commissioner, in 1912, appreciation of Toledo's urban depicting Spanish regions10 for that Society. Vega Inclán signed the deed of purchase of heritage (Storm, 2013: 253), defines it as “The joyful first attempt a group of buildings in Valladolid to rec- at urban restoration in Toledo". The From the point of view of urban tourism reate another museum environment, the initial idea was to create a Spanish and the enhancement of certain heritage ele- Cervantes House-Museum, according to the Art Museum La Correspondencia de España, 06/05/1910). For ments, the recreation of settings in the cities procedure tested in Toledo. In this case, the the construction of the El Greco of Toledo, Valladolid, Seville and Granada operation was supported by Archer Milton House-Museum, Vega Inclán turned to the architect Eladio were a significant part of the idiosyncratic Huntington, president of the Hispanic Soci- Laredo y Carranza, who in 1911 actions of Vega Inclán, both before and dur- ety, as the project involved the creation of a also became the architect of the ing his role as Commissioner, becoming cultural centre and the Cervantes library (La Commission for Tourism. For the 13 role assigned to Toledo see also striking symbolic references to reinforce the Correspondencia de España, 26/10/1912). . García Álvarez (2007). influx of international tourism into Spain. 12 Another of the operations to recreate set- Guía práctica de Toledo y su pro- The house in Toledo believed to have been tings in historic centres in which Vega vincia. Madrid: Guías Arco, 1910; El Greco's was personally acquired by Vega Inclán took part, possibly the most exten- Spain and Portugal, handbook for travellers. Leipzig: Baedeker's Inclán in 1905, along with other buildings sive and outstanding of his achievements guide books, 1913. added in successive years, in order to pioneer in this field, was in the Santa Cruz district 13 the model of a house-museum. The formula of Seville from 1912 to 1920. From the In 1905 the Valladolid lawyer Fidel for recreating historical settings was soon late 19th century, the precarious state of Pérez Mínguez had published the book La Casa de Cervantes en successful, both in terms of the rehabilitation housing, the disorganised roads, and the Valladolid in Madrid, with the aim of of urban heritage and in the configuration of need for paving, water supply and sanita- establishing a historical founda- an attractive tourism resource11 . First opened tion had spurred calls for urban reform and tion that would encourage the acquisition. in 1910, after Vega Inclán had donated it to reorganisation of this part of the old town the State, the house-museum was managed (Carrillo, 1998; Tena, 2016). Specifically, by a Board of Trustees which included Aure- Seville City Council had been submitting liano Beruete, Manuel Cossío and Joaquín requests for the transfer of part of the gar- Sorolla himself, a personal friend of Vega dens of the Alcazar (Huerta del Retiro), The start of work in the Santa Cruz district, Seville (04/02/1911) La Hormiga de Oro. 112 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

a Royal property, for a road between the At the same time, the Royal Commissioner 14 Santa Cruz district and what was then was also interested in the restoration work "It is said of Seville that today distinguished personalities visited Avenida de la Industria, now Menéndez that had been carried out since 1907 on a the mayor to protest that among the Pelayo (Nieto, 1999 and 2001: 211 ff.). highly symbolic and iconic building, the improvements that the municipality is trying to make is the disappear- This request was granted in 1911, at which Alhambra of Granada, by the architect ance of the Santa Cruz district, time the City Council attempted to start Modesto Cendoya. Vega Inclán prepared which is considered an artistic replanning the area. This provoked oppos- an unfavourable report on the subject and treasure. They also announced to the Mayor that they intend to set ing positions, some in favour of the project submitted it to the Minister for Public Edu- up a Defence Society, naming the to expand the Santa Cruz neighbourhood, cation and Fine Arts in 191316 . This accen- King as honorary president"(Las Provincias, Valencia newspaper, and others in favour of its conservation and tuated the already existing conflict between 06/02/1911). This society was consideration as a monumental complex. restorers and conservationists. The situation called Sociedad Defensa de This second group was supported by the led to the creation of a new Alhambra Board Sevilla Artística and its actions were concentrated in 1911 (Tena, 14 Royal Commissioner and Alfonso XIII . of Trustees in 1914, presided over by Guill- 2016). ermo Joaquín de Osma. From that moment 15 In the end, the neighbourhood was restored on, the Royal Commission officially kept out José Andrés Vazquez (1920: 15). by the architects José Gómez Millán and of building work, focusing on promotional El Barrio de Santa Cruz de Sevilla, Juan Talavera, according to a garden city ciudad jardín. Madrid: Comisaría work and publishing the book La Alham- de Turismo. model that fully responded to the proposals bra de Granada in 1915, along with 20,000 of the Commission for Tourism: "The res- copies of some informative brochures in 16 Included in the book La Comisaría toration, or rather the salvation of this piece English, partly distributed through the His- Regia del Turismo en La Alhambra of the former Jewish Quarter is due [...] to panic Society. de Granada. Madrid: Artes Gráfica the Marquis de la Vega Inclán, serving the Mateu, 1915: : 9 ff. royal wishes, and giving himself the spiritual However, Cendoya, who was also the pleasure of preserving as a student of Seville municipal architect of Granada, continued these beautiful spots for the ornamentation to be responsible for building work in the and pride of our city15." Alhambra, and also held a position as a member of the new Board of Trustees. In 1917, This made the Santa Cruz district an emblem commissioned by the Ministry, the architect of the city of Seville and Andalusian archi- Ricardo Velázquez Bosco drew up a new tecture, as well as a tourist attraction. conservation plan, although Cendoya kept

Cover and plan from the book by José Andrés Vázquez (1920). El Barrio de Santa Cruz de Sevilla, ciudad jardín. Madrid: Comisaría del Turismo y Cultura Artística. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 113

his position until 1923. In this year, Lepoldo the sections of the PNT headquarters was 17 Torres Balbás was appointed architectural "Publications, advertising and press office", Torrés Balbás was a close friend of Manuel de Falla, who in these years conservator of the Alhambra and in 1935 highlighting the importance given to this was already living in the city, in the also of the Generalife17, where he remained promotional activity, which reached its high Antequeruela Alta, very close to the until he was dismissed in August 1936. His point with the International Exposition of site of the Alhambra. work in that period was to give the site its Barcelona and the Ibero-American Exposi- 18 R.D. of 25/04/1928 published current appearance (Vílchez, 1988). tion of Seville in 1929. in the Gaseta de Madrid of 26/04/1928. In short, the actions of the Royal Commis- However, once again, the artistic, landscape 19 sion for Tourism relating to the rehabilita- and picturesque aspects were the highlights The Memoria de los trabajos tion and enhancement of urban heritage in the promotion of different Spanish cities. realizados por el PNT desde julio de 1928 a 31 de diciembre de focused on the choice of specific elements Thus, one of the projected editorial collec- 1929 (1930: 56) states: "The or, in other words, on the preferences of tions was "Cities of Spain", in volumes of National Tourist Board is trying Vega Inclán himself, whose sensibilities were about 200 pages each, entirely consisting of to ensure that no Spanish city is without a guidebook of proven 19 largely inherited from the earlier Romantic high quality photographs in rotogravure . solvency, practically designed, well and Costumbrist tradition. These specific The first volume, dedicated to Seville, was presented and affordable." Later (p. 57), referring to this collection, interventions were, without a doubt, signifi- published in September 1929, with 230 it remarks that "it can be used cant and established guidelines for action in plates20. Later, two more were issued on both for advertising, thanks to the favour of urban heritage. However, they also Toledo and Granada. attractive parade of diverse images, and to fix the vision of the city in its highlighted the organisational and financial most characteristic aspects in the shortcomings of the institution as a manage- The PNT also created a collection of memory of the tourist." ment body and its difficulty in developing eight-page brochures called "City Sheets", 20 a broader vision, less mired in the nostalgic which were distributed free of charge. Each "This book includes a total vision included seven photographs in rotogravure of every aspect of the marvellous clichés which underpinned a selective image city of the Guadalquivir, collected of Spanish urban landscapes. and a map of the corresponding city, accom- in its most beautiful and evocative panied by short texts in Spanish and other monuments [...] It is a living book, which does not evoke Seville from The years of the PNT, or when the languages (French, English and German) an exclusively monumental or production and dissemination of with a brief historical and geographical over- picturesque point of view, nor the tourist images of cities became view, and information on the monumental Seville of tambourine and blaggard, cliché or cheap sentimentality, institutionalised (1928-1936) and picturesque. The first brochures to be which pleases some, but the The creation of the National Tourism Board published were for Granada, Salamanca, authentic Seville,"(Memoria, 1930: (Patronato Nacional de Turismo or PNT)18 Valencia and Cordoba. These were followed 66-67). in April 1928, reporting to the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, reflected a shift in Government criteria in response to the tourism phenomenon and adaptation to the changes that had become evident in the 1920s, driven by private enterprise, tourism consortiums and professional tourism associations (Moreno, 2010).

In January 1929, when it was given a budget, the PNT began to produce a series of publications aimed at promoting tourism in the country based on a more up-to-date and effective image than that previously disseminated by the Royal Commission (Pellejero, 2002). This editorial purpose involved some of the leading writers, journalists and pho- View of the Lions courtyard, Alhambra, before the restoration of Torres Balbás. s.f., c. tographers of the time. Specifically, one of 1925-26. Madrid: Hauser y Menet. 114 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

by Santiago de Compostela, Toledo, Ronda, sample was the pocket guide Visitas a Bar- 21 Alcalá de Henares, Aranjuez, El Escorial, El celona, advertising coach tours with inter- "The brochure describes the location of Madrid, its history, the Pardo, Sigüenza, Segovia, La Granja, Soria, preter-guides, for the Compañía General de general character of the population, Numancia, Mérida, Girona, Valencia, Autobuses de Barcelona, s.a. and under the the monuments, museums and 23 places worth visiting, the parks, Castellón de la Plana, Palma de Mallorca, auspices of the PNT . In addition, in 1933 gardens, squares, streets, festivals Guadalajara, Murcia, Málaga, Jerez de la the PNT reissued the work Visita a Toledo by and the excursions that can be Frontera, Úbeda, Valladolid, Santander, San Manuel Bartolomé Cossío24, first published made from Madrid in a few hours. It constitutes, basically, a Court Sebastián, Vitoria, La Coruña, etc. by the Royal Commission for Tourism, with Guide, very brief but documented added photoengravings. In 1929, at the same and accurate"(Memoria, 1930: Another project was the series "Guide time that the PNT-financed Hotel Atlántico 72-73). to Small Towns" for "small towns with a de Cádiz opened, a guide about the city was 22 small perimeter and population, but truly In relation to these routes between published. cities, the guide by Francisco monumental"(Memoria, 1930: 64). Elias Javier Sánchez Cantón, España, Tormo was the author of the three works in A new publication proposal by the PNT republished by the PNT in its first stage, after a first edition by this series: Sigüenza, Alcalá de Henares and was "Guías literarias de España", literary the Royal Commission, already Aranjuez. Another collection, "City Bro- guides arranged by city. The intention was suggested a tour of Spain via the chures", began with Madrid, with abun- to collect texts from Spanish and foreign cities of Madrid, Salamanca, Vallad- olid, Zaragoza, Granada, Seville, 21 dant photo-engravings and tour routes . writers with different descriptions of leading Santiago, Santander, Barcelona, Similarly, fold-out sheets called "Itineraries" cities. Once again, the first edition, in 1929, Valencia, and Palma. It was republished first in Spanish and later in were produced, with photographs, sketches was on Seville. French, English and German. of routes and explanatory texts for circular Posters were another element advertising 23 tours between different cities, such as the The tours included the climb up to Madrid-Seville-Madrid route via Guadalupe city tourism, made for the PNT by notable Tibidabo, praising the views of the and Mérida, the Madrid-Toledo-Madrid artists and publicists (Pelta, 2014). One of city; this had already been highlighted on the cover of the 1921 route, and the Madrid-Barcelona route via the first promoted both the Ibero-American publication, En Barcelona, Guía Zaragoza and Lleida22. Another publishing Exposition in Seville and the International práctica de la ciudad, by means of an illustration by Toullot.

24 Linked to the Institución Libre de Enseñanza and, as we have said, member of the first Board of Trus- tees of the El Greco House-Mu- seum.

Itineraries Madrid-Barcelona and Madrid-Seville, c. 1931) PNT. CDTE Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 115

Exposition in Barcelona, in the key year Royal Commission, adapts its discourse with 25 of 1929. All these city posters were pub- a more modern and pragmatic approach. One of Emérita Films’ best known works is the documentary La fabri- lished in colour and in several languages, cación de gas de hulla, on making always accompanied by a slogan or recom- In addition to the above publications, the coal gas in the Catalana de Gas factory, filmed in 1929 by Ramón mendation: Santander “veranead en el Sar- PNT promoted the shooting of films and de Baños. dinero”, San Sebastián “playa incomparable, advertising screenings, a hitherto unheard 26 deportes, ciudad cosmopolita”, Bilbao “the of medium which was becoming increas- Thus the report published in La Abra beaches”, Valladolid “antigua capital ingly widespread (Blot-Wellens and Soto, Vanguardia, 29/11/1928, on the de Castilla”, León “poema de luz y piedra, 2005). With this objective in mind, the series agreement with Tarrasa Town Council. tumba de reyes”, Málaga “clima delicioso "Estampas españolas" began, also during the en todo tiempo” or “incomparable station monarchic period, in collaboration with the d’hiver”, Huelva “cuna de América”, Seville production company información Cine- “the city of unique charms”, “ville gracieuse matográfica Española (ICE) and with the Air et souriante”, Córdoba “cours des Caliphes”, Force film section taking aerial views, which Granada “Alhambra y Sierra Nevada”, were then very attractive to viewers due to Madrid “corte y corazón de España” or their novelty. Examples of this film produc- “the centre of Spain and court of its kings”, tion are the 1929 documentaries on Ávila, Toledo “la Imperial”, Barcelona “la capital Santander, Zamora and Segovia. The PNT del Mediterráneo”, Tarragona “monuments even led the creation of the production com- of ancient Rome” or “la ville des Scipions”, pany España Films, which worked mainly Alicante “la ville qui n’a pas d’hiver, la plage in Andalusia, for example creating a report aux palmiers”, Burgos “maravilla gótica, on Seville to coincide with the 1929 Expo. tierra del Cid”, Cádiz “porte de l’Europe sur At the same time, Emérita Films was created l’Atlantique”, Salamanca “la gloriosa ciudad in Barcelona, which produced material for del Renacimiento”, Santiago de Compostela the series "Historical, artistic, monumental, “the pilgrims’ way”. Thus, while aspects of picturesque and industrial Spain" with the the climate or landscape were highlighted, intention of covering all of Catalonia and the "emotions of art and history" were Aragon25 . In fact, the production company exalted or the "pleasant and easy modern even organized film sessions in collaboration life" was also emphasized. These last two with various Catalan municipalities to show expressions constitute the text of one of films about the artistic, monumental and the PNT posters, under the general title of natural beauties of Spain26. "Spain", and summarise the touchstones of the PNT's tourism promotion during its Of course, the two 1929 Expositions were PNT Posters, drawings by Baldrich, Hohenleiter, monarchic period, which while retaining the a fundamental reason for the production of Bartolozzi and Verdugo Landi. references and emblems already used by the documentaries. This same year, the PNT CDTE 116 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

commissioned "Spanish Cities", about the in 1932. The documentary was made from 27 cities with the most architectural heritage, pre-war footage, possibly compiled with the According to a poster at the beginning of the film, "The presence of such as Madrid with its Royal Palace, San initial intention of making a film adver- the Royal Family adds much to the Lorenzo del Escorial, Aranjuez, La Granja, tising the cities of Valencia (presented in gaiety of the resort”. Segovia, Toledo, Santiago de Compostela the edit as the provisional capital of the 28 and Jerez de la Frontera; this last, being the Second Republic), Sagunto (as a symbol of Sometimes also known as Gärtner birthplace of the military dictator Primo de resistance), Elche (with its attractive palm or Guerner. Rivera. As this suggests, the places chosen for grove), Malaga and Seville (both already 29 filming, several of them Royal Sites, were an under the control of the rebels when the Not surprisingly, in November 1936 the PNT was attached to the undeniable plea in favour of the monarchy film was edited). The result shows that the Ministry of Propaganda, recently and the dictator. attraction of landscapes and the evocation created in republican Spain, and the following year it became of places, widely used for tourist promo- subordinate to the Ministry of State, As we have seen in the case of Emérita Films, tion of Spanish cities during the last years until its disappearance after the there were also several initiatives independ- of the monarchy and during the Second Civil War. ent of the PNT that produced films about Republic, were also effective in conveying cities in order to promote tourism. Thus, political ideas, calling people to the cause as early as 1923, there was a film showing and prompting emotional connections a tourist route along the seafront of the in response to the new war footing - all city of Malaga, its harbour and gardens. that was needed was to change the narra- From the same year, a film about Easter in tive29. Thus, on the eve of the Civil War, Seville presents the view of the banks of the the promotional and advertising content Guadalquivir from the Triana bridge, with produced by Spain's tourism sector in Spain perspectives of the Maestranza, the Giralda was among the most advanced at the time and the Torre del Oro. In addition, in 1925, and successfully combined texts, slogans, what seems to be a more general project photographs, drawings, films and even about "Monumental Spain" included the musical recordings. Alhambra in Granada. Emerging legislation and regulation In 1927 a documentary about Mallorca by on urban heritage (1915-1940) the journalist Josep María Verger (Rubí, In addition to promotional and propaganda 2013) was financed by the Provincial Gov- work, the legislation passed by the Spanish ernment; its first part is devoted to the city of Government to identify, value and protect Palma, its heritage buildings and most out- urban heritage during the first decades of the standing places. Also in 1927, a report was 20th century must be taken into account, shot with texts in English about Santander, which in turn is largely related to increasing with a special emphasis on the summer res- tourism in urban areas. idence of the Royal Family27. Likewise, in 1928, a tourist film was made about Toledo, In 1915, a law was passed on architectural with views of Los Cigarrales, the Cathedral, and artistic monuments (Gaceta de Madrid, the Alcazar and other outstanding places. 05/03/1915), preceded in 1911 by another on artistic and scientific excavations and At the beginning of the Civil War, seeking the conservation of ruins and antiquities international support and the pacification (Gaceta de Madrid, 08/07/1911). During of the country rather than promoting the Military Directory of Primo de Rivera, tourism, the Government of the Republic in August 1926, a Royal Decree-Law was financed a documentary in French, with approved regarding what was then called the significant title "Voyage", directed by the National Artistic-Archaeological Treasure Enrique Gaertner28 with background music (what today would be understood as herit- by Quintín Esquembre. It was produced age30) in which the precepts for the "classifi- by the Valencian company Cifesa, created cation and declaration of monuments, cities Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 117

and picturesque places" were established established the administrative organisation 30 (Gaceta de Madrid, 15/08/1926). This typi- responsible for their protection, namely the Calderón (2011: 222) defines urban heritage "as a heterogene- 32 cal or traditional (and therefore picturesque) Directorate General for Fine Arts , the ous cultural work, which reflects character of towns and cities is also alluded Higher Board of the Artistic Treasury with the true personality of a people throughout the centuries of its to in the second title of that Decree-Law for its local delegations, the General Inspec- existence and is sustained by three its potential declaration, while establishing torate of Monuments and other consul- essential pillars: the transcend- the identification of artistic or historical tative bodies such as the Academy of Fine ence of its material and intangible character, its cultural represent- buildings and picturesque places, streets, Arts, the Boards of Trustees of the Prado ativeness and the intensity of the squares and neighbourhoods, by means of Museum and the National Library, the citizen's sense of identification with the territory where he lives". This is topographical plans, as well as the need to National Tourism Board and the National obviously a contemporary concept, draw up special conservation precepts within Geography Society (Art. 6) which had not yet been formed municipal zoning, prohibiting or restricting as such in the period studied, but which was already in the process of the renovations or extensions inside pro- In addition, this 1933 Law raised the possi- being developed. tected areas. bility of applying the category of Monuments 31 to urban and rural areas (Art. 33): streets, In Cordoba, the city's Monuments In accordance with this 1926 Decree, three squares, enclaves, neighbourhoods, walls, Commission had also joined the years later, a Royal Order was published for fortresses and ruins. However, it was not petition. the inclusion of the old part of the city of until the approval of the Regulations imple- 32 Cordoba in the National Artistic Treasury menting the aforementioned Law that the Constituted on the basis of the Budget Law of 26 December 1914 (Gaceta de Madrid, 09/08/1929). In the need for a connection with urban planning and the Royal Orders of 26 January same year, another Royal Order declared the was considered (Decree of 16 April 1936, and 12 February 1915. At the time the 1933 Act was passed, the historic centre of Granada to be an artistic Art. 29, Gaceta de Madrid 17/04/1936). Spe- Director General of Fine Arts was city, and it also became part of the National cifically, Article 29 instructed the Superior Ricardo de Orueta. Artistic Treasury (Gaceta de Madrid, Board of the Artistic Treasury to draw up a 07/12/1929). In both cases, the applica- list of cities, towns and villages of an artistic, tions were submitted by the respective local historical or picturesque nature, establishing councils 31. Acting on both examples, pro- that "the plans for internal renovation and posals multiplied, as reported in the press at expansion, both of the towns on this list the time, for other iconic cities: Salamanca, and those not included, must be made on Burgos, Toledo, Santiago de Compostela, the basis of respect for historical and artistic and Segovia; by this time there were already monuments". abundant photographic reports that would contribute to a greater dissemination of city For its part, on May 16, 1934, the Decree views. creating the Board for the Protection of Artis- tic, Historical and Monumental Madrid was During the Second Republic, in 1933, approved (Gaceta de Madrid, 19/05/1934) the Law on the Protection of the National with jurisdiction over the entire municipal Artistic Treasury of May 24 was approved district (Art. 2), responsible for preparing (Gaceta de Madrid, 25/05/1933), while reports and making decisions on any pro- Fernando de los Ríos was Minister of Public ject to change the urban structure (Art. 3). Instruction and Fine Arts. Based on Article Among the powers assigned to the Board 45 of the 1931 Constitution, it defined the were those relating to the safeguarding of concept of artistic and historical wealth of views, the reform of road layouts, trees, gar- the country or cultural treasury, in relation dens, lighting, signs and advertisements, to "all the buildings and movable objects shop fronts, public seating, modification of artistic, archaeological, paleontological of façades, the location of kiosks and per- or historical interest in Spain of not less manent stalls, the placing or moving of than one century of age; also those that monuments, and the erection or demoli- without this antiquity possess an indisput- tion of buildings. The Board was also able to able artistic or historical value" (Art. 1) and maintain or restore traditional street names, 118 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Views of artistic and monumental cities: Toledo, c. 1920-36; Segovia, c. 1914-15 (PHOTOGRAPHS BY OTTO WUNDERLICH) (PHOTOGRAPHY BY ANTONIO PASSAPORTE). IPCE PHOTO LIBRARY, MECD.

agree on the marking of areas and buildings of Madrid, who had not been included in of artistic interest and approve signs used by the previous Decree. shops. However, in less than a month, the Decree was repealed by another one (of 31 At the beginning of the Civil War, in the May, Gaceta de Madrid, 02/06/1934), after same month of July 1936, the Ministry of the strong opposition expressed by the City Public Instruction created a special Board for Council on understanding that the Board's all of Spain (Gaceta de Madrid, 26/07/1936) powers encroached on several of its func- which was subsequently called the Board for tions. Thus, the new Decree reduced the the Seizure and Protection of the Artistic Board's powers to advising and informing Treasury (Gaceta de Madrid, 02/08/1936) the municipal corporation. In addition, the with the capacity to confiscate "works, furni- members of the Board included the Mayor ture or buildings of artistic, historical or bib- Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 119 liographical interest" exposed to the danger with the Law of 1933 and its Regulations of ruin, loss or deterioration. The rebels, sup- of 1936, legislation on urban heritage in ported by the German and Italian air force, Spain tended to evolve towards a broader carried out frequent aerial bombardments vision, it was generally subordinated to eco- in the Republican zone: Madrid, Alcalá de nomic, political and ideological interests Henares, Guernica, Durango, Cartagena, and to urban growth itself. Most protection Alicante, Valencia, Reus, Tarragona, Lérida, measures were ad hoc, unconnected and Barcelona, Granollers and Figueras were uncoordinated, depending, at least until some of the cities most affected. For their the early 1930s, on the maintenance of the part, Granada and Oviedo were bombed Romantic tradition, centred on the appreci- by Republican supporters (Saavedra, 2017). ation of the monumental, the Costumbrist and the picturesque. Moreover, after the In April 1938, the Franco dictatorship in Civil War, the selection and protection of Burgos issued a Decree (BOE, 23/04/1938) certain components of the historical urban establishing the Service for the Defence of the heritage was overwhelmingly used for the National Artistic Heritage, which would be ideological exaltation of the Dictatorship. in force until 1943. In January of that year, the National Service for Devastated Regions Conclusions: urban heritage and and Reparations had also been established. tourism, and their continuous politicisation In 1940, more than a decade after the res- As has been shown, the selection of urban olutions of 1929 for the historic centres of landscapes and the appreciation of them Cordoba and Granada, Santiago de Com- established from the mid-nineteenth century postela and Toledo were declared Histor- on were essential components in the creation ic-Artistic Monuments (Decree of 9 March, of images and representations of Spanish cit- BOE 18/04/194033). The consensus choice, ies, which in turn were gradually associated based on the opinion of the General Com- with the promotion of tourism, especially mission for the National Artistic Heritage from the early twentieth century. At the same Defence Service, was logical since, as the time as certain urban landscapes were being Decree itself points out, both cities were enhanced, the concept of heritage, associated notable "not only for their considerable with the monumental and the picturesque, number of national monuments, but also was being constructed. for their characteristic urban planning, for their memory of the country's history and In this sense, the Spanish Government of for their artistic manifestations". The impe- the time assumed a prominent role in pro- rial city of Toledo, formerly the Visigothic moting urban cultural tourism, by choosing capital, and the religious city of Santiago, the places to visit and specific elements for their apostle's tomb, were elevated to the status of symbolic exhibition. Thus, from the her- monument. Two years later, the Commis- itage and tourism point of view, the great sion for Urban Planning of the city of Toledo monumental landmarks were regarded as a was created, with the aim of preserving the dominant element of urban complexes, as harmonious unity of the heritage complex were Consumerist scenarios and views, and and establishing a city planning scheme the aesthetic recreation of the past. (BOE, 26/04/1942). As for Santiago, the first special ordinances of the Service for the At first, in the absence of a State policy and Defence of the National Artistic Heritage specific funding, actions were voluntary and were approved in 1951. idiosyncratic, as was the case with the interventions of Vega Inclán at the head of the To sum up, during the first half of the 20th Commission for Tourism, who nevertheless century, although at certain times, such as undertook some notable restoration work in 120 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

response to the gradual abandonment and related to the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, 33 deterioration of historic urban areas that the main agents of the process, so that urban In order to guarantee "the preservation of everything that tends to were on the verge of succumbing to urban heritage became increasingly politicised. The exalt the aesthetic values of cities, expansion and speculative interests in the brief Republican period did not succeed in to preserve what is unique and to keep everything that can evoke an first decades of the 20th century. reversing this trend, which had been strongly event, a style, a feeling". established in previous decades. After the Later, the PNT used more modern means of Civil War, Franco's dictatorship made promotion and propaganda, provided with extensive use of both tourism and urban a budget but subordinated to the ideological heritage for its own exclusive ideological and economic designs of the business sectors justification.n

REFERENCES

bre las representaciones sociales Aguado, A.; Ramos, M. D. del espacio urbano de Santander. Nieto Caldeiro, S. (1999). “Re- Pellejero, C. (2002). “La ac- (2002). La modernización de Santander: University of Cantabria ales Alcázares: las huertas ajardi- tuación del Estado en materia España (1917-1939). Cultura y nadas bajo el reinado de Alfonso turística durante la dictadura de vida Cotidiana. Madrid: Editorial XIII”. Aparejadores, boletín del Primo de Rivera”, Revista de His- González Morales, J. (2005). Síntesis. Colegio Oficial de Aparejadores toria Económica, 20(1), 149-158. “La Comisión Nacional de Turismo y Arquitectos Técnicos de Sevilla, y primeras iniciativas para el fomen- 55, 65-69. Blasco, A. (2016). "La Societat to del turismo: la industria de los Roger, A. (2009). Breve tratado d'Atracció de Forasters (1908- forasteros (1905-1911)”. Estudios del paisaje. Madrid: Biblioteca 1936)". In Palou Rubio, S. (coord.), turísticos, 163-164, 17-30. Nieto Caldeiro, S. (2001). El Nueva. Història del turisme a la ciutat de jardín sevillano de 1900 a 1929. Barcelona. Destinació BCN (108- Madrid: Complutense University Luque Aranda, M.; Pellejero Rubí Sastre, M.M. (2013). “Prim- 121). Barcelona: (ed.) Efadós and of Madrid. Martínez, C. (2019). “La promo- ers lligams entre cinema i turisme. Ajuntament de Barcelona. Arxiu ción turística privada en la España El documental Mallorca (Josep Historic de la Ciutat del primer tercio del siglo xx: los Nogué, J. (ed.) (2007). La con- Maria Verger, 1927)”. Bolletí de la Sindicatos de Iniciativas y Turis- strucción social del paisaje. Ma- Societat Arqueològica Lul·liana: Blot-Wellens, C.; Soto mo”. Investigaciones de Historia drid: Biblioteca Nueva. Revista d’estudis històrics, 69, Vázquez, B. (2005). “Produc- Económica, 15, 38-46. 273-285. ción cinematográfica al servicio Nogué, J. (2016). “La génesis y la de la propaganda política: el le- Maderuelo, J. (2010). “El Paisa- evolución de la valoración moderna Saavedra Arias, R. (2017). De- gado del Patronato Nacional de je Urbano”. Estudios Geográficos, del paisaje en Cataluña”. Cuader- struir y proteger. El patrimonio Turismo”. PH Boletín del Instituto 71(269), 575-600. nos geográficos de la Universidad histórico-artístico durante la Guer- Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, de Granada, 55(2), 28-45. ra Civil (1936-1939). Santander: 13(56), 112-113. Ediciones UC, Colección Historia. Menéndez Robles, M.ª L. (2006). El marqués de la Vega-In- Nogué, J.; De San Eugenio Brandis, D.; Del Río, I. (2015). clán y los orígenes del turismo en Vela, J. (2017). “La contribución Storm, E. (2013). “Patrimonio “Paisaje y cultura en la oferta y España. Madrid: Ministry of Indus- del paisaje visual en la generación local, turismo e identidad en una promoción del turismo en España try, Tourism and Trade. de marcas territoriales”. Boletín de ciudad de provincia: Toledo a prin- (1875-1936)”. Ería, 96, 77-96. la Asociación de Geógrafos Es- cipios del siglo xx”. Hispania: revis- pañoles, 74, 143-160. ta española de historia, 73(244), Moreno Garrido, A. (2005). Calderón Roca, B. (2011). “No- 349-376. “Turismo de élite y administración tas acerca de lo monumental y lo turística de la época (1911-1936)”. Ortega Cantero, N. (2014). cotidiano. Interpretación de los Estudios turísticos, 163-164, 31- “Paisaje, patrimonio e identidad Storm, E. (2019). La construcción paisajes urbanos desde el punto 54. en la conformación de la primera de identidades regionales en Es- de vista turístico”, Norba. Revista política turística española”, Ería, paña, Francia y Alemania, 1890- de Arte, 31, 219-234. 93, 27-42. 1939. Madrid: Complutense Moreno Garrido, A. (2010). Editions. “La estrategia atlántica. Élites Carrillo, J.L. (1998). “La salud de económicas e intereses turísticos Palou i Rubio, S. (2012). Barce- una ciudad: Sevilla ante la crisis fin- en la España de Primo de Rivera”. lona, destinació turística. Un segle Tena Ramirez, C. (2016). “La So- isecular”. Dynamis: Acta hispanica Historia contemporánea, 41, 481- d’imatges i promoció pública. Bar- ciedad Defensa de Sevilla Artísti- ad medicinae scientiarumque his- 508. celona: Vitel·la. ca y su labor de salvaguarda del toriam illustrandam, 18, 181-206. patrimonio histórico sevillano a comienzos del siglo xx”. Laborato- Mumford, L. (2018). La cultura de Pelta Resano, R. (2014). “Bella García Álvarez, J. (2007). “Paisa- rio de Arte, 28, 481-498. las ciudades. Logroño: Pepitas de todo el año. La imagen regenera- jes nacionales, turismo y políticas calabaza (1st published in English cionista de España en el cartel del de memoria: Toledo”. Ería, 73-74, in 1938 as The Culture of Cities, Patronato Nacional de Turismo”. Vílchez, C. (1988). La Alhambra 193-212. Harcourt, Brace and company, EME Experimental Ilustration, Art de Leopoldo Torres Balbás, obras Inc.]. & Design, 2, 50-65. de restauración y conservación Gil de Arriba, C (2002). Ciudad e 1923-1936. Granada: Editorial imagen. Un estudio geográfico so- Comares. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 121

Saida Palou Rubio CATALAN INSTITUTE FOR CULTURAL HERITAGE RESEARCH; UNIVERSITY OF GIRONA PhD in Social and Cultural Anthropology from the University of Barcelona, 2011 Agustí Duran i Sanpere City of Barcelona History Award for the doctoral thesis Barcelona, tourist destination. Public promotion, tourism, images and city (1888-2010) . She is a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Research in Cultural Heritage and associate professor at the University of Girona. She undertakes her research in the field of tourist uses of cultural heritage and the historical, political and social dimension of tourism. She is the author of research projects and publications in these fields and has worked especially on the Barcelona case. She is a vocal member of the board of directors and of the editorial board of the Catalan Institute of Anthropology and also of the editorial committee of the Catalonian Journal of Ethnology. Uses of heritage for tourism and the history of tourism in Barcelona

arcelona is a century-old itself unique to Barcelona, as all destina- 1 global tourist destination The contents, analyses and reflections are constructed from a combination of tions that are presented in this arti- which has defined itself endogenous and exogenous factors. What is cle are the result of historical-social within the framework particular in the case of Barcelona is the exist- research on tourism in Barcelona of a series of particular carried out over the last 15 years, ence of a political and ideological discourse whose origin is in the research of a socio-economic and polit- associated with the tourist development of doctoral thesis defended in 2011 ical dynamics and through the influence of the city and the use of heritage as a central at the University of Barcelona. For his support and supervision external and global factors. This is not in resource in this model. The relationship B of this article, I would like to thank between tourism and heritage is set and Dr. Llorenç Prats Canals, thesis defined within the framework of specific director and omnipresent mentor of my research and its derivatives. socio-political and economic relations, as the close intertwining of tourism and heritage, and between politics, economics and identity discourses, opens the door to a much needed reflection on the theoretical and academic as well as the social and institutional arena. This article aims to contribute to the critical reflection on this construct1 .

L’article planteja una anàlisi sociocultural, El artículo plantea un análisis sociocul- The article proposes a sociocultural, històrica i política del desenvolupament tural, histórico y político del desarrollo historical and political analysis of tourism turístic de Barcelona i una reflexió crítica turístico de Barcelona y una reflexión development in Barcelona and a critical sobre la funció que el patrimoni cultural crítica sobre la función que el patrimonio reflection on the function of cultural adquireix en aquest escenari. En un con- cultural adquiere en este escenario. En heritage within this scenario. In a context text marcat per les lògiques de consum un contexto marcado por las lógicas dominated by the logics of consumption i producció turística, determinats ele- de consumo y producción turística, and production associated with tourism, ments patrimonials i referents culturals determinados elementos patrimoniales heritage elements and cultural points es converteixen en nodes d’atracció y referentes culturales se convierten en of reference become attractions and a i suport d’identitat. L’article centra el nodos de atracción y enclaves de iden- support for identity. The article focuses debat en la relació que s’estableix entre tidad. El artículo centra el debate en la on debate surrounding the relationship turisme i patrimoni, i posa de manifest relación que se establece entre turismo between tourism and heritage, demon- que, si bé històricament s’ha produït y patrimonio, y pone de manifiesto que, strating that, although history provides una apropiació turística del patrimoni, si bien históricamente se ha producido evidence of tourism’s appropriation of no se n’ha assumit una completa gestió una apropiación turística del patrimonio, heritage, the management of such her- turística. no se ha asumido una completa gestión itage has not been fully taken on by the turística. tourism industry. 122 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Nowadays tourism is totally embedded in This text will discuss to what extent theexhi - Paraules clau: turisme, the life of issuing and receiving societies, so bition and adaptation of the heritage to the patrimoni cultural, Barcelona, that Barcelona, like so many other towns interests of tourism occurs as a result of a història, imatge. and cities in this globalised world, can no tourist-centred urban model, in which there Palabras clave: turismo, patrimonio cultural, longer be thought of or managed outside its is a tendency to prioritize tourist interests Barcelona, historia, imagen. tourist dynamics. Over the decades, tour- as opposed to other meanings and uses of Keywords: tourism, cultural ism has become a consubstantial element heritage. Another interesting issue concerns heritage, Barcelona, history, of Barcelona, in the sense that it has been the iconic or metonymic value generated by image inserted in its various spheres (economic, some heritage features in the destination, as political, aesthetic, sociocultural, etc.). One a result of which at least three effects or situ- of the necessary instruments that has been ations occur: 1) the generation of centrifugal placed at the service of external promotion, space dynamics, both service and public and at the same time the internal legitimacy offerings (i.e. the emergence of saturation of tourism, is a robust body of images and points inside the resource or urban envi- stories about the city – not only in a sense of ronment); 2) symptoms of distancing and marketing, but in an ideological, discursive, disaffection of population sectors toward semiotic and aesthetic dimension. In other heritage due to the temporary or continuous words, the promotion of tourism in Barcelona situations of tourist saturation and due to has historically been accompanied by a discur- the production of foreign images of local sive device that has served to naturalise and identity (Prats, 2006); ·3) a hierarchy of the justify the development of this phenomenon. tourist value of the various heritage resources In fact, within the framework of the differ- based on their market opportunities (which ent historical contexts that occurred over the have to do with quantitative rules related to course of the 20th century, the promotion the number of visits). There is another topic of tourism in Barcelona has been supported of special relevance and one which requires by an ideology and city discourse. careful reflection: the idea of tourism as an ideology and city structure and heritage activa- Images intended for brand promotion and tion as part of this model. In the beginnings creation, the official and hegemonic narratives of the tourist city, and within the framework around tourism reinforce the coordination of the interests of the elites who began to between tourist development, heritage activa- promote the idea of attracting foreigners, tion and identity discourse, i.e. the activation the city had to become the product of and of heritage resources contributes to tourist for tourism, to the extent that tourism was development and enables the definition of an understood as a regime of value and urban identity-brand of a tourist city. This dynamic, prestige. Historical analysis allows reflection as set out over the course of the text, takes on the link between tourism as a city producer on particular intensities and nuances in each and at the same time on the city as a tourist historical context, although it is interesting to consumption product . observe how, in some way, the instrumental character and the political and tourist use of Prats (1997) affirms that no heritage acti- heritage is reproduced invariably decade after vation is neutral, in the sense that it will decade. Thus, cultural heritage (especially that always be ideological and will depend on related to architecture and urbanism) acts as a the interests and values of power. Heritage is context and pretext for tourist development not something natural or eternal, but a social and identity discourse and allows the evoca- construct that appears at the beginning of tion of images and atmospheres of identity. The modernity as a kind of secular religion and interlinking of tourist development, heritage serves to sacralise identity discourses, mainly activation and identity discourse shows that, of a national or regional nature, and also from an anthropological point of view, her- local (Prats, 2006). Accepting these prem- itage is a sociopolitical construct that forms a ises, this article opens a critical reflection on space of conflict and always generates inter- the relationship that occurs between tourist pretative plurality (López, 2016). commodification of heritage and interests Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 123

(political, economic and sociocultural) and identity, and consequent heritage activa- 2 which promote and legitimise valuation. A tion, would be placed at the heart of the new Foreign tourism revenues represented only 0.66% of Spanish diachronic and relative look at each particu- phenomenon of the modern age. At this ini- GDP in 1900 and 0.41% in 1934, lar historical context can help us understand tial stage, certain heritage elements in the city figures that are below those of the malleability of the uses and meanings (vestiges of the past, monuments, urbanism global growth of the Spanish economy (Vallejo-Pousada et al. , attributed to Barcelona's cultural heritage. and modern architecture) acquired a dual 2016). function or use value: On the one hand, they 3 The foundations of a centennial were linked to the identity and nationalist The CAFT was set up by four coun- tourist model discourses of the day, and on the other they cillors, two Regionalists and two Barcelona's tourist orientation emerged at were capitalised on in market terms. The Republicans: its initial promotion was due to Lluís Duran i Ventosa the beginning of the 20th century follow- juxtaposition of heritage interpretations and (1870-1954), founding member ing the model of other Central European functions, between economics and politics, and first secretary of the League cities, mainly Italian, French and Swiss, was unprecedented in Barcelona. and city councillor at various periods (specifically, between 1906 which since the end of the 19th century and 1910 and 1916 and 1920). seen the economic possibilities of the new Barcelona's tourist construction was part of a Duran i Ventosa held the position industry of foreigners. At the turn of the clearly induced and planned political project. of Mayor of Barcelona between July to December 1917, and later century, a first global geography of tourist In 1906, Barcelona's tourism promotion was was appointed Minister of Culture issuing and receiving countries began to take institutionalised with the creation of the of the Republican Generalitat. He Commission for Attracting Foreigners and was adviser of Foment and vice shape, while this phenomenon became a president of the Commonwealth of new object of government attention as a Tourists (CAFT), a municipal structure pro- Catalonia in 1914, whose origins possible means of obtaining foreign currency moted by Lluís Duran i Ventosa, founding are attributed to him (Casassas Ymbert, 1999). He also promoted (Vallejo-Pousada et al. , 2016). Some towns member and first secretary of the Regionalist the creation of a Culture Commis- and cities on the peninsula started to launch League, and Domènec Sanllehy, monarchist, sion in Barcelona City Council in a range of tourism promotion strategies, in catholic and mayor of the city between 1906 1916, within which he championed 3 the school construction plan and an attempt to confront the structural and and 1908 . In 1908, the Society for the the City Theatre project; he was developmental problems related to the polit- Attraction of Foreigners (SAF) was created also a founding member of the ical and economic life of the country. The to promote tourism. It was composed of Regionalist newspaper La Veu de Catalunya . The other founding search for new markets and regeneration- representatives of the public institutions as members of the CAFT were Joan ism caused the new political class and the well as Barcelona and Catalonia's industrial Rubió (also of the Regionalist bourgeoisie of progressive and liberal Spain world and would replace the first municipal League) and the Republicans Josep Rogent i Pedrosa (son of the to lay the foundations of an incipient inter- commission on tourist promotion (which architect Elies Rogent, architec- national tourist market (González Morales, acted until 1909) 4. At the hands of these two tural director of the 1888 Universal 2005). However, during the first decades of entities (especially the SAF), Barcelona tried Exposition) and Santiago Valentí Camp. Carlos Pierozzini, Head the 20th century tourism eventually became to position itself at the forefront of modern of Department of Museums and an incipient social activity in Spain, whose tourism, promoting a process of tourist con- Fine Arts, acted as secretary of the economic potential would take years to be struction in which politics and economics commission. 2 officially recognised . were constantly linked (Palou Rubio, 2012). 4 The CAFT is credited with having opened the first tourist assistance In Catalonia, and especially in Barcelona, The SAF enjoyed the economic contributions office in the basements of the City the appearance of the tourist phenomenon of part of the private sector, local and Catalan, Hall, having created and dissem- coincided with a moment of renewal of the which saw in tourism new possibilities for inated the first image of the city brand (under the slogan Barcelona, territory's historical approaches and of a con- expanding their capital and relations. Tour- winter season) and having become sequent national awareness. The Catalan ism acquired a clearly instrumental value and one of the pioneering structures in bourgeoisie presented a new architecture, condensed the longing of a whole political the field of tourist promotion in the country. and together with the linguistic recogni- and economic class linked to the change of tion of Catalan, tourism seemed destined urban and economic model. The SAF acted to become a movement that would benefit as the power structure of the Regionalist the construction of the city and the country League (Blasco, 2016) and at the same time as (González Morales, 2003). Tourist develop- a means of satisfying the interests of the private ment was associated with a discourse of a agents that financed it. For the SAF, tourism nationalist nature, which is why the promo- became an instrument for the construction of tion of a particular version or split of culture the city, both at a physical and economic and 124 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

civic and sociocultural level. It was assumed tury content and semiotics (especially at the 5 that tourism should contribute to attracting beginning of the 20th century) reproduced Barcelona Constitutional City Council, n. 894, Governance, economic, social and cultural capital, to the the urban and urbanistic ideal of Barcelona’s File on the creation of a Municipal point that it was considered an element of elites. Chadefaud (1987) argues that collec- Commission, called "Attracting prestige and an indicator of quality of life. tive ways of thinking and feeling – within a Foreigners", 1906. Municipal Administrative Archive of Barce- In the imaginary of the SAF, the continued framework of social relationships of dom- lona. entry of outsiders increased the city's inter- ination – are essential in generating tourist 6 national value and competitiveness, allowing spaces, so that tourist sites can be interpreted The article “Gross-Barcelona– the Catalan capital to be placed on the map as a projection of the ideals of society itself. La gran urbe mediterránea del of large prosperous and modern cities of the In that sense, it can be argued that, initially, porvenir”,, published in La Veu de Catalunya on 1 March, 1914, was time. Barcelona elites associated tourism with tourism had a clearly instrumental character reproduced in the magazine Barce- the values of progress, civilization and cosmo- as it was represented as a means that would lona Atracción in March 1914. politanism. In fact, tourism represented one enable the construction of a new city model. of the names of modernity and capitalism The image of the tourist city became a pro- and an unprecedented framework of expec- jection and representation of the ideals of the tations and private and collective interests. A ruling classes of Barcelona society. hegemonic category was created in relation to tourism, understood as a collective good The image that was created and dissemi- that required public and citizen work and nated aimed to influence both the imagi- involvement. The SAF legitimised the tourist naries of potential visitors and the citizens promotion of Barcelona, defending its social, themselves. This image followed the aes- civic, patriotic and democratic value, and thetic rules and value systems of capitalist also attributed a civilizing nature to tourism. and modern Europe at the time, in which It was confident that the presence of visitors priority was given to technological develop- from other latitudes would produce, either ment, urban and urbanistic expansion and by inertia or sociocultural osmosis, a change the emergence of a socio-economic model of urban model. The founding documents of dedicated to the world of services, leisure and the CAFT state this very clearly: urban consumption. An article published in La Veu de Catalunya in 1914, highlighted "And Barcelona is interested in attract- the urban-planning reform that the city was ing the vast contingent of travellers who undergoing, which reproduced the model of go in search of better climates, or sim- large metropolises such as London, Cologne, ply the consequential lure of a change of Paris, Berlin or Dresden 6. Thus, the image environment and horizons; and not only and urban model promoted by the Barcelona because of the material advantages offered elites had a dual character or role: on the by the so-called industry of foreigners, one hand, it sought to highlight a particular an invaluable source of wealth for many collective identity, and on the other the iden- towns and cities in Switzerland, Italy and tification and ascription to a global and fash- France, but even more so perhaps, for the ionable narrative that needed to ensure the extent to which the constant contact with attraction of foreign consumers. Through people of other races, of other mentalities, heritage the aim was to evoke, create and of other aspirations and concepts of life represent a discourse on identity. Thus, and must contribute to the refinement of our according to Prats (2006), one can observe social existence, increasingly orienting the how heritage activation is shaped as another vigorous soul of our beloved city toward element in the ideological self-construction its constant elevation to the true capital of the community, not the expression of it. of the Mediterranean " 5. The tourist image emitted by the Society The enormous efforts put into developing focused on aspects related to contemporary tourism in Barcelona by the SAF gave rise life, art, architecture, heritage, commerce and to a solid tourist and urban image. This rep- the industrial world. The Society did not cre- resentation of the city based on 19th cen- ate an image ex novo ; this was an image intrin- Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 125 sically related to the values of progress of Cata- Cover of the guide L’art lan conservatism, which tried to highlight the d’ensenyar Barcelona. positive references associated with modernity. As Roca (2009) points out, a linking of urban, architectural and heritage action and advertising work takes place through the creation of image and story: the idea consists in acting on the built city and on the construction of its image. In this magma of visual narrative and urban and heritage action, the tourist image takes on a significant power and a sense of reflexivity: it guides the foreigner, who will seek, in some way, to feel represented by the values of this imaginary, and is oriented to the local, with an interest in inducing new sociocultural and civic guidelines.

Since the end of the 19th century, the process of monumentalisation that is practised in Barcelona has responded to clearly geopolitical purposes, since these are interventions image they wanted to sell of Barcelona had 7 associated with conferring a new interna- published, Between 1912 and to influence the real city, so that what was 1936, the SAF published uninter- tional value on the city. This process is closely projected was not so much a reflection of ruptedly the magazine Barcelona linked to the creation of internal cohesion reality as its ideal. Atracción , a monthly publication mechanisms (Smith, 2005), necessary in that acted as a platform for disseminating the actions of the union and a context of national definition . Early on, A different way of showing Barcelona, proba- at the same time as a direct promo- Modernista (Catalan Art Nouveau) archi- bly without the filter of a sweetened and exces- tion of the agents that funded it. tecture was identified as an emblem of the sively idealised image, is the one presented in Barcelona landscape, and it is thanks to the the guide L’art d’ensenyar Barcelona [The art of Society that the Sagrada Família was posi- showing Barcelona]. A guide to Barcelona that tioned as a tourist icon of the city (Garcia-Es- aims to guide foreign friends without too many puche, 1995). The new modern and Mod- errors or hesitation · from the author Myself ernista urban architecture was presented as a (synonym of Carles Soldevila). Appearing in symbol of prosperity and quality of life. In its the 1920s, this guide moved away from the publications, the SAF reviewed the value of classic tourist publication of the time. It has works such as Park Güell, Hospital de Sant a story format and offered practical guidance Pau, Hospital Clínic, the Faculty of Medi- aimed at Barcelona residents, with the desire cine or Model prison, among others. Interior to teach them how to teach the city. In other design was also presented as the city's artistic words, the guide aimed to educate citizens in treasure and a resource of tourist interest. the mission of showing off Barcelona, turning It is interesting to note that it was not only them into amateur cicerones that had to make the material aspect of these spaces that was the city look good. Myself proposed a stroll highlighted, but also a discourse linked to through the city's main streets, pointing out the civic character of Barcelona’s population essential elements such as the Arc de Triomf (it was said, for example, that the bourgeoisie or the Sagrada Família, Passeig de Gràcia, La and workers lived in clean, comfortable and Pedrera, the Eixample, Pedralbes, La Rambla, beautiful houses and that they all valued their the Cathedral, Santa Maria del Mar, Barce- interior life). These types of affirmations loneta, Parc de la Ciutadella, La Llotja and make us think that the target audience of Montjuïc. the SAF discourse was not only the tourist or the international tourist agent, but also, The SAF wove relationships and complicities and above all, the citizens of Barcelona. The with different sectors of Barcelona society, 126 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

and proof of this is the broad spectrum of of the hotels in Plaça d’Espanya, and the 8 collaborators who participated in its publi- son of Mariano Rubió, the SAF president), The article “La ciudad de Barcelona se transforma y se engrandece” cations, including names such as Aureli Cap- according to whom the true meaning of the [the city of Barcelona is trans- many, Agustí Duran i Sampere, Josep Maria Exposition went beyond merely holding it: formed and enlarged] is included in Folch i Torres, Nicolau Rubió i Tudurí, "We do not make an Exposition, we make issue 195 of the magazine Barce- lona Atracción (September 1927). Carles Rahola, Josep Maria Sert, Joan Estel a city. I have always refused to consider the Rich, Jeroni Martorell, Cèsar Martinell, Pere Exposition as a rootless entity, the purpose of Bohigas, Lola Anglada and Alexandre Cirici which lies in itself” (Rubió i Tudurí, 1929, Pellicer (who was especially interested in in Cocola-Ghent 2010: 173. the formation of a concept of cult tourism formulated from Catalan identity) 7. The The 1929 Exposition was conceived by contribution of these agents directly affected its promoters as a clearly urban, political the construction of the imaginary of cultural and economic project, states Solà-Morales tourism in Barcelona during the first third (1976), according to which the idea of a of the century (Vidal-Casellas, 2005). How- "Great Barcelona", of a city fit for the strong ever, there was no real collaboration between industrial and economic growth of the Prin- the city and country's cultural and tourist cipality, gave it an indisputable capital status agents which meant that the promotion of in a wider region of influence. The urban culture and heritage activation by the Soci- transformations that occurred in the context ety was limited to a purely discursive and of the Exposition connected, in a circular symbolic matter. The orientation and tourist relationship and with a clear dependency, adaptation of museums and other cultural with the economic growth of the city. Bar- facilities was resisted, in part, and above all, celona expanded westward (the free trade due to the fact that the city's tourist-cultural port became the new industrial zone); the narrative had not yet filtered through. On set of actions practised in the urban body the contrary, there was another phenomenon revolved around a new centrality, defined by (common to many European and American the geometric point of the Plaça d’Espanya cities), which was attributed a clearly tour- and Montjuïc, converted into the new true ist-related opportunity: the organisation of epicentre of the Great Barcelona (Solà-Mo- international macro-events. rales, 1976). Numerous monuments and ancient buildings were restored (such as the The Universal Exposition of 1888 had left monuments of Columbus, Güell and Ferrer heavy debts, although its legacy in terms and the old Customs House); streets in the of image and international projection had centre were also restored and improved, such been savoured and mythologised over the as Pelai, Gran Via and Ronda de la Univer- years, especially by the well-to-do classes sitat (Navas, 1995). The new urban scenery of Barcelona society. The organisation of seemed to augur a promising tourist future: a new macro-event was the opportunity "Within a few years, if unexpected set- to revalidate and renew the brand image of backs do not arise, the city of Barcelona Barcelona (Cocola-Ghent, 2010). There are will have perfectly linked to its charac- three objectives that are associated with the ter as a great emporium of industry and celebration of international events: urban commerce, the beauty of a recreational, restructuring and the creation of new pat- modern, cosmopolitan, elegant and in all terns of urban consumption; attracting visits senses, attractive city" 8. itors and foreign capital; generating brand and international projection. The Inter- The City of Light (Caralt, 2016) was pro- national Exposition held in 1929 clearly jected both inside and out. Montjuïc moun- responded to these purposes and was clearly tain holds a symbolic value related to military expressed by one of its promoters, Nicolau control and central power that formerly, and Rubió i Tudurí (an engineer linked to SAF for two centuries, had been exercised from bodies, responsible for the landscaping of its peak. That is why the decision to locate many urban spaces and the construction the exposition centre in Montjuïc came to Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 127 symbolically represent the recovery of the administrative structures and a first and mountain for the city. It became a park and ephemeral policy for the promotion and garden following the precepts of garden cities management of national tourism. Tourist linked to the ideas of hygiene, leisure and valuation of the natural and cultural heritage recreation (Solà-Morales, 1976), although and its conservation constituted one of the this meant the destruction of popular spaces key precepts in republican ideology. It was linked to tradition and Barcelona society. assumed that the tourist value of a territory In the old part of the city a project was carried corresponded to its prestige as a nation, and out that would have a great significance in tourism was equated with the avant-garde binomial tourism and city: the creation of a and modernity. New expectations, possibil- Neo-Gothic neighbourhood. The idea was ities and collaborations between agents and put forward as an option for uniting the territories ended that fateful July of 1936, at administrative and political functions in the a time when Barcelona was to hold a Peo- heart of the city, and to give impetus to the ple’s Olympics. Also pending reactivation new economic and tourist functions that was the Catalan Tourist Board,, one of the were envisaged for Barcelona (Navas, 1995). most important organisations created by The Gothic operation had in its genesis a the Republican government (Palou Rubio, symbolic dimension understood as a value 2016). Tourist activity came to a dramatic of change, suggests Cocola-Ghent (2010), halt during the Civil War; the emblematic according to which the creation of the old Ritz and Colón hotels in Barcelona were part of the city in the medieval style, and seized by the CNT-FAI and the POUM the construction of the Poble Espanyol on respectively. Industries, transport, shops, Montjuïc, became a great aesthetic operation entertainment venues, hotels, restaurants whose purpose was to transform Barcelona and cafés were collectivized (Miguelsanz into a seductive space for visitors. Accord- ing to Cocola-Ghent (2010), the creation Arnalot, 2009) . In March 1937 the SAF of historical density and "planning of the was absorbed by the Republican Ministry past" emphasizes the paradox that history of Economy and would never resume its can always be reviewed or exhibited in differ- activity again. ent ways depending on what certain power groups decide – or even directly invent. The The Spanish Civil War and World War II creation of a Gothic-style neighbourhood constituted a crucial turning point in tourist in the centre of the city would eventually models of issuing and receiving societies. create an urban landscape with a marked The transformation was drastic and in some temporal stratification, in which the traces of aspects, irreversible. During the first dec- a supposed medieval past would evoke a very ades of the 20th century, important social specific vision of the history of Barcelona. and political milestones might have been achieved, which, with the entry of Fordism, In the 1930s, Barcelona projected an inter- would be totally undermined and forgotten. national image that was cosmopolitan and Indeed, by the 1920s the first popularisation modern. Montjuïc and Plaça d'Espanya of tourism had occurred; by the mid 1930s, were now a central component of tour- some European and American countries ist and urban imagery; the Eixample, the had already passed laws introducing paid underworld of the Barri Xino, the beaches of Barceloneta, the axis of Passeig de Gràcia, holidays (Pack, 2009), and just before World the Gothic quarter under construction and War II tourism would begin to spread inter- the Ciutadella were the main nodes of an nationally through tourist issuing and receiv- expanding urban destination. ing territories in the form of flows parallel to those of trade in goods and labour currents In the days of the Second Republic, the Gov- (Vallejo Pousadas et al., 2016). From the ernment of the Generalitat created several 1940s, the situation changed completely. 128 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Tourism without culture Cover of the magazine Barcelona Atracción In 1945, the Universal Declaration of (July 1929, no. 217). Human Rights recognised the right to rest and leisure, and all together led to a marked transformation of the social and cultural values of western societies. The so-called social welfare policies were created and applied, changing the lives of the new European middle class. More free time, a direct consequence of an incessant increase in productiv- ity and the creation of a veritable economic platform, was one of the fundamental conditions and principles that helped to launch so-called mass tourism. According to the World Tourism Organisation, around 25 million international tourist trips took place in 1950, and this figure tripled in just 10 years: a total of 69 million tourists travelled around the world in 1960, and another 10 of the International Exposition of 1929 was years later, in 1970, the total figure reached resumed, as well as an official narrative aimed almost 160 million international tourists. at creating a certain positive and hegemonic view of history. According to Cocola-Ghent Barcelona was left out of the interests of (2010), the impetus for the revival of these these new travellers – with a general thirst works, although linked to the definitions of for sun, beaches and an atmosphere filled Catalan historiography of the beginning of with cultural clichés. After the war, some the century, was the need to have a brand of those who had spearheaded the tourist image of the city: in these cases, power was policies of Barcelona and Catalonia went once again used in the restoration of style, into exile and others took up new positions suggests Cocola-Ghent (2010), showing that in the local administration. when it is necessary to reinterpret monuments, ideological meaning is superimposed The reconstruction of the areas affected by on historical truth. In fact, heritage inter- the war led the Franco government to reinvention in this context prioritises invention vent monuments aimed at exalting a certain rather than conservation (Afinoguénova, idea of the past, identifying the Iberians, the 2010). Medieval history was exalted without Reconquest and the Catholic Monarchs as linking it to approaches that were vindic- the authentic periods in which the Spanish tive or associated with political Catalanism nation was forged (Cocola-Ghent, 2010). (Fabre, 2016). In fact, the strategy consisted In fact, we are faced with a paradox: that in selecting some heritage aspects from the of a country image which looked to the past with the idea of generating a city atmos- past in the face of a set of cultural practices phere, leading to an idea of unity and terri- related to modernity (Afinoguénova, 2010). torial cohesion, and, of course, denying the During the period of Spanish autarky, the diversity of identities (Afinoguénova, 2010). foundations were laid for what would be a close correlation between cultural re-herit- The collection of historic buildings in the agisation, political propaganda and tourist Gothic Quarter, already removed from development, which would eventually turn their political function, would become an tourism into an intentionally political event important element of the tourist landscape in Franco's Spain (Pack, 2009). of Francoist Barcelona, which the first tourist guides and albums of the time begin to In Barcelona, the process of constructing evoke. A few days in Barcelona, Catalonia the Gothic Quarter initiated in the context and the Balearic Islands. Practical Illustrated Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 129

Guide is an example of this. This is a guide Inside of the magazine Barcelona Atracción (July published by Edicions Perrier de Barcelona 1929, no. 217) with information in the 1940s. Its stated aim was to serve as regarding the arrival of tourism a practical handbook for any visitors who and the incorporation of new partners into the initiative union. came to spend a few days in Barcelona, identified as thePearl of the Mediterranean (old tourist slogan from the first third of the century). The guide speaks of geography and history, the economic and intellectual development of the city, its local festivals and of a unique atmosphere that sets it apart from the typical atmosphere of the Spanish novel, of the patios , gypsies, capes and mantillas of Seville. The Guardia Urbana (city police), sardana (traditional ring dance), popular festivals, ceremonies and family customs (such as marriage or funerals), meal times and opening times of the city's shops, or a walk through the busy streets, were some of the event, although the occasion was used the values and resources that the city aimed to open a municipal tourist information to offer tourists. They were advised to visit office and to make some urban changes9 . iconic landmarks such as La Rambla, the Work on the Sagrada Família resumed, and Gothic Quarter, Montjuïc, Tibidabo, Poble this became one of the major settings of the Espanyol, Plaça del Rei or the City History event. Museum, not forgetting the opportunity offered by nightlife. The guide offered a fairly In the summer of 1955, the Mediterra- detailed description of bull fights, Spain's nean Games were held, which, although national sport, one of the destination’s main not organised with the primary intention attractions, it claimed. of attracting tourism, became a significant antecedent to the Porciolista policy of The Provincial Tourist Board, created by internationalising and expanding the city the Franco government in 1941 to promote through the celebration of macro-events. In tourism in Barcelona, acted as a political 1957, a new political era got under way in body removed from the real interests of cit- Barcelona, led by José María de Porcioles, a izens and tourism. The magazineBarcelona character closely linked to Francoist power Atracción was published again between 1945 and the perfect archetypal Francoist mayor and 1954, although it strayed from the aes- required for desarrollismo (Genovese, 2005). thetics, content and vision the SAF gave it Barcelona restored an urban development during the first third of the century (Palou policy that in many ways resembled the pro- Rubio, 2012). jects started at the beginning of the century. Porcioles, who had in fact been a member of The Vatican provided the regime with the Regional League, followed similar yearnings possibility of organising events with an inter- for the Barcelona of the 1960s and 1979ss, national appeal and, consequently, enabled which he tried to achieve by applying disre- the restoration of diplomatic relations with spectful methods and showing off a moral the countries of the capitalist world (Fabre, and political authority that allowed him to 2016). In that context, and a year before demolish and destroy buildings and heritage the United States signed a treaty with Spain references (Genovès, 2005). Between legal on military bases and the country opened gaps and a contempt for the Modernista up, the 35th International Eucharistic Con- legacy, and an obsession with everything gress was held in Barcelona in 1952. A pri- medieval-looking (the Gothic Quarter, as ori no tourist purpose was associated with an icon), the Barcelona landscape was dras- 130 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

tically transformed; turning his back on the were demanded in Catalonia: the power to 9 city and tourism, there were shacks along decide and design its own policy and the Diagonal opens toward the western end of the city, the little gardens the coast and on the physical and symbolic creation of a new framework image associ- and the fountain on Gran Via were margins of a metropolitan, industrial and ated with the values of the territory (Cals, adapted, there was an acceleration provincial city. 1974). Within the framework of the Con- in the restoration of various monuments in the Drassanes district, gress and a progressive social movement, a the Roman wall and that of Santa An official, positive image circulated through new awareness emerged about what tourism Madrona, the Virreina, the Palau the NO-DO newsreels, which placed represented, which was radically opposed to Major, the old Hospital de la Santa Creu, Plaça Reial, Plaça Castilla, emphasis on urban development. One of the model that has reigned during Fordism where the old military Hospital their leitmotifs , explain Huertas and Fabre and Francoism. Catalans regarded tourism had been; in Plaça de Catalunya the Bank of Spain is erected and (1995), was the competitions organised on not only as a fundamental right, but above for the first time some of the city's Montjuïc in tow with the Porciolista cur- all, an opportunity to recover a collective shanty towns are demolished. rency "Barcelona city of fairs and congresses" consciousness, the affirmation of national The small Muntades aerodrome becomes El Prat Airport (Huertas; and with which an attempt was made to identity and the responsibility of the Catalan Fabre, 1995). attract new visitors. The professional seg- people over their own territory. Recovering ment tried to prevail against a non-existent some of the precepts and recalling some of and discredited cultural tourism. the tourist institutions of the Republican government, tourism at this time was under- In the 1970s, the instability of the regime stood to represent a reason for cultural and and the institutions coincided with a personal enrichment. It is an ideal. moment of crisis for the Fordist model in the international sphere that affected Spain. Barcelona, tourist culture The energy crisis early in the decade meant The post-industrial, Francoist and Fordist that the predicted moderate growth became city was redefined and oriented toward a new almost a utopia. In addition to the problems urban model in which the tertiary sector, related to the political and economic situa- tourism, leisure and culture were placed at the tion, Spain's poor image abroad contributed very heart of its landscape and functionality. to a drop in tourist demand. At the end of In the 1980s everything began with difficul- the Franco regime, Spain was boycotted as a ties and still without a defined strategy, and destination due, above all, to the executions the new democratic institutions restarted that took place in September 1975. Spanish work on tourism without a shared project. tourist offices in various European capitals One of the consequences of the political ten- were even destroyed. sion between the local administration and the Generalitat was the lack of·collaboration The situation was as gloomy as some urban and strategy, so the Catalan government landscapes, reflecting the country's general tried to promote various tourist promotion decline. With these words Hughes (1993: initiatives without its capital. In addition to 31) evokes the Barcelona of that time: "And all that, there was no fluent dialogue between while the new periphery of Barcelona was the central government and the autono- immersed in chaos, the Ensache and the old mous regions either, no doubt because, as centre of the city started to become a kind of Miguelsanz Arnalot (2009) points out, the dumping ground. One of the most affected Spanish government did not understand areas was Las Ramblas, whose neoclassical the scope or content of the autonomic pro- essence disappeared completely behind cess as regards tourism. Thus control over cheap, flashy signs." promoting tourism remained in the hands of the central government and the climate The Congress of Catalan Culture, held in of relations between them and the regions 1978, discussed the state of tourism in Cata- remained difficult. Despite the restrictions lonia and Barcelona and the speculative and on promotion, the Generalitat assumed that instrumental character that it had acquired tourism could become a notable instrument over the previous decades was criticised. Dur- for the construction of the country, especially ing the transition, at least two new capacities its image and identity. The historical-cul- Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 131 tural personality of Catalonia gives it the Cover of the magazine Barcelona Atracción character of a nation, and this is a fact that (1953), no. 340. ends up being projected onto all public interventions and other areas of social practice, and which, according to López-Palomeque (2004), explains how since the early days of the autonomous government, the Generali- tat has used tourist policy as an instrument to project the idea of a nation abroad. The Gen- eralitat promotes the creation of museums, monuments and institutions, work that according to Prats (1997) has to do with the hegemonic nationalism of the time and with the interest in constructing a Catalan identity for the whole country. Thus, according to Prats (1997), culture is used as a way of legitimising a nationalist project. The vindication of this Catalan identity by the Generalitat in almost spiritual or ethnic forms corresponds the line of constantly redefining the meaning to a way of doing things that is very typical of of history, the medieval past was again used the Catalan government, especially during as a continuation of the political message the Pujol era according to Hughes (1993), created during the Catalan Renaissance while Barcelona City Council has a clearly (Cocola-Ghent, 2010). Barcelona gave con- more European and progressive outlook, tinuity to the line of modernisation, which even more modern. in urban terms was expressed in measures in the city’s public spaces, without abandoning In Barcelona the pace is different. In the the empowerment of the Gothic quarter as 1980s a new urban paradigm based on a reference to a certain idea of the city's past regeneration came into being. "Raising and as a value and commercial resource of the city up" (the metaphor that identifies the landscape itself. this action) would result in such important urban reforms as the rebalancing of the out- Preparing the city for the 1992 Olympic skirts, the end of shantytowns, the opening Games involved major morphological up of squares and streets in the centre of the changes which were associated with a certain city and the application of an initial plan of idea of a collective urban project. A city con- uses in Ciutat Vella, among others. It is clear cept and value were built and the importance that the will of the administration consisted of heritage was incorporated into urban dis- of recovering (another of the verbs in use) the course, a process in vogue in recent decades city. Some actions were accompanied by controversies and important public debates. (Alcalde et al. , 2012). Although Barcelona’s Some emblematic properties in Ciutat Vella tourist appeal did not immediately follow were demolished, such as one of the houses the Olympic Games (during the second half in which Picasso had lived. In fact, the main of the 1990s the city would be affected by a objective of the authorities was not to turn crisis and economic recession), the renewal Barcelona into an outdoor museum of mem- and tourist boom that took place at the turn ories, so much as to clean the space and give of the century was forceful. Thematic years it more vitality, new functionality and soci- were organised (such as Gaudí Year in 2002), ocultural and economic uses. Morpholog- the supply of services and resources was dis- ical reforms were matched with symbolic persed, the product was diversified and a reforms: a brothel was transformed into a new urban image was recreated. Hernán- bookshop, cultural spaces, museums and dez-Ramírez (2018) maintains that the new social facilities were created, and so on. In functionality of cities as a place of consump- 132 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 tion and consumer objects is accompanied (2007: 24) "in both eras, tourism and capital by a profound urban and image transforma- city ambitions complement each other". tion. In this sense, tourism models the city. Comparative historical analysis enables us to The alliance between the private sector (or sustain that urbanism, during these periods, part of it) and the local authority to promote is used as one of the greatest exponents or tourism resulted in a tourist policy based on referents of urban identity that is transmitted growth and self-complacency. through tourist discourses. Tourism, then, acts as an activator (Prats, 1997) and catalyst Since the recovery of democracy, the urban for certain heritage elements. It is a consumer and tourist imagery of Barcelona has focused and at the same time a producer of an image on a specific content and semiotics, and and global narrative of the city. The attributes draws heavily on international imaginaries of the image created and projected evoke a rather than local ones. This narrative revolves version of the synthesizing and annihilating around a particular body of tangible and Barcelona identity, which at the same time intangible resources, the most prominent appeals to and refers to the values of other- of which is Modernista architecture. Gaudí ness. It is a rhetoric that was very explicit (work and figure) has become a tourist icon at the beginning of the century, when the of destination Barcelona, instead of being first tourism promotion organisations tried an experience and backdrop of the urban to invent a city image that connected with landscape. The political and civic passion the interests and spirit of potential visitors, for urban planning in Barcelona comes rather than with that of their own citizens. from the 19th century (Montaner, 2005), In tourist contexts, culture is produced by and has now become a key piece of Bar- and for the gaze of the other (Michaud, celona's tourist offer and image, as it pro- 2003). Tourist culture includes all the refer- vides a context, framework or atmosphere ents that are attributed to and supposedly (MacCannell, 2005). Both the Modernista define a destination, which is why it is still references and the new architecture and a partial and ethnocratic interpretation of iconography come together in the genera- culture, in the sense that Martí (2003) gives tion of a new city image that is represented it when this is equated only with what is as modern, cosmopolitan, international and considered typical of a collectivity defined dynamic. according to certain criteria, eclipsing other references and cultural frameworks. For Image creation is always associated with the millions of tourists visiting Barcelona purposes that are more than strictly tourist each year (more than 30 million, accord- related, such as the accumulation of eco- ing to official data), it is difficult to define nomic, political and cultural capital. The what they apprehend as culture, because objectives of tourism in our times often the variability of subjects and experiences become the main justification for promot- is radically infinite and plural and the term ing new monumental and iconic strategies culture, too porous to be able to narrow it that transform the landscape (symbolic and down. However, the recognition of a series morphological) of large and medium-sized of own cultural features can help tourists urban centres (Smith, 2005). Icons, after to form an idea of the Barcelona culture, a all, become resources for the competitive- construct that will be useful for elaborating ness and international positioning of urban travel experience, gaze and memory. Tour- centres; a competition, states Smith (2005), ism is associated with a process of cultural less and less based on resources or on past spectacularisation within which the local location or reputation, and increasingly heritage is touristified and certain cultural focused on images and symbolic power. In references may not connect or represent, but the period between 1888 and1929 as well as rather stereotype, local society. The signifi- today, the processes of monumentalisation cance that heritage can have for visitors or and urbanisation have been closely related to Barcelona citizens can vary greatly. It should the tourist sale of the city; according to Smith be assumed that the commodification of her- Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 133 itage can lead to identity-related problems when excessive banalisation occurs. While heritage is not the identity of a community, it should not be lost from sight that its referents maintain a sacred nature for the group (Prats, 2006).

The tertiarisation of the economy, the orientation of services to the tourist offering, the creation and territorial dispersion of nodes and the centrifugation and congestion of masses in certain places in the city, the banalisation of some landscapes or heritage referents, the displacement of population and trade in the neighbourhoods, economic inflation and at the same time precarious employment in some strata of the tourist sectors are tensions associated with the tourism model that generate an inevitable social response, organised are those of hypermobility , post-tourism and Panoramic view of Barcelona in neighbourhood networks and expressed in from Turó de la Rovira. reimage . In this context, heritage takes on a SAIDA PALOU. multiple spaces and by many agents. Faced glocal dimension, for although it belongs to with a dominant hegemonic discourse that for or represents a community, it is immersed decades has placed tourism as a positive city in the dynamics of the international market value, nowadays some voices call into ques- and this makes it a showcase and object of tion the benefits that are supposedly derived consumption. The new functions of herit- from it. The fact is that, currently, the tourist age, which include tourism, demand new has been diluted in urban dynamics and tour- management guidelines. The use of herit- ism has acquired a consubstantial character age as a pedagogical and creative site should in the city, as it forms part of its life and with overcome models based on the idea of place its presence it affects it andco-defines it. From for identity cohesion or show. Palau Güell an anthropological point of view, Barcelona has drafted a plan that sets a limit on visitor has tourist culture, to the extent that tour- numbers, the Cerro de la Rovira, on the ism lives in ( of ) the city. Tourism is in the other hand, acquires a new role as a place streets, houses, debates, criticisms, interests, of recreation and contemplation while dis- politics, economics, heritage, museums, bars, placing the historical memory and local use. universities, branding and the immeasurable Not far away, access to Park Güell has an urban everyday life, despite discrepancies or economic cost that has resulted in restric- reluctance to face this situation. There is a tions on access both to tourists and local social confrontation in relation to tourism residents. The Gothic Quarter continues to that advocates, in general terms, the decrease be somewhere between false historical and and containment of supply and demand. false tourist narrative. La Rambla, under Almost a decade ago, the local authority debate and in post-trauma. Some museum started to face up to the problem with the and cultural facilities have economic dif- creation and application of tools and measures ficulties and/or a lack of visitors. Tourism aimed at managing tourism and the tourist is a possibility and a controversy for some city, although it does not have the ability to heritage elements and places in Barcelona, control its growth completely, because it also which are immersed in an intense process of depends, to a large extent, on macro and exog- touristification and of tourist appropriation enous factors. . The tourism-orientation of heritage and the city does not mean, or does not have to The terms with which we can analyse a des- mean, that city and heritage succumb to the tination city such as Barcelona, at present, interests of tourism. n 134 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

REFERENCES

Institute of History. Barcelona City Afinoguénova, E. (2010). “Unity, Council MacCannell, D. (2005). “El destí Roca, J. (2009). “El Museu stability, continuity’: heritage and del simbòlic en l’arquitectura per al d’Història de Barcelona, portal de the renovation of Franco’s dic- Genovès, M. D. (2005). Les barc- turisme”. Nexus, 35, 30-43. la ciutat”. Hermes, 2, 96-103. tatorship in Spain, 1957-1969”. elones de Porcioles. Un abecedari. International Journal of Heritage Barcelona: Edicions Proa. Martí, J. (2003). “Antropòlegs Smith, A. (2005). "Conceptualiz- Studies, 16 (6), 417-433. sense cultura?”. Quaderns-e de ing City Image Change: The Re-im- González Morales, J. C. (2003). l’Institut Català d’Antropologia, agining of Barcelona ", Tourism Alcalde, G.; Burch, J.; Carbonell, Turismo en España (1905-1931). 19, 35-53. Geographies, 7, (4), 398-423. E.; Domènech, G. (2012). “Identi- Doctoral thesis, directed by Am- ficaciones patrimoniales en conflic- ador, P. Universidad Juan Carlos Michaud, Y. (2003). “El turisme Smith, A. (2007). "Monumentality to. Un análisis a partir de tres casos I, Madrid. com a indústria, la cultura com a in capital Cities and its Implications en Cataluña”. Andalucia Heritage turisme”. Nexus, 30, 8-15. for Tourism Marketing: the Case of Magazine , 2, 114-131. González Morales, J. C. (2005). Barcelona". Journal of Travel and “La Comisión Nacional de Turismo Miguelsanz Arnalot, À. (2009). Tourism Marketing, 22, (3-4), 79- Blasco, A. (2016). “La Societat y las primeras iniciativas para el fo- Parada i fonda. L’hostaleria de la 93. d’Atracció de Forasters (1908- mento del turismo: la indústria de ciutat. Dels orígens als nostres 1936)”. In Palou Rubio, S. (coord.), los forasteros (1905-1911)”. Es- dies. Barcelona: Labeltur. Solà-Morales, I. de (1976). “L’ex- Destinació BCN. Història del tu- tudios Turísticos, 163-164, 17-30. posició internacional de Barcelona risme a la ciutat de Barcelona, 108- Montaner, J. M. (2005). “Arqui- (1914-1929) com a instrument 121. Barcelona: Edicions Efadós Fabre, J. (2016). “Quan es feia tectura catalana. Entre la conde política urbana”. Recerques, 6, and Barcelona City Council. barcelonisme”. In Palou Rubio, tinuïtat i el canvi”. Nexus, 34, 5-10. 137-145. S. (coord.), Destinació BCN. Cals, J. (1974). Turismo y política Història del turisme a la ciutat de Navas, T. (1995). “La ciutat de la Vallejo-Pousada, R.; Lindoso, turística en España: una aproxi- Barcelona, 228-239. Barcelona: llum”. In Garcia Espuche, A.; Navas, E., Vilar, M. (2016). “Los antece- mación. Barcelona: Ariel. Edicions Efadós and Barcelona T. (coords.), Retrat de Barcelona, dentes del turismo de masas en City Council. Vol I. Barcelona: Barcelona Centre España, 1900-1936”. Revista de Caralt, D. (2016). “Llum, turisme of Contemporary Culture, Munic- la Historia de la Economía y de la i projecció internacional de l’Ex- Hernández-Ramírez, J. (2018). ipal Institute of History, Barcelona Empresa, 10, 137-188. posició del 1929”. In Palou Ru- “La voracidad del turismo y el dere- City Council. bio, S. (coord.), Destinació BCN. cho a la ciudad”. Revista Andaluza Vidal Casellas, D. (2005). L’Im- Història del turisme a la ciutat de de Antropología, 15, 22-46. Pack, S. D. (2009). La invasión aginari monumental i artístic del Barcelona, 204-227. Barcelona: pacífica. Los turistas y la España turisme cultural: el cas de la revista Edicions Efadós and Barcelona Huertas, J. M.; Fabre, J. (1995). de Franco. Madrid: Turner Noema. Barcelona Atracción. Doctoral the- City Council. “La imatge de la ciutat als anys sis, directed by Eduard Carbonell del Franquisme (1939-1973)”. Palou Rubio, S. (2012). Barce- Estellés. Universitat de Girona. Casassas Ymbert, J. (1999) (co- In Garcia Espuche, A.; Navas, T. lona, destinació turística. Un segle ord.). Els intel·lectuals i el poder a (coords.), Retrat de Barcelona, Vol. d’imatges i promoció pública. Bell- A few days in Barcelona: Cata- Catalunya (1808-1975). Barce- II, 75-85. Barcelona: Barcelona caire d'Empordà: Edicions Vitel·la. lonia and the Balearic Islands: a lona: Pòrtic. Centre of Contemporary Culture, practical guide to the town and its Municipal Institute of History, Bar- Palou Rubio, S. (2016). “Dels environs. Barcelona: Period Chadefaud, M. (1987). Aux orig- celona City Council. ideals de la II República als tòpics ines du tourisme dans les Pays de del franquisme”. In Palou Rubio, Barcelona Constitutional City l’Adour: du mythe à l’espace: un Hughes, R. (1993). Barcelona S. (coord.), Destinació BCN. Council, n. 894, Governance, essai de géographie historique. Barcelona: Anagrama. Història del turisme a la ciutat de file on the creation of a Municipal Pau: Département de géographie Barcelona, 123-139. Barcelona: Commission, called "Attracting et d’aménangement de l’Universi- Lavaur, L. (1980). “Turismo de Edicions Efadós and Barcelona Foreigners", 1906. Municipal Ad- té de Pau et des Pays de l’Adour, entreguerras (1919-1939) II”. Es- City Council. ministrative Archive of Barcelona. Centre de recherche sur l’impact tudios turísticos, 68, 13-130. socio-spatial de l’aménagement. Prats, Ll. (1997). Antropología y Barcelona Constitutional City Lopez López, J. (2016). “El pat- patrimonio. Barcelona: Ariel. Council, n. 920, file on the effect Cocola-Gant, A. (2010). El Barrio rimonio como constructo político of the commission on attracting Gótico de Barcelona. Planificación y su potencial reflexivo”, Perspec- Prats, Ll. (2006). “La mercanti- foreigners and tourists” 1907. del pasado e imagen de marca. tivas. Revista del PH Instituto An- lización del patrimonio: entre la Doctoral thesis, directed by Joan daluz de Patrimonio Histórico, 90, economia turística y las repre- Sociedad de Atracción de Fo- Molet. University of Barcelona. 218-219. sentacions identitarias”. Boletín rasteros. (1912-1936). Barcelo- del Instituto Andaluz de Patrimo- na Atracción. Garcia Espuche, A. (1995). Lopez Palomeque, F. (2004). nio Histórico, 58, 72-80. “Imatges i imatge de Barcelona: “La gestión pública del turismo en una síntesi i tres epílegs”. In Garcia Cataluña. Organización y política Roca, J. (coord.) (1997). Expansió Espuche, A.; Navas, T. (coords.), turística de la administración au- urbana i planejament a Barcelona. Retrat de Barcelona, Vol. I, 41-62. tonómica”. Investigaciones Ge- Barcelona: Municipal Institute of Barcelona: Barcelona Centre of ográficas, 34, 5-27. History of Barcelona. Contemporary Culture Municipal Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 135

Silvia Aulet UNIVERSITY OF GIRONA Professor at the Faculty of Tourism, University of Girona. After obtaining her Degree in Tourism from the University of Toulouse-Le Mirail (Maîtrisse IUP Metiers du Transport, de l'Hotellerie, du Tourisme) she completed her PhD in Tourism at the University of Girona. Her main area of research is cultural tourism, from conceptualisation to management. The focus of her research has been cultural tourism and heritage. She has participated in different research projects, including European initiatives such as ACCENT-Gastronomy, SPIRIT-Youth and INCOME. She has published in magazines such as Ritur and Pasos and has contributed to several publications (books) on tourism. She is a member of the editorial committee of the International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage, and also a member of the UNITWIN/ UNESCO Chair Programme in Culture, Tourism and Development, Chair and adviser to the Calonge-Sant Antoni Gastronomy, Culture and Tourism Chair at the University of Girona. Tourism in sanctuaries: the importance of custody

Preliminary aspects tuaries today, and how this impacts on the Paraules clau: santuari, espai visitor experience, particularly with regard sagrat/profà, acolliment, he main objective of this to tourism. custòdia, turisme religiós. article is to raise aware- Palabras clave: santuario, ness of the importance The methodology is based on a combination espacio sagrado/profano, acogida, custodia, turismo of different forms of cus- of different research methods. On the one religioso. tody in sacred spaces such hand, use has been made of the materials and Keywords: sanctuary, sacred/ as sanctuaries in order to documents prepared by the Secretariat Inter- profane space, reception, ensure a warm welcome for visitors and pil- diocesà de Santuaris de Catalunya i Balears custody, religious tourism. Tgrims. The article is structured in two parts. in the Pastoral de Turisme i Santuaris de la The first part consists of a series of generic Conferència Episcopal Tarraconense (many reflections on the definition of a sanctuary of these unpublished, and held in archives). as a sacred space and on the concept of wel- These contributions are complemented by come. The second part is a presentation of a range of publications, primarily based on the study, which aims to outline the different the anthropological perspective, by authors forms of custody that have existed in Catalan such as Prat (1989), Díez Taboada (1989) sanctuaries, and what their situation is today. and Christian (1976). From the point of Taking this research as a starting point, we view of bibliographical research, it should be will reflect on what welcome means in sanc- noted that while we find some sociological

Els santuaris es poden considerar com Los santuarios se pueden considerar Sanctuaries may be viewed as the la màxima expressió del que és un espai como la máxima expresión de lo que es highest expression of sacred spaces sagrat on l’acolliment dels visitants és un un espacio sagrado donde la acogida de where the reception of visitors is a key element clau. Les persones atribueixen los visitantes es un elemento clave. Las element. People bestow numerous val- diversos valors als santuaris (de culte, personas atribuyen distintos valores a los ues (cultural, natural, social and touristic) culturals, naturals, socials i turístics) i això santuarios (de culto, culturales, natura- on sanctuaries, which in turn motivates motiva diferents visites amb necessitats les, sociales y turísticos) y este hecho different types of visits. This has led us to específiques que cal tenir en compte a motiva diferentes visitas con necesidades identify specific needs that must be taken l’hora de gestionar-los. Molts d’aquests específicas que hay que tener en cuenta a into account when managing these spac- aspectes es concreten a través de la figu- la hora de gestionarlos. Estos aspectos se es and which, in general, become evident ra del custodi. En aquest estudi es pretén concretan a través de la figura del custo- through the custodian figure. This study identificar les diferents formes de custò- dio. En este estudio se pretende identifi- attempts to identify the different forms of dia als santuaris catalans i com aquestes car las diferentes formas de custodia en custody in Catalan sanctuaries and their influeixen en l’acollida dels visitants i en los santuarios catalanes y cómo estas influence over the reception of visitors la transmissió dels valors patrimonials, influyen en la acogida de los visitantes y and the transmission of heritage values, especialment els intangibles. en la transmisión de los valores patrimo- namely intangible ones. niales, especialmente los intangibles. 136 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 and anthropological sources up to the 1990s, the Balearic Islands to obtain their opin- from this point onwards, studies focus on ions. Different sanctuaries in Catalonia other areas related to management, tourist were selected for carrying out this fieldwork, travel, the concept of religious tourism and most of which are located in rural areas (it is pilgrimage, among others. worth mentioning the fact that the Church administrations do not have a published list). The sanctuaries themselves have also been Cotrina and Cervera (1986) claim that only a source of information (particularly those 7.23% of sanctuaries and chapels in Catalo- in the dioceses of Girona and Vic). Field- nia are located in urban environments. Table work and non-participatory observation 1 shows a list of the sanctuaries studied. were carried out, visits were made to some sanctuaries and in-depth interviews were What is a sanctuary? conducted with some of those responsible Questions such as spirituality, or the search for them. Likewise, there has been partici- for the sacred, are universal phenomena of pation in some of the meetings organised by human nature that have generated renewed the rectors of Sanctuaries in Catalonia and interest in the contemporary world (Vasconi,

Table 1. List of sanctuaries studied (2019).

Name of sanctuary Town/city, county, diocese Research Sanctuary of the Sagrada Família. Barcelona (Barcelonès), Barcelona Visit Sanctuary of the MD del Corredor Dosrius (Maresme), Barcelona Visit Sanctuary of the MD de Montserrat Montserrat (Bages), Sant Feliu de Llobregat Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD de Puiggraciós Ametlla del Vallès (Vallès Oriental), Terrassa Visit and meeting with the community Sanctuary of the MD del Vinyet Sitges (Garraf), Sant Feliu de Llobregat Visit Sanctuary of the MD dels Àngels Sant Martí Vell (Gironès), Girona Visit and interview Sanctuary of Santa Afra Ginestar (Gironès), Girona Visit Sanctuary of the MD del Collell Sant Ferriol (La Garottxa), Girona Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD del Tura Olot (La Garottxa), Girona Visit Sanctuary of the MD de la Font de la Salut Sant Feliu de Pallerols (La Garottxa), Girona Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD del Mont Albanyà (Alt Empordà), Girona Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD de la Salut de Terrades Terrades (Alt Empordà), Girona Visit and interview Sanctuary of MD del Vilar Blanes (La Selva), Girona Visit Sanctuary of Rocacorba Rocacorba (Gironès), Girona Visit Sanctuary of the MD de Bellmunt Sant Pere de Torelló (Osona), Vic Visit Sanctuary of the MD de Cabrera Santa Maria de Corcó (Osona), Vic Visit Sanctuary of the MD de la Gleva Farmhouses of Voltregà (Osona), Vic Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD dels Munts Sant Boi de Lluçanès (Osona), Vic Visit Sanctuary of MD de Puiglulla Sant Julià de Vilatorta (Osona), Vic Visit Sanctuary of the MD del Far Susqueda (La Selva), Vic Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD del Coll Osor (La Selva) , Girona Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD de Montgrony Gombrèn (Ripollès), Vic Visit and interview Sanctuary of the MD del Claustre Solsona (Solsonès), Solsona Visit Sanctuary of the MD Déu del Miracle Riner (Solsonès), Solsona Visit and interview Sanctuary of Santa Maria de Pinós Pinós (Solsonès), Solsona Visit Sanctuary of the MD de Queralt Berga (Berguedà), Solsona Visit Sanctuary of Sant Ramon Nonat Sant Ramon (Segarra), Solsona Visit and meeting with the person in charge Sant Crist de Balagué Balagué (Noguera), Solsona Visit Sanctuary of the MD de la Misericòrdia Reus (Baix Camp), Tarragona Visit Sanctuary of the MD de Poblet Vimbodí (Conca de Barberà), Tarragona Visit and meeting with the person in charge Sanctuary of the MD de la Fontcalda Gandesa (Terra Alta), Tortosa Visit Sanctuary of the MD de Meritxell Andorra (Andorra), Urgell Visit and meeting with the person in charge Sanctuary of the MD de Núria Queralbs (Ripollès), Urgell Visit and interview Sanctuary de la Roca Mont-roig (Baix Camp), Tarragona Visit

BY SILVIA AULET Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 137

2001). This allows us to outline the role that gion was born of a feeling of dependence, sanctuaries can play in contemporary society. an intuition of divinity that, together with But what is a sanctuary? A sanctuary, first a feeling of weakness and a belief in some and foremost, is a sacred space. Therefore, form of providence, led man to a quest for in order to define ‘sanctuary’, we first need oneness with God. The divine is conceptu- to understand what a sacred space is. It is a alised as infinite, but not as the product of a phenomenon that has been studied from religious revelation (Baptist, 2002; Severino different angles but, ultimately, these per- Croatto, 2002). spectives share some common features. Using a similar methodology, Eliade (1978) The first theories on the sacred were devel- proposes a notion of the sacred understood oped by ethnologists and sociologists. The as an absolute reality. His works show the sociological theory of the sacred has its roots existence of a spiritual unity within human- in ethnological research on mana and the ity. His research attempts to understand the totem, and the principal contributions come sacred in its entirety, thanks to an integral from the French school of sociology, repre- method that is at the same time historical, sented by Durkheim, Mauss and Hubert. phenomenological and hermeneutic. Eliade These authors define the sacred as a set of (1981) uses the term hierophany to indicate forces that are born of the collective con- the revelation of an absolute reality. It is pos- sciousness·and that have a decisive role in sible to describe the sacred, because it man- the structuring of society (Malinowski, ifests itself in space and time. Although the 1948; Graburn, 1983; Durkheim, 1993; sacred manifests itself as a reality belonging Lévi-Strauss, 2013). to an order other than the natural, the sacred never appears in a pure state or as itself, but Phenomenological research attempts to through something outside of itself, through understand the religious through the existen- objects, myths and symbols. tial context of homo religiosus . From this perspective, religion (and the sacred) is studied The sanctuary is a sacred place by definition; by focusing on the human being as an indi- because it is a hierophany, a manifestation vidual, and not as a member of society. The of what is sacred, a revelation of divinity. sacred stands in opposition to the profane, We can clearly differentiate between the as the religious man stands in opposition to sacred and the profane; between a sacred the non-religious man. The experience of the and a profane space; a sacred and a profane sacred is the lived experience of the transcen- time, for example. For Durkheim (1912), dental and ineffable. Phenomenology tends the sacred-profane dichotomy is the basis to place less importance on the historical of religious thought. Sacred and profane context of a religion, in order to grasp the represent two different ways of being in the essence of that religion. Nathan Söderblom world. In the works of Berger (1999) the (quoted in Sharpe, 1969) affirms that the sacred is that mysterious and awe-inspiring concept of the sacred is the most important quality that is external to human beings, yet in religion, a concept more important even related to them. than the notion of God. Otto (1965, original 1917 edition) looks at the different forms According to Eliade (1981) there are two of religious experience, and concludes that types of space that are likely to become sacred the sacred is an a priori category for human places. One is those places that for man are beings, and that this allows the spirit to per- imposing and unreachable, where nature ceive the numinous as an inner revelation, reveals its greatness and shows us the immen- such as the ganz andere. sity of the divine: mountains, caves, jungles and forests, storms, waterfalls, rainbows, the The historical approach to the study of reli- sea, the sun and the moon, the night and the gions suggests a completely different focus stars, and so on. Often a natural space, with based on hermeneutics. Müller is consid- its capacity to evoke the force of the divine, ered one of the founders of the comparative serves as a setting for the construction of history of religions. According to him, reli- temples. 138 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Others are places where, regardless of their a sanctuary lies in that it is somewhere that physical surroundings a certain theophany is frequently visited by tourists as well as by or hierophany has led to the construction worshippers. The aim of the sanctuary is to of a sanctuary In this case it is a revelation provide pilgrims and visitors with what they of the divine that has made them sacred (a expect to find there. Christian (1976) refers miracle, an apparition, a healing, etc.). They to localised worship, to a specific geographic may also originate from shrines, the tombs of frame of reference, but there are authors such saints, particularly those who were martyrs as Esteve Secall and González Ruiz (2002) or hermits, or from other relics, statues or who highlight the universality of sanctuar- other objects that have a particular sacred ies, since the essence of such places is their significance, such as the splinters from the ability to absorb and reflect a multiplicity of cross of Christ, the chalice from the last religious discourses as sacred spaces. supper, etc. Sanctuaries, both today and historically, Essentially, the manifestation of the sacred transmit or represent a series of religious, through symbols allows us to speak of a cultural, social, ecological and tourist values, universal concept that is represented and among others. (Aulet and Hakobyan, 2011). symbolised in different ways, depending on the religious tradition it falls within. First and foremost, sanctuaries are religious "It is easier to grasp the sacred than it is spaces; places of worship and prayer where to define it. We understand that neither people can express their devotion. Several the forbidden, nor the taboo, nor that custodians of sanctuaries state that liturgical which is separated from daily life, nor celebrations, especially those that are most the inviolable, nor the feeling of religious prominent on the religious calendar, are reverence, are the sacred; but nonetheless deeply felt and attended by large numbers of we feel that they are a part of it." (Daumas, people. (Fig. 1) (personal communication). 1997:89) Other common religious practices are, or can be, performed in a sanctuary, such as reciting In this case study, sanctuaries are also invested the rosary, the Angelus, novenas, prayers, with these symbolisms and form a complex rogations, spiritual retreats, prayers, songs reality, as is the definition of sanctuary itself. dedicated to saints, the May devotions to In the literal sense, a sanctuary is a "temple the Virgin Mary or the Sacred Heart, and so in which the image or relic of a deeply ven- on. All these acts end up shaping the sacred erated saint is worshipped" (Enciclopedia physiognomy of the sanctuary (Robles Sal- Catalana, n.d.). The 1983 Code of Canon gado, 2001; González Cougil, 2005; Rubio Law extends this concept and also assigns et al. , 2008). sanctuaries a specific legal status. It defines a sanctuary as "a church or other sacred place But sanctuaries are spaces of culture, under- often frequented by the faithful for the pur- stood in its broadest sense, and incorporate pose of worship, with the approval of the elements such as art, morality, customs, ordinary" (Canon 1230). beliefs, knowledge, etc. (Tylor, 1981). In the European context, Catalonia being no One of the factors defining the sanctuary is exception, religious heritage forms an impor- that of frequent attendance by the faithful. tant part of the cultural heritage representing Christian (1976) defines a sanctuary as a the traces of European art and its complex place where there is an image or relic that is history, as well as peoples’ spiritual roots. The worshipped by many; that is defined once heritage infrastructure also includes build- again by the devotion of the faithful, and ings, artistic objects and monuments, writ- not by any historical or artistic characteristic ten texts (popular religious songs, legends, inherent in a building or an institution. We the history of the sanctuary and the location could say that its nature is primarily defined itself, books, archives, etc.), oral traditions by the meaning it holds for the faithful concerning the sanctuary or chapel, audio- rather than for what it actually is. Rosell visual materials, films, photographs, videos, (1995) adds that the reason that a place is tape recordings, plays, popular religious and Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 139 liturgical customs, and so on. (Nass et al., 2002; Labadi, 2003; Bech, 2006; Rome, 2010; Montalbán Arenas and Barnosell Jordà, 2014) (Fig. 2).

Sanctuaries are meeting places and, like other kinds of cultural heritage, they are elements of social cohesion that bring a community together. A sanctuary may be erected as a symbol of the identity of a people, a manifestation of human group’s collective consciousness, as pointed out by sociological theories and as indicated in some of the interviews conducted. The sanctuary is both a sacred place and a place of ritual. One of the aims of these rituals is to enable the group to express and rediscover its self-defined belonging, either by marking differences between itself and those outside (separation rituals), or by larach, 2008 and 2011), and the proof is Blessing the palms on Palm bringing together the diverse and scattered that they are profoundly moving for human Sunday at the Santuari de members of the same human group (inte- la Salut de Sant Feliu de beings, regardless of their religious beliefs (or Pallerols (2007). SILVIA AULET gration rituals) (Maldonado, 1983). lack of any such beliefs) as evidenced by the testimonies of some interviewees. For this We must also take into account the fact that reason, many civilizations have constructed the sanctuary is a space of welcome that can their temples and sacred spaces on the sites fulfil a social function aimed at helping those of pre-existing temples from other historical most in need, and that it also functions as times, other cultures, or even other religions an integrating factor for newcomers by dis- (Mallarach, 2008). seminating the culture and traditions of the community itself (Rubio Hernández, 1991; Finally, as a result of all the above, sanctuar- Duch, 1997; Ardèvol Piera et al , 2001; Vila, ies are tourist sites that attract visitor flows 2002). motivated by very different values and inter- As previously mentioned, sanctuaries are a ests. Nolan and Nolan (1992), in their study hierophany that often begins with the nat- of pilgrimages to the different European ural environment, which means that they sanctuaries, distinguished between tourist frequently have an important ecological sanctuaries and non-tourist sanctuaries. aspect (Mallarach, 2008; Mallarach, 2011; Tourist sanctuaries include places such as Santamaria Campos and Beltran Costa, the Chartres Cathedral, Mont Saint-Michel, 2014). The impression of a privileged situa- Cologne Cathedral or the principal churches tion is reinforced by the panoramic view that of Rome, places where the proportion of pil- many sanctuaries offer, and the landscape grims in relation to visitors who are interested that surrounds them (Prat, 1989). in art, architecture and history is difficult to determine. On the other hand, non-tourist Shackley (2001) introduces the concept of sanctuaries are those that have few conven- ‘atmosphere of place’, which is clearly related tional tourist attractions for non-religious to the idea of a cultural landscape understood tourism, they have no relevant historical or as a product of cultural evolution (Mitchell et artistic significance. al. , 2009). This term is valid in places where the natural landscape is considered to have The distinction between tourists, pilgrims or spiritual meaning, regardless of whether or religious tourists, among others, means that not it is complemented by built heritage. the factors that are taken into consideration They are places where there is a meeting in different spaces may vary. Regardless of between the physical and the spiritual (Mal- the terminology used, all sanctuaries, to a 140 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 greater or lesser extent, receive visitors and some of those visitors are there for reasons that are not rooted in religion. They visit because they have an interest in culture, as a leisure activity, to have more contact with the natural world, to enjoy a festival, or simply out of curiosity. (Olsen and Timothy, 2006; Aulet, 2012; Raj and Griffin, 2015).

The tourist aspect of sanctuaries is undeniable, and for that reason it is necessary to manage them so that the differing needs – religious, cultural and tourist – are taken into account. And above all, that everyone needs to be met by a welcoming space.

Welcome at sanctuaries As a sacred space, and as a sanctuary (remember that this is defined as a place to receive tors and tourists is a confusing and compli- Gathering at the Santuari pilgrims), a key concept is that of welcome. cated one. This issue, coupled with the lack de la Salut de Sant Feliu de According to the Rule of St Benedict: Pallerols. Sardana dances, of specific studies on the subject, makes it a which are at the same time a "All outsiders who present themselves challenge to improve the experience of vis- form of cultural expression must be welcomed as Christ himself itors and at the same time the transmission and an element of social would be welcomed, since one day he will cohesion, take place between of the heritage and spiritual values of the ceremonies.(2009). SILVIA AULET. say: I was a stranger and you welcomed spaces (Nolan and Nolan, 1992; Fleischer, me. And may all be honoured, especially 2000; Collins-Kreiner, 2010; Aulet, 2012). brothers in faith and pilgrims." (Rule of St Benedict, chapter LIII) Sanctuaries are places of silence and spirituality, spaces where people can recover peace of Welcome is a key word. Although today it mind and of spirit, as well as feel the presence is more readily linked to the welcome of of the sacred within a complicated, busy life. children and/or immigrants, in its deepest (Carmichael, 1994; Sharpley, 2009; Mal- sense it is an act of coexistence and a spiritual attitude (Torralba, 2015). From the vari- larach, 2013). Today there is an increasing ous documents relating to pastoral care at interest in the search for spirituality, as can be sanctuaries, it is clear that the spirit of wel- seen from the considerable increase in sales come needs to be present throughout the of religious books, the demand for spiritual sanctuary, and all of the services it provides. retreats, and the growing number of courses Aucourt (1993) understands ‘welcome’ to focusing on self-knowledge, self-realisation, mean supporting visitors in their quest for and so on. (Pigem, 1991; Inglehart and beauty and rest. Thus the act of welcoming Baker, 2000; Pigem, 2017). is not a simple activity, but is a true form of spirituality (Estradé, 1996). For believers, sanctuaries offer the chance to make a pilgrimage of faith, and offer the In order to guarantee a true welcome, it is possibility of an encounter with God. Chris- necessary to bear in mind what visitors to tians visit sanctuaries for different purposes; the sanctuary are looking for. This opens up for confession, for worship, to profess their a lot of different perspectives. In interviews faith, for liturgical celebrations of the mys- with those responsible for sanctuaries, it was teries of Christ or for personal or community found that sanctuaries are visited by a very prayer (Blackwell, 2007; Leppäkari, 2008; diverse range of people, mainly from urban Ambrose, 2015). Today, among the reli- areas. It is difficult to gauge the number of gious motivations for visits made to Catalan people who visit solely for religious reasons sanctuaries, custodians distinguish between because the division between pilgrims, visi- a wide range of motivations: cosmologi- Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 141 cal (rain, storms, etc.), biological reasons the reality of its own location. For example, (health), psychological and sociological a sanctuary in an area surrounded by nature (peace, security), scatological (anguish about may have a relaxation and picnic area that eternal salvation), socio-political (economic would not be possible in an urban sanctuary. problems, family crises), or for evangelising The balance between simplicity and a degree reasons.(Benàssar, 1996; Bestrand Comas, of comfort is not easy to achieve (personal 1996). communication).

Nowadays these motivations are often com- In reference to maintenance, "things run bined with tourism. Visits might be made smoothly when the accommodation is in for historical or heritage reasons (as we have order and the plumbing works, the choice seen, sanctuaries hold cultural value), due of souvenirs on sale is attractive, there is a to an interest in folklore (popular customs, space available for those who want to picnic, traditions, the celebration of events), to have or a menu on offer that is not too hard on a drink or something to eat (where there is the wallet" (Carreras Pera, 1995). a café or restaurant service), as a holiday or leisure activity, or for reasons connected with When speaking of the sanctuary in terms the location, with environment or landscape. of infrastructure, reference is made to the (Cotrina and Cervera, 1986; Burbridge, different spaces that comprise it, starting 1992; Aulet and Hakobyan, 2011; Battle, with the temple itself, which is the sacred 2011). space and the reason for its existence. But other aspects, such as the place where people All these aspects must be taken into account are welcomed and popular services (pastoral when it comes to welcoming visitors. In the space, space for ex-votos), other common literature on services, a great deal of emphasis services (such as accommodation, a café or is usually placed on the fact that tourism a shop) as well as environmental features products are intangible, and that very often (gardens, a wooded area, picnic, barbecues) what determines whether or not the cus- are also included. tomer returns is how friendly the staff are, which may even be valued more than the The tasks to be carried out by those in charge building or facility itself (Baum, 2006; Xu, of sanctuaries include attending to people's 2010). Even so, when talking about wel- needs, which means spending many hours coming or hosting, we should differentiate with them; taking care of the maintenance between infrastructure and human resources and management of the facilities and services (the staff and providing a more personalised (and in many cases of the financial aspects as welcome) (Albayrack et al., 2010). well); also looking after the grounds (roads, woods, paths, parking areas), and dealing The welcome infrastructure with the media and communications. Infrastructures form the basis for welcome; they are all those basic elements that make For example, to effectively carry out tasks possible, or facilitate, the functioning of a related with communication and the pro- system. Thus, the infrastructure is a funda- vision of information, the person in charge mental, necessary, or determining factor in needs to have a presence both inside and subsequent development. (Navarro, 2005). outside the sanctuary's facilities, and must Infrastructure refers to the material aspects deal with historical, cultural, artistic and of welcome. (Carreras Pera, 1995). anthropological matters. This is a task that is very clearly related to the transmission Sanctuaries must be welcoming in them- of the heritage and spiritual values of the selves, regardless of their history, style, artistic place. Formats can be varied and presented value, simplicity, location or environment, in different languages, and if possible it is etc. Each one must assert its own originality, good to be able to adapt them based on the personality and function. So it is not neces- public they are aimed at (personal commu- sary for all sanctuaries be equal in terms of nication). For example, at the Lourdes cen- the facilities they offer, each needs to adapt to tre, an international centre of pilgrimage, a 142 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Picnic area for visitors at the Santuari del Far de Susqueda (2013). View of the façade of the Santuari del Far de Susqueda with the SILVIA AULET offertory chapel in the foreground (2013). SILVIA AULET great deal of attention is paid to languages, other, who we recognise as having value and and ceremonies are held in the same six rights. This openness represents the gift of languages as those used in tourist services oneself in a gesture of sharing, in order to (English, Italian, Spanish, German, Dutch arrive at a unity of heart that will be expressed and French). Most of the documents made in a unity in other realms. This opening up available to pilgrims of other cultures or cannot be forced, nor resigned, but must be nationalities are translated into their own benign and kind, full of zeal and interest. language, which may be anything from Chi- Neither harsh nor mawkish (Parellada, 1997; nese to Polish (Bondues, 1993; Tavares and Batalla, 2002). Thomas, 2007). For example, as Aucourt (1993) says, it is A personal welcome important that in the celebration of the Sanctuaries are centres of devotion and Eucharist the means are available to make pilgrimage, which means the faithful visit participation possible for all, both tourists them, perhaps every day, perhaps on pub- and residents, incorporating the tourists' lic holidays, perhaps a few days each year. own languages without impeding the partic- What counts is that the sanctuary has the ipation of the local community, by handing power of attraction, and that the faithful go out printed copies of the readings, or provid- there with a special feeling. This is Estradé's ing an introduction time before the service (1996) starting point when he says that a that will enable tourists to be fully involved. particular aspect of every sanctuary is the The welcome provided in spaces of artis- virtue of welcome. The sanctuary must be tic or historical value cannot be limited to particularly welcoming and therefore those the provision of detailed historical or artis- in charge of sanctuaries must live the spirit- tic information, but should highlight the uality of welcome. religious identity and purpose of the place, with attempts being made not to disrupt It is necessary to distinguish between two the conduct of religious services, tourist vis- very different words:receive and welcome its being scheduled in accordance with the . "Welcoming" has more power and more requirements of worship (Aulet and Hako- warmth than "receiving", because it is a byan, 2011). personal activity that comes from within. Receiving may not involve any commit- Given all that has been said so far, a very ment, whereas welcoming always implies an important aspect to take into account in obligation. As has already been mentioned, the visitor experience is who is in charge of the act of welcoming is an openness to the the welcome. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 143

The custodians: who is in charge of general, these four types of custody are the the welcome? predominant ones, and they imply that there The custody of a sanctuary may fall to several are some juridical and pastoral nuances to people or entities. On occasion, it may fall study and reflect on in further studies. to an individual person or entity, the church itself being the responsibility of the chaplain In the event that the custodian-priest lives or a community that may get help from in the sanctuary (this is less and less frequent others, or not, in running the sanctuary's due to the current lack of priests), there are services and facilities. When we speak of examples where, in addition to fulfilling their custody, we are referring to the responsibil- religious obligations, they have organised ity for the management, maintenance and a small family business to take care of the care of the sanctuary on a daily basis. The restaurant, café, souvenir shop, accommoda- custodians are the guardians, or those who tion and other services that the sanctuary in are in charge of sanctuaries. Based on field- question provides. They often had help from work and documentary research, we have an families. Examples of this type of arrange- idea of the different forms of custody that ment were the sanctuaries of Els Àngels, La currently exist in Catalan sanctuaries, and Salut de Terrades, El Far and Montgrony. so can see who is responsible for welcome. Very few of these remain (probably only El Santuari del Far), and the responsibility for Religious custody the management of such services has grad- Nowadays, with the exception of a few ually shifted to companies or organisations, specific cases such as Montserrat, El Mir- who are taking over (Prat, 1989). This group acle (which is dependent on Montserrat) of sanctuaries usually have specified opening or Puiggraciós, religious communities have times and offer a range of services, although disappeared from many sanctuaries. Reli- these are sometimes limited. gious communities usually live in or near the sanctuary, and take care of it. As already pointed out by Cotrina and Cer- vera (1984), the lack of a custodian-priest (as However, the most common situation is for well as tenants and hermits) creates a series of the sanctuary to be administered by a priest problems with regard to welcome, security, who acts as the custodian. He is the one who conservation and pastoral questions that looks after the sanctuary, and performs all need to be taken into account. This issue the religious tasks connected with it. Most has become more apparent in recent years. often he oversees other chapels within the parish as well, although in some cases he is Lay custody only in charge of the sanctuary itself. The In addition to religious custodians, there legal and pastoral role of the priest who is are still some sanctuaries that have hermits, the custodian may vary, depending on the tenants, caretakers or guardians (no spe- function of the sanctuary in question within cific terminology has been adopted). Very the context of the parish and the diocese. often the fact that the custodian-priest does Most frequently, the rector of the sanctuary not live in the sanctuary is compensated by is also the rector of the parish (he may live the existence of hermits who do indeed live in the sanctuary itself or in the parish), or it there. It should be noted that the concept may be that the sanctuary also functions as of “hermit” is used here to refer to the per- the parish, which means that it would also son who takes care of a chapel (and not to be the same person (in this case, he would a someone living in solitude as a religious usually live in the sanctuary). In other cases, discipline) a term that can sometimes cause the custodian-priest is different from the confusion. To be a “hermit”, special per- rector of the parish (and may or may not mission from the bishopric is needed, and live in the sanctuary). the concept is based on the idea of a person who advocates a lifestyle characterised There are some exceptions, such as sanctu- by anonymity, counter-instinctual control aries that are not diocesan property, or that and abstaining from excess (Sapena, 2004). have an essentially civil patronage but, in In today's sanctuaries, the concept is more 144 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 similar to that transmitted by Víctor Català information about that heritage and the pro- in his book Solitude , where he tells us of duction of information sheets, as well as all Mila's experience as a hermit, along with her sorts of other things, function effectively. husband, at the chapel of Sant Pons. (Lladó Calafat, 2002).

The system of obligations and duties is usu- These institutions, which Prat (1989) calls ally very varied, and ranges from holding support institutions, may have different legal the key and periodically arranging cleaning statuses (workers co-operatives, confraterni- services, to other more complex tasks such ties, companies, charitable foundations or as the conservation of buildings or making associations) and the priest-custodian, or important operational decisions. In some other priests within the parish or the dio- cases managing restaurant services, accom- cese, may or may not be directly involved. modation, the sale of souvenirs, etc., is also One of the most common is confraternities involved. or brotherhoods (synonymous concepts). These highlight the sense of fraternal asso- Traditionally, “hermits” had a series of rights. ciation between laypeople and reinforce the The first was to free housing for themselves idea of social and cultural values previously and their families at the sanctuary. The sec- mentioned. In fact, the reasons why the con- ond was the right to "claim alms" through- fraternities participate are diverse according out the sanctuary's area of influence in the to Mallarino, Jaramillo, Rey (2004). They name of the Virgin Mary. And finally, the may do so because they are believers and this right to a percentage of the proceeds from is a way of expressing their faith, because it is the sale of souvenirs or the possibility of a family tradition, because their friends and offering a food service, providing meals or colleagues participate, because it is a part of snacks. (Prat, 1989). This concept, in the local culture, out of habit because it is some- Balearic Islands, coincides with the figure thing that has always been done, because of the “donat” – lay brother or sister. they want to recover their symbolic cultural roots, because they feel more free than in the Nowadays, this formula has evolved into parish, because they are particularly devoted systems where “hermits” are responsible to an image or a sanctuary, because they find for managing the services offered by the a welcoming environment where participa- sanctuary, while also helping the custodi- tion is encouraged, or because it is a means an-priest. It should also be noted that today of expressing religious feeling, among many it is companies that have taken over running others. these services. In such cases, the managers appointed by those companies (which are Confraternities are certainly the oldest usually small family businesses) do not see groups of laypeople linked to sanctuaries, themselves as either custodians or "hermits". the first dating back to the 15th and 16th In that sense, it is interesting to see how the centuries with some examples still in exist- activities and responsibilities of "hermits" ence today. Nowadays they may take charge have evolved over time. of the organisation of events such as processions, pilgrimages and gatherings, and in Other supporting entities many places, such as Andalusia, they may Apart from custody of the sanctuary, and end up owning the sanctuaries or taking the different people whose responsibility responsibility for them. Today the traditional it may be, there may be other entities or model of the confraternities has evolved into institutions that are connected with it that associations of friends, usually groups of the help to keep it running smoothly. These are faithful in which the custodians of the sanc- often ways of integrating laypeople, who tuary (both clergymen and laymen) may be play a fundamental role in ensuring aspects represented. These associations have similar such as welcome, prayer, devotion, pastoral functions to the confraternities although care, financial and staff management, the perhaps with a less religious character. Exam- conservation and restoration of historical ples are the Association of Friends of Mont- and artistic heritage, the dissemination of serrat, the Association of Friends of the Mont Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 145 or the Association of Friends of the Mare de management, except in some cases where Déu del Far. restoration work is a priority due to the state of conservation, or where heritage is a key These days, things may also be arranged factor in attracting visitors. through trustees and foundations. The differences are basically of a legal nature, but The different forms of custody are clearly the approach to the distribution of the tasks related to the management objectives. Cam- and functions corresponding to different arero Izquierdo and Garrido Samaniego custody-related needs, funding and the (2004) speak of different management participation and involvement of different approaches (in this case to heritage). In gen- religious and lay agents, both public and eral, they consider that public management private, are very similar. In general, there are has a social objective, as it is aimed at prior- few experiences of patronage in sanctuaries, itising social benefits over economic benefits. although some examples can be found, as Satisfaction of the residents also falls within in the case of the Sanctuary of the Virgin these social objectives. The concept of net of the Mont . social benefit implies achieving maximum development with minimum social and Reflections: the welcome of tourists environmental damage (Martinell, 1999; to sanctuaries today Alba Pagan, 2014). Some authors consider As we have seen, pilgrims and pilgrimages that religious institutions, although privately are concepts that are closely linked to that owned, share these same objectives. of the sanctuary. It is necessary to understand the concept of pilgrimage as a dynamic Another type of management, typical of the element, one that refers to the man who private sector, is management based on mar- goes in search of the sacred. Custody of the ket demand, where the aim is to maximise sanctuary would also be a dynamic element economic profit. This consists in identifying (Parellada, 1997). On the other hand, the the needs of the visitors, and fulfilling them. concept of sanctuary is a static one. It indi- When applied to sanctuaries this approach cates a sacred space, which is visited and may present problems, above all when social where an experience of a meeting with God values, and the value of welcome, are lost. takes place (the ineffable, the transcendent, In the case of sanctuaries, the management the afterlife, etc.). approach includes taking into account both parameters, and understanding that the As we have seen, the traditional organisa- sanctuary's custodial and safekeeping mis- tional structures of sanctuaries in Catalonia sion is fundamental, but without neglecting take various forms The common denom- the need to attract visitors. inator is that they are usually institutions regulated by custom and, in certain cases, Managing the diversity of visitors that we are specific to the religious sphere (Shack- can find at sanctuaries, regardless of the ley, 2001). Many sacred sites are (rigidly) volume, entails significant challenges. It is managed by clerically dominated hierar- necessary to strike a balance between the chical structures that have worked in the need to preserve the site and the need to same way for many years. These structures offer visitors a special experience. The exer- are not affected by modern management cise of worship must be facilitated, and the trends, with a few exceptions where periph- authenticity of the sites must be respected eral activities are concerned, that is services (Graburn, 1983; Blackwell, 2007; Shackley, such as accommodation, the sale of souve- 2001, 2002, 2006). nirs, a bookshop and so on. This means that cooperation is required between different Often the difficulties stem from the need private agents as well as the voluntary sector, to balance the requirements of visitors and in many cases also with agents from the with the characteristics of the place vis- public sphere. Management objectives are ited. Tourism provides income for paying usually focused on pastoral or faith-based salaries and maintaining churches but the objectives, and rarely emphasise heritage price of unlimited and uncontrolled access 146 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 is the erosion of non-renewable resources We must be very careful with what some (Aulet and Vidal-Casellas, 2012). Visitors authors call commodification, and ensure often complain that overcrowding prevents that the excessive commercialisation of them from having a spiritual experience. The products linked to sacred places (legends, faithful complain about the lack of respect particular features, religious practices) does and silence. So it is necessary to look for not result in them becoming meaningless management guidelines that are suited to and banal. And in terms of the concept of all the needs. The coexistence of tourists and custody and those who develop it, it is essen- the faithful will always be a difficult issue to tial to take this into account. (Cohen, 1988; resolve (Shackley, 2001). Shackley, 2006; Blackwell, 2007). n

REFERENCES

de pastoral. Girona: Centro de Es- Temas de Antropología Española, Alba Pagan, E. (2014). Funda- tudios Pastorales. Blackwell, R. (2007). “Motiva- 50-105. Madrid: Akal. mentos para la gestión del Patri- tions for Religious Tourism, Pilgrim- monio cultural. El desarrollo terri- age, Festival and Events”. In Raj, Batalla, S. (2002). “La pràctica Cohen, E. (1988). “Authenticity torial valenciano. Reflexiones en R.; Morpeht, N. D. (ed.), Religious del turisme religiós és una teràpia and Commodification in Tourism”. torno a sus claves. Valencia: PUV. Tourism and Pilgrimage Festivals espiritual per al turista”. Estudis de Annals of Tourism Research, 15, Management: An International Turisme de Catalunya, 34-37. 371-386. Albayrak, T.; Caber, M.; Aksoy, Perspective, 35-47. United King- S. (2010). “Relationships of the dom: CAB International. Baum, T. (2006). Human Re- Collins-Kreiner, N. (2010). “Re- Tangible and Intangible Elements source Management for Tourism, searching pilgrimage”. Annals of of Tourism Products with Overall Bondu, L. (1993). “La gestion de Hospitality and Leisure: an Inter- Tourism Research, 37 (2), 440- Customer Satisfaction”. Interna- l’acceuil à Lourdes”, Cahier Espac- national Perspective. London: 456. tional Journal of Trade, Economics es, 30, 96-100. Thomson Learning. and Finance, 1 (2), 23. Collins-Kreiner, N. (2010). Burbrigde, H. A. (1992). “Tu- Bautista, E. (2002). Aproxi- “Geographers and Pilgrimages: Ambrosio, V. (2015). “Sacred rismo religioso y santuarios: Una mación al estudio del hecho reli- Changing Concepts in Pilgrimage Pilgrimage and Tourism as Secu- propuesta para la Argentina”. In gioso. Villatuerta (Navarra): Verbo Tourism Research”. Tijdschrift Voor lar Pilgrimage”. In Raj, R.; Griffin, K. Comisión Episcopal de Migra- Divino. Economische En Sociale Geo- (ed.), Religious Tourism and Pil- ciones y Turismo. Secretariado grafie, 101 (4), 437-448. grimage Festivals Management: Nacional para la Pastoral del Tu- An International Perspective, Bech, J. A. (2006). “La condición rismo. Buenos Aires: Secretaria- 130-145. United Kingdom: CAB del arte. Entre lo sagrado y lo do Nacional para la Pastoral del Cotrina, R.; Cervera, J. M. International. profano. Apuntes de sociología Turismo (1986). Estudi sociològic sobre els y antropología del arte”. Revista santuaris i ermites de Catalunya. Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Barcelona: ICESB, Laboratori de Ardèvol Piera, E.; Munilla Ca- Camarero Izquierdo, C., Garrido Sociales, XLVIII (196), 27-53. Sociologia. brillana, G.; Cervelló Autuori, Samaniego, M. (2004). Marketing J. (2001). Antropologia de la re- del patrimonio cultural. Madrid: Pi- ligió. Barcelona: Open University Benassar, B. (1996). “Pelegri- ramide. Daumas, F. (1997). “La expresión of Catalonia. natge i santuari”. In Textos, conde lo sagrado en la religión egíp- ferències i taula rodona de la XVII cia”. In Tratado de antropología de Carmichael, D. L. (1994). Sacred Trobada de rectors de santuaris de lo sagrado, vol. 3, 89-106. Madrid: Aucourt, R. (1993). “L’église Sites, Sacred Places. London: Catalunya i Balears celebrada el Trotta. catholique et le Tourisme”. Cahiers Routledge. 4, 5 i 6 de març al Santuari de la d’Espaces, Le tourisme (30), 12- Mare de Déu del Toro, Menorca. De Rojas, C.; Camarero, C. 18. Carreras Pera, J. (1995). “La Barcelona: Publicacions del Sec- (2008). “Visitors experience, mood increença, els allunyats i el canvi retariat Interdiocesà de Santuaris and satisfaction in a heritage con- Aulet, S. (2012). Competitivitat social”. In Textos i conferències i de Catalunya i Balears. text: Evidence from an interpreta- del Turisme religiós en el marc taula rodona de la XVI trobada de tion center”. Tourism Management, contemporani (els espais sagrats rectors de santuaris de Catalunya Bestrand Comas, J. (1996). 29, 525-537. i el turisme). Doctoral thesis online. i Balears. Santuari de la Mare de “Com arriba l’home i la dona d’avui Girona: Universitat de Girona. Déu de la Font de la Salut, Sant al santuari. La seva situació huma- Feliu de Pallerols. Barcelona: Sec- Díez Taboada, J. M. (1989). “La na i el seu context sociocultural”. In significación de los santuarios”. In Aulet, S.; Hakobyan, K. (2011). retariat Interdiocesà de Santuaris Textos, conferències i taula rodona Álvarez, C. Santaló; Buxó Rey, M.; “Turismo religioso y espacios de Catalunya i Balears. de la XVII Trobada de rectors de Rodríguez Becerra, S. (ed.), La sagrados: una propuesta para santuaris de Catalunya i Balears religiosidad popular III: Herman- los santuarios de Catalunya”. RI- Català, V. (1979). Solitud. Barce- celebrada el 27, 28 i 29 de març dades, romerías y santuarios, 268- TUR-Revista Iberoamericana de lona: Edicions 62. al Santuari de la Mare de Déu del 281. Barcelona: Anthropos. Turismo, 1(1), 63-82. Toro, Menorca. Barcelona: Pub- Christian, W. (1976). “De los san- licacions del Secretariat Interdi- Duch, L. (1997). Antropologia de Batalla, S. (2011). Una historia tos a María, panorama de las devo- ocesà de Santuaris de Catalunya la religió. Barcelona: Publicacions viscuda: la Pastoral de Turisme i ciones a santuarios españoles des i Balears. de l’Abadia de Montserrat. Santuaris de Catalunya. Quaderns del principio de la Edad Media hasta nuestros días”. In C. Lisón (ed.), Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 147

Perspective”, Annals of Tourism Durkheim, É. (1993). Las formas Research, 35 (2), 611-612. Nolan, M. L.; Nolan, S. (1992). Severino Croatto, J. (2002). elementales de la vida religiosa. “Religious sites as tourism attrac- Experiencia de lo sagrado y tradi- Madrid: Alianza. Lladó Calafat, L. (2002). “La tions”. Annals of Tourism Research, ciones religiosas. Estella (Navarra): incorporació dels laics en el san- 19, 68-78. Verbo Divino. Enciclopèdia Catalana (n.d.). tuari”. In Textos, conferències i Definició de santuari [online]. taula rodona de la XXII Trobada Olsen, D. H.; Timothy, D. J. Shackley, M. (2002). “Space, Diccionari català. lunya i Balears celebrada el 17 i Spiritual Journeys. London: Rou- Cathedral as heterotopia”. Interna- 18 de juny al Santuari del Miracle, tledge. tional Journal of Tourism Research, Eliade, M. (1981). Lo sagrado y Solsona. Solsona: Publicacions 4(5), 345-352. lo profano. Madrid: Guadarrama. del Secretariat Interdiocesà de Otto, R. (1965). Lo santo: Lo Santuaris de Catalunya i Balears. racional y lo irracional en la idea Shackley, M. (2001). Managing Eliade, M. (1978). Historia de las de dios. Madrid: Revista de Oc- Sacred Sites: Service Provision creencias y de las ideas religiosas. Maldonado, L. (1983). “Teología cidente. and Visitor Experience. London, Madrid: Cristiandad. pastoral de la misión de los santu- New York: Continuum. arios en los movimientos turísticos”. Pigem, J. (1991). Nueva concien- Esteve Secall, R.; González Revista Informa, Suplemento del cia: plenitud personal y equilibrio Shackley, M. (2006). “Empty bot- Ruiz, J. M. (2002). Turismo y re- Boletín Oficial del Obispado de planetario para el siglo xxi. Madrid: tles at sacred sites. Religious retail- ligión: aproximación a la historia Ibiza, 16. Integral. ing at Ireland’s National Shrine”. In del turismo religioso. Malaga: Ser- Timothy, D.; Olsen, D. (ed.), Tour- vicio de Publicaciones e Intercam- Malinowski, B. (1948). Magia, Pigem, J. (2017). Àngels i robots: ism, Religion and Spiritual Jour- bio Científico de la Universidad de ciencia y religión. Barcelona: Plan- la interioritat humana en la societat neys, 94-103. London: Routledge. Málaga. et-Agostini. hipertecnologica. Vienna. Sharpe, E. J. (1969). “Nathan Sö- Estradé, M. (1996). “L’espirit- Mallarach and Carrera, J. M. Prat, J. (1989). “Los santuarios derblom and the Study of Religion”. ualitat del santuari i del capellà (2008). Protected Landscapes marianos en Cataluña: una aprox- Religious Studies, 4 (2), 259. custodi”. In Textos, conferències and Cultural and Spiritual Values. imación des de la etnografía”. In i taula rodona de la XVII Trobada Barcelona: GTZ, IUCN and Obra Álvarez Santaló, C.; Buxó Rey, S.; Sharpley, R. (2009). “Tourism, de rectors de santuaris de Cata- Social de Caixa Catalunya. Rodríguez Becerra, S. (ed.), La religion and spirituality”. In Jamal, lunya i Balears celebrada el 4, 5 i religiosidad popular III: Herman- T., Robinson, M. (ed.), The SAGE 6 de març al Santuari de la Mare Mallarach and Carrera, J. M. dades, romerías y santuarios, 211- Handbook of Tourism studies, de Déu del Cura, Menorca. Barce- (2011). “De la geografia sagra- 259. Barcelona: Anthropos. 237-253. London: SAGE. lona: Secretariat Interdiocesà de da a la cartografia del patrimoni Santuaris de Catalunya i Balears. espiritual i natural: experiències i Robles Salgado, J. (2001). Ravares, G.; Thomas, C. (2007). reptes”. In Nogué, J. (ed.), Rept- “Turismo Religioso: alternativa de “Un plan pour le tourisme et le Fleischer, A. (2000). “The tour- es en la cartografia del paisatge. apoyo a la preservación del patri- pèlerinage à Lourdes”. Cahiers ist behind the pilgrim in the Holy Dinàmiques territorials i valors monio y desarrollo”. Revista Bibli- Espaces, 96, 89-95. Land”. International Journal of intangibles, 125-147. Barcelona: ográfica de Geografía y Ciencias Hospitality Management, 19 (3), Landscape Observatory. Sociales, 316. Torralba, F. (2015). “El deure 311-326. d’acollida” [online]. El Punt Avui, Mallarino, O. P.; Jaramillo, L.; Roma, J. (2010). “Els goigs com a 30 de setembre de 2015. < Gonzalez Cougil, R. (2005). Pie- Rey, G. (2004). La fiesta, la otra mite i èpica local”. INSULA: Quad- https://www.catalunyareligio.cat/ dad popular y liturgia. Barcelona: cara del patrimonio. Valoración de erno Di Cultura Sarda, 8: 13-19. node/196698/pdf > Centre de Pastoral Liturgica. su impacto económico, cultural y social. Bogota: Andrés Bello. Rosell, R. (1995). “Santuari i Tylor, E.B. (1871 [1977]). La cul- Grabun, N. H. (1983). “The an- pelegrinatge”. In XVI Trobada de tura primitiva. Madrid: Ayuso. thropology of tourism”. Annals of Mitchell, N.; Rössler, M.; Tri- rectors de santuaris de Catalunya Tourism, Research, 10, 9-33. caud, P. M. (2009). World Her- i Balears. Barcelona: Secretariat Vasconi, R. L. (2001). “La des- itage Cultural Landscapes: A Interdiocesà de Santuaris de Cata- ustancialización de lo sagrado y el Inglehart, R.; Baker, W. E. Handbook for Conservation and lunya i Balears. hombre de buen carácter”. Tópi- (2000). “Modernization, Cultural Management. Paris: UNESCO. cos. Revista de Filosofia de Santa Change, and the Persistence of Rubio, A.; Esteban, J. de; Rey, Fe, 9, 197-205. Traditional Values”. American So- Montalbán Arenas, A.; Bar- U.; Carlos, J. (2008). "Religious ciological Review, 65 (1), 19. nosell Jordà, G. (2014). Els Events as Special Interest Tourism. Vila, I. (2002). Identidad y co- goigs, una mostra de cultura reli- A Spanish Experience”. PASOS hesión social. Girona: Universitat Just, C. (2007). Regla de sant giosa popular? End of course pro- Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio de Girona. Benet (2nd ed.). Barcelona: Publi- ject. Girona: Universitat de Girona. Cultural, 6: 419-433. cacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat. D. A. (n.d.). Codi de Dret Canònic. Nas, P. [et al.] (2002). “Master- Santamarina Campos, B.; Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Aba- Labadi, S. (2013). UNESCO, pieces of Oral and Intangible Cul- Beltran Costa, O. (2014). “El dia de Montserrat. Cultural Heritage, and Outstand- ture”. Current Anthropology, 43(1), patrimoni immaterial en el patri- ing Universal Value: Value-based 139-148. moni natural. Retorn al misticisme”. Xu, J. B. (2010). “Perceptions of Analyses of the World Heritage Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya, tourism products”. Tourism Man- and Intangible Cultural Heritage Navarro, D. (2015). “Recursos 39, 73-83. agement, 31(5), 607-610. Conventions. Lanham, New York, turísticos y atractivos turísticos: Toronto, Plymouth: Altamira Press. conceptualización, clasificación y Sapena, C. (2004). Els ermitans. valoración”. Cuadernos de Turis- Girona: Quaderns de la Revista de Leppäkari, M. K. (2008). “Re- mo, 35, 335-357. Girona. ligious Tourism and Pilgrimage Management: An International 148 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Xerardo Pereiro Pedro Azevedo UNIVERSIDADE DE TRÁS-OS-MONTES E ALTO DOURO UNIVERSIDADE DE TRÁS-OS-MONTES E ALTO Europeus Doctor in social and cultural DOURO anthropology from the University He holds a bachelor's degree in of Santiago de Compostela and in history and a master's degree Anthropology from the Instituto Superior in cultural heritage and cultural de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa tourism from the University of (ISCTE) - Instituto Universitário de Lisboa Minho, and is currently a researcher (IUL). He also holds a Doctorate in at CETRAD at UTAD and a doctoral International Tourism from the University scholarship holder in anthropology of La Laguna (Tenerife - Canary Islands - Spain). He is currently at the University of Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, with a tenured professor of anthropology and cultural tourism at the support from the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro (UTAD) (Vila Real - (FCT). His doctoral thesis project at UTAD is part of the Portugal). He is also a researcher at CETRAD (Centro de Estudos "Desenvolvimento, Sociedades e Territórios” programme, Transdisciplinares para o Desenvolvimento). A member of the and focuses on the effects of the heritagisation of the Economics, Sociology and Management Department at the UTAD Way of St James in Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro. School of Human and Social Sciences, Xerardo Pereiro is currently Among other distinctions, he received the Almedina director of the tourism degree programme at UTAD and was Award for the best student at the "Instituto das Ciências coordinator of the degree in applied anthropology and director of Sociais - Universidade do Minho", for the academic year the master's degree in anthropology at UTAD-ISCTE. 2013/2014.

The CICATUR model applied to the cultural heritage of the CPIS (the Portuguese Camino de Santiago)1

Paraules clau: CICATUR; patrimoni cultural, ruta turisticocultural, atracció turística, Interior portuguès Camí de Santiago (CPIS). Palabras clave: CICATUR, patrimonio cultural, ruta turisticocultural, atractivo turístico, Camino Portugués Interior de Santiago (CPIS). Keywords: CICATUR, cultural heritage, tourist- Tourist-pilgrim on the CPIS cultural route, tourist crossing Rio Corgo in Vilarinho attraction, Portuguese de Samardã. Source: Xerardo Way Inside of Santiago de Pereiro, January 2016. Compostela. XERARDO PEREIRO Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 149

Introduction: They want to make or controversy. It is like a flame that can be 1 everything cultural heritage now used to cook a delicious meal or to start a This work is part of the R & D project “Cultural Heritage of the wildfire. Such an analysis must acknowledge Northern-Galicia-North of Portugal: ultural heritage is a its multidimensional nature: identification, Valuation and Innovation.” GEO- metacultural phe- ARPAD "Operational program classification, appreciation, management, EP - INTERREG V Spain - Portugal nomenon, a public interpretation, presentation, visitation and (POCTEP). Call 1, Identifier representation of conservation are essential words when it 769- GEOARPAD (0358_GEO- ARPAD_1_E), funded by the Euro- identity (Prats, 1997; comes to building the meaning of a herit- pean Regional Development Fund Peralta and Anico, age landmark. (ERDF) through the INTERREG 2006). Rather than alluding to the past it is V-A Spain-Portugal 2014-2020 Cooperation Program (POCTEP) Can exercise in giving meaning to the present And in contrast to the authorised heritage ". The text was developed in the that implicates different agents in the process discourse of the heritage concept put for- tourism and development line of research at CETRAD.CETRAD is a of creating significance and understanding ward by Laurajane Smith (2006: 4), which multidisciplinary research centre in who we are and who we want to be (Ballart is dominant, specialised, aesthetic, national UTAD, internationally described as and Juan, 2001; Ballart, 2002; Hernández "very good", with a line of research and monumental. Authoritative heritage on tourism and development, sup- i Marti et al., 2005; Smith, 2006: 1; Silva, discourse is based on the great national and ported by funds: A) from the ERDF 2014). Heritage experiences are complex and class narratives, on technical knowledge and through the COMPETE 2020 program, Project No. 006.971 are motivated by identity, leisure, tourism, in aesthetic judgement (Smith, 2006: 9). (UID/SOC/04011), reference: etc. These experiences steer us toward con- But there are numerous social discourses POCI-01-0145-FEDER-006.971; sidering cultural heritage not as a thing or b) FCT National Fund - Foundation and practices that challenge and oppose this for Science and Technology, UID/ an object, but rather as a social and cultural dominant viewpoint, and redefine cultural SOC Project / 04011/2013. In process during which acts of remembrance, heritage as a set of values and meanings that addition, the text was written as part of a sabbatical fellowship selection and forgetting take place. make it a social heritage in their cultural awarded to Xerardo Pereiro, in practices. These diverse heritage discourses the Department of Geography Cultural heritage has no inherent or innate at the University of Santiago de include the local, regional, transnational Compostela, under the guidance value other than that attributed to it by soci- and personal (e.g. women, ethnic minority of Prof. Dr. Rubén Lois, funded ety (cf. Smith, 2006: 2), which implies a groups, indigenous and peasant commu- by FCT, under the code SFRH/ BSAB/143053/2018; and with more critical, open re-evaluation of how it nities, working class, etc.), voices which are the research grant awarded is managed, preserved and conserved (Kir- often alienated and absent from the domi- by FCT, with reference SFRH/ shenblatt-Gimblett, 2001). Identifying cul- nant discourses on cultural heritage. BD/136459/2018. tural and natural elements as heritage and attributing value and meaning to them is a According to Laurajane Smith (2006: 11) practice subject to debate, and to political there are two types of heritage practices: (a) and economic aspirations. Cultural herit- management and conservation of heritage age can unite or divide, create agreement sites and objects; (b) management of cul-

Aquest article pretén reflexionar sobre Este artículo tiene como objetivo reflexio- This article aims to reflect the relationship la relació entre el patrimoni cultural i el nar sobre la relación entre patrimonio between cultural heritage and tourism turisme a partir d’un estudi de cas com cultural y turismo a partir de un caso de about the case study of the patrimonial- la patrimonialització d’una nova ruta de estudio como es la patrimonialización ization of a new tourist-cultural route of peregrinació turisticocultural a Santiago de una nueva ruta turisticocultural de pilgrimage, as the Portuguese Way Inside de Compostel·la, com ara l’interior del peregrinación a Santiago de Compostela, of Santiago de Compostela (CPIS) - Vi- Camí Portuguès de Santiago de Com- como es el Camino Portugués Interior de seu, Castro Daire, Lamego, Régua, Santa postel·la (CPIS) - Viseu, Castro Daire, Santiago de Compostela (CPIS) – Viseu, Marta de Penaguião, Vila Real, Vila Pouca Lamego, Régua, Santa Marta de Pena- Castro Daire, Lamego, Régua, Santa de Aguiar, Chaves, Ourense, Santiago guião, Vila Real, Vila Pouca de Aguiar, Marta de Penaguião, Vila Real, Vila Pouca de Compostela. This case study, to which Chaves, Ourense, Santiago de Compos- de Aguiar, Chaves, Ourense, Santiago de we have applied the CICATUR analysis tel·la. Aquest estudi de cas, al qual hem Compostela. Este caso de estudio, al cual model, will allow us to illustrate some of aplicat el model d’anàlisi CICATUR, ens hemos aplicado el modelo de análisis CI- the problems of heritage selection in its permetrà il·lustrar alguns dels problemes CATUR, nos permitirá ilustrar algunos de promotion of tourism value. de la selecció patrimonial en el seu valor los problemas de la selección patrimonial turístic. en su puesta en valor turística. 150 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 tural heritage tourism. Here we refer to the The Portuguese Way of St James latter, beginning by stating the existence The Portuguese Way of St James (CPIS) is of a long-standing critical opinion of cul- a pilgrimage route of medieval origin (cf. tural heritage managers towards tourism, Cunha, 2005) which runs through the Por- particularly mass tourism (cf. Pereiro and tuguese municipalities of Viseu, Castro Daire, Fernandes, 2018). The focus of this critique Lamego, Peso da Régua, Santa Marta de Pena- is the idea that cultural heritage has been guião, Vila Real, Vila Pouca de Aguiar and reduced to entertainment, consumerism Chaves (cf. Tranoy, 1981; Portomeñe, 2007; and entertainment, the “Disneyfication” of Brochado de Almeida, C A. and Brochado tourism marketing and the interpretation de Almeida, P. M. 2011; Almeida Fernandes, of cultural heritage, while its educational 2018), before crossing the Portuguese-Gali- role has been neglected (Smith, 2006: 33). cian border at Verín and continuing on to Route of the Portuguese Way Ourense and Santiago de Compostela along of St James to Santiago de Beyond these critiques, cultural heritage the Silver Route (Vía de la Plata or Mozarabic Compostela. USED WITH THE has embraced tourism but not without Way), "which starts in Seville, [...] following PERMISSION OF THE ASSOCIAÇÃO DE AMIGOS DO CAMINHO DE SANTIAGO evident tension and negotiation (Poria an ancient Roman route, later used by the DE VIANA. See http://www. and Ashworth, 2009). These days the new Arabs" (Adrião, 2011: 10). Its total length is caminhosantiagoviana.pt/ functions, meanings and users of cultural heritage are also being addressed by tourism. And this could be a platform to present alternatives, divergences and dissonances rather than the dominant discourse of heritage. Tourism can also be used to stimulate debate on cultural diversity: community, gender, transnationalism, cosmopolitanism and inequality.

Cultural heritage has been transformed from a national emblem of identity to a marketing tool for tourism that earns profits for businesses and communities (Rich- ards, 2004). It has become a business card, a magnet for tourists and a mechanism for debate on the future of societies. Tourism uses cultural heritage to convert localities and territories into tourist destinations, and cultural heritage also uses tourism for self-legitimation and social and economic gain. But not all cultural heritage is beneficial to tourism, as we will see in our case study analysis.

The structure of the text is as follows: first, we briefly contextualise the CPIS, before explaining CICATUR’s case study methodology. Then we present the CICATUR model applied to the CPIS, and finally, our conclusions and final notes reflect on the relationship between cultural heritage and tourism, based on our analyses. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 151

387 kilometres, 205 of which are in Portugal with public hostels and services provided 2 (Pereiro, 2017: 415). The CPIS crosses 108 with the collaboration of local social agents http://www.monumentos.gov.pt/ Site/APP_PagesUser/Default.aspx parishes and is one of the five Portuguese pil- such as volunteer firefighters. grimage routes to Santiago currently proposed by the Portuguese Ministry of Culture for CPIS hostels are converted from buildings listing as UNESCO World Heritage (Pereiro, such as former primary schools - abandoned 2017). This historical pilgrimage route, which because there are so few children in these is being recovered and revitalised by local low-density and largely unoccupied territo- municipalities, also crosses the "Alto Douro ries with a very elderly population. Examples Vinhateiro", another cultural heritage asset of these are the hostels in Almargem, Ribol- and a UNESCO World Heritage Site in the hos, Bertelo, and Parada de Aguiar (Descrição organically evolved landscape category. This Etnográfica do CPIS, Xerardo Pereiro, unpub- internationally recognised heritage asset is lished). But in addition to the hostels, the complemented by an ensemble of heritage route offers a variety of accommodation and elements recognised as cultural heritage by catering options such as hotels, inns and local Portuguese heritage law, which are analysed accommodation, identified with their basic later in our text. It features numerous exam- services on our WEBSIG2. ples of Jacobean cultural heritage, i.e., dedicated to the cult of St James, patron saint of To better understand the revitalisation and Portugal before the creation of the Kingdom heritagisation of the CPIS, these phenom- of Portugal in the Middle Ages, whose cult ena should be set in the Jacobean context of remains a prominent feature of the tangible pilgrimages to Santiago which, as the graph and intangible culture of Portugal, particu- shows (Figure 1) have grown exponentially larly in the north of Portugal, as described by since the mid-1980s, closely linked to the Arlindo Cunha de Magalhães (2005). celebration of the Jacobean Holy Years (when 25 July falls on a Sunday). In 1986, One of the idiosyncrasies of the CPIS is the around 2,491 pilgrims arrived in Santiago, fact that it is a two-way pilgrimage route, a number that had risen to 277,854 by 2016 heading north toward Santiago de Compost- and reached 301,036 in 2017. ela, marked by a yellow arrow, and south- bound towards Fatima, marked by a blue However, the Jacobean phenomenon of the arrow. The municipalities that manage this pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela has pilgrimage route represent eleven official now become a global phenomenon, creat- stages in Portuguese territory for tourist-pil- ing a global cultural and tourist route that grims (cf. Pereiro, 2017), each stage covering involves processes of osmosis and imitation between 25 and 30 kilometres, equipped almost everywhere (cf. Pereiro, 2019).

Figure 1

3500000 Evolution of the number of

301 036 pilgrims arriving in Santiago 3000000 de Compostela between 1986 272 417 and 2017. PILGRIM'S OFFICE OF 2500000 THE CABILDO OF THE CATHEDRAL OF SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA https:// 2000000 oficinadelperegrino.com/ 179 944 183 378 estadisticas/ 154 613 1500000

100000 99 436 93 929

50000 30 126 0 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 152 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

These days, rather than the Camino de Santi- from a critical anthropological perspective ago, we would have to say Caminos, because we would say that they are more biographical multiplication and diversity has led to the and personal than structural (cf. Prat, 2011; emergence of numerous Ways, the most Pereiro, 2019). Based on our fieldwork in popular of which are highlighted in figures the CPIS and the scientific literature we can 2 and 3. This is what anthropologist Peter confirm that these reasons have fluctuated Margry (2008) calls "caminoisation". from a historical standpoint, and that these days they are diverse and integrated. First, Based on this data (fig. 2 and 3), and also our there are general reasons: religious, cultural, own comparisons and comparative observa- sightseeing and spiritual. Then there are tion of different ways, we observe that half biographical-social reasons such as socia- of these pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela bility, sports, social therapy after break-ups, travel the so-called French Way, although encounters with nature and cultural diver- Figure 2 Distribution of pilgrims Figure 2 Figure 3 along the different Caminos Route No. of pilgrims % Route No. of pilgrims % de Santiago in 2017. BY THE AUTHORS, BASED ON https:// French Way 180,738 60.04 % French Way 186,199 56.88 % oficinadelperegrino.com/ Portuguese Way 59,235 19.68 % Portuguese Way 67,822 20.72 % estadisticas/ North Way 17,836 5.92 % North Way 19,040 5.82% Primitive Way 13,684 4.55 % Primitive Way 15,038 4.59% Figure 3 English Way 11,321 3.76 % English Way 14,150 4.32 % Distribution of pilgrims Via de la Plata 9,138 3.04 % Via de la Plata 13,841 4.23 % along the different Caminos de Santiago in 2018. BY THE Portuguese way 6,630 2.43 % Portuguese way 9,127 2.79 % AUTHORS, BASED ON https:// of the Coast +581+116 of the Coast oficinadelperegrino.com/ Muxía-Fisterra 665 0.22 % Muxía-Fisterra 1,131 0.35 % estadisticas/ Way Way Winter Way 526+29 0.18 % Winter Way 703 0.21 % Other routes 537 0.17 % Other routes 326 0.10 % The Portuguese 338 0.11 % The Portuguese 308 0.09 % Way of St James Way of St James while their number increases, its proportion sity, finding oneself, and also to bring some in relation to the other “ways” is gradually order to the pilgrims’ lives (cf. Pereiro, 2019). decreasing; in other words more and more pilgrims are choosing the other routes to The cicatur methodology applied to Santiago, many of them motivated by their the analysis of cultural heritage experiences of other ways (cf. Pereiro, 2019). The methodology used in this research was Demand for the CPIS is still extremely low anthropological field work in a triangular among pilgrims, because it is still largely multi-method articulation with documen- unknown and barely publicised, although it tary analysis and interviews with pilgrims, is noteworthy that many of the pilgrims who walkers, tourism officials, politicians, entre- travel to Santiago do not collect the "Com- preneurs and other social agents around the postela" at the Pilgrim's Reception Office run CPIS. The research began in September by the Cathedral church of the Archdiocese 2015 and was supported by national and of Santiago de Compostela, so they are not European research funding. During the registered as pilgrims in the official statistics. fieldwork stage we carried out an exercise in auto-anthropology by walking several There are numerous reasons for making the stages along the Portuguese Way of the CPIS pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and and the Via de la Plata from Verín. While Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 153 walking, we captured ethnography on the The CICATUR model applied to the anal- move, making an audiovisual record of the ysis of the CPIS was carried out in three route, identifying and analysing elements phases: such as signage, and talking to hostel work- 1) Identification, inventory and cataloguing ers, hotel managers, restaurateurs, tourism heritage assets classified in the territory officials, pilgrims and local people (cf. Ingold crossed by the CPIS, based on the infor- and Vergunst, 2008). mation provided by the Portuguese State in the SIPA database (cf. Direção Geral This exploratory research gave us a qualita- do Património Cultural). tive and quali-quantitative understanding of 2) Definition of types of classified cultural the revitalisation of this pilgrimage route and heritage (e.g. civil, military, religious, the relationship between tourism and pil- archaeological, vernacular) and assess- grimage as a general problem (cf. Phillmore ment of their attractiveness to tourists and Goodson, 2004; Gutierrez Brito, 2006, based on five categories and several types Ateljevitch, 2007; Richards and Munsters, and subtypes. The result of this step was 2010). Therefore, a fundamental element the creation of a CPIS heritage spread- was the confrontation between auto-an- sheet. thropology and the anthropology of others. 3) The third phase of the application of the But here, we focus on the application of the model consisted of the hierarchisation CICATUR model to the analysis of the cul- of the heritage elements of the CPIS tural heritage of the CPIS and its potential according to their potential attractiveness relationship with tourism. The CICATUR to tourists defined by the researchers in model is a methodology for classifying and combination with the field work on the characterising cultural heritage in order to route itself. analyse its potential (Varisco et al: 2014) to be included or excluded from the tour- For the first phase of the CICATUR model, ist offer of a destination. The CICATUR we applied the following classification sheet methodology has been promoted by the to each cultural heritage asset on the CPIS, Inter-American Tourism Training Center shown in figure 4. (CICATUR) and the Organization of American States (OAS) since 1973, with This sheet (fig. 4) enabled us to analyse the the objective of linking cultural heritage with situation of each classified heritage asset tourism and development. As we will see, and its current or potential relationship to the CICATUR methodology is a type of tourism, something explored in more detail exploratory and descriptive research, which in the section on the analysis of the model we have adapted to the territory in question applied to the CPIS below. Although not and also to Portuguese cultural heritage leg- dealt with in depth in this text, other factors islation. such as accommodation and catering can be including when preparing inventory sheets The techniques associated with this method- (Almeida, 2006: 90), essential elements of ology consist of preparing inventory sheets of the offer for tourists and the pilgrimage each cultural heritage asset of a tourist des- experience. tination to assess the value and importance of cultural heritage in relation to tourism When applying the model in the second and its power of attraction, for example in application phase we used the following the construction of a heritage tourism route. CICATUR sheet, which has five different To assess the potential attractiveness of a categories, as shown in figure 5. heritage asset, its characteristics and possible interest among potential tourists are Category 1 (natural sites) considers the land- considered. scape importance of the asset. Category 2 154 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

(museums and historical-cultural events) be analysed, in this case, not only from the identifies historical sites of importance and researcher’s observations and interpretation, the relevance attributed to them by social but also incorporating voices and perspec- actors. Category 3 (folklore and traditional tives of the social agents of the heritage. We culture) addresses the traditional cultural do not look upon this sheet as the destina- diversity of a territory. Category 4 (contem- tion, rather as a starting point that allows us porary technical achievements) focuses on to identify existing cultural heritage assets mining, industrial, technical and scientific and to analyse their social processes of con- heritage. Category 5 (scheduled events) struction, classification and appreciation. defines organised events and activities, for locals, visitors or both. Lastly, for the third phase of the CICATUR model, i.e. the tourism potential of the CPIS Based on this sheet, the cultural heritage heritage assets, we applied the following of a territory or a tourist-cultural route can analysis and hierarchisation sheet (figure 6).

Figure 4

Identification of the cultural asset - tourist attraction Open to the Location District Municipality Rural public? (visits) Spring Coordinates Type and Period of opening subtype to the public Summer Autumn Property Type Private Public Mixed / other Winter Level of tourist Potential All year round exploitation of Active the attraction The weekend Basic services Drinking water Other Morning/afternoon Electricity Schedule All day Other Which? Secondary Phone/mobile phone Free or paid services Internet entry? Other Dissemination Yes Access roads No Avinguda Carrer Plaça Other Local Regional Sing-posting Yes No National Means of access Public Bus International Taxi Demand Train/metro for asset or attraction (%)/no. Other of visitors Private Car Origin of visitors Local Bicycle Regional Other National Distance From the municipal headquarters International (kilometres) From the municipal capital Evaluation of heritage cultural assets as potential tourist Time (minutes) From the municipal headquarters attractions From the municipal capital Hierarchy 3 Hierarchy 2 Hierarchy 1 Hierarchy 0 State of With intervention conservation Without intervention CICATUR file for cataloguing cultural heritage. CICATUR MODEL Deteriorated ADAPTED FROM https://www.mincetur.gob.pe/wp-content/uploads/ documentos/turismo/consultorias/directoriosManuales/Manual- Formulacion-InventarioRecursosTuristicos-NivelNacional.pdf Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 155

Figure 5

Categories Type Subtype Categories Type Subtype Mountains Mountain ranges Religious manifestations Religious manifestations and popular beliefs Mountain ranges Popular beliefs Volcanoes Fairs and markets Valleys and gorges Music and dances Plateaus Crafts and arts Ceramics Snowy areas/glaciers Fabrics and clothing (...). Metals Plains Plains Leather and skins Deserts Wood Salt Flats Stone Highlands Straw fabrics (...). Musical instruments Valleys Masks Coasts Beaches Objects of rituals 3. Folklore – traditional culture 3. Folklore Cliffs Painting

1. Natural places Imaginary Islets Other Dunes Typical dishes and drinks Bays Ethnic groups Salt Flats Popular and Rocks spontaneous Hot springs architecture Other Mining explorations Agricultural explorations Lakes, lagoons and estuaries Industrial explorations Rivers Works of art and Painting technique Waterfalls Sculpture Caves and caverns Handicrafts Museums Ethnographic Industrial design Architecture Archaeological Urban achievements History

technical achievements Engineering works Natural sciences Scientific centres Zoological

Technology 4. Contemporary scientific or artistic Botanical Artistic Planetary Painting Works of art and Artistic Music technique Sculpture Theatre Decorative arts Film festivals Architecture (...). Urban achievements Events Conventions Engineering works Festivals

2. Historical-cultural manifestations Historical / Places and landmarks Congresses archaeological sites Historical/National events 5. Scheduled Festivals Religious festivals and ruins Monuments Carnivals Archaeological remains Other (...).

CICATUR model classification system. ADAPTED FROM https://www.mincetur.gob.pe/wp-content/uploads/documentos/turismo/consultorias/ directoriosManuales/Manual-Formulacion-InventarioRecursosTuristicos-NivelNacional.pdf 156 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Evaluation of the tourist Figure 6 potential of the classified heritage assets of the CPIS according to the CICATUR Varies Factor Score model. AUTHOR’S COMPILATION Quality Exceptionality / potential attraction 10 Exploration of attraction Active 5 No 0 State of conservation With intervention 5 Without intervention 0 Environment/protected area Yes 5 No 0 Property It is possible to access it 5 30 It is not possible/private 0 Support Accessibility/transport Distance 10 Time 10 Services 5 60 Association with other attractions 5 Diffusion/meaning Local 0 Regional 5 National 10 International 15 Demand for the asset All year round 10 100 1/2 seasons of the year 0 Total 100 %

Application of the cicatur model to According to Portuguese cultural heritage 3 the CPIS law, the above three categories (assets of http://www.patrimoniocultural.pt/ pt/patrimonio/legislacao-sobre- Portuguese cultural heritage is legally clas- national, public and municipal interest) can patrimoni/ sified based on Law No 107/20013, cul- be subdivided into different types: immova- tural heritage can be classified into three ble assets (monuments, ensembles and sites), types (immovable, movable and intangible movable and intangible (ethnographic and assets), and into three categories according ethnological). The assets of national interest to a hierarchy of importance, relevance and category is the most widely recognised nation- territorial recognition: ally and includes the immovable national (a) Assets of national interest: immovable monuments, movable national treasures and national monuments (monuments, UNESCO World Heritage in Portugal. ensembles and sites), movable national treasures, cultural world heritage. As already mentioned, the CPIS runs through 108 parishes which contain 122 b) Assets of public interest. classified cultural heritage assets. The CPIS c) Assets of municipal interest. runs through eight municipalities. Viseu, Lamego, Vila Real and Chaves have the most The CPIS runs through some 108 parishes classified cultural assets and are also the most that contain 122 cultural heritage assets densely populated municipalities. Viseu has classified according to level of interest, con- 30 classified assets, Lamego 21 and Vila Real sidering the above description, which are 23, while Chaves has 15 (fig. 8). The city of classified as follows (fig. 7). Cultural assets classified in the CPIS by categories Eleven heritage assets are in the process of Figure 7 according to Law 107/2001. BY being classified and have not been assigned THE AUTHORS, BASED ON http://www. Assets of national interest 24 monumentos.gov.pt/Site/APP_ to a category. The following is a description Assets of public interest. 80 PagesUser/Default.aspx of the cultural properties classified by type Assets of municipal interest. 13 and municipality. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 157

Figure 8 Classification Assets of national Assets of municipal District Municipality Total interest Assets of public interest. interest. MN IIP MIP SIP CIP MIM IIM CIM SIM EVC Vila Real Chaves 6 8 1 15 Vila Real Vila Pouca de Aguiar 2 4 3 2 11 Vila Real Vila Real 4 11 4 4 23 Vila Real Santa Marta de Penaguião 4 1 5 Vila Real Peso da Régua 1 1 1 1 3 7 Viseu Lamego 4 12 2 1 1 1 21 Viseu Castro Daire 1 8 1 10 Viseu Viseu 6 14 4 1 2 1 2 30 TOTAL 24 62 11 0 1 1 11 1 0 11 122 MN: National Monument; IIP: Public Interest Property; MIP: Monument of Public Interest; SIP: Public Interest Site; IIM: Municipal Interest Property; MIM: Monument of Municipal Interest; CIP: Ensemble of Public Interest; CIM: Ensemble of Municipal Interest; SIM: Site of Municipal Interest; EVC: In the process of being classified.

Types of cultural heritage Peso da Régua and the towns of Santa Marta Interest Property. We will not analyse here assets classified in the CPIS de Penaguião and Vila Pouca de Aguiar have the intangible Jacobean cultural assets we according to their function, fewer classified heritage assets. found and gathered along the CPIS (e.g. content and meaning and their municipal distribution. BY THE sayings, prayers, poetry, liturgy, legends, AUTHORS, BASED ON http://www. The two predominant classification types oral narratives, festivals, rituals, etc.), but monumentos.gov.pt/Site/APP_ PagesUser/Default.aspx are National Monuments and Public Inter- we would still remark upon the materialistic est Property. There are 24 heritage assets and objectifying domain of cultural heritage classified as National Monuments and 62 classification in the CPIS territory. as Public Interest Property. As for heritage assets of municipal interest, these are scarce In addition to the classifications guided by in the CPIS territory. Law 107/2001 on Portuguese cultural heritage, we have divided the CPIS cultural According to our CPIS cultural heritage assets into five other types according to their database4, there are 507 unprotected and function, content and referential meaning: a) unclassified cultural heritage elements, and religious cultural assets; b) military cultural nine points of landscape and natural inter- assets; c) civil cultural assets; d) archaeolog- est on the route, which shows how heritage ical cultural assets; e) vernacular cultural selection is always a funnel and a version of assets. In figure 9 below we break down this culture and nature. division, with its corresponding municipal distribution. Another important aspect for our research is the link between classified cultural heritage As shown in figure 9, the types of civil cul- and the Jacobean heritage of the CPIS, that tural heritage (houses, bridges, fountains, is, the relationship between heritage and roads, pelourinhos...) and religious heritage the cults of Saint James. Throughout the (churches, chapels, monasteries, crosses...) CPIS there are 17 Jacobean tangible assets predominate, followed by archaeological linked to the cult to Saint James. These con- heritage and military heritage. There is little sist of religious heritage like churches and of the heritage defined here as vernacular, chapels, whose patron is Saint James. The which we could also call ethnological and 4 https://www.arcgis.com/apps/ church of Santiago de Mondrões in Vila partly intangible, while still affirming the webappviewer/index.htm- Real is the only one which has been classi- close relationship between the tangible and l?id=37deb265f0834e3a81e- fied and recognised, in this case as a Public intangible aspects of heritage construction. f8e0377ef4f8d 158 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Figure 9 Religious Military Archaeological Vernacular Municipality heritage heritage Civil heritage heritage heritage Total Chaves 4 4 2 5 15 Vila Pouca de Aguiar 2 1 3 5 11 Vila Real Santa Marta de Penaguião 11 1 10 1 23 Peso da Régua 6 1 7 Lamego 12 1 7 1 21 Castro Daire 3 6 1 10 Viseu 7 1 14 8 30 Total 42 14 45 19 2 122

Applying the CICATUR model to the suggests inequality, heritage hierarchy and Types of cultural heritage assets classified in the CPIS CPIS a dominant institutional and legal vision according to their function, Based on the cultural heritage classified (Smith, 2006). content and meaning and their according to Portuguese Cultural Heritage municipal distribution. AUTHOR’S COMPILATION Law 107/2001, we applied the CICATUR As regards the hierarchy of classified her- model and divided the heritage assets into itage assets and their potential for tour- five categories, subdivided into types and ism, i.e. the third phase of the CICATUR 5 subtypes according to the CICATUR model model, we evaluated the importance of https://www.mincetur.gob.pe/ manual adapted to the CPIS5. several factors such as distance, ownership, wp-content/uploads/documentos/ turismo/consultorias/directorios access, state of conservation of the asset Manuales/Manual-Formulacion- According to the CICATUR data sheet and other variables shown above in fig- InventarioRecursosTuristicos- Niv- shown in figure 5 above, we can confirm ure 6. To summarise, we conclude that in elNacional.pdf that all the heritage assets classified in the terms of the quality of the assets we have CPIS fall into the "museums and cultural in the CPIS 58 private assets, 51 public events” category: assets, four of mixed ownership and nine undefined assets. Most of the private assets We conclude that most of the cultural her- belong to the Catholic Church and many itage classified in the CPIS environment of them are out of bounds to visitors, such consists of historical architectural and as the chapel of "Nossa Senhora de Saúde" Classification of CPIS archaeological heritage, with an absence of attractions according to the (Viseu) and the pelourinho of Ervededo CICATUR model. AUTHOR’S ethnological and intangible heritage, which (Chaves). The fact that numerous assets are COMPILATION

Figure 10 Peso Vila Pouca Vila Santa Marta de da Castro Area Type Subtype Chaves de Aguiar Real Penaguião Régua Lamego Daire Viseu Museums History 1 1 1 5 Natural sciences 1 Works of art Architecture 4 5 13 3 12 2 10 and technique Urban achievements 2 5 2 5 4 5 13 Engineering works

manifestations Historical/ Places and landmarks 1 3 archaeological Museums and cultural sites and ruins Historical monuments 6 1 4 1 4 1 5 Archaeological remains 3 5 4 Total: 122 15 11 23 5 7 21 10 30 Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 159

Hierarchies of tourism potential of heritage assets Figure 11 according to the CICATUR Hierarchy Description model. BY THE AUTHORS, ADAPTED FROM THE CICATUR MODEL Hierarchy IV Exceptional appeal and of great significance for the international tourist market, capable by itself of motivating a considerable stream of current or potential visits. Hierarchy III Exceptional appeal capable by itself of attracting a stream of visitors from the internal, national or domestic market, and to a lesser extent than the assets in hierarchy IV. Hierarchy II Heritage assets with some impressive features, able to interest visitors either from the internal market or from the external market coming to the region, or able to motivate current or potential local tourists. Hierarchy I Assets without sufficient merits to be considered in the previous hierarchies even though they may be included as a complementary part of the tourist experience. private does not mean that they are closed CPIS heritage assets in descending order as to the public, as is the case with churches explained in figure 11. and chapels owned by the Catholic Church. Although today’s tourism market seems to Another important piece of information is support the idea that all heritage assets can the state of repair. Only eight of the 122 assets be integrated into the tourism system, the in the CPIS are in a poor state of repair or CICATUR model establishes limits, hierar- abandoned, and the rest have been preserved chies of relevance and the implicit sustaina- or have been restored or rehabilitated. Access bility of the heritage asset itself and its mean- to these assets is important and all are easy to ings. According to the CICATUR model, reach by car or on foot, but reaching some the higher the score of the heritage asset, the heritage properties located in rural areas greater its attractiveness and potential for along the CPIS route by public transport is tourism to be included in routes or other more difficult. Most of these properties are tourist products and experiences. Based only known about locally or regionally, and on the application of this model, the fol- only some (e.g. Black Clay Pottery in Bisal- lowing are the results of the hierarchisation hães is recognised by UNESCO as intangible and tourist potential of the CPIS heritage world heritage for its production process, (figure 12): Alto Douro Vinhateiro is world heritage for its organically evolved landscape) are By applying the data sheet we have added promoted and disseminated internationally. seven heritage assets to hierarchy IV, namely the Roman Baths and the Roman Bridge of In this third phase of application of the Trajan in the city of Chaves; the palace of CICATUR model and after analysing 122 Mateus in Vila Real; the Sanctuary of "Nossa heritage properties classified according to Senhora dos Remédios" in Lamego, jewel Hierarchy and tourist potential the Evaluation of Tourism Potential sheet of Portuguese Baroque; Lamego Cathe- of the CPIS classified heritage assets distributed (fig. 6) explained above, we established dral; Viseu Cathedral; and the Grão Vasco by municipalities. AUTHOR’S four hierarchies of potential for tourism of Museum of Contemporary Art in Viseu. COMPILATION

Figure 12 Vila Pouca Vila Santa Marta de Peso da Castro Hierarchy Chaves de Aguiar Real Penaguião Régua Lamego Daire Viseu Total IV 2 1 2 2 7 III 6 1 6 1 1 2 3 20 II 2 5 9 3 11 3 14 47 I 5 5 7 5 3 7 5 11 48 Total 15 11 23 5 7 21 10 30 122 160 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

These properties are classified as "national elements can or should obey tourism log- monuments" and currently attract large ics. In the past, cultural heritage considered numbers of national and foreign visitors. identity logics that tourism must neither They are considered exceptionally attractive underestimate nor undervalue. and important to the international tourism market. As a result of the case study presented in this paper, we also conclude that additional We have included 20 heritage assets in hier- classification, relevance and recognition of archy three which correspond to religious heritage assets facilitates increased poten- buildings. We registered 47 assets in hierar- tial for tourism. However, from a critical chy II and 48 in hierarchy I. In our opinion, perspective, we believe that the dominant the latter seem to be of little interest to tour- classifications of cultural heritage should be ists because they are in a poor state of repair, challenged and that other types of cultural isolated and inaccessible. We believe they are heritage, which are less significant and rele- only able to attract local and regional tour- vant to legislators and technicians than they ism and that this will not change (Oliveira, are to local people, should be integrated in 2012: 64). the interests of their identity and for social and educational purposes. In other words, Conclusions ethnological, intangible and ethno-anthro- Based on the application of the CICATUR pological heritage could be more prominent model to the analysis of the classified heritage in official cultural heritage classifications. of the CPIS we can conclude that not all her- How? By increasing non-cosmetic social par- itage assets are plausible tourism products. ticipation in the cultural heritage selection, In the past, cultural heritage was not initially definition and classification processes. And intended for tourism, but in contemporary also by questioning the monumental, archi- societies, the relationship between cultural tectural, material and religious dominance heritage and tourism has become problem- of the hegemonic classifications of cultural atic as regards its commercialisation, appreci- heritage. This would make it possible to rec- ation, interpretation and consumption. This ognise the cultural diversity of heritage with is why it is necessary to establish models and more subtlety and offer more diversity and criteria for analysing the potential of heritage intercultural tourism. n assets as tourist attractions, starting from the theoretical assumption that not all heritage

REFERENCES

Adrião, V. M. (2011). Santiago Ballart Hernández, J.; Juan i Cova, M.; Meléndez, Z. (2014). de Compostela: Mistérios da Ro- Treserras, J. (2001). Gestión del “Jerarquización de los Recursos ta Portuguesa. Lisboa: Dinapress. patrimonio cultural. Barcelona: Turísticos de la Parroquia Catedral, Ariel. Municipio Heres, Estado Bolívar”, Almeida, M. V. (2006). Matriz de Espacios, 35(1), 4. Avaliação do Potencial Turístico de Ballart, J. (1997). El patrimonio Localidades Receptoras. (Doctor- histórico y arqueológico: valor y Cunha, A. (2005). “O Caminho al thesis). University of São Paulo, uso. Barcelona: Ariel. português: património e etnogra- São Paulo. fia”. Turismo religioso: o Camiño Brochado de Almeida, C. A.; de Santiago, 49-84. Vigo: Univer- Ateljevic, I.; Pritchard, A.; Mor- Brochado de Almeida, P. M. sidade de Vigo. gan, N. (ed.). (2007). The Critical (2011). Caminhos Portugueses Turn in Tourism Studies. Innovative de Peregrinação. O Caminho do Fernandes, P. A. (2018). Guia Research Methodologies. Amster- Litoral para Santiago. Maia: IS- dos Caminhos de Santiago. Porto: dam: Elsevier. MAI-CEDTUR-CETRAD. Porto Editora. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 161

local – localising the global (187- Gutiérrez Brito, J. (coord.) Pereiro, X; Fernandes, F; 201). Tilburg: ATLAS. (2006). La investigación social (2018). Antropologia e turismo. del turismo. Perspectivas y apli- Teorias, métodos, praxis [en línea]. Richards, G.; Munsters, W. (co- caciones. Madrid: Thomson. La Laguna (Tenerife): PASOS ord.) (2010). Cultural Tourism Re- [Last consulted: September ralidade e Turismo. Etnografias La memoria construida. Patrimo- 2018]. de Portugal Continental e dos nio cultural y modernidad. Valen- Açores. Lisboa: ICS. cia: Tirant lo Blanch. Pereiro, X. (2019). “Turismo y peregrinación, dos caras de la Tranoy, A. (1981). Le Galice Ingold, T.; Vergunst, J. L. (ed.) misma moneda: el Camino Portu- romaine. Recherches sur le nord- (2008). Ways of Walking. Eth- guês Interior de Santiago de Com- ouest de la péninsule Ibérique nography and Practice on Foot. postela”. Cuadernos de Turismo [in dans l’Antiquité. Paris: Publica- Aldershot: Asghate. process of publication]. tions du Centre Pierre Paris, Dif- fusion de Boccard. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. Phillmore, J.; Goodson, L. (ed.) (2001). “La cultura de les desti- (2004). Qualitative Research in Smith, L. (2006). Uses of Herit- nacions: teoritzar el patrimoni”. Tourism. Ontologies, Epistemol- age. London: Routledge. Catalonian Journal of Ethnology, ogies and Methodologies. London, 14, 44-61. Routledge. Varisco, C.; Castellucci, D.; González, M. G.; Muñoz, M. J., Margry, P. J. (ed.) (2008). Shrines Poria, Y.; Ashworht, G. (2009). Padilla, N. (2014). “El Relevam- and Pilgrimage in the Modern “Heritage Tourism–Current Re- iento Turístico: de CICATUR a la World. New Itineraries into the source for Conflict”. Annals of Planificación Participativa” [On- Sacred. Amsterdam: Amsterdam Tourism Research, 36 (3), 522- line]. VI Congreso Latinoameri- University. 525. cano de Investigación Turística. Neuquén. A grande obra dos Caminhos de M.; Marques, S. (2015). “Proces- [Last consulted: October 2017]. so de Formatação de Atrativos Santiago. A Coruña: Hércules. Turísticos Sustentáveis”. Turismo em Análise, 26(3), 639-667. Prats, L. (1997). Antropología y patrimonio. Barcelona: Ariel. Oliveira, I. C. (2012). A hierar- quização dos atrativos naturais no Prat, J. (2011). “¿Por qué cam- município de Presidente Figueire- inan? Una Mirada antropológica do. Rio de Janeiro: E-papers. sobre el Camino de Santiago”. In Nogués-Pedregal, A. M.; Checa Peralta, E.; Anico, M. (orgs.) Olomos, F. (coords.), La cultura (2006). Patrimónios e identidades. sentida. Homenaje al Profesor Ficções Contemporâneas. Oeiras: Salvador Rodríguez Becera (495- Celta. 529). Seville: Signatura ediciones.

Pereiro, X. (2017). “Turipere- Richards, G. (2004). “The fes- grinos portugueses no Caminho tivalisation of society or the so- Português Interior de Santiago cialisation of festivals: the case of de Compostela”. Revista Turismo Catalunya”. In Richards, G. (ed.), & Desenvolvimento, 27/28, 413- Cultural Tourism: globalising the 423.

INTERNET REFERENCES

risticos-NivelNacional.pdf> [Last [Last consulted: aspx> [Last consulted: September [Last con- November 2018] 2018] sulted: September 2018] [Last consulted: No- pe/wp-content/uploads/docu pt/pt/patrimonio/legislacao- vember 2018] mentos/turismo/consultorias/ sobre-patrimonio/> [Last consult- directoriosManuales/Manual-For ed: November 2018] mulacion-InventarioRecursosTu 162 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Vita Santoro UNIVERSITY OF BASILICATA (ITALY) PhD, is an anthropologist. Currently at the University of Basilicata (Italy) she is adjunct professor in anthropological subjects, member of the team of the UNESCO Chair in ‘Mediterranean Cultural Landscapes and Communities of Knowledge’ and research fellow within the I-DEA Project for Matera ECoC 2019. Since 2012 she has carried out a number of studies and research in Italy (Basilicata and Abruzzo Regions) and abroad (Alagoas- Brazil, and Catalonia). Her main research topics are: museums and heritage anthropology, urban anthropology, anthropology of landscape and anthropology of writing. She is member of SIAC and of SIMBDEA, since 2013 coordinates the editorial staff of the journal “Archive of Ethnography” and has published several essays and articles mainly in journals and volumes of the anthropological field. Making use of memories in contemporary tourist practices and patrimonialization processes The case study of the Sassi in Matera

View of the Via D’Addozio (Sasso Barisano), 1961. PH. DOMENICO NOTARANGELO ARCHIVE. Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 163 FOCUS

Displacements line with the construction of official speeches Paraules clau: (Foucault, 2004), and that persists today and Patrimonialización, Turisme, he conditions of social now connects with the contemporary issues Records, Estereotips Narratius, and ethnographic scan- of heritage and tourism (Kirshenblatt-Gim- Retòrica discursiva. Palabras clave: dal in the Sassi districts blett, 1998; Bendix et al., 2012). Patrimonialización, Turismo, of the city of Matera, in Recuerdos, Estereotipos Southern Italy’s Basilicata By the 1960s, the process of heritage-making Narrativos, Retórica Region, had already been discursiva. had begun, and the Sassi have never ceased Key words: heritage-making, set in motion between the eighteenth and nine- to be a strong and constitutive knot of urban tourism, memories, narrative Tteenth centuries. From the early years of the identity, passing from “ethnographic scan- stereotypes, discursive rhetoric. twentieth century, the inhabitants of the city’s dal”, “national shame” or problem of hygiene, two historic districts of cave dwellings, first health and social order, to “object of aesthetic occupied in Palaeolithic times, grew demogra- contemplation”, “national heritage to be pre- phically in a disproportionate manner and were served and protected” and, finally, heritage of reduced to conditions of social and economic humanity inscribed in the UNESCO Repre- marginalization (Mirizzi, 2010). sentative List (Mirizzi, 2010).

This state of subalternity only began to be The profound changes taking place in the addressed as a result of political, urban, city, which are determined above all by the socio-cultural and economic events that recent and massive development of tourism, have occurred after the Second World War. can be seen as a sort of “cathartic act for In particular, between 1952 and about 1973, the collective conscience and of nemesis for under the National Law n. 619 and subse- the historical conscience” (Mirizzi, 2010: quent laws for the rehabilitation of historic 74). Among the most visible consequences districts, inhabitants of the Sassi were evacu- of these changes is the start of a process of ated and transferred to new urban districts. re-appropriation and gentrification of part These events caused almost a fracture, a of the Sassi districts. watershed that marked a decisive change in the cultural and human history of the city. A question of gazes... and of symbolic and discursive practices In those years, Matera itself became an Due to its complex and stratified historical emblem of the backwardness of the whole and human events, its evocative and sym- of Southern Italy, a symbol in the political bolic meanings, as well as some fortunate battle after the Second World War, a battle literary and intellectual conjunctions across that has been a continuous effort of represen- the last century, the city of Matera has long tation and self-representation, more or less in been considered the capital of Italian ant-

Aquesta contribució es basa en l’etno- Esta contribución se basa en la etnografía This contribution draws on ongoing ethno- grafia en curs de Matera (Itàlia) i analitza en curso en Matera (Italia) y analiza la graphic studies being conducted in Matera, la realització de narracions, estereotips i elaboración de narrativas, estereotipos y Italy, and analyses the foundation of narra- retòrica discursiva sobre esdeveniments retórica discursiva sobre los acontecimien- tives, stereotypes and discursive rhetoric històrics de la ciutat que poden influir tos históricos de la ciudad que pueden in- surrounding the city’s historical events that en la definició de la identitat urbana fluir en la definición de la identidad urbana have the potential to influence the definition contemporània. L’objectiu principal de la contemporánea. El objetivo principal de la of the city’s contemporary urban identity. investigació és reflexionar sobre alguns investigación es reflexionar sobre algunos The main objective of the research is to re- processos relacionats amb els períodes procesos relacionados con los períodos de flect on certain processes related to the pe- de desplaçament dels seus habitants des desplazamiento de sus habitantes desde riods during which inhabitants of the Sassi dels districtes de Sassi i la reubicació als los Barrios Sassi y la reubicación en los districts were displaced and relocated to nous suburbis urbans; als nombrosos nuevos suburbios urbanos; a los numero- new urban suburbs. It also addresses the reconeixements patrimonials i a la creació sos reconocimientos patrimoniales y a la city’s wealth of heritage recognitions and recent d’imatgeria turística que fan ús reciente creación de imágenes turísticas the recent creation of a tourist imagery that de records estereotipats i històricament que utilizan memorias estereotipadas e makes use of stereotyped and historically descontextualitzats. históricamente descontextualizadas. decontextualised memories. 164 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS hropology, a sort of research laboratory for timeless (Faeta 2010). Sassi has become a anthropological and social sciences. In fact, stereotype, an emblematic image projected the explosion of the scandal began with the by intellectuals and writers, as well as by discovery of the city and its contradictions by many photographers and filmmakers who important representatives of Italian culture have visited or worked in the region. Basili- militant especially after the Second World cata and Matera have become, in this sense, War (Levi, 2010). The research by anthro- a place ‘out of time’, a privileged scenario pologists and scholars of social sciences for archaic, ancestral and exotic represen- have also allowed to understand in depth tations, in a sort of “repeated process of the living conditions of the lower classes of orientalisation” of Southern Italy (Faeta, the Basilicata Region (Mirizzi 2010). 2010: 25).

In line with the historical representations This stereotyped narrative, photographic and evocative images that have accompanied and cinematographic imaginary of the city descriptions of the city since the end of the of Matera, which was built ad hoc, has been eighteenth century (Mirizzi, 2010), Matera used in the discursive construction by the has for decades been the subject of a rhetoric central power (Foucault 2004) to designate of shame (Pontrandolfi, 2002) produced the Sassi districts as degraded and to jus- as part of a discursive construction that is tify the displacements. In keeping with the ideologically oriented and nurtured by cliché usual “view of the dichotomous contrasts and social prejudices. that govern the construction of identity”, this discourse helped to confirm and stren- Visit to the Sassi It is an enduring visual paradigm, a synec- gthen “the Italian identity, the modernity of of Matera by Prime doche for the city of Matera and, indeed, the country, its ability to keep up with the Minister Alcide De Gasperi, 1952. of the entire Basilicata Region as a place times and to enter the list of modern Western PH. DOMENICO NOTARANGELO of archaism and diversity, backward and nations” (Faeta, 2010: 27). ARCHIVE. Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 165 FOCUS

The Sassi as a place of city of aesthetic and historical-artistic value of 1 memories the site, but also of the landscape and of its During the interviews for my ethnographic research, conducted The collective imagery of the Sassi and the importance as a place of identity in the his- among the former inhabitants of identity of the city have thus been cons- tory of the city. Since then, there has been an the Sassi of Matera, it emerged tructed, defined and re-defined periodically escalation of projects aimed at safeguarding, that not all the inhabitants of the Sassi agreed to leave their homes depending on the representations that have recovering and obtaining institutional recog- and move to the new city districts. been made, resulting in a sort of ‘disconnec- nition. Nowadays the Sassi are no longer the Often the older people refused to tion’ between these representations and the uninhabitable place to be ashamed of, but a leave their homes, while the younger ones were better prepared for life lived by those of Sassi. A standardized useful place to build a positive image of the change and eager to live in more narrative of the way of life and feelings of contemporary city. (Smith 2006). comfortable and modern conditi- the people who had lived in the Sassi was ons. Numerous testimonies tell of frictions (especially intergeneratio- produced, a narrative that depicts them as The patrimonial logic (Palumbo, 2003; Har- nal) within families during the years oppressed, miserable, in opposition to the rison, 2013), with which the complex ques- life of the rest of the city, as if in the course tion of the recovery of the Sassi was addres- of time the inhabitants of the two areas of sed, has produced very different debates and Matera had never been a single and cohesive visions over time; on the one hand, there urban and social body. were those who2 proposed to safeguard them Home Interior with an exclusively for their monumental, urban elderly inhabitant in a cave of the Sassi. Late Fifties. The process of abandonment and the architec- and architectural value, and on the other, PH. DOMENICO NOTARANGELO tural recovery of the empty houses of the Sassi there were those who stressed their imma- ARCHIVE. has developed in parallel with the design and construction of the new city districts. Some architectural and urban interventions designed and carried out in the city were characterized by an unusual attention to the social, spatial and housing organization. In fact, these were mainly aimed at avoiding disorientation due to the abandonment of the Sassi, facilitating resettlement in the new districts and ensuring the maintenance of the habits of life and use of spaces adapted to the conditions of rural life of the majority of the inhabitants, including the perpetuation of ritual and daily practices in modern environments.

The change, created by the emptying of the Sassi and by relocation of its inhabitants in the new neighbourhoods, have caused in many of those displaced a sort of double trauma: first, of having experienced the social degradation of the Sassi, and second, of having then left there, sometimes in a forced way1, abandoning their houses and also habits of life and consolidated social ties. Individual traumas and discomforts were thus added to collective traumas and discomforts.

Starting in the 1960s, as mentioned above, and in the midst of the events surrounding the emptying of the houses, the process of heritage-making of the Sassi began, with the concomitant emergence of an awareness 166 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS terial value (Clemente, 1995; Bortolotto, their inhabitants. A project for a demo-et- of displacement. In addition, there are some witnesses who say that 2011), as a dense ‘place of memory’ of the hnoanthropological museum of the Sassi has they have not visited the old houses city, “testimony to the ability of man to adapt been proposed several times but never realized in the Sassi after leaving them psychologically, economically and socially to (Mirizzi, 2005). Finally, in 2014 the city was in order to forget the poor living conditions of their families. the environment”, and “archive of the moral able to obtain, during a long competition and material misery of the lower classes and between Italian cities, the title of “European 2 In this regard, the opinion and at the same time of the indifference of the Capital of Culture 2019” (ECoC), with the feeling of old residents has almost local ruling classes” (Mirizzi 2010:72). aim of developing a specific program of cultu- never been taken into account. Ins- ral events and contribute to boosting tourism. tead, some of the few current inhabitants of the Sassi have organized The patrimonial logic (Palumbo, 2003; Har- themselves into neighbourhood rison, 2013), with which the complex ques- From peasant districts, connotative of sub- committees to discuss and agree tion of the recovery of the Sassi was addressed, ordinate, miserable and scandalous living urban planning policies. has produced very different debates and visi- conditions, with all the consequent symbo- 3 ons over time. On the one hand, there were lic load, the Sassi have now become stately The development of tourism, those who proposed to safeguard the houses quarters; through renovation, the old houses massive and impacting is for some people an opportunity to counte- and other spaces exclusively for their monu- have been transformed into commercial and ract the emigration of young people mental, urban and architectural value, and reception activities3. This has resulted in a from the city. At the same time it is for many local entrepreneurs is a on the other, there were those who stressed disproportionate increase in the value of chance for further enrichment. their immaterial value (Clemente, 1995; Bor- buildings and rents, a new process of “aban- tolotto, 2011), as a dense “place of memory” donment” by those citizens of Matera who of the city, “testimony to the ability of man had decided to re-inhabit them to reverse to adapt psychologically, economically and the degradation due to abandonment, even socially to the environment” and “archive of the moral and material misery of the lower classes and at the same time of the indifference of the local ruling classes” (Mirizzi 2010:72).

The touristic image-making machinery Within the framework of the construction of local identity politics a game of conscious reversal of the image of misery and shame has been played. According to the majority of the people of Matera and Southern Italy, the Sassi are emancipated definitively from the negative stereotypes and previous stigmas, becoming, on the one hand, in “heritage of humanity” and, on the other, a seductive tourist icon expendable in the global market of cultural tourism (Appadurai, 1998; Simo- nicca, 2006; Di Giovine, 2009).

In 1993, the Sassi were included in the UNESCO Representative List of the World Heritage Sites, as a cultural landscape indi- before the recognition by UNESCO, which Serra Venerdì, one of the new suburban district built after cative of the harmonious use of the environ- has accelerated the processes of capitalization the displacement of the Sassi. ment by man. Several years before, some and gentrification. Late Fifties. local intellectuals had already suggested a PH. DOMENICO NOTARANGELO ARCHIVE. widespread operation of museumification The inhabitants of the city have had to rein- of the Sassi to preserve them from degradation vent themselves and learn to tell themselves and abandonment to which they had been through the eyes of others (tourists). For subjected after the displacement of most of example, stories about the life that took Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 167 FOCUS place in the Sassi before they were emp- again its representations, this time building tied, episodes about misery, exploitation selective narratives, in which there are no ine- or neighbourhood relations have become vitable social conflicts, despite the fact that useful stereotypes to give colour to any pseu- they exist, and no frictions within heritage do-cultural project or event. Life stories have arenas, although they, too, exist (Palumbo, been deliberately trivialized in the collective 2003). These sweetened narratives are aimed narrative and shredded in the performance at strengthening the imaginary for tourism machine, without any ambition of a criti- (Urry, 2011; Salazar, Graburn, 2014) and cal approach or self-reflection on one’s own enriching the new city economy. history and on the city’s most recent past. The recognition of ECoC 2019 has certainly The Sassi, as a product of peculiar and accelerated these processes. complex practices and policies of heritage-making, therefore have been delibera- The new city of Matera, especially after the tely objectified and essentialized to become recent successful events and the many inter- ‘collective identity marks’, identities that are national awards, has established a different mostly ‘imagined’, ‘abstract’ and ‘rarefied’ relationship with its cultural heritage and (Palumbo, 2003). When the memory of its controversial history, and has re-desig- places has to be made available to tourist ned once imagery, the strategies and discourses produced imply, in fact, complex mechanisms of interpretation, construction and valida- tion of what has to be remembered and patrimonialized (Kirshenblatt-Gim- blett, 1998). It is a

Casalnuovo District (Sasso Caveoso), the location for the ongoing project of an open air museum on peasant condition, 2019. PH. VITA SANTORO. 168 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS process in which “hosts find themselves in times, resistant and aware actors, “engaged 4 the ambiguous position of actors, producers in a relational game with profound cultural Reactions to these processes have sometimes been able to generate and recipients of narration and discourses meanings” (Satta, 2009: 142). interesting social movements of about their own past” (Mancinelli, Palou protest and resistance to uncon- Rubio, 2016: 167), and yet often what is Why would we feel ashamed?5 trolled human pressure (Milano, 2018). produced and disseminated is a disordered The ethnography, still in progress, in the set of stereotypes and clichés. city of Matera allows these very first reflec- 5 This is a rhetorical question that tions on the politics of identity, heritage and the elderly witnesses interviewed For its part, tourism is notoriously a hete- tourism, in particular on the ways in which during my ethnographic research rogeneous phenomenon of movement and memories, narratives, speeches and rhetoric have often asked me. According to them, those who should have global circulation of people, objects, imagi- relating to the salient events of recent city been ashamed of themselves were naries, experiences, ideas, behaviours, iden- history have been preserved, disseminated, the politicians and hegemonic tities, norms and rights able to produce both and sometimes strategically manipulated classes of the city, which allowed a large part of the local population subjectivity and territoriality. As part of a shaped by objectives set by individuals and to live in miserable and subordinate network of socio-economic processes, it also groups of intellectuals with cultural, political conditions. It is interesting to note contributes to the functioning and expan- or economic power. that part of the cultural program produced for Matera ECoC 2019 sion of the world capitalist system, since it was designed starting from the is able to favour rapid forms of capital accu- The Sassi are certainly a strongly symbolic consolidated rhetoric of shame mulation. Moreover, it is a system that often and evocative place of events that deter- with respect to the past living conditions of the inhabitants of the reproduces social and economic inequalities mine the life of the city and its inhabitants, Sassi Districts, sometimes in an and strengthens strong powers. One could a place full of a sort of “sacredness”, a place attempt to overturn or deconstruct its meaning. Also my research say, with Nogues-Pedregal, that “tourism of memory that people have used to legiti- activities are aimed at collecting is another name for power”; it transforms mize the past (whatever it is) and to reveal memorial documents, oral testi- the ownership of territories and consumes historical continuity (Nora, 1989). In tou- monies and objects of affection of the historical inhabitants of the local resources, modifies the forms of social rist contexts, relationships with the past Sassi, useful for the realization of stratification, of the market and of the ways are constantly created and re-created in a some exhibits for the I-DEA Project. of work, as well as the distribution of wealth, process that materially contributes to the https://idea.matera-basilicata2019. “produces meanings and creates senses, des- construction of cultural heritage, but it is a it [Accessed: 30 April 2019]. troying some of them and cancelling others” heritage to be understood as a meta-cultu- (Nogues-Pedregal, 2016: 38). ral product decontextualized and managed instrumentally, with little attention paid to Furthermore, the holders of property rights on individual and collective memories and with cultural goods and practices are almost never the overproduction of narratives and tou- the legitimate beneficiaries of economic gains rist imagery, which, as real cultural models derived from tourism, so much so that the (Salazar, Graburn, 2014), transform those awareness of the lack of recognition of rights same places of memory into tourist spaces can be manifested through forms of discomfort full of decontextualised symbolic elements, towards the tourist presence, resulting in the the object of social practices in which com- phenomena of overtourism. This notion refers mercial value takes precedence over cultural to the excessive growth of temporary visitor value (Nogues-Pedregal, 2019). flows and the saturation of places, which subject residents to changes in lifestyle and general Identity politics, which revolve around the level of well-being, or for example to limitations cultural heritage of the Sassi (as has hap- in the use of public space4. pened elsewhere), must be considered the result of the stratification of “different nar- However, in events and urban interventions ratives, sometimes even conflicting”, which in public spaces of the city and the historical are “incorporated into practices not limited centre aimed at attracting tourists and visu- to tourism” (Satta, 2009: 142). Of course, ally representing the redeemed city, many every practice of remembrance speaks to us interesting examples of human agency can of places, but also of individuals, lived lives, be identified in which both citizens and events and objects, even beyond awareness tourists themselves show that they are, at that the processes of memory enhancement Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 169 FOCUS can be changeable and complex, changing public memory and historical representati- with the needs that may gradually emerge. ons are continuously produced and re-produced, tending to generate a gap between Even as the new historical situation of the the social and institutionalized memories city of Matera sees the enhancement of and the memories of individuals who cons- cultural heritage and the phenomenon of titute the “moral community” of cities. tourism intersecting and influencing each Through the recovery and enhancement other, the social and collective memory will of polyphonic and dissonant memories always tend to be configured as an “interpre- related to the history of the city of Matera tation of the past on the basis of the current is, however, possible to activate practices of interests of the social group of reference” re-appropriation of the most recent past, (Dei, 2005:14). able to generate interesting and dense connections between the cultural heritage of It is clear, therefore, that heritage and tourist the Sassi, testimonies of the old inhabitants areas are characterized by symbolic, rheto- and practices of new generations engaged rical and discursive practices within which in tourism activities. n

REFERENCES

In MIRIZZI, F. (a cura di), Da vicino q=1#metadata_info_tab_con- Appadurai, A. (1998) Moderni- e da lontano. Fotografi e fotografia Mirizzi, F. (2005), Il museo tents> [Accessed: 20 April 2019] ty at large. Cultural Dimension of in Lucania, 21-32. Milano: Franco demoetnoantropologico dei Sas- Globalization. Minneapolis-Lon- Angeli. si a Matera. Genesi e storia di Palumbo, B. (2003) L’Unesco e don: University of Minnesota Press. un’idea, presupposti e ragioni di il campanile. Antropologia, politica un progetto, LARES, anno LXXI, Foucault M. (2004, 1st. ed. 1970) e beni culturali in Sicilia orientale. 2: 213- 251. Bortolotto, C. (dir.) (2011) Le L’ordine del discorso e altri inter- Roma: Meltemi. patrimoine culturel immatériel: venti. Torino: Einaudi. enjeux d’une nouvelle catégorie. Mirizzi, F. (2010) “Les Sassi Pontrandolfi, A. (2002) La ver- Paris: Editions de la Maison des de Matera, du scandale national Harrison, R. (2013) Heritage. gogna cancellata. Matera negli sciences de l’homme. au monument ethnologique”, In Critical Approaches. London: anni dello sfollamento dei Sassi. FABRE, D., IUSO, A. (dir.), Les Routledge. Matera: Altrimedia Edizioni. Bendix, R. F.- Eggert, A. - Pesel- monuments sont habités, 55-73. mann, A. (eds.) (2012) Heritage [Ac- (1998) Destination Culture: (ed.) (2014) Tourism Imaginaries: Studies in Cultural Property, 6. Uni- cessed: 19 February 2019] Tourism, Museums, and Heritage. Anthropological Approaches. Ox- versitätsverlag Göttingen. Berkeley: University of California ford- New York: Berghahn Books. NoguÉS-Pedregal, A.M. (2019) Press. “The instrumental time of memory: Clemente, P. (1995) “La poubelle Satta, Gino. (2009) “Turismo”, agreéé: oggetti, memorie e musei local politics and urban aesthetics Levi, C. (2010, 1st. ed. 1945) AM. Numero Speciale Etnografie del mondo contadino”, Parole- in a tourism context”, Journal of Cristo si è fermato a Eboli. Torino: del contemporaneo: Pratiche e chiave. La memoria e le cose, 9: Tourism Analysis: Revista de Análi- Einaudi. temi degli antropologi, Anno 8, N. sis Turístico. [Accessed: (2016) “Editorial”, International Simonicca, A. (2007), “Turismo etiche e politiche del ricordo”. In 07 March 2019] Journal of Tourism Anthropology, fra discorso, narrativa e potere”, La CLEMENTE, P. e DEI F. (ed.), Po- Special Issue on Tourism and the Ricerca Folklorica, Numero Spe- etiche e Politiche del ricordo. Nogués-Pedregal, A.m. (2016) Place of Memory, Vol. 5, No. 3/4: ciale Antropologia del turismo, 56: Memoria pubblica delle stragi “Entre el lentisco y la jara. Cinco 165-171. 7-29. nazifasciste in Toscana, 11- 48. conclusiones socio-antropológi- Roma: Carocci. cas sobre el turismo”, Quaderns Milano, C. (2008) “Overtourism, de l’Institut Català d’Antropologia, Smith, L. (2006) Uses of heritage. malestar social y turismofobia. Un London: Routledge. Di Giovine, M. A. (2009) The Her- 32: 29-50. debate controvertido”, Pasos. Re- itage-Scape. UNESCO, World vista de Patrimonio y Patrimonio Urry J. - Larsen J. 2011 (3rd ed.) Heritage, and Tourism. Lanham: Nora, P. (1989) “Between Memo- cultural, Vol. 16 N. 3: 551-564. The Tourist Gaze 3.0. London: Lexington Books. ry and History: Les Lieux de Mem- [Accessed: 6 May 2019] della diversità. Per una lettura delle ory, 26: 7-24.

David González Vázquez. SOLIDARITY FOUNDATION EUROPEAN OBSERVATORY ON MEMORIES Project technician at the European Observatory on Memories of the University of Barcelona Solidarity Foundation, associate professor in the Department of Applied Didactics at the Faculty of Education of the University of Barcelona (UB) and associate professor in the Department of History and Art History at the Faculty of Tourism of the University of Girona (UdG). He holds a Degree in History from the UB, a Master's in Cultural Tourism from the UdG and a PhD in Teaching Heritage, Arts and Cultural Tourism from the UB. His speciality and field of study is memory spaces, taking a multidisciplinary approach with a focus on heritage, tourism and education. In the research field, he has participated in several projects with the DIDPATRI Research Group at the Faculty of Education at the UB, of which is a member. Tourism and memory spaces in cross-border Catalonia

ere we will present Pierre Nora (1984) developed a theory of a case study on the lieux de mémoire as tangible and intangible development of sites that represent referents for national memory spaces in communities. This is a broad conceptual Catalan cross-bor- view which has made adaptation to differ- der territory, ana- ent historical and socio-political contexts lysing these as potential tourism products. possible. Latin America, South-east Asia, H Eastern Europe, and many other histori- The so-called memory boom (Traverso, cal and geographical realities have few ties 2007) of the last third of the 20th century to each other in terms of their history. All, has meant that all processes related to ref- however, face the challenge of approaching erences to the past in the present are taken their most recent past through the traces that into account, within a multitude of fields. have been left behind. In addition to strictly academic fields, where a multidisciplinary approach has been used We understand memory spaces as those to study memory, memory is present in a places that link processes and events of the whole range of cultural industries related to past with the present. They are places that literature, the arts or the cinema. appeal to the public, as a critical and con-

El present article exposa de forma breu El presente artículo expone brevemente This article offers a brief introduction to els diferents espais de memòria ubicats a los diferentes lugares de memoria ubica- the different places of memory situated la comarca de l’Alt Empordà i al departa- dos en la comarca del Alt Empordà y el throughout L’Alt Empordà and the Eastern ment dels Pirineus Orientals. Els diferents departamento de Pirineos Orientales. Los Pyrenees. The different memorial and contextos memorials i turístics entre els diferentes contextos memoriales y turís- tourist contexts in Spain and France estats espanyol i francès determinen els ticos entre España y Francia determinan have given rise to varying experiences diferents recorreguts de cada territori. los diferentes recorridos de cada territorio. and processes in these two regions. The La història i memòria comunes entre La historia y memoria comunes entre history and memory shared between ambdós territoris, però, aconsellen una ambos territorios aconseja, sin embargo, them, however, suggest the need to take aproximació analítica conjunta de les una aproximación analítica conjunta de las a joint analytical approach to studying the trajectòries dels diferents espais de me- trayectorias de los diferentes lugares de paths of the places of memory located in mòria de l’àrea transfronterera catalana. memoria del espacio catalán transfronteri- the Catalan cross-border region. These Es tracta d’espais amb poca incidència zo. Se trata de lugares con poca inciden- places have little quantitative impact but a quantitativa però amb un gran potencial cia cualitativa, pero con un gran potencial great potential for cohesion in the region, cohesionador al territori, fet que fa intuir cohesionador en el territorio, lo cual hace which points to possible reactivation of una possible reactivació patrimonial i intuir una posible reactivación patrimonial heritage and tourism in the future. turística en un futur. y turística en el futuro. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 171

FOCUS scious community that has the possibility of memory policies in a country where her- Paraules clau: turisme de accessing knowledge of the useful past as a itage has always played a leading role in its memòria, espais de memòria, tool for the construction of the present and initiatives. A powerful action plan imple- territori transfronterer. the future. Memory spaces are a heritage that mented by the memory spaces team of the Palabras clave: turismo de memoria, lugares de memoria, need this relationship with society. With- time identified, classified and set in order territorio transfronterizo. out retroactivity on the part of the visitor, of importance the places that would later Keywords: Memorial tourism, they would probably be historical spaces form a part of the so-called Network of places of memory, cross-border located within a rigid and closed narrative Democratic Memory Spaces of Catalonia, region. reality. Thus the dialectic between tourism the body created by legislative decree (IRP and heritage is key to understanding them Order, 2010) with a strong focus on tourism in all their complexity. (González, 2014, 2016).

The process of heritagisation of In the context of this evaluation of memory memory in Catalonia and Northern spaces in Catalonia through the development Catalonia of public policies, heritage sites located near In Spain as a whole, and in Catalonia in the Pyrenean border, particularly those in the particular, the aforementioned memory Alt Empordà region, are rapidly positioning boom appeared some decades later than in themselves both nationally and globally as a the rest of Europe, with the turn-of-the-cen- point of reference in the field of memorial tury being the point of reference for what has heritage and an incipient memory tourism. come to be called the process of recovering The so-called border and exile spaces are one historical memory (Silva, 2011). Spanish of the four thematic categories into which and Catalan administrations were able to the ‘network of spaces’ is divided and, along approve their respective memory laws thanks with the generic spaces of the Civil War, in large part to efforts made by civil society through various memory associations.

In Catalonia, this meant the creation of Memorial Democràtic in 2007, the body in charge of promoting public

Interior of the Centre d’Interpretació de l’Exili Cultural Català. MUME 172 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Exterior view of the MUME. MUME

is the one best known and most frequently de mémoire (Cavaignac and Deperne, 2003; referred to. Urbain, 2003; Bouliou, 2013; Da Silva and Bougon, 2013; Hertzog, 2013) gained new North of the border lies the French depart- sites. So it is a peripheral territory in two ment of the Eastern Pyrenees, an area pop- senses, firstly because it lies on the fringes of ularly known as Northern Catalonia, where the official narratives of the French national the traces of history and memory of the most memory, and secondly because it offers traumatic recent past are strongly present. tourists an experience that is far removed The exodus of Spanish republicans in 1939, from mainstream tourism which is focused with the collapse of the Catalan front in almost exclusively on camping for families the Civil War, meant the displacement of and beach holidays. almost half a million people. Hundreds of thousands "withdrew" across the border into Thus, as a result of memorialisation processes France where they were held in deplorable on both sides of the Pyrenees, "a circuit of conditions. memory tourism is beginning to emerge, based around several municipalities both At the time and also later, during the 1970s, in French Catalonia (Elne, Argelès-sur-Mer, a great deal of effort was put into ensuring Saint-Cyprien, Collioure, and Rivesaltes) social recognition of the memory of the and on the other side of the border (La two world wars and the Holocaust, but the Jonquera, Portbou, Agullana and La Vajol) "withdrawal" of the Spanish republicans was "(Font et al., 2016: 76). not a part of this process. It was not until the 1990s that, as in the Spanish case, civil Tourism and memorial spaces in society laid the foundations for beginning cross-border Catalonia. the process of recovering the memory of the The cross-border space par excellence dedi- "withdrawal", organised primarily by associ- cated to memory tourism is to be found in ations of the descendants of those who had the town of La Jonquera, in the Empordà fled into exile. Thanks to these efforts it was region - the Museu Memorial de l’Exili later possible to establish heritage projects (MUME) which opened its doors to the in the memory spaces of North Catalonia. public in February 2008. Located on the Thus, what is known in France as tourisme same road along which more than 200,000 Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 173 FOCUS people travelled into exile in 1939, it was established in order to disseminate the history and memory of the republicans who went into exile (Font, 2009; 2013). The impact of the museum on the region as a whole has been powerful and far-reaching throughout this time. Through a series of initiatives the MUME has been able to cat- alyse a network that has allowed the consolidation of concrete action and projects with a broad scope. The “Withdrawal and Paths into Exile” project, which identified some twenty spaces in the Alt Empordà region that have become part of the fabric of the territory's memory spaces, is a good example. Routes into Exile is an educational project which involves a considerable number of Memorial Democràtic, the city council inau- Exterior view of the remains of gurated the Centre d’Interpretació de l’Exili the operational building at La cross-border links between memory spaces Mina Canta. ENRS (González, 2018), is also part of a heritage Cultural Català de 1939 in 2015. It is a small legacy rooted in the territory and available museum where the visitor can learn about to locals and visitors. and reflect on the impact of war and exile on the world of culture, with the Catalan case as Thanks to these two initiatives led by a point of reference. The use of Mas Perxés, a MUME, different places in Empordà have rural house in Agullana, as a refuge for many what is needed to attract memory tourism. Catalan intellectuals on their way into exile Exterior view of the One of these is Agullana, where, in addition at the beginning of 1939 (Serrano, 2010), Passatges memorial in to the signs linked to the MUME and the justifies the existence of this heritage facility Portbou. MUME 174 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Part of the interior of the Argelers Memorial. ENRS

which, together with plaques identifying the Sant Ferran de Figueres and Peralada castles, various memory spaces relating to exile in the Mina Canta was one of three places in the village, makes Agullana a point of reference Empordà chosen by the Republican govern- on the regional map of memory tourism. ment as a hiding place for its treasure. A complex geographical location, as well as the local A few kilometres from Agullana lies La Vajol, administration of La Vajol's lack of executive the last village before the French border. Here capacity and resources, makes it very difficult we find theMonument a l’exili, a bronze to promote this space for tourism outside sculpture honouring the iconic Gracia fam- the framework of its participation in various ily, as well as the vestiges of the Mina Canta, activities linked to MUME. which is probably one of the tourist sites with the greatest potential in the region (Riera, Still in the Empordà, on its most north-east- 2016) thanks to the adventure narrative erly side, lies the municipality of Portbou. associated with its history. Along with the This is a community with historical roots

Exterior view of the Elna Maternity Home. ENRS Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 175 FOCUS in the worlds of railways and customs and were held by the French government of the excise, which has recently suffered a sig- time. Places like Sant Cebrià, Argelers and nificant decline in both population and Collioure are today the reminders of a mem- economic activity. A limited capacity to ory that many still find uncomfortable. adapt to the new post-border situation following the establishment of the Schengen Among the numerous places with mem- area means that Portbou can to some extent ory spaces of outstanding interest, we be considered a town in decline. Apart from find Argelers. This tourist town, where this particular socio-economic situation, the beaches and accommodation options traces of the memory of exile as well as of aimed at family tourism are the main source those who escaped from the Second World of income, has since 2014 been home to War (Calvet, 2008) exemplified in the par- a museum dedicated to the history of the adigmatic figure of Walter Benjamin, give internment camp that was located on its Portbou with a unique identity. The Coll beaches between 1939 and 1941. Opened de Belitres memorial located at the border in 2014, the Memorial del Camp d'Argel- point with France evokes the memory of ers changed its location in 2017, when it exile, while the Passatges memorial by the moved from Valmy Castle on the outskirts Israeli artist Dani Karavan inaugurated in of the village to Avenue de la Libération in 1994, and the information about Walter the centre of Argelers. Benjamin located in various parts of the town, recall the memory of the philoso- In the town of Elna you can visit the space pher and also of the many refugees fleeing of the former Swiss maternity home, where from deportation and the Holocaust. These between 1939 and 1944 almost 600 children spaces, despite possessing enormous sym- were born to mothers interned in the camps, bolic potential, still have a very low profile a large majority of them Spanish (Castaner, when compared to the attractions of the 2008). It is not a museum as such, but rather natural landscape of the Costa Brava south a memory space that persists as a testimony of Portbou. to the past and receives a significant number of visitors each year. Now in French territory, we find the Costa Vermella, where the beaches have been a Places like Collioure, where the tomb of tourist attraction for French families for dec- Antonio Machado became one of the main ades. This is where the main internment attractions, or the beach at Sant Cebrià camps were located, where the Spanish exiles which, like Argelers, was the site of an intern- Part of the exterior of the Ribesaltes remains. ENRS 176 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS ment camp for Spanish exiles, are some of Perspectives the places on the modest memorial tourism The physical and political border has not trail in North Catalonia. However, since stood in the way of the existence of a com- 2015, the most important attraction is the mon memorial narrative and valuation strat- Memorial de Ribesaltes. Very close to Perpig- egies in the cross-border territory of Cata- nan, the capital of the region, there was an lonia, which comprises the Alt Empordà internment camp that from 1941 onwards region and the French department of the functioned intermittently at different times Eastern Pyrenees. The republican exile has during the 20th century . The museum, been an important shared cultural footprint which opened in the autumn of 2015, was (Pujol, 2009), one that through its memory built partly underground, so the building is spaces has provided the territory with the no higher than the huts of the camp, which necessary resources for the development of remain as a testimonial to the historical a potential memory tourism network. This memory. With a great deal of investment type of tourism, strongly rooted in other by the French authorities, and a substan- parts of France, in Northern Catalonia rep- tial budget to keep it afloat, the Ribesaltes resents only a small attempt at diversifica- Memorial has quickly become a reference tion from what is its standard offer of family Map of exile memory spaces located in the CI, L’Exili Cultural point for memory tourism throughout the tourism, sun and beach. In Catalonia, the Català de 1939. ENRIC PUJOL AND cross-border territory. lack of tradition and the existence of public MARCEL DALMAU.

L’Albera, land of exile

Two of the main departure points for exiles were in the Albera mountain range: La Jonquera-El Pertús and Porbou-Cervera. At the end of January and the beginning of February 1939, the whole area was filled with thousands of people who wanted to cross the border in order to escape from the attack by Franco’s troops, who were unable to stop them in the end. The Catalan Government, the government of the Spanish Republic and the Basque government followed them into exile a few days later. Franco’s troops arrived at the border on 10 February. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 177 FOCUS memory policies that are at the mercy of beyond the States themselves, is a strategic constant strategic swings by the institutions element that must be taken into account in charge of them, make for an uncertain in order to favour the growth of memory future. However, the cross-border aspect, in tourism both in Catalonia and in Northern a 21st century Europe in which joint actions Catalonia. n between different regional areas are valued

REFERENCES

políticos y armados, 71-98. Bilbao: aplicada de turisme cultural. TFM, Bouliou, C. (2013). “Du turisme UPV/EHU Servicio Editorial. Universitat de Girona. des batailles au tourisme des mémoires”. Cahier Espaces, 313, González, D. (2014). “La prácti- Serrano, M. (2010). “El mas Perx- 68-71. ca turística como mecanismo de és d’Agullana, espai de memòria transmisión de valores: Cataluña y de la retirada”. Annals de l’Institut Calvet, J. (2008). Les muntanyes los lugares de memoria democràti- d’Estudis Empordanesos, 41, de la llibertat. El pas d’evadits pels ca”. Revista Iberoamericana de tu- 51-75. Pirineus durant la Segona Guerra rismo - RITUR, 4, (special), 36-49. Mundial 1939-1944. Barcelona: Urbain, J.D. (2003). "Tourisme de L’Avenç. González, D. (2016). “La pat- mémoire. Un travail de deuil positif”. rimonialización de la memoria Cahier Espaces, 80, 5-7. Castaner, T. (2008). Femmes en histórica: entre el deber social y la exil, méres des camps. Élisabeth estrategia turística. Apuntes sobre Silva, E. (2011). “Movimiento Eidenbenz et la maternité suisse el caso catalán”. PASOS - Revista memorialista (El contexto de la d'Elne (1939-1944). Perpignan: de Patrimonio y Turismo Cultural, memoria)”. In Escudero, R. (ed.), Editions Trabucaire. 14 (5), 1267-1280. Diccionario de memoria históri- ca. Conceptos contra el Olvido, Cavaignac, F ; Deperne, H. González, D. (2018). “Les rutes 69-75. Madrid: Los Libros de la (2003). "Les Chemins de mémoire. de l’exili del MUME: una dècada Catarata. Une initiative de l'État ". Cahier Es- connectant espais de memòria paces, 80, 12-21. a la Catalunya transfronterera”. Traverso, E. (2007). El pasado, EBRE 38 – Revista Internacional instrucciones de uso: historia, Da Silva, M.; Bougon, L. (2013). de la Guerra Civil (1936-1939), memoria, política. Madrid: Mar- "Le tourisme de mémoire. Un enjeu 8, 279-308. cial Pons. cívique, pédagogique, économ- ique et cultural pour la France”. Hertzog, A. (2013). "Quand le Cahier Espaces, 313, 48-51. tourisme de mémoire bouleverse le travail de mémoire", Cahier Es- Font, J. (2009). “A cavall de la paces , 313, 52-61. història i la memòria: el Museu Memorial de l’Exili de la Jon- Mantei, C. (ed.) (2012). Le tour- quera-MUME”. Mnemosine: Cat- isme de mémoire en France: alan magazine of museology , 5, mesure et analyse du poids et des 105-113. retombées economiques et de la filière. Paris: Atout France. Font, J. (2013). “Un equipament amb vocació transfronterera: el Nora, P. (1984) Les lieux de Museu Memorial de l’Exili de la mémoire . Paris: Gallimard. Jonquera (MUME)”. In CAMIADE, M. (ed.), Euroinstitut Català Trans- Ordre IRP/91/2010, de 18 de fronterer. Recull de conferències febrer, per la qual es crea la 2010-2012, 23-38. Perpignan: Xarxa d’Espais de Memòria Balzac Editeur. Democràtica de Catalunya, DOGC 5.576/ 14.651. Font, J. ; González, D.; Domènech, G.; Marquès, S. Pujol, E. (2009). “Projectes cultur- (2016). “La memoria del exilio reals transfronterers: el cas de l’exili publicano a través de sus espaci- republicà de 1939”, Mirmanda, 4, os: patrimonio, turismo y museos 74-83. en el territorio catalán transfronterizo”. In Arrieta, I. (ed.), Lugares de Riera, F. (2016). Valorització memoria traumática. Representac- patrimonial de la mina Canta de iones museográficas de conflictos la Vajol mitjançant una proposta 178 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Fabiola Mancinelli UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA PhD in Social Anthropology. Associate professor at the University of Barcelona. Her main lines of research are the relationships between tourism, intangible heritage and commercialisation; the use of memory for tourism purposes; digital nomadism as a mobile lifestyle. Member of the editorial board for Quaderns, by the Catalan Institute of Anthropology, and coordinator of the EASA ANTHROMOB network (Anthropology and Mobility). Author of essays and articles in international magazines and the monograph Zafimaniry: l’invention d’une tribu. Art ethnique, patrimoine immatériel et tourisme (L’Harmattan, 2017).

Zafimaniry: the invention of a tribe A strategic resource between tourism and heritage1.

Paraules clau: Zafimaniry, turisme ètnic, patrimoni immaterial, règim de valor, apropiació. Palabras clave: Zafimaniry, turismo étnico, Ancestral homes in a Zafimaniry village, patrimonio inmaterial, régimen de valor, apropiación. with north-south orientation (2009). Keywords: Zafimaniry, ethnic tourism, intangible FABIOLA MANCINELLI heritage, value regimes, appropriation. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 179 FOCUS

or most Malagasies, the tives based on criteria derived from colonial 1 word Zafimaniry refers to ethnography. For the agents of the heritage This article is part of the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Univer- a style of decorating hand- discourse - local government officials and sities R&D Project PGC2018- crafted objects with abstract representatives of the international global 096190-B-I00. The research was geometric patterns. And bureaucracy - the Zafimaniry embody a sur- funded by a Research Training Grant awarded by the AGAUR yet Zafimaniry country, a viving ancestor; for the tourism agents, they (2008-2011). I am grateful to the mountainous area near the city of Ambos- are the subject of nostalgia and fascination. anonymous reviewers of the journal itra, is home to a scattered population of Converging into a "fascination with prim- for their generous comments, F which enabled us to improve the around 25,000 people in remote towns itivism" (Mancinelli, 2014), these debates quality of the article. and villages. Itinerant farmers converted to introduce the Zafimaniry into a global value sedentary cultivation of rice, the members regime, converting them into a strategic Zafimaniry: of this ethnic group are renowned for their resource, manageable by external agents skills as carpenters and cabinetmakers, vis- (traders and art collectors, tour operators, ible in the architecture of their houses and the State), according to logics that refer to a the invention of a tribe the engravings that adorn everyday objects. western commercial rationality. Despite the lack of a formal tourism infrastructure, since the 1970s these villages have Hegemonic and logical value A strategic resource between welcomed a growing number of foreign debates: heritage assets as 1 visitors attracted by a unique culture that strategic resources tourism and heritage . tour operators present as "primitive" and The introduction of the notion of Intangible "authentic". In 2002, the Heritage Directo- Cultural Heritage of Humanity (ICH) by rate of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism UNESCO in 2003 marked a significant set out to register this skill in the Represent- transformation in the definition of cultural ative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage heritage, expanding the monumental and (ICH), an institutional, top-down initiative, archival conception of world heritage into a which was successfully completed in 2008. more procedural and anthropological realm (Bortolotto, 2008) which recognises living This brief case study, based on materials gath- traditions, performative practices and their ered during twelve months of ethnographic tangible expressions. This new conceptual- research in Madagascar in 2008 and 2012 isation opens the way for the heritagisation (Mancinelli, 2013; 2017), is a critique of of “mental categories" (Bendix, 2011: 101) post-colonial heritagisation mechanisms - a concept that summarises the definition that illustrates their connections with dif- expressed in Article 2.1 of the Convention ferent types of appropriation and control. (UNESCO, 2003) concisely - and, there- The invention of Zafimaniry as a tribe is fore, the activation and enhancement of local the result of a social construction process legacies and knowledge. The underlying involving a variety of actors - heritage and intention is also political, since the imple- tourism agents - who promote Zafimaniry as mentation of the ICP is intended to support an original, primitive culture through narra- a European cultural "departure from colo-

Aquest article presenta una crítica als Este artículo presenta una crítica a los This article offers a critical analysis of mecanismes de patrimonialització de la mecanismos de patrimonialización de la UNESCO heritagization procedures in a UNESCO en un context postcolonial. UNESCO en un contexto poscolonial. postcolonial setting. Drawing on the case Analitzant el cas dels zafimaniry de Mada- Analizando el caso de los zafimaniry de of the Zafimaniry of Madagascar, the re- gascar, la investigació destaca la capaci- Madagascar, la investigación destaca la search highlights the capacity of heritage tat del patrimoni de mobilitzar dinàmiques capacidad del patrimonio de movilizar to mobilize dynamics of appropriation d’apropiació i control, connectant els dinámicas de apropiación y control, and control, connecting the interests of interessos d’esferes diverses –política, creando relaciones entre los intereses de different spheres - political, economic, econòmica, cultural, turística– i legitimant distintas esferas –políticas, económicas, cultural, touristic - and legitimizing the la penetració de lògiques globocèntri- culturales, turísticas– y legitimando la infusion of global regimes of value into ques del valor en pràctiques i significats penetración de lógicas globocéntricas del local practices and meanings. locals. valor en prácticas y significados locales. 180 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS nialism" and to restore balance to North- South relations on the world heritage map (Maguet, 2011). On a practical level, this led, at least initially, to greater openness to applications from countries outside Europe, mainly from Africa and Asia. However, some critics argue (Nas, 2002; Amselle, 2004; van Zanten, 2004; Santamarina, 2013; Roca, 2018) that the protocols of execution of the safeguard contradict these inclusive premises, favouring instead the penetration, in local contexts, of external heritage regimes (Bendix et al, 2013), which impose themselves as hegemonic. UNESCO regulations and protocols produce the social institutionalisation of local legacies, while encouraging the creation of new collective and legal subjects, hastily labelled as "communities". The lists, inventories and action plans imposed by international standardised bureaucracy trigger the debate on branding and intellectual property (Bendix, 2011) and threaten to fossilise cultural practices (Smith, 2006: 11). Given these dynamics, the initiative and effective participation of the groups that hold the practices is a key factor that certainly deserves further ethnographic research.

UNESCO heritage assets become a nation’s strategic symbolic resources, mobilising dynamics of appropriation and control, (Bendix et al, 2013). Therefore, with regard Detail of the main door of a to handicrafts, performances, rituals and traditional Zafimaniry house especially evident in their collusion with the (2009). VINCENZO LEOMBRUNO formulation of identity discourses and the festivities, underlying strategies for creating creation of tourist value. Among the inten- economic value which can also be exploited tions of the Convention, the ICP is explicitly by agents outside the communities are likely conceived as a tool for building communities to be among the motivations behind these and affirming national identity (Bortolotto, listings. 2008; Maguet, 2011). However, states’ obligation to promote their candidates means Tourism and heritage: the present that in post-colonial societies made up of dif- of a "society of the past” ferent ethnic groups - such as Madagascar - A pioneer among East African countries, this version of identity reflects the role of the Zafimaniry wood carving was presented dominant groups who, through their herit- as a candidate during presidency of Marc age, legitimise their self-affirmation tropes. Ravalomanana (2002-2009), whose Mad- From a tourism standpoint, inclusion in a agascar Action Plan (MAP), carried out in UNESCO list is a real opportunity to raise accordance with the Millennium Devel- the profile of a territory. Although promo- opment Goals, specified the development tion is not the primary focus of candidatures, of tourism as one of the major challenges a UNESCO label is generally associated with for the rapid growth of the country. As the promise of public and private investment already mentioned, this is an initiative of Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 181 FOCUS the Heritage Directorate of the Ministry people curious about this remote region, and 2 of Culture and Tourism, which is unilat- the precursor of modern tourism. This ideological interpretation of the heritage narrative is con- erally responsible for preparing the dossier firmed by the only other Malagasy and implementing the safeguarding plan. The "society of the past" created by ethnol- site included on the UNESCO ogists and subsequently adopted by heritage world heritage list on the basis These measures aim to preserved culture in of cultural criteria: the Royal Hill danger of “dying out”. The application file agents is shaped by the notion of "endangered of Ambohimanga, a citadel and culture", which suggests the idea of a society royal necropolis related to Merina presents wood carving as the emblem of ethnicity. Their addition to the list in the Zafimaniry culture and identity, giving that is always on the verge of disappearing 2001, shortly before the Zafiman- it the status of "the last living testimony of due to globalisation. Very common in herit- iry, demonstrates the process of age rhetoric, this narrative is a growing part constructing heritage building as a the traditional way of life that characterised desire for affirmation by this group the Highlands of Madagascar two centuries of a demand from tourists for a type of prim- (Saretzky and May, 2015). itive ethnic tourism (Stasch, 2014; MacCa- ago" (Direction du Patrimoine Culturel, 3 2003). The selection of the Zafimaniry as rthy 2016) that requires "authentic" and According to the Zafimaniry, their supposedly "ancient" lifestyles, expressing close links with the forest are the symbolic references to represent Madagascar true foundation of their ethnic before the UNESCO endorses and gives an "imperialist nostalgia" (Rosaldo, 1989) identity (Bloch, 1995; Mancinelli, 2017: 55-80). global exposure to a national myth, which for everything that has vanished in Western societies as a result of capitalist expansion. gives the Merina culture, the most politically 4 Bortolotto (2008) emphasises the ideologi- is a pre-existing essence to defend, concealing mosaic that makes up the country. As a con- [Last consulted: 20 May 2010]. the fact - also emphasised in the definition sultant from the Ministry commented in an intangible cultural heritage (UNESCO, interview: "The Zafimaniry are the holders 2003, art. 2.1) - that culture and tradition of centuries-old wisdom that has already are not inert expressions, and that they are disappeared from other Malagasy commu- produced and transformed constantly. The nities [...]. It's a forgotten national identity 2 notion of "endangered culture" is not uni- that we wanted to remember ." versal, but expresses a scheme of values origi- nating in Western taxonomies, which confer Describing the Zafimaniry as an "authentic a value on the "traditional" and "primitive" and preserved" culture (UNESCO, 2008), that transcends time, as well as effective heritage agents adopt a narrative drawn situations of economic exploitation and from the colonial ethnography of the sixties, acculturation. Its adoption by the heritage which describes the Zafimaniry as "a forest administration leads to an essentialist vision group that preserves an unknown Malagasy of Zafimaniry ethnic identity, restricted aesthetic tradition" (Vérin, 1964: 1), "a fossil entirely to wood carving3. With nuances, group, a society from the past" (Coulaud, this same narrative is used by tour operators 1973: 109), a "real laboratory for studying sales points, who promote social apprecia- Madagascar's past" (Vérin, 1972: 116). The tion of aspects features normally associated emphasis on their skills as wood carvers and with pre-modernity, offering a "search for their link to the origins of Madagascar create a lost time" in a pre-colonial past. At the a narrative that presents them as a “race of time of conducting this research, numerous sculptors", continuing the actions of Eng- tour operators were offering tours of this lish-speaking missionaries a few years earlier. region. One agency based in the country's To improve the economic conditions of the capital was touting an excursion to the town population, these missionaries promoted a as "a trip a hundred years back in time, to a furniture and ornament industry, whose captivating, fascinating medieval world”4. products were sold to the bourgeoisie and Another operator describes the Zafimaniry expatriates of the capital. Within a few years, as "one of the last remaining animist tribes the prospect of getting hold of some "real" in Madagascar", "the lost tribe"5. The agency Zafimaniry art attracted the first groups of manager commented in a personal message: 182 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

"[The Zafimaniry] are the last remaining pure ones, the only survivors of [the] first migrations [...]”. During these same years, a regional cooperation association received massive funding from the European Union's ACORDS programme to build a receptive structure - which has never been operational - and the development of a cultural ecotourism circuit. This project, in conjunction with the UNESCO action plan, was a cause for concern and suspicion among the local population, who were excluded from the decision-making process. Zafimaniry representatives describe themselves as tompontrano mihono, the landlords who do not know what is happening on their property. Crit- icising the vertical, state-run management of the UNESCO project, they lamented the waste of funds and the fact that their real situation and needs were being ignored. The UNESCO safeguarding measure that generated the most outrage among the wood carvers was the creation of a trademark registered with the Malagasy Office for Industrial and meanings. The social construction of Fragment of an engraving (sokitra) (2009). VINCENZO Property (OMAPI), which required them the Zafimaniry through heritage and tourist LEOMBRUNO to set up an association of legal owners and rhetoric makes them a living archetype of to pay a fee to use it. This was joined by a society of the past, resignifying Western other initiatives, such as the creation of an hegemonic assumptions of colonial times engravings inventory establishing 21 motifs (Clifford, 1998) with a kind of nostalgia approved as "authentic"; a training work- and fascination. Notions such as "primi- shop on ISO quality standards; and training tive" and "pure", which have long proven of local tourist guides - all indicative of a analytically unsuitable, find new meaning in strategy to convert Zafimaniry art into an tourism (Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, exercise in ethnomarketing (Comaroff, J. 1994) that transfigures them into fascinating L. and Comaroff, J. , 2009) through a local subjects. microenterprise project, in line with World Bank development strategies. Clearly, the inclusion of the Zafimaniry in these value schemes creates tension between Concluding thoughts exogenous representations and indigenous This article illustrates the complicities of notions of identity and heritage. Faced with institutional heritagisation, tourism and these expropriation and control process, the development in a post-colonial context. attitude of the Zafimaniry swings between The application of heritage regimes (Ben- suspicion, resistance and assimilation and dix et al ., 2013) is configured as an arena warrants a deep analysis beyond the confines with the connective capacity (Franquesa, of this brief essay. I therefore limit myself to 2013) to form links between the interests glimpsing it through a fragment of ethnog- of different areas - political, economic, cul- raphy, by illustrating it with the building of a 5 tural, tourism - legitimising the infusion track for vehicles, which captures extremely [Last consulted: 7 globocentric value logic into local practices of the traditional oriented by external inten- May 2013. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 183 FOCUS tions. The track would improve accessibility of supposed 'authenticity' against the quest to one of the most touristy villages but the for modernity and progress desired by the project was opposed by tour operators. The population, highlighting its implicit risks: village chief opposed it, raising the fear of the danger of 'museification' (MacCannell, losing the benefits of tourism if his village 1984: 388; Herzfeld, 2004: 31) of living became too "modern" and easily accessible. peoples. n The pressure of the hegemonic discourse creates a paradox that pits the conservation

REFERENCES

di ‘patrimonio culturale immateri- global hierarchy of value. Chicago: Madagascar” [Online]. Mondes du Amselle, J. L. (2004). “Intangible ale’. Elementi per una riflessione”. University of Chicago Press. Tourism, 3, 26-40 Art”. Museum International, 56(1- monio immateriale secondo l’Un- MacCannell, D. (1984). “Recon- [Last consulted: 22 January 2018]. 2), 84-89. esco. Analisi e prospettive, 7-48. structed Ethnicity: Tourism and Rome: Istituto Poligrafico i Zecca Cultural Identity in Third World Smith, L. (2006). The Uses of Bloch, M. (1995). “People into dello Stato. Communities”. Annals of Tourism Heritage. New York: Routledge. Places: Zafimaniry Concepts of Research, 11, 375-392. Clarity”. In Hirsch E.; O’Hanlon, M. Bruner, E.; Kirshenblatt- Stasch, R. (2014). “Primitivist (dir.), The Anthropology of Land- Gimblett, B. (1994). “Maasai on MacCarthy, M. (2016). Making tourism and romantic individualism: scape, 63-77. Oxford: Clarendon the lawn. Tourist realism in East the modern primitive. Honolulu: On the values in exotic stereotypy Press. Africa”. Cultural Anthropology, 9, University of Hawai’i Press. about cultural others”. Anthropo- 435-70. logical Theory, 14(2), 191-214. Mancinelli, F. (2013). Zafiman- Maguet, F. (2011). “L’image iry: l’invention d’une tribu. Art éth- Clifford, J. (1988). The predica- des communautés dans l’espace UNESCO. (2003). Convention for nique, patrimoine immatériel et ment of culture: Twentieth centu- public”. In Chiara Bortolotto (ed.). the safeguarding of the intangible tourisme dans une communauté ry ethnography, literature and art. Le patrimoine culturel immatériel: cultural heritage [Online] [Last consulted: 13 tament d’Antropologia Cultural i son donis sciences de l’homme. January 2019]. Història d’Amèrica i d’Àfrica. Comaroff, J. L.; Comaroff, J. (2009). Ethnicity, Inc. University Nas, P. (2002). “Masterpieces of UNESCO, Bureau de coordi- Mancinelli, F. (2014). “Shifting of Chicago Press. oral and intangible culture: Reflec- nation Madagascar. (2008). Ny values of ‘primitiveness’ among tions on the UNESCO World Her- Zafimaniry, nikajy ny kolontsainy the Zafimaniry of Madagascar: An Coulaud, D. (1973). Les Zafiman- itage List”. Current Anthropology, : drafitrasa fitandroana ny fahai- anthropological approach to tour- iry. Un groupe ethnique de Mad- 43(1), 139-148. zana taohazon’ny Zafimaniry = ist mediators’ discourses”. Journal agascar à la poursuite de la forêt. Zafimaniry, une culture conservée of Tourism and Cultural Change, Antananarivo: Fanontam-boky : plan d’action de sauvegarde du 12(3), 224-236. Rosaldo, R. (1989). Culture and Malagasy. Truth : The Remaking of Social savoir-faire du travail du bois des Analysis. Boston: Beacon Press. Zafimaniry. Antananarivo: Bureau Mancinelli, F. (2017). Zafiman- Direction du Patrimoine Cul- de coordination, UNESCO. iry: l’invention d’une tribu. Art eth- turel. (2003). Le Savoir-faire du nique, patrimoine immatériel et Roca Guerrero J. (2018). “Patri- travail du bois dans le pays de Van Zanten, W. (2004). “Con- tourisme. Paris: L’Harmattan. monialització i participació: reflexió Zafimaniry (Dossier de candida- comparada a partir del reconeixe- structing new terminology for intan- ture). Deuxième proclamation des ment de les Falles del Pirineu com gible cultural Heritage”. Museum Bendix, R. (2011). “Héritage et chefs-d’œuvre du patrimoine oral a Patrimoni Cultural Immaterial de International, 56(1-2), 36-44. patrimoine : de leurs proximités et immatériel de l’humanité. la Humanitat”. Catalonian Journal sémantiques et de leurs implica- of Ethnology, 43, 186-199. Vérin, P. (1964). “Les Zafiman- tions”. In Bortolotto, C. (ed.), Le pat- Franquesa, J. (2013). “The polit- iry et leur art. Un groupe forestier rimoine culturel immatériel. Enjeux ical Economy of Heritage Making continuateur d’une tradition esthé- d’une nouvelle catégorie, 99-121. Santamarina, B. (2013). “Los in Contemporary Spain”. Current tique malgaix méconnue”. Revue Paris: Éditions de la Maison des mapas geopolíticos de la Unesco: Anthropology, 54(3), 346-369. de Madagascar, 27, 37-48. sciences de l’homme. entre la distinción y la diferencia están las asimetrías. El éxito (ex- Haftstein, V. Tr. (2018). “Intan- ótico del patrimonio inmaterial)”. Vérin, P. (1972). “Notes et compt- Bendix, R.; Eggert, A.; Pe- gible Heritage as a Festival; or Revista de Antropología Social, es rendus: Les Zafimaniry par Dan- selmann, A. (ed.) (2013). Herit- Folklorization Revisited”. Journal 22, 264-286. iel Coulaud”. Madagascar, revue de age Regimes and the State. Uni- of American Folklore, 131(520), géographie, 21, 115-117. versitätsverlag Göttingen. 127-149. Saretzki, A.; May, C. (2011). “Produire un espace sacré : Bortolotto, C. (2008). “Il pro- Herzfeld, M. (2004). The body controverses autour du site de la cesso di definizione del concetto impolitic: artisans and artifice in the colline royale d’Ambohimanga à 184 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Roberto Concha Mathiesen UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DEL NORTE (CHILE) Degree in Anthropology, University of Chile. Master in Cultural Heritage Management and PhD in Culture and Heritage Management, University of Barcelona. He is a founding partner and consultant of Corporación Poloc, an NGO with 13 years of experience, where he performs research and coordinates projects mainly into cultural heritage management and local identities. He has been the coordinator of Social Innovation projects at the Universidad Católica del Norte (Chile) between 2019 and 2019, connecting heritage and innovation. He is currently the regional director of the National Service for Cultural Heritage in La Araucaína (Chile). Political and economic uses of Rapa Nui National Park (Easter Island, Chile), a World Heritage Site

Introduction Island. Then, in connection with a diag- nostic study on the Vaitea complex (indus- his article sets out to trial heritage), he returned to the island illustrate the tensions five times between August 2015 and and disputes surround- December 2016, for participant obser- ing heritage and the vation in heritage management during effects of heritagisa- the taking of the NRNP and the tion on communities' transfer process. Finally, within internal cohesion, by describing the process the framework of a gene- Tof transferring management of Rapa Nui alogical study of one of National Park to an organisation that repre- the Rapa Nui clans, the sents the local ethnic group. It also seeks to author returned briefly to analyse the relationship between economic Easter Island during Janu- and political uses of identity and heritage in ary 2018 to gather opinions the case studied. on the local management of the park. Simultaneously According to Roigé and Frigolé (2010), the and subsequently, the author real motivations and uses underlying her- followed the process through itage processes can only be understood by press articles. Testimonies approaching each individual case as a histor- from Rapa Nui authorities ical process, using ethnological methods. For and officials from different this article, this method involved participant institutions on the island observation, in-depth and semi-structured (Advisory Commission for interviews with qualified Rapa Nui and Rapa Nui National Monuments, mainland informants, as well as occasional Technical Secretariat of Rapa Nui conversations on Easter Island. Heritage, Easter Island Develop- ment Commission, Rapa Nui Par- The author conducted field work between liament, Hōnui Family Council, January and April 2014 as part of his doc- Ma'u Henua) were used for this toral research on heritage uses on Easter article. The information gathered Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 185 FOCUS

Tongariki sector, inside the Rapa Nui National Park (2014). ROBERTO CONCHA

was used to interpret the uses of heritage on materials from history, geography, biology, Paraules clau: identitat, Easter Island. institutions, collective memory and fanta- etnicitat, etnoeconomia, ús del sies, religious 'revelations', etc., to shape their patrimoni. Theoretical approach identities according to social determinants Palabras clave: identidad, Cultural heritage is closely linked to the etnicidad, etnoeconomía, usos and cultural projects (Castells, 2001). del patrimonio identity of groups, ethnicities and nations, Keywords: identity, ethnicity, as it can operate as a diacritic with respect In the case of ethnic identities, these are built ethno economy, heritage uses. to other groups when considered as collec- based on socially differentiating cultural tive heritage (Anico & Peralta, 2009). It is signs that are validated in social interaction in the reflection on collective identity that and enable in-group/out-group dichotomi- certain elements are selected as elements of sation (Poutignat and Streiff-Fenart, 1995). the shared heritage (Davallon, 2010). Several authors (Bourdieu, 1980; García Here, the concept of "collective identity" Canclini, 1999; Arrieta, 2010; Prats, 1997; is understood to be a social category with Roigé & Frigolé, 2010; Quintero, 2009) which a group identifies itself and others, argue that some kind of dispute exists as to and to which meanings are assigned (Larraín, who defines the identity or collective herit- 2001). Groups process, rearrange and use age, its management and who benefits from

En aquest article s’analitza el traspàs de En este artículo se analiza el traspaso de This paper is analyse the transfer of the l’administració del Parc Nacional Rapa la administración del Parque Nacional administration of the Rapa Nui National Nui (PNRN), on es concentra el patrimoni Rapa Nui (PNRN), donde se concentra Park (PNRN), where the monumental monumental de l’illa de Pasqua, a una en- el patrimonio monumental de isla de heritage of Easter Island is concentrated, titat representativa de l’ètnia rapanui. Les Pascua, a una entidad representativa de to an entity representative of the Rapanui accions sostingudes, així com els resul- la etnia rapanui. Las acciones sosteni- ethnic group. Sustained actions, as well tats assolits per la part rapanui consumei- das, así como los resultados alcanzados as the results achieved by the Rapanui xen usos polítics i econòmics d’aquest por la parte rapanui dan cuenta de usos part, account for political and economic conjunt patrimonial, com a referent políticos y económicos de dicho conjun- uses of that patrimonial set, as a refer- identitari i font d’ingressos, en un context to patrimonial, como referente identitario ence for identity and source of income, de recerca de major autonomia enfront y fuente de ingresos, en un contexto de in a context of seeking greater autonomy de l’Estat de Xile. A partir de registre et- búsqueda de mayor autonomía frente al facing the Chile State. Based on the nogràfic i revisió de premsa, s’analitza l’ús Estado de Chile. A partir de registro et- ethnographic record and press review, econòmic del patrimoni, considerant-ne nográfico y revisión de prensa, se analiza the economic use of heritage is ana- la interacció amb l’ús polític. el uso económico del patrimonio y su lysed, considering its interaction with the interacción con el uso político. political use. 186 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

it. There is a use of heritage to build iden- & Roigé, 2006; Boltanski & Chiapello, Ranu Raraku sector, inside Rapa Nui National Park (2014). tities, and for vindicating rights and claims 2002), ethnicity serves to add value with ROBERTO CONCHA is put to political use. It serves to "support "ethnic goods" (Comaroff, J. L. and Coma- myths of origin" that fuel collective pride roff, J., 2012), which can be acquired by (Quintero, 2009). tourists or exported to other markets. This commodification of cultural identity and In Chile, and other countries with multicul- heritage may, under certain conditions, con- tural policies of a neoliberal nature, ethnic tribute to its reproduction (Van Den Berghe identities’ interest in positioning themselves, and Keyes, 1984; Escobar, 1995; Comaroff, their cultural features and heritage elements, J. L. and Comaroff, J., 2012). is intertwined with economic expectations. For indigenous peoples and ethnic groups, Historical background cultural heritage is often the main resource The Rapa Nui ethnic group almost disap- available to generate income. Several authors peared in the second half of the 19th cen- have addressed the topic of the implemen- tury as a result of the slave trade, exodus and tation of multicultural policies in Chile and disease (Cristino et al., 1984). The annex- their effects on ethnic identities – “folk- ation of Easter Island by the Chilean state lorisation”, commercial exploitation (e.g. was effected by an “Agreement of Wills” in Figueroa, 2008; Boccara, 2010; Antileo, 1888 in a treaty signed by the navy captain, 2013; Bustos, 2014). Policarpo Toro, in representation of Chile, brokered by Catholic missionaries, in an In a context of growing global demand for operation that also involved transactions things which are local and authentic (Frigolé with private individuals claiming ownership Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 187 FOCUS rights on the island (Fischer, 2001). Towards Dispute over the park the end of the 19th century, the Chilean In 2014, several local leaders started State leased the island to traders who set demanding that management of the PNRN up the “Compañía Explotadora de Isla de be transferred to the Rapa Nui based on Pascua” and the Rapa Nui were confined three main grounds: i) poor management to a fenced-in, guarded reserve, while the of archaeological heritage by CONAF; ii) rest of the island was used as a sheep ranch leakage of the park's income into the tax (Foerster, 2012). coffers; and iii) the Rapa Nui's ancestral right to manage the island's territory and This condition did not change until the heritage, particularly the park, which con- 1960s, with the enactment of the “Ley Pas- tains its sacred sites. cua”, which created a better relationship between the Chilean State and the Rapa Between March and August 2015, the Nui people. Since then, Easter Island has Rapa Nui Parliament, an body with mem- become an popular tourist destination, bers from various Rapa Nui clans and that with constant growth in visitor numbers to aspires to the island's decolonisation, kept over 90,000 per year, whose main purpose the PNRN in place, not only to progress for visiting is to experience the archaeo- with the transfer of its management, but also logical landscape and Rapa Nui culture to exert pressure regarding other demands (AUTOCITA, 2017). of the Rapa Nui people: the draft Consti- tutional Organic Laws (LOC) for a Special In 1935, Easter Island National Park was Statute of Easter Island and for migration created and the entire island was declared control. This takeover drew the attention a Historic Monument. However, an insti- of international tourism to the conflict over tution was not comissoned yet to protect the park and caused economic losses for the the existing heritage (Comisión Verdad state, which was unable to collect entrance Histórica y Nuevo Trato, 2008), it was not fees. During the occupation, Rapa Nui peo- until the seventies that the National Forestry ple were allowed inside, and could bring in Corporation (CONAF), a private corpo- tourists and other guests, but other residents ration whose main purpose is to manage and even people of Rapa Nui descent who Chile’s National System of Protected Wild did not have the surname had difficulties Areas. entering. Checkpoint in Vaitea sector, during the takeover of Rapa Nui National Park (2015). ROBERTO CONCHA 188 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

According to witness accounts from those 19,253, to sign co-administration agreement Sign showing decolonisation aspirations on Easter Island stationed at the checkpoints during the five- with CONAF and operate the NRNP. In (2014). ROBERTO CONCHA month the PNRN takeover, they expected February 2017, this community had 1,314 to be paid for this work. When the Rapa active members (García, 2017), equivalent Nui Parliament started asking tourists to to practically the entire adult population of pay fees, police and court action was taken Rapa Nui on Easter Island. According to its against its leaders. articles of association, this formal organisation is accountable to the Hōnui. Other Rapa Nui organisations lent their support when the park was taken over, until Ma'u Henua took over the co-administra- the government committed to working on tion of the Park in October 2016 and has the LOCs on the issues mentioned above taken all the funds collected from ticket and an Indigenous Consultation on co-man- sales ever since. To collect more funds, the agement of the Park was set up, within the price of the tickets was doubled, the num- framework of Convention 169 of the Inter- ber of sites requiring tickets increased from national Labour Organization. This led to five to 25 and the control hours are now a vote in favour of joint management of from 8 am to 9 pm (they were previously the park by CONAF and an ethnic repre- from 9 am to 6 pm) (Garcia, 2017). Dur- sentative entity in 25 October 2015, even ing the first year of co-administration, the though the demand was for a full manage- community raised almost 4 million euros ment transfer. (Ovalle, 2017).

A political body, the Council of Hōnui In November 2017, the park was trans- Families, was set up for the consultation to ferred to Ma’u Henua in concession for represent the 37 family lineages that make 50 years. As an indigenous community, it up the Rapa Nui ethnic group. This is a tra- cannot distribute profits; however, it cre- ditional type of organisation that has become ates direct and indirect jobs, and profits established over time as the main body rep- for local suppliers of goods and services, resenting all Rapa Nui clans. Later, the Ma’u through building reinforcement structures, Henua Polynesian Indigenous Commu- adapting sites, providing public services, nity was created, a legal entity under Law surveillance, etc. Cultural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 189 FOCUS

Nowadays, leaders of the Hōnui Council The ancestral right and sacred bond of the of Families point out that the Ma'u Henua ethnic group with the entire island terri- organisation is not accountable to them, as tory and heritage there were used to justify was the mandate, regarding the use of the transferring management of the Park. Once resources obtained from the Park and accusa- the co-administration agreement has been tions of alleged misappropriation have been signed, the heritage was used for profit, but reported in the press (Díaz, 2019). it also supported the Rapa Nui ethnic group’s political project, as an overseas colony aspir- Conclusions ing to obtaining a greater share of sovereignty, Since the signing of the partnership agree- firstly, to exercise the right to manage its own ment between Ma'u Henua and CONAF, heritage, and secondly, because economic members of the Rapa Nui ethnic group success increases autonomy, providing con- have been able to manage and reap eco- siderable funds that can be spent at will, nomic benefits from the area where their which is the basis of government. It can be monumental heritage is concentrated. We concluded that the political and economic agree with Bustos (2014) -who analyses eth- uses of the NRNP reinforce each other. How- nogenesis processes in the north of Chile- ever, rifts exist within the Rapa Nui ethnic that the enterprise is a logical option within group with respect to the park’s management. the context of neoliberal multiculturalism. First, during the transfer, when access was The economic use of the Park is made pos- restricted to persons who did not fulfil cer- sible through a legal entity representing tain ethnic markers; then, when suspicions the Rapa Nui ethnic group, the Ma'u arose regarding the handling of large profits Henua community. The ethnicity-business from ticket sales. Here, the dispute between (Comaroff, J. L. and Comaroff, J., 2012) different Rapa Nui factions is not over their operates under the rules set by the State, ability to be represented and made visible, which imposes its laws but also adapts to but rather over the control of their assets and the situation. the revenue they generate. n

Target

Economic use (Tourism, ethno-goods ...)

Wear Income Images Revitalisation Brand Demo effect Resources Attractions Denomination Mirror effect Symbols Target distinction

Distinction Other Heritage Identity Other sources uses Selection Invention of note

Recognition Interests Symbols Activation Ethnogenesis Diacritics Management Identity revitalisation Markers

Political us e (Regionalisms, ethnic struggles ...) 190 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

REFERENCES

Anico, M.; Peralta, E. (ed.). Comaroff, J. L.; Comaroff, J. Frigolé, J.; Roigé, X. (coord.) (2009). Heritage and identity: En- (2012). Etnicidad S.A. Buenos (2006). Globalización y localidad: gagement and Demission in the Aires: Katz Editores. perspectiva etnográfica. Barcelo- contemporary World. New York: na: Publicacions i Edicions UB. Routledge. Comisión Verdad Histórica y Nuevo Trato. (2008). Informe García, F. (2017). “Camilo Rapu Antileo, E. (2013). “Políticas de la Comisión Verdad Histórica Riroroko, ingeniero comercial: indígenas, multiculturalismo y el y Nuevo Trato con los Pueblos Cuatro meses a cargo del parque enfoque estatal indígena urbano”. Indígenas. Santiago de Chile: Rapa Nui” [Online]. El Mercurio de Revista de Historia Social y de las Presidential Commissioner for Valparaíso. Retrieved, 12 February Mentalidades, 17(1), 133-159. Indigenous Affairs. 2017. [Last consult- ale of tourism, learning and local del turismo y transformaciones en ed: 7 March 2017]. identity underlying the process of los usos del patrimonio en Isla de patrimonialization: local agents, Pascua. Doctoral thesis, director García Canclini, N. (1999). “Los political institutions and cultural Jordi Tresserras. University of Bar- usos sociales del Patrimonio Cul- businesses”. In Roigé, X.; Frigolé, celona. tural”. In Aguilar, E. Patrimonio Et- J. (ed.), Constructing Cultural and nológico: Nuevas perspectivas de Natural Heritage: Parks, Museums Davallom, J. (2010). “The Game estudio, 16-33. Granada: Junta de and Rural Heritage, 171-181. Cat- of Heritagization”. In Roigé, X.; Andalucía: Department of Culture. alonia: ICRPC. Frigolé, J. (ed.), Constructing Cul- tural and Natural Heritage. Parks, Larraín, J. (2001). Identidad Boccara, G.; Bolados, P. (2010). Museums and Rural Heritage, 39- Chilena. Santiago de Chile: Lom “¿Qué es el multiculturalismo? La 62. Catalonia: ICRPC. Ediciones. nueva cuestión étnica en el Chile neoliberal”. Revista de Indias, Díaz, N. (2019). “Insisten en Ovalle, F. (2017). “Incertidumbre LXX(250), 651-690. acusación contra Camilo Rapu: en modalidad de entrega de la ad- aseguran apropiación de ganan- ministración de Parque Nacional Boltanski, L.; Chiapello, E. cias del Parque Rapa Nui” [Online]. Rapa Nui”. biobiochile.cl. Re- (2002). El nuevo espíritu del cap- biobiochile.cl. < https://www.bio- trieved, 4 October 2017. [Last consulted: 11 gion-de-valparaiso/2019/04/29/ October 2017]. Bourdieu, P. (1980). L’identité et insisten-en-acusacion-con- la représentation. Eléments pour tra-camilo-rapu-aseguran-apro- Poutignat, P.; Streiff-Fenart, une réflexion critique sur l’idée de piacion-de-ganancias-del-par- J. (1995). Théories de l’ethnicité. región. Actes de la Recherche en que-rapa-nui.shtml> [Last Paris: Presses Universitaires de Sciences Sociales, 35, 63-72. consulted: 29 April 2017]. France.

Bustos, C. (2014). Gestión turísti- Escobar, A. 1995. Encountering Prats, L. (1997). Antropología y ca del patrimonio y etnogénesis Development: The Making and patrimonio. Barcelona: Ariel. en el territorio atacameño (Tesi per Unmaking of the Third World. optar al grau de Doctor en Gestió Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Quintero, V. (2009). Los sentidos de la Cultura i el Patrimoni, dirigi- University Press. del patrimonio: Alianzas y Conflic- da per Llorenç Prats). University of tos en la Construcción del Patri- Barcelona. Figueroa, V. (2008). “El multi- monio Etnológico Andaluz. Seville: culturalismo en Chile: algunas (ed.) Fundación Blas Infante. Castells, M. (2001). La era de la aristas y desafíos en el marco de información: Economía, sociedad las demandas del pueblo mapu- Roigé, X.; Frigolé, J. (ed.). y cultura. Volumen II: el poder de che” [Online]. Agenda Pública, (2010). Constructing Cultural and la identidad. Mexico: Siglo XXI 11. [Last consulted: 4 July 2019]. ICRPC.

Cristino, C.; Recasens, A.; Var- Fischer, H. (2001). Sombras so- Van den Berghe, P.; Keyes, C. gas, P.; Edwards, E.; González, bre Rapanui. Santiago de Chile: (1984). “Introduction tourism and L. (1984). Isla de Pascua. Pro- LOM. re-created ethnicity”. Annals of cesos, Alcances y Efectos de la Tourism Research, 11 (3), 343- Aculturación. Easter Island: Easter Foerster, R. (2012). “Isla de Pas- 352. Island Studies Institute, University cua e Isla Grande de Tierra del of Chile. Fuego: Semejanzas y diferencias en los vínculos de las compañías explotadoras y los «indígenas»”. Magallania, 40(1), 45-62. OR AT E L P RI l ades de la tradició ora

nçons i ton l Ca

ICA CA DE MÚS FONOTE A AL CATALAN TRADICION

Sèrie 1

testimonials Documents

çons i tonades de la tradicó ora tradicó la de tonades i çons ta

Recerca direc n

Volum 6 El Priorat. Ca Priorat. El

8 ISBN 978-84-393-9998-

3 9 9 9 8 8 9 7 8 8 4 3 9 192 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Nina (Cornelia) Kammerer INSTITUT CATALÀ DE RECERCA EN PATRIMONI CULTURAL (PhD, Anthropology, University of Chicago, MPH Boston University) is a Senior Lecturer in the PhD Program of Brandeis University’s Heller School for Social Policy and Management in Waltham, Massachusetts and a visiting investigator at the Catalan Institute for Cultural Heritage Research. Her past ethnographic work in Thailand focused on Akha highlanders, and her past public health research in the United States focused on behavioral health and interpersonal trauma. Since 2010 she has spent part of each year doing fieldwork on traditional and popular culture in Catalonia, centered in Girona with the Fal·lera Gironina, the group that performs the city’s festive figures. Festivity and Festival A Tale of Two Models of Culture in Girona City

n offshoot of ongoing ant- practitioners to increase government support 1 hropological fieldwork for festive imagery performance and also to Research is under the oversight of Brandeis University’s Institutional on ¨the giant world¨ (el broaden local knowledge of and engagement Review Board (Protocol #1015). món geganter) in Catalo- with it. Gràcies de tot cor to everyone of Fal·lera Gironina; gratitude to anon- nia, this mini case study ymous reviewers, Eliseu Carbonell, considers the uncomfor- Fieldwork on which the case study is based, Bernat Grau Moré, Elizabeth table co-existence of two models of culture ongoing from two to six months annu- Robertson, Karen Robertson, and Isaac Sànchez Ferrer for helpful Ain the city of Girona: festa and festival. It ally since 2010, is centered with Fal·lera comments on drafts; Jordi Canet, begins by introducing Girona’s “culture of Gironina, the “group” (colla) that dances Robe Rodriguéz, and Galdric Girona’s “giants” (gegants), “bigheads” (cap- Sala for generously providing festa” (cultura de la festa), specifically annual photographs; and Saida Palou performance of “festive imagery” (imatgeria grossos), and other festive imagery. The rese- Rubio for inviting me to contribute festiva), and Girona, City of Festivals, a local arch focuses on continuities and transfor- a case study. government initiative that uses culture as an mations in a tradition dating to the Middle attraction. Then it marshals ethnographic Ages and on the current functioning of the evidence of tension between these models. association that has animated Girona´s fes- After the case is situated comparatively in tive figures since 1997. Fieldwork involves the Catalan context, attention turns to this participating, with permission, in the life tension’s historical and sociological under- of Fal·lera Gironina, a group of some 70 pinnings and to efforts by culture of festa people, young and old; attending practi-

Aquest estudi de cas explora la tensió El presente estudio de caso explora la This case study explores the tension be- entre dos models de cultura contrastats tensión entre dos modelos de cultura tween two contrasting models of culture a Girona, a partir del treball de camp amb contrastados en Girona, a partir del train Girona based on fieldwork conducted la Fal·lera Gironina, la colla gegantera bajo de campo con la Fal·lera Gironina, la with Fal·lera Gironina, a popular culture responsable de la imatgeria festiva muni- agrupación responsable de la imaginería group that performs the municipal festive cipal. Mentre que el model de festival de festiva municipal. Mientras que el modelo imagery. The festival model of Girona City l’Ajuntament és cèntric i centrífug, dedi- de festival del Ayuntamiento es céntrico Hall pivots around the city center and cat a atraure turistes de fora de Girona i y centrífugo, dedicado a la atracción de strives to attract tourists from beyond Gi- Catalunya, el model de festa de la cultura turistas de fuera de Girona y Catalunya, rona and Catalonia. Meanwhile, popular popular és local, centrat en la participació el modelo de fiesta de la cultura popular culture’s festa model is local, centered on i la construcció del poble. En el primer es es local, dedicado a la participación y a la community participation and community busca guany econòmic, mentre que el construcción del pueblo. En el primero se building. Whereas the former seeks eco- segon depèn de les persones que apor- busca el beneficio económico, mientras nomic gain, the latter depends on people ten el seu temps sense ànim de lucre. que el segundo depende de las personas collectively contributing their time without que aportan su tiempo sin afán de lucro. economic motivation. Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 193 FOCUS ces, performances, meetings of the junta, four figures, as well as nine “historic bighe- Paraules clau: Catalunya, and other activities; reading city records; ads” (capgrossos històrics), which represent festa, festival, cultura popular, and attending events related to traditional roles of the Middle Ages (e.g., citizen, nun) turisme. and popular culture, neighborhood asso- and local sites (e.g., Fountain of Pericot), are Palabras clave: Catalunya, fiesta, festival, cultura popular, ciation meetings, and festivals, plus short all municipal property. turismo. research stints in other cities (Barcelona, Keywords: Catalonia, festa, Berga, Olot, Reus, Solsona). Traditional For more than two decades, the city’s giants festival, popular culture, tourism. ethnography is augmented with netnogra- and bigheads have been in the contracted and phy on Facebook, Whatsapp, and relevant subsidized care of Fal·lera Gironina. The ori- websites and by reading local press. ginal agreement stipulated that Fal·lera host 20 other groups at a “Gathering of Giants” Festa in Girona (Trobada de Gegants) annually at the close The earliest evidence yet found of festive of the Fairs and Festas of Saint Narcís, the imagery in Catalonia is the much-cited major festa in honor of the city’s patron saint. official reference to David with the giant At the festa’s inauguration, Fal·lera parades and Saint Christopher with baby Jesus in the municipal figures to City Hall plaza, Barcelona´s Corpus Christi Procession of where the “Dance of Giants and Bigheads” 1424 (e.g., Ardèvol i Julià 2015: 12; Carbó concludes the performance (fig. 1). Also i Martorell 2000: 3). Girona City has a long danced are Gerió, a giant representing the history of festive figures: giant, dragon, and city’s mythical founder, and Beatusaure, a eagle are dated to 1513 (Chía 1895: 66). dragon, both created and owned by Fal·lera. Its “old giants” (gegants vells) are among the Since 2013, a number of neighborhoods centenarians celebrated in a 2017 catalogue have commissioned or constructed festive published by the Government of Catalonia figures, which have joined those of the city Dance of Giants, Fires (Major Festa), (Ardèvol i Julià, 2015: 186-189); the “new and Fal·lera in the major festa’s inaugural Girona (26 October 2018). giants” (gegants nous) date to 1985. These parade. In 2018, instead of a single route, as JORDI CANET 194 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS in the past, four parades started at different outwards to showcase music from Catalan- points and then united. and Occitan-speaking areas. Local popular culture organizations, including Fal·lera Besides giants and bigheads, Girona has Gironina; Diables de l’Onyar, the group that a crowned eagle, prerogative of a munici- wields traditional pyrotechnics; and Mar- pality with royal privileges. It represents recs, the adjacent city of Salt’s human tower the city (Perpinyà Salvatella; Grau Herero group (colla castellera), have each performed 2013: 58) and, historically, greeted visiting within Undàrius. Yet Fal·lera members, even monarchs and other dignitaries. Although as they value Occitan music, bemoan the the Fal·lera is not contracted to dance Giro- festival’s lack of emphasis on local culture na’s eagle, in recent years it has done so at of festa and its music, the major festa; the cavalcade of the Three Kings, to welcome the visiting monarchs; The introduction of “the brand” la( marca) and, beginning in 2017, the Corpus Christi “Girona, City of Festivals” marked the Procession. local government’s commitment to “a new model of public and private collaboration Girona, ¨City of Festivals¨ in order to achieve better efficiency in cul- In 2013, Girona proclaimed itself “City of tural management and in the search for new Festivals” (Ciutat de festivals), which “put in audiences” (Ajuntament de Girona, 2013). relief the importance of musical events in The councilor of Tourism and Commerce the city,” from Classical Nights to Festival remarked, “‘the city government’s desire is of Premiers, founded to be “the referent of that culture will become a strategic support music made in our country” (Ajuntament de to promote the city and, consequently, an Girona, 2013). In Catalan, referent means attraction for visitors and a tool of econo- whatever a given word denotes, but also a mic reactivation’” (Ajuntament de Girona, point of reference, the standard by which 2013). Both goals were quickly realized, as a others are judged. By this act of branding, a study estimated the economic impact of the provincial capital declared itself not merely 2015 Girona, City of Festivals at 1,360,000 “city of music” but “capital of music” (Ajun- Euros, with 40% of attendees from outside tament de Girona, 2013). No small claim, Girona Province (Ajuntament de Girona, given that Barcelona, provincial capital and 2015b). Commenting on these findings, cosmopolitan city that dwarfs Girona, is also Carles Puigdemont, then Mayor of Girona capital of Catalonia, one of Spain’s autono- and currently President of Catalonia in mous regions and, many hope, soon-to-be exile, stated, “‘it encourages us to conti- independent European state. By 2016, 9 nue this path, becoming a cultural point festivals had grown to 21 grouped under of reference in Catalonia and the south of 7 categories: music, largest with 9 events; Europe’.” audiovisuals, with 3; interdisciplinary, with 3; visual arts, with 2; theater arts, with 2; Tension between Festa and Festival literature, with 1; and traditional and popu- City Hall’s annual reports on culture give lar culture, with 1 (Ajuntament de Girona, scant attention to the popular and tradi- 2015b). tional. Year after year between 2011 and 2017, in volumes from just under 80 to Undàrius, added in 2015, remains the last well over 200 pages, Fal·lera Gironina and category’s lone exemplar. As first described, Diables de l’Onyar are mentioned almost “The festival wants to be a showcase of tra- exclusively in relation to Mas Abella, the ditional and popular culture, very much municipal building that serves as practice, alive in the organizations and life of the storage, and social space for both groups, city” (Ajuntament de Girona, 2015a). From among others (Ajuntament de Girona, this Girona-centric focus, Undàrius turned 2011-2017). Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 195 FOCUS

At a 2017 debate I attended on culture, In a caustic opinion piece criticizing “City convened by the political party CUP (Can- Hall of Girolàndia,” Albert Soler (2016), didatura d’Unitat Popular), participants a Diari de Girona newspaper contributor, lamented that most Gironans do not know declared, “If you invite the entire team of of Mas Abella or where it is located. This is Game of Thrones to dine at a 5-star restau- not surprising as no signs then pointed to rant, waive taxes for filming, and collaborate it and no name was posted on it. A Fal·lera with failed private initiatives,” it is “normal” member noted it is not easily accessible via that City Hall “not have money for trifling public transport and suggested a dedicated matters like keeping the Montfollet library weekend bus stop. Others from Fal·lera, open” to local residents. Diables de l’Onyar, and other organizations complained about the municipality’s neglect Beyond how and in whose benefit munici- of their cultural space and inattention to pal money is spent, another criticism, one infrastructural needs, as well as the absence of voiced by people involved in traditional culture, is that festivals are predominantly even a “room of festas open to the city,” much high or elite culture. Yet another concerns less a “House of Festa” (Casa de la Festa). tourists inundating the city, making daily One commented on “City Hall’s absolute life for locals difficult, especially in the “Old ignorance,” and another stated, “We are Quarter” (Barri Vell), where, to accommodate concerts and other events, cars are invisible to City Hall; we don’t appear in temporarily banned from certain streets, the promotional video” of Girona’s major parking spaces normally reserved for resi- festa, despite Fal·lera’s central role therein. dents are blocked, and packed thorough- In an essay published the following week, fares make shopping and other routine Salellas (2017), a CUP city councilor, called tasks a trial. All these concerns have been City Hall’s “lack of will at base to project this expressed by individuals in written com- culture and the organizations that promote it plaints to City Hall and in public forums, as one of the pillars of our city” its “original for instance, meetings of the Old Quarter’s sin.” In early 2019, after repeated requests Neighborhood Association. by Fal·lera’s president and others, City Hall installed an official plaque on Mas Abella’s A cartoon in Diari de Girona evokes the façade identifying it by name as “Space of city’s efforts to attract tourists (Sala, 2017) popular and traditional culture of Girona” (fig. 2). Some interpretive context is needed and listing the groups that share it. here. In front of the Basilica of Saint Feliu stands a replica of a medieval column, on The festival model was invoked in a 2016 which a carved lioness perches vertically, debate about keeping a school library in forepaws above, hindpaws below. Kissing Santa Eugènia neighborhood open after her rear-end is said to ensure returning school hours. In a Facebook post, Núria to the city. In the cartoon, “Tourism of Terés Bonet, who served as a city councilor Girona” appears above parallel panels for the Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV- labeled “Normal Season” (Temporada EUiA, 2007-2011), wrote, Normal) and “High Season” (Temporada Girona, city of festivals, very centric, . . . Alta), each containing a lioness. The first [they] don’t want to spend 16,000 Euros resembles the statue. The second, according on [keeping] the Montfollet school to its creator (personal communication, library open to the neighborhood! Which 10 January 2019), “’‘goes high’” (va alta), is more culture?” This was a model to like a cat “in heat,” displayed butt inviting extend!!! . . . Where is culture in peripheral comers, as does Girona in tourism’s high neighborhoods? We don’t get even a scrap? season. Note that Temporada Alta, “High What a misery! Season,” is also the name of a theater festival 196 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

Cartoon in Diari de Girona (28 May 2017). GALDRIC SALA

within Girona, City of Festivals. According Reasons for and Responses to Fal·lera members with whom I discussed to the Uneasy Conjunction the comic, “Girona is increasingly focused of Festa and Festival on tourism rather than citizens.” Why, unlike Barcelona and Solsona, as well as other municipalities, does Girona short Girona City Hall’s inattention to popular shrift culture of festa? Why does City Hall and traditional culture contrasts with atten- not valorize it and harness it to tourism as tion given it in other cities. For example, Barcelona, Solsona, and other cities do? Barcelona’s website has a well-developed, Local explanations for this indifference visually impactful section devoted to popu- include Girona’s history as, in the words lar culture, complete with descriptions and of a municipal staff member, an “absolutely photographs of festive imagery belonging religious city.” Despite festive figures’ roots to the city as a whole and to neighborho- in Corpus Christi, the Catholic Church ods, plus information on a “network of has viewed them as pagan and frivolous. active Houses of Festa,” where figures can In early 20th century Girona, for exam- be seen when not performing (Ajuntament ple, the public was instructed to respect de Barcelona, n.d.). In Solsona, a small city Corpus Christi’s solemnity and not toss in the foothills of the Pyrenees northwest streamers at the passing giants, and these of Barcelona famous for its Corpus Christi figures were banned from the procession Procession and Carnival, the municipal from the mid-1970s until their return government’s homepage’s tab for tourism in 2017. Someone with links to Girona’s takes visitors to a video entitled “Festa” and Cathedral commented that during the 32 the city’s brand, “Solsona, a giant experi- years socialists controlled City Hall, which ence,” which includes a line drawing of the ended in 2011, giants were not liked due city’s giant’s face in profile (Ajuntament de to their association with Corpus Christi, Solsona, n.d.). Unlike in Girona, the Tou- that is, with religion. An explanation more rist Office provides information on local frequently proffered is the city’s history as festive imagery, sells videos of performances a business center—“Girona always acts and related books, and offers guided tours the merchant,” I was told—and associ- to the locale where giants and other figures ated bourgeois valorization of culture as are housed. concerts and theater. It is no accident that Cutural heritage in tourist contexts Dossier 197 FOCUS

Girona’s major festa is rarely referred to as marked by close ties between City Hall and a that or even as a festa; instead it is routinely powerful Cathedral, a city in which business, called Fires, meaning “fairs,” markets by bourgeois culture, and measured behavior another name. A final underlying factor I have been valorized, culture of festa pre- have heard is the rivalry between Girona sents a challenge to proper order. In light of and Barcelona, a competition, from Giro- Girona’s self-definition in relation to Barce- na’s perspective, for prominence in culture. lona, the huge annual Gathering of Giants Through festivals, Girona officially seeks to demanded of Fal·lera by Girona’s City Hall be a referent in Catalonia and beyond of can be seen as shaped, however unselfcons- culture, not of culture of festa. ciously, by the first such event documented, the famous 1902 concentration of festival It is tempting to see the tension between figures in Barcelona “intended to convert festa and festival as between people and the Festas of the Mercè into the grand major government, but that obscures the fact that festa of Catalonia” (Perpinyà Salvatella; Grau people elect and constitute government, Herrero 2013: 104). as well as the fact that public enthusiasm for culture of festa in Girona is dwarfed by Weak City Hall acknowledgment of and that in other cities and towns in Catalonia, support for culture of festa and weak public including Berga, Reus, Solsona, and Olot. knowledge of and enthusiasm for festive Local explanations point to historical and imagery performance interlock. Fal·lera’s sociological sources for both festa and fes- ongoing and new activities are, in part, res- tival in contemporary Girona and to their ponses to these intertwined phenomena. interdependence. Fal·lera Gironina (n.d.) developed and maintains a website on figures, complete with Factors and forces shaping the two models activities for children. In the absence of a of culture in Girona City and their current House of Festa, group members, at their uneasy conjunction are what the sociologist own initiative, constructed large shelves in Storage Room Howard Becker (1998: 32), following C. Mas Abella to store and display bigheads and of Fal·lera Gironina, Mas Abella Everett Hughes, calls contingencies. In a other figures and in 2018 painted silhouettes (18 January 2019). city historically permeated by religion and of all the festive imagery, musicians, and ROBE RODRIGUÉZ 198 Dossier Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 FOCUS

“stick dancers” (bastoners), as in a procession to Catalonia and beyond. A key purpose or parade (fig. 3), on Persian blinds conce- is to pull people from elsewhere to Girona aling stored materials. for reputational and economic gain. The festa model, in contrast, depends on peo- In 2017, at its initiative, the group obtained a ple who, without pay, devote their time to subsidy from City Hall for a children’s book, performing local traditional and popular entitled A Bighead Has Been Lost (Garcia culture. Goals are to have fun, entertain, Cornellà, 2017). A second book, The Enig- gather people together, create connections mas of Beatusaure and the Witch of the Cat- among them, and forge a sense of belonging. hedral, for older children, was illustrated As those engaged in traditional culture say by a professional artist but written by the of this collective enterprise, which involves group (Fal·lera Gironina 2019). Both aim performers, assistants, and active specta- not only to entertain but also to educate tors, “we make community” (fem poble), readers about Gironan culture of festa and “we make the country” (fem país). to spark engagement with it. Additionally, Fal·lera has introduced new performances in Girona’s practitioners of culture of festa will Girona, which gather larger audiences each not renounce its place, or theirs, in culture. year, but those await discussion in a longer Tensions between these models—“culture account of the research on which this short versus popular culture,” as a member of case study draws. Fal·lera put it—will likely continue in Girona City, even as tourism will likely In the festival model, decision-making is continue to rise and culture of festa, both concentrated among political and economic city-wide and neighborhood-based, will elites, and centripetal forces skip over much likely continue to increase in visibility and of the local citizenry and neighborhoods participation. n

BIBLIOGRAPHY

rona/docs/girona__ciutat_de_fes- Fal·lera Gironina. Girona: Colla Ajuntament de Barcelona. (n. tivals_2015 [Accessed: 1 January Chía, J. De (1895) La Festividad Gegantera Fal·lera Gironina. d.) “Cultura popular”. http://lame- 2019] del Corpus en Gerona. Gerona: va.barcelona.cat/culturapopular/ Imprenta y libreria de Paciano Perpinyà Salvatella, N.; Grau ca [Accessed: 6 January 2019] Torres. Ajuntament de Girona. (2015b) Herrero, R. (2013) Faràndula: “Girona presenta l’edició 2016 Cinc-cents anys d’imatgeria fes- Ajuntament de Girona. (2011- de la guia ‘Girona, Ciutat de Fes- Carbó I Martorell, A. (2000) tiva a Girona. Girona: Ajuntament 2017) Memòria: Arèa de Cultura, tivals’”, 22 desembre 2015. http:// “Gegants a Catalunya. La super- de Girona. 2011-2017. Available at http:// www2.girona.cat/ca/noticies/-/ vivència d’un element festiu. Per www.girona.cat/cultura_memo- a Col.loqui Internatinal Géants, journal_content/56_INSTAN- Salellas, L. (2017) “(es)Crits per ries. Dragons et Animaux Fantastiques CE_9oNf/11622/5698250?re- Girona: Mas Abella Existeix”, 21 en Europe du Moyen Àge à Nous fererPlid=24974 [Accessed: 29 febrer 2017. https://escritspergiro- Jours, 28-30 Setembre, Ville d’Ath, Ajuntament de Girona. (2013) December 2018] na.wordpress.com/2017/02/21/ Belgica. http://www.festes.org/ar- “Girona, ciutat de festivals, L’Ajun- mas-abella/ [Accessed: 1 January xius/ponenciagegantscatalunya. tament de Girona edita una guia Ajuntament de Solsona. (n.d.) 2019] que posa en relleu la importància https://www.ajsolsona.cat/ [Ac- pdf. dels esdeveniments musicals a cessed: 6 January 2019] Sala, Galdric. (2017) “Turisme la Ciutat”, 28 febrer 2013. http:// Fal·lera Gironina. (n.d.) https:// Girona”, Diari de Girona, 28 juliol www2.girona.cat/ca/noticies/-/ www.fal-leragironina.cat/cat/inici. Ardèvol i Julià, L. (coord.) (2015) 2017. journal_content/56_INSTAN- Catàleg de gegants centenaris de html. CE_9oNf/11622/416012;jses- Catalunya. Barcelona: Generali- Soler, A. (2016) “Avinyotbis”, sionid=057B35280C25FD- Fal·lera Gironina. (2019) Els tat de Catalunya, Departament de Diari de Girona, 31 maig 2016, FE1D0385DC153EEE87?refe- enigmes del Beatusaure i la Bruixa Cultura. https://www.diaridegirona.cat/ rerPlid=24974 [Accessed: 5 May de la Catedral. Anglès: Impremta opinio/2016/05/31/avinyo- 2017] Pagès. Becker, H. (1998) Tricks of the net-bis/785981.html [Accessed: Trade: How to Think About Your 31 May 2016] Ajuntament de Girona. (2015a) Research While You Are Doing Garcia Cornellà, D. (2017) S’ha “Girona, ciutat de festivals 2015”, It. Chicago: University of Chicago perdut un capgròs. Els contes de https://issuu.com/ajuntament_gi- Press. Miscellanea

200 “Hands off our bulls!” MANUEL DELGADO RUÍZ ROMINA MARTÍNEZ ALGUERÓ SARAI MARTÍN LÓPEZ 215 Between the mountain and the sky CARLOTA FUENTEVILLA 229 Dry stone in Catalonia after recognition from UNESCO ROGER COSTA SOLÉ 200 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Manuel Delgado Romina Martínez Sarai Ruíz Algueró Martín UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA López Graduate in Graduate in Social and UNIVERSITY OF History of Art, with Cultural Anthropology, BARCELONA a postgraduate Master of Arts in Graduate qualification in Social Ethnography and in Social Psychology and a Anthropology and Anthropology doctorate in Anthropology from the predoctoral researcher at the University and University of Barcelona. Professor at of Barcelona. Currently a PhD student predoctoral researcher at the University of Barcelona. on the Society and Culture programme: University of Barcelona. She Postgraduate studies at the EPHE Anthropology at the University of Barcelona. is a member of the GRECS School of Religious Science at Sorbonne Member of the GRECS research group research group on exclusion and University in Paris. Professor of Social on exclusion social control. She has social control. The focus of her Anthropology at the UB and co-ordinator participated as a researcher for R + D research is immigrant women of the GRECS research group on exclusion AFFRIC and R + D TRANSAFRICA, who she in the Trinitat neighbourhood in and social control since 1986. does field work with in Senegal. Barcelona.

The correbous in Horta de Sant Joan (2018). MIREIA CLUA

“Hands off our bulls!” Bullfighting festivals in the Terres de l’Ebre and the heritage of the offended “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 201

“When I use a word”, Humpty Dumpty disappearance of most of the traditional bull- Paraules clau: correbous, said in rather a scornful tone, “it means fighting festivals or correbous, of which few Terres de l’Ebre, patrimoni, just what I choose it to mean — neither remained due in part to the legal offensive identitat, festes tradicionals. more nor less.” at the end of the eighties, but above all, to Palabras clave: correbous, a lack of agreement among local people on Terres de l’Ebre, patrimonio, “The question is,” said Alice, “whether identidad, fiestas tradicionales. you can make words mean so many dif- the subject. However, things are very differ- Keywords: correbous, Terres ferent things.” ent in one region of Catalonia that is often de l’Ebre, heritage, identity, traditional festivities. “The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty somewhat marginalised: the Terres de l'Ebre. correbous "which is to be master — that's all." Here, different types of festivals are still held, and the number is increasing. (Alice through the Looking Glass, Lewis There festivities involving bulls have not only Carroll) resisted and adapted to restrictions imposed from outside, but have increased in number Grandfather, I want a horse. Do you have over the years, protected by a measure of one? institutional approval, and firmly sustained –You want a horse? I’m too poor to buy by a level of popular support that contrasts you a horse. But we have the horse of pride. with the rejection that has more or less led to their disappearance in the rest of the Princi- (Le cheval d'orgueil, Pierre-Jakez Hélias) pality. In September 2019, Parliament urged the Catalan Government to abolish these Heritage and conflict festivals once and for all.

n Catalonia, a new and growing The context within which this contradiction sensitivity regarding our relation- occurs - that of a traditional festival that is ship with animals, and at the same disappearing, and is threatened with prohi- time a political climate especially bition but that persists and is being revived alert to the symbolic aspects of in a particular area - is significant and always the historical dispute with Spain, appears to be shaped by a form of social sup- led in 2010, to the de facto abolition of the port that perceives festivals involving bulls as Iconventional corrida de toros and the gradual a non-negotiable part of the local identity, a

L’any 2018 es van celebrar 439 corre- En el año 2018 se celebraron 439 corre- In 2018, 439 correbous took place bous a les Terres de l’Ebre, sis més que bous en las Terres de l’Ebre, seis más que in Terres de l’Ebre, six more than in l’any anterior. Aquest auge resultava en el año anterior. Este auge resulta de 2017. This rise is the result of legisla- d’una legislació que protegia les festes una legislación que protegía las fiestas con tion protecting traditional bull-related amb toros tradicionals, però sobretot toros tradicionales, pero sobre todo de un festivities, and, more importantly, of an d’un sud ignorat i menystingut, que havia sur ignorado y menospreciado, que había ignored and undervalued South, with assolit un nou orgull identitari a partir de alcanzado un nuevo orgullo identitario a newfound pride in an identity based les mobilitzacions contra el Pla Hidro- partir de las movilizaciones contra el Plan on mobilisations against the Spanish lògic Nacional. Una de les expressions Hidrológico Nacional. Una de las expresio- National Hydrological Plan. One of the d’aquesta vindicació va ser la proposta nes de esta vindicación fue la propuesta expressions of this movement is the perquè els bous fossin reconeguts per la para que los toros fueran reconocidos por proposal to have UNESCO recognise UNESCO com a Patrimoni Cultural Im- la UNESCO como Patrimonio Cultural the correbous as intangible cultural material de la Humanitat, una vindicació Inmaterial de la Humanidad, una vindica- heritage of humanity, the success of d’èxit improbable, ateses les dificultats ción de éxito improbable habida cuenta which is improbable considering the d’aquestes festes per ser acceptades de las dificultades de estas fiestas para ser challenges this type of festivity faces ni tan sols com a part de l’erari cultural aceptadas ni siquiera como parte del erario in garnering acceptance, even as part autoritzat a Catalunya, un rebuig que es cultural autorizado en Cataluña, un rechazo of the authorised cultural heritage of va traduir, el setembre de 2019, en la pe- que se tradujo, en septiembre de 2019, en Catalonia. All in all, a popular claim for tició del Parlament de Catalunya que els la petición del Parlament de Catalunya de standardisation such as this contrib- correbous fossin definitivament suprimits. que los correbous fueran definitivamente utes to the discussion about what El reclam popular de l’homologació com suprimidos en Cataluña. El reclamo popular is and what is not inventoriable as a valor intangible d’una festa considerada de la homologación como valor intangible heritage. com a intolerable contribueix a la discus- de una fiesta considerada como intolerable sió sobre què és i què no és inventariable contribuye a la discusión sobre qué es y qué com a patrimoni. no es inventariable como patrimonio. 202 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

collective identity constituted, as always, in from the application of allegedly expert crite- 1 conditions of aggressive opposition; in this ria, but in effect derives, directly or indirectly, This defence of the correbous as a symbolic identity-based response case, between the political and economic from the dictates of economic exploitation to the neglect of the Terres de centralism of Barcelona and the hegemonic in private or symbolic hands (or both at the l'Ebre is explicit. In the file on the models of what it means to be Catalan that same time) by institutions. festivals involving bulls in the inventory of the intangible cultural are based on festivals and customs from other heritage of the Terres de l'Ebre it parts of the country.1 In the first phase, we We also know that the notion of heritage says: "In the Terres de l'Ebre the will see that the adaptation of the correbous refers to what a generation inherits from the question of identity linked to a form of celebration is a key factor in the to legal restrictions was key, in March 1988 one that precedes it; and also to what a per- defence of a region with a history these restrictions introduced the prohibition son or group considers to be their property, of interventionism in the manage- of one of the most important elements of the not only in the sense of possessions, but in ment of both culture and natural resources that is very often per- festival - the death of the animal in public - the sense of what belongs to it, the qualities ceived as exogenous. The need to placing it in a context of hostility in the name it has, what makes it special. Approaching establish a territorial cultural unit to of the new values of animal rights, which the way this concept is used when it comes to defend the region against wrongs has generated a resurgence of were on their way to becoming universal indicating what can be officially inventoried feelings of belonging based on the and hegemonic. In the second phase, during as cultural heritage, supposedly idiosyncratic defence of what is understood to be a culture that belongs specifi- the first two decades of the21st century, the elements are often selected that are presumed cally to the Terres de l'Ebre "[online] context we need to keep in mind is that of the to refer not only to a synthesis of the past < http://ipcite.cat/ipcite/content/ strong feeling of identity felt by people in the of a particular community, but also to its les-festes-amb-bous> [Last con- Delta area that arose from their opposition to collective qualities, those that must persist sulted: 23 July 2019]. the National Hydrological Plan; the defence over time, since it is on these that both its of the correbous formed part of that, and thus survival and its broader attributes depend. became a social movement. Intangible Cultural Heritage was defined by UNESCO as “the practices, representations, This scenario is worth examination, as it expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the sheds light on certain problems that anthro- instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural pology, and in particular critical studies of spaces associated therewith – that commu- heritage (Marble, Frigolé and Narotzky, nities, groups and, in some cases, individuals 2010), have considered when addressing the recognise as part of their cultural heritage” controversial dimensions of heritage dynam- (UNESCO, 2003). This definition, which ics, which are full of schisms, antagonisms could be applied to any form of cultural iner- and contradictions, dark areas far from the tia, is in fact used to highlight, praise, protect friendly and non-conflicting views presented and promote only a limited number of the from the professionalised and institutional things that usually fall within the category point of view (Sánchez-Carretero, 2013). of popular and traditional culture, which, The subject invites us to reflect on what it in a way that is no less vague, preceded the is that leads certain cultural objects to be introduction of the concept of 'intangible officially recognised as ‘heritage’. Even more culture', Article 2 of Law 2/1993 on the controversial is the question of what and Promotion and Protection of Catalan Pop- why a given cultural object deserves to be ular and Traditional Culture, understood designated ‘Intangible Heritage’, a notion as "everything that refers to a set of cultural that in the early 2000s burst onto the scene activities, either tangible or intangible, such to become a part of the agenda in politics and as festivals and customs, music and musical cultural studies. In all cases, there is evidence instruments, dances and performances, fes- of how these labels are usually applied to all tive traditions, literary creations, cooking, kinds of politically determined projections techniques and crafts and all the other activ- of identity, or are used in various forms of ities of a popular and traditional nature".2 territorial marketing, predisposed to sell at the best possible price human landscapes The question then arises as to who designates presented as unique (Prats, 2014). We know a given cultural production as significant that what is catalogued as heritage - whether as an expression of a given essence, and for tangible or intangible - is presumed to result whom, whether it be local, regional, national “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 203

or, in the case of UNESCO, an expression themes of the post-Franco festival revival 2 of the ethical principles that give, or should - were traditions that successfully imposed Law 2/1993, of 5 March, for the promotion and protection of give, substance to the positive universality their aesthetic attraction and their symbolic popular and traditional culture of the human condition. In any case, these virtues in an area that included the regions and cultural associations [online] all-encompassing definitions, updates to the of Garraf, Alt and Baix Penedès, Alt and [Last consulted: 10 all popular festivals - this is perhaps where February 2019] the concept is most frequently applied - are This shift of the essential geographic core classified, or could be classified, as part of an of the imaginary of ‘Catalanness’ from the intangible cultural heritage. Not everything counties of Girona to those of Tarragona that a community recognises as an identify- and Penedès demonstrated how the sym- ing element will have the privilege of appar- bols that allow a feeling of identity to be ently being spared from the destructive and constructed by those who have the power predatory machine that is capitalist progress, to produce legitimate meanings "are not even though in reality the pardon it obtains static categories, frozen in time and, homo- results from its potential conversion into geneous, but a living thing, in a constant economic surplus and a factor of symbolic process of recreation and transformation“ legitimacy. Depending on this criterion, that depend on "a range of different circum- some festivals will be encouraged, others stances and interdependent factors, those ignored and yet others will be persecuted that give precise, synchronous, contextual as being undesirable, in the sense that they content" (Pujades i Comas, 1991: 647). In are considered not only unproductive, but other words, everything that was being pre- harmful to the positive image of the product sented as an exhibition of true ‘Catalanness’ on the cultural authenticity market (Santam- was merely the result of a manipulation that aría and Montcusí, 2015). "harked back·to the past, selected certain facts and chose to forget others" (ibidem: In the case of Catalonia, the range of objects 649). However, if it was indisputable that that can be rescued in order to exemplify the the substance of our people was eternal and values of its own identity, and therefore what immutable and that Catalonia was a phe- today would qualify as a potential part of nomenon of divine or natural origin, the heritage, has been changing. The process of selection of testimonials to these basic truths re-establishing a national identity that had in order to create what we today call intan- been weakened and concealed during the gible heritage could shift with the times and long years of Franco's dictatorship resulted with the changing political mood. in a festive heritage that had been denied in many ways, undervalued because it had been So far, we have talked about the criteria that converted into folklore performed by the make the activation of a certain cultural ele- regime's coros y danzas, or simply prohibited. ment relevant as intangible heritage from This dynamic of the rediscovery of festivals specific instances that, consciously or uncon- and popular culture did not mean, how- sciously, are in accordance with political or ever, a mere re-edition of the old references private interests in terms of ‘the imaginary’. imposed by the Renaixença, with its predi- But the political or economic powers and lection for traditional themes adopted from the specialists who obey, knowingly or oth- Old Catalonia. (Prats, 1989). When renew- erwise, their orders do not always have a ing what Joan Prat (1991) called “demarca- guaranteed monopoly of the quality of her- tors of symbolic identification", the elements itage. As a discursive production, the official to be highlighted came mainly from parts of highlighting of heritage can be disregarded the country that nineteenth-century nation- or ignored by subordinate social groups or alism had more or less passed by. Indeed, regions, who demand recognition not only the castellers, the sound of the gralles, the of who and what they consider themselves giants and the devils - that is, the central to be, but also the abuse of which they may 204 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

consider themselves to be victims. These was not a ‘fiesta’, and the animals were not 3 "intangible" materialisations that conceal or killed.4 They argued that the nature of festi- The ban was annulled in a ruling by the Spanish Constitutional Court disguise the existence of all kinds of injustices vals featuring bulls in Catalonia were more in the autumn of 2016, but this did or omissions may be different from, and humane and less cruel, demonstrating a not lead to a revival of the cele- even incompatible with, what the author- relationship with the animals that did not bration of events involving bulls in 5 Catalan bullrings because towards ised distributors of patrimonial excellence exist in Spanish bullfights. The fact that this the end spectators had been consider to be most important. And it is feature was the consequence of an earlier law, reduced to summer tourists, who then when a field like heritage, that would 3/1988, passed almost 20 years earlier was entrepreneurs did not consider to be a good business proposition. be deemed immune to social or political forgotten or ignored. constraints, being exclusively in the hands 4 This contradiction has been under- of wise experts and expert commissions, The central argument for the differential lined from the legal perspective. appears to be a vehicle for all kinds of social treatment that made bullfights illegal, and See Laus (2015), Grisostolo tensions, that find a language through which more or less at the same time declared the (2017) and Ridao Martin (2017). they can express themselves in the process of correbous in Catalonia still legal, was that 5 definition of what must be protected from bullfights involved a great deal of blood, An example of this positive image and culminated in the public sacrifice of a attributed to the Catalan festivals the passage of time and human action. involving bulls compared to those living being, whereas in contrast the Cata- held in Spain: "It must be kept in All of these issues appear to be unfolding lan correbous were bloodless. The aim of the mind that the correbous festivities, unlike corridas, do not involve the in Catalonia in the public polemic aroused Law 34/2010 was clearly defined in arti- death of the animal. In fact the bulls by some of the correbous whose defence has cle 2: "traditional festivities featuring bulls that are most appreciated are the mobilised a significant part - probably the that do not involve the death of the animal most experienced ones - it is they 6 who generate excitement at the majority - of the populations of the Baix (correbous)". It is true that in Catalonia end of their careers" (Vega, 2015 Ebre and Montsià regions, with the sup- festivals involving bulls were bloodless at 81). port of local authorities who have coincided the time the law was passed, and continue 6 in championing these festivals as a sign of to be so today but, the wording assumes - Law 34/2010, on the regulation identity, not only on a regional level, but and public discussions on the subject also of traditional festivities with bulls also as a way of living what it means to be assumed - that this aspect of the Catalan [online] < https://portaljuridic. gencat.cat/ca/pjur_ocults/ Catalan in their own terms, against a back- correbous - the fact that the animals are not pjur_resultats _fitxa/?action=fitx- drop characterised by the process of national killed - was an intrinsic part of the tradition a&mode=single &documen- tId=558961&language =ca_ES> emancipation that has been underway in itself, as if the benevolence shown towards [Last consulted: 22 July 2019]. Catalonia since 2010. the bull was part of an ethos that was some- how specifically Catalan. At no time was The discovery of ‘unacceptable’ it remembered - at least not in the sources Catalonia consulted - that if there were no bulls being In 2010 the Catalan Parliament adopted killed in Catalonia this was because of a ban two apparently contradictory - for many, that had been imposed more than 20 years blatantly contradictory - legislative resolu- earlier. This legislation had been highly con- tions. On 3 August, Law 24/2010 abolished tentious, but nobody seemed to remember traditional bullfights in bullrings in Cata- how problematic it had been to enforce. lonia. 3 Shortly afterwards, on 1 October, the same authority protected the traditional Article 4 of Law 3/1988 on the protection of Catalan correbous by means of another law, animals, approved by the Catalan Parliament Law 34/2010. This apparent contradiction in March 1988, prohibited "the use of ani- was interpreted as an incomprehensible and mals in shows, fights and other activities that indefensible comparative grievance, simulta- may cause suffering, or where the animals neously denounced by animal rights groups, may be subject to mockery or unnatural environmental parties and organisations, treatment, or that may offend the sensibil- supporters of bullfighting, and the Spanish ities of those who watch them". 7 Sporting Partido Popular Government. The response practices such as pigeon shooting, and also of the Catalan political parties was that they traditions such as cockfighting in Badalona, had approved the new law because the cor- the duck-catching in Roses and San Carles rebous, unlike the so-called fiesta nacional, de la Rápita, and the public slaughter of “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 205 pigs in Juneda, Ogassa and Vidrà were not support of the socialist municipal author- 7 prohibited under the terms of this law. Bull- ities themselves, disobeyed orders from the Law 3/1988 on animal protection [online] < https://portal juridic. fighting in existing bullrings and correbous government, holding their correbous and gencat.cat/ca/pjur_ocults/ were excluded, but the wording of the time killing the bull at the end of it. The scene pjur_resultats_fitxa/?action=fitxa& implied a misunderstanding. In point 4.2 of the conflict was significant, as it high- documentId = 492668> [Last consulted: 10 February 2019]. it could be understood that the exceptions lighted the active presence at that time of a were “traditional festivals involving bulls tradition of bloody festivities involving bulls where the animal is not killed (correbous)”. in the counties of what is still called "Cat- It was clear that neither the authors of the alan Catalonia", such as Bages, Cerdanya, text of this law nor the parliamentarians who La Garrotxa, Baix Empordà and La Selva approved it were aware that in Catalonia (Lanao, Tornos and Vinyoles, 1990), and there were many places where popular fes- especially Cardona, the last stronghold of tivities involving bulls did culminate in the the anti-Bourbon resistance in the War of sacrifice of the animal, and that this often the Spanish Succession. It should be noted took place in public. It was obvious that this that the correbous in Cardona was twice lack of knowledge would lead to a series of presided over by Jordi Pujol as President of administrative and public order issues in the the Generalitat de Catalunya, the second places where the local festivities had not been time on 11 September 1983, a year before taken into account, simply because those the event was officially declared a festival of responsible for drafting the law could not interest to tourists. conceive of the possibility that festive traditions in Catalonia could include practices The existence of festivities involving blood- considered to be "unbecoming of civilised shed in the Principality represented an obsta- countries" (Loureiro Lamas and Sánchez cle when it came to constructing an image García, 1990) of popular national culture acceptable to the political interests of its elites. The image of The consequences were immediately appar- festivities based on cruelty and bloodshed ent. Attempts to implement Law 3/1988 was associated in the official imaginary with came up against serious obstacles in many Spain and in no way reflected the virtues parts of the country, especially in some officially attributed to the Catalan people regions - those of the Ebre - which had once in terms of their willingness to engage in again been bypassed in the festival revival dialogue, their civility and moderation, in that came with the advent of democracy. line with what was claimed to be their clearly Alcanar, where the town council was in the European aspirations. These virtues were hands of the Iniciativa per Catalunya party, clearly incompatible with any kind of festivi- was the first victim. Fines were imposed ties involving real violence (Delgado, 1993). not only as a penalty for the celebration Popular Catalan culture needed to be pre- of the correbous festivities, but also due to sented as a culture that could be exhibited as the disturbances that ended up with two a living testimony to a peaceful and balanced policemen adrift on a raft. There were sim- society, and good judgement as an inherent ilar problems throughout the summer of quality of the Catalan people. This is why an 1988 in Amposta, San Carles de la Rápita, extensive tradition of festivals that were tak- Deltebre and other areas in the south of the ing place throughout the country involving country. It is in this context that a campaign bulls - including bullfights - had to be denied was launched in protest against the threat to (Amades, 1983 [1956]: II, 202-208 and V, local festivals, and its main slogan was very 113-114; González, 1990), it was a tradition clear: Hands off our bulls!. that contradicted a rejection of bullfighting that has become one of the most recurrent The most serious incidents occurred, how- themes of anti-Spanish nationalism in Cat- ever, in Cardona (Padullés, 2010 and 2011), alonia, not always explicitly expressed and where over the course of four years after the often wrapped up in ethical considerations approval of the law, the locals, with the based on a supposed moral superiority of 206 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

the Catalan nation (TKac, 2014; Xifrà and the Catalan nation: bypassing the country's 8 Sriramesh, 2019). This is the origin of the southernmost regions, regions that were not In Terra Alta alone, they are currently celebrated only in Horta de repeated attacks on the bull-shaped adver- only physically located in the south of Cat- Sant Joan and Arnes; in the Ribera tising hoardings (they originally advertised alonia, but also in their own ‘south’, in the d'Ebre, they were only revived for a Osborne brandy) in Bruc in 2002, 2007 and symbolic sense attributed to the word by few years in Ascó. 2009, as well as the adoption of the Catalan Mario Benedetti. It was a part of the country 9 donkey in the early 2000s as a symbol of that was not considered to be a part of the Law 34/2010, of 1 October, on the regulation of traditional festivals what it meant to be Catalan. country at all when people spoke of what was with bulls [online] later be called intangible culture - that was Artur Bladé (1991: 9). But it was not only [Last consulted: 10 February extremely uncomfortable; so much so that historical, social or economic conditions that 2019]. nobody with administrative authority over determined the marginality of the Baix Ebre, 10 this area was called upon to intervene. The Montsià, Terra Alta and Ribera d'Ebre, but Correbous are events involving implementation of the law was tasked to bulls that are based on the active also the expressions of what Carod-Rovira participation of the spectators, the Service for the Protection of Nature, (2017) had called "the other ‘Catalanness’ and in contrast to conventional under the auspices of the General Directo- ", that is, a remarkable cultural uniqueness bullfights, there is no separation between those taking part and rate for Forestry Policy of the Ministry of with respect to the rest of the Principality, the animal. Various types of event the Environment, and when problems of marked by the omnipresence of the river were included under the new law: public order arose, management was taken and its delta, the culture of rice growing, the "Bous al carrer", which consists of releasing a bull or a cow into the over by the General Directorate for Games memory of the Civil War and, in terms of streets along a controlled urban and Entertainment of the Ministry of Gov- festivals, the jota, the musical groups... and route; "bous a la plaça", where a ernance. The Traditional Culture Division of the correbous. cow is released into a purpose-built bullring. "Bou embolat" which is the Ministry of Culture, then led by the late a nocturnal event that consists of and greatly missed Antoni Anguela, was at Popular festivities involving bulls or correbous attaching flaming torches to the no time consulted about such severe actions - widespread around the Delta, less so in animal's horns and letting it loose 8 on the streets of the town. "Bou taken in its jurisdiction. At the instigation of inland areas - have been a problematic issue capllaçat", "ensogat" or "amb this Department, a commission was estab- in recent years, especially since Parliament corda" which is where a rope is lished in defence of the Catalan correbous, gave the green light to Law 34/20109 on attached to the lower part of the animal's horns and it is dragged headed by Josep Albà, who lodged a com- 1 October, which regulates many types of through the streets of the town. plaint with the Catalan Ombudsman at the traditional festival involving bulls10, almost "Bou salvatge" which consists of beginning of 1989, as did the Department all of them celebrated in the counties of the releasing a bull for the first time in an enclosed space - this could be a of Cultural Anthropology of the Univer- Ebre. The result of the vote on the protec- bullring, or a route through streets sity of Barcelona. Together these two bodies tion of festivities involving bulls was 114 of the town that have been closed organised the First Symposium on Bulls and votes in favour - that is, the whole Parliament off - and what the law calls an "exhibition of skill", in which partic- Bullfighting in Catalonia, which took place with the exception of 14 votes against cast ipants demonstrate their "skills" by in Cardona in June 1988, and again in Olot by Iniciativa per Catalunya (12) and the confronting the animal. in December of the following year. None of Socialist party (2), with five abstentions, these meetings, held in response to a serious three of these from Ciutadans and two from threat to a popular festival, took place in the Socialist members of parliament. This par- areas most affected, those of the Ebre. liamentary support for the festivities involving bulls in the Ebre region encouraged a Terres de l'Ebre, bulls and an campaign, promoted by the Agrupació de alternative definition of what it Penyes i Comissions Taurines de les Terres means to be Catalan de l’Ebre in November 2011, which asked The repositioning of the roots of what should UNESCO to award the correbous the status have been an expression of the character of of Intangible Cultural Heritage. Within a the Catalan people repeated, at the time of few days, several southern municipalities the transition to democracy, the same biased had also joined the initiative. First Amposta; role that the Renaixença had played when it then, Santa Barbara; then Deltebre, Mas- came to listing the emblematic traditions of denverge, La Galera, Sant Jaume d'Enveja... “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 207

Other localities in those counties adopted Campredó or Els Reguers around Tortosa. In 11 this approach locally, and at the beginning other locations, festivals involving bulls have There are of course a significant number of people in the towns of of 2012, there were about twenty whose been extended, as in l’Aldea, now being held the Ebre region who are in favour 14 festivities involving bulls had been declared at Pentecost as well as in August. of banning the correbous, and Intangible Cultural Heritage. who believe that this aspect of the region's cultural identity is one that Law 34/2010 had loopholes that infuriated can be dispensed with. Political The counterbalance to this euphoria were the anti-bullfighting groups and helped to organisations such as the CUP the constant protests by animal rights groups spread correbous events that go beyond what and civil society associations, such as those grouped together and some of the communities of the Ebre is strictly permitted by law. For example, in the Plataforma Antitaurina de against these festivals,11 leading to incidents the ambiguity in the treatment of one type les Terres de l’Ebre and Tots Som such as the attacks on animal rights activists of particularly detested correbous event, the Poble, represent this stance in the very heart of the region. in Ulldecona in 2011, and Mas de Barberans "bous embolats" - when bulls have fireballs in 2016. In May 2017 Parliament accepted attached to their horns - because in these 12 [Last consulted: 21 made public in March 2012, were against but with the new law any municipality in February 2019]. them.12 In 2018, there were 13 allegations Catalonia where festivities involving bulls of the use of clubs or the participation of were traditional could include it in the pro- 13 [Last consulted: correbous had already been filed. had been prohibited in 2011 during the 21 February 2019]. Festes de la Segregació, but had been allowed 14 The new law and the objections of animal the following year. Another incongruity was There is ethnographic research rights groups generated a new climate that the bous a la mar in the town of les Cases on the correbous in the Terres de was favourable to the celebration of such d’Alcanar, a variation that had not been fore- l’Ebre that shows, for example, the role of community groups in the festivities, and many people in the Terres de seen by the legislators, revealing that they organisation of the correbous, or l'Ebre spoke out in their defence - in April had insufficient knowledge of the festivals the performance of the different 2015, 10,000 people filled the streets of they were required to regulate. This event rituals involved. Nothing along the lines of what has been done with Amposta to proclaim their support for the was held on a regular basis and protected by regard to, for example, the Toro de correbous. The number of popular festivities law until 2016, when an animal rights group la Vega in Tordesillas (Pitt-Rivers, involving bulls in the south of the country realised that a mistake had been made and 1986), the Toro de la Virgen de Grazalema (Serrán Pagán, 1979), was not decreasing, in fact quite the opposite: made a complaint against the town council the bous embolats in Figueroles it was on the increase. In 2018 a total of 439 on the grounds that this was a festival based and Thales (Mira, 1976), or, in the authorised correbous took place, six more case of the Principality, the corre on the ill treatment of animals. de bou in Cardona (Delgado, than in the previous year, on 207 days and 1995; Padullés, 2011). This paper in 27 towns and villages in the region.13 Of This tug-of-war between the fierce defence should be taken as a theoretical approach to empirical research these, 138 bulls were embolats, with fire on of a festival with deep roots in a particular that is still pending. It focuses their horns - 10% more than in the previous region, and the persecution and discredit on actions taken at different year - and 43 were capllaçats or tethered, stemming from the anger of animal rights administrative levels by those with responsibility in this area, the insti- not including the events held in Ulldecona, groups, together with the disapproval of the tutions that manage authorised Camarles and Xerta. There arecorrebous in all media and most of public opinion accord- heritage and the associations that the towns in Montsià, except Freginals, and ing to the polls, was finally resolved on 26 have engaged in public debates on the legitimacy or - lack of it- of in all those of the Baix Ebre, except Perelló September 2019 when Parliament urged the correbous. and Ametlla de Mar. In some places a lost the Catalan government to ban correbous tradition has been recovered, as was the case throughout Catalonia. The initiative came in Ascó, where there had been no correbous from the political party En Comú Podem, for 25 years; in Aldover, for St George’s day, and was approved with 50 votes in favour or for the festival in honour of the Mare de and 17 against, But the majority of members Deu de la Cinta, in Tortosa. In other places of the Parliament (61) abstained. The insti- the tradition has been introduced, as in Jesús, tutional reaction was immediate. In early 208 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

October of the same year, 20 mayors from of Catalan adopted from Pompeu Fabra's 15 the Ebre and Cardona regions from a broad grammar only served to widen the breach The only political group that has shown itself to be hostile to the range of political parties - PDeCat, ERC, with places such as the Terres de l'Ebre, correbous in Terres de l’Ebre is the PSC, Movem and Iniciativa per Catalunya where tortosí was considered a dialect that CUP, who presented candidates at - 15 met to create a common front to prevent was not altogether Catalan. the municipal elections held in May 2019 in five towns in the region - something that was inconceivable to them: Flix, Alcanar, Tortosa, Deltebre and the disappearance of the correbous in their It is worth remembering that this old issue Móra d’Ebre. They won a seat on towns and cities. led to the reopening, in the 1980s, of the the councils of Tortosa, Alcanar and Flix, obtaining a maximum of debate about a standard model of Catalan 5.48% of the vote. The popular culture of the offended and the proposal that the geographical varie- and the humiliated ties should be recognised (Pradilla Cardona, The widespread and well-publicised exist- 2014). This demand for plurality ran up ence of popular festivals involving bulls in against the model of identity imposed by Terres de l'Ebre contradicted the supposed the Pujol Administration, that is, the way process of ethical modernisation within Cat- in which conservative Catalan nationalism alan society, which was expressed in part revived and adopted as its own the levelling through the rejection of festivals featuring and centralist idea of romantic 'Catalanness' bulls. This highlighted the precarious nature of the Renaixença at the end of the 20th cen- of the way the southern regions of Catalonia were accommodated within the officially sanctioned concept of what it means to be Catalan. These were other expressions of identity that had their roots in the past. This was the result of the way that the liberal nation-state developed during the 19th century. In 1833 Spain was organised as a series of provinces, and this marked the beginning of the correspondence between borders and culture. Each administration tried to legitimise its geographical limits by a symbolic identification that aimed to bring together all sorts of cultural practices under the same umbrella, with little differentiation in order to better mark the cultural differences between a particular territory and its neighbours. Thus, the administrative divisions began to create an identity dynamic that diluted the specific culture of the Ebre when the territory was divided between Cas- tellón, Matarranya and the Terres de l’Ebre (Collet, 2012) Catalan nationalism accepted this perspective as unquestionable, and relied on a unique ethnic representation which clearly contrasted with the others, that was linked to a new national and territorial reality tury, a brand of nationalism that was incapa- Esquerra Republicana ble of recognising the cultural diversity that posters for Torroella de accompanied by a corresponding cultural Montgrí and Amposta (2017). imaginary developed for this purpose. This was so much needed in Spain. The speech El País, 24 March 2017. nationalism was based on cultural elements, and customs of the southern regions had no with the use of the Catalan language being place in this project of cultural unification, the determining factor of belonging in mod- being guilty of an impurity caused by their ern Catalonia (Clua and Fain, and Sánchez nature as a permeable border with an even and García, 2014). The standard model deeper south, what for the Catalan nation- “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 209

alist imaginary was the País Valencià and by "civilised" North, where the remnants of 16 extension Spain, which had already irrevo- unacceptable traditions were being brought We should remember that one of the things that triggered Parlia- cably absorbed it (Collet, 2012). Because, to an end, and a marginal, poor and "wild" ment's decision to ban correbous although it was not always explicitly stated, South, where those same festivals were still in the country was an incident in the bulls and the jotas were "Spanish" or, at being held, and participation in them was which a bull attacked spectators in 18 the town of La Selva, in which 19 least, more Spanish than they were Catalan. increasing. people were injured in September 2019.

The question that should be asked is why It is very likely that one of the keys to this 17 there was such a difference between the difference in the response to what was inter- Here, the ban was the result of resistance of the towns of the Ebre to the preted as a new aggression against heritage as a campaign by the political party ERC in 2017, supported by a legal intervention regarding the correbous actually lived by the people of many towns poster that read "Torroella de under Law 3/88, and that of Law 34/2010. in the Ebre region, was a new situation Montgrí free from correbous". This At the end of the 1980s, the context was which resulted in a heightened self-aware- poster was identical to the one in Amposta used by that same party, one of perplexity for a large part of Catalan ness among the local population born, as is ERC, in support of a campaign society and its own politicians - even the often the case within a framework of conflict. fought using the slogan "Amposta: legislators themselves - when they discovered This was the struggle against the National bulls now, bulls for always." the existence of a part of their festive universe Hydrological Plan approved by the Spanish 18 that was characterised by violence against Parliament in 2001, almost 20 years ago It is as if the contrast, expressed in the poem by Salvador Espriu animals. On that occasion, the defence of the (Boquera Margalef, 2009). The threat of the Assaig de càntic en el temple that correbous in the face of fines and prohibitions massive extraction of water from the River was sung by Ovidi Montllor, were was fierce, but at the same time marginal, Ebre triggered a local response that placed reproduced in the heart of the country itself: “Oh, que cansat estic and the situation was complex, mayors in all the symbolic weight on the image of the de la meva / covarda, vella, tan many cases not even enjoying the support river, through metaphors that associated it salvatge terra, / i com m’agradaria of their parties; and all of this was the result with the blood of the earth and the strength allunyar-me’n, / nord enllà, / on diuen que la gent és neta / i noble, of scandalised and hostile public opinion and power of unity. This was echoed in an culta, rica, lliure, / desvetllada i within the country. unprecedented way in public opinion, the feliç!”. ("Oh, how tired I am of my issue going far beyond questions regarding / cowardly, old, and oh so wild land, / and how I would like to get On the other hand, the situation that water extraction with the focus being on a away, / north, / where they say that arose in 2010 around the law designed to land that felt itself to be invisible and forgot- the people are clean / and noble, protected the correbous, and in the face of ten (Franquesa, 2018). From 2000 onwards cultured, rich, free, / alert and happy! "). protests made by some of the animal-rights there was a series of major demonstrations, groups who claimed to represent the feelings for example in Tortosa, Amposta, Barce- 19 A reminder of the arguments of of the majority of Catalans on the subject, lona, and Brussels. The last of these was on Tortosinisme, cf. Bayerri i Raga, the response was much stronger and more 7 February 2016, when, chanting the slogan 1984. confident. The declaration of thecorrebous “The Ebre without water means the death of as part of an intangible cultural heritage, the Delta”, 50,000 people took to the streets and the initiatives to obtain their recog- of the capital of the Montsià. All this took nition as such by UNESCO; the massive place within the framework of the process of demonstrations in the streets; the spread national emancipation in Catalonia, which of festivals involving bulls which were rein- was reflected in the profusion of flags at each stated in some places and introduced in oth- of the events involving bulls in each and ers where they had never previously been every one of the towns where they were held. held... All this was in stark contrast to the It has been argued that "Terres de l'Ebre" steady disappearance of correbous in the rest or "ebrenc" are expressions that renew the of the country, especially in the north. In the resistance against the single model of what it province of Girona in 2018, the only festival means to be Catalan, represented by tortosin- that remained was the one in Vidreres,16 as isme 19within a secessionist, reactionary and Parliament, at the request of the respective anti-Catalan framework (Vidal Franquet, town councils, removed from the list of tra- 2015), but the way in which the reaction ditional correbous those held in Olot, Roses against the symbolic Catalan centralism is and Torroella de Montgrí.17 This confirmed now developing - including a vindication of the symbolic division between a rich and events involving bulls - has been translated 210 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

not into a renunciation of 'Catalanness', but 156/2013. In fact, as Costa and Folch (2014: 20 rather into its radicalisation. 67) point out, a significant aspect is its Decree 156/2013, of 9 April, approving the procedures for the absence; terms such as "tradition", "celebra- implementation of Law 34/2010, In the Terres de l'Ebre, there was an identity tion", "protection", "spectacle" or "respect" of 1 October, regulating traditional process that, following the typology pro- being used, but never the word "heritage".20 festivals involving bulls [online] < https://portaljuridic.gencat.cat/ posed by Pujades (1990), began with an The regulations state that the purpose of the ca/pjur_ocults/pjur_resultats_ instrumentalist and circumstantial logic, law is "to guarantee the rights, interests and file/?action=file&mode=single& generating feelings of primary solidarity for safety of participants and spectators, as well document=633140&language=ca_ES> [Last consulted: the achievement of specific objectives but as the protection of the animals involved in 21 July 2019]. which, as it developed, dragged pending the show". In no case is there any mention disputes along with it, such as all of those of the protection, and even less of the pro- that had marked the Terres de l'Ebre not only motion, of any heritage element. Nowhere as an economically and politically inferior in the text is there any consideration of the Catalonia, but also as inferior in the symbolic legislative framework on heritage in Catalo- sense because it was not Catalan enough. nia. This is ignored and regulation is always As if the presence of cultural elements alien focused on public order concerns - "safety", to the mind maps of official Catalanism in "inspections", "offences", "infringements" that little corner of the territory were proof and "sanctions" - which is consistent with that in the end it deserved the contempt it the fact that the regulation was issued by the received. The popular culture of the people Ministry of Home Affairs. of the Ebre was the culture of the "humiliated and offended" to which Sebastià Juan In fact, neither Law 34/2010 nor the reg- de Arbó had dedicated the best of his work ulations that follow on from it make any (Arnau, 1980: 4). allusion whatsoever to the preservation of the festival as a tradition, much less as her- Banner for the Agrupació de Penyes i Comissions Taurines An impossible heritage itage. On the contrary, both texts insist on de les Terres de l’Ebre. The parliamentary protection of correbous in limiting the right to celebrate such events to APCTTE (2018) 2010 was never concerned with safeguard- those localities that can ing something that could be classified as demonstrate their "tra- heritage. The legal recognition of the corre- ditional" nature. In this bous, once redeemed from an original sin of way legal action in rela- violence that nobody seemed to remember, tion to the correbous is was undoubtedly the result of the major- aimed at avoiding their ity pressure from people who, despite an proliferation beyond extremely hostile climate, were not willing the areas within the to give up their festivals, above all in the Ebre territory where they are region, where defending them had become already celebrated, and part of an identity that had been constantly to explicitly prohibit the undervalued. However, this legal protection establishment of new fes- was never the result of the attribution of tivals with bulls in other value as heritage. places, which implies that the legislators had con- In Law 34/2010 the term heritage only fidence that such festivals appears in relation to the correbous in the would gradually disappear. introduction, referring to its importance as 'genetic heritage', and so relating it to the It is significant that the role of breeding and selection of a certain breed of the General Directorate of Pop- animal, and not in any sense as a form of ular Culture and Cultural Asso- cultural or even ethnological heritage. Nei- ciations (DGCPAC, which in 2012 ther does the word heritageappear later in the replaced the Centre for the Promotion regulations for the development and appli- of Popular and Traditional Catalan Cul- cation of this law, as formalised in Decree ture), has played no part in the legal and “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 211

regulatory regularisation of the correbous. The attempt to validate the celebration of 21 Only in the Inventory of the Intangible a festive event such as the correbous by pro- [Last consulted: 20 July 2019]. general of the DGCPAC and currently in campaign to persuade UNESCO to include exile, announced the beginning of a pro- festivals involving bulls in its lists, with the 22 Decree 389/2006, of 17 October cess for the incorporation of the popular aim not only of affording them legal protec- on the festive heritage of Catalonia festivals involving bulls in the Catalogue tion, but also imbuing them with moral pres- [online] < https://portaljuridic. of Festive Heritage of Catalonia.21 So from tige. As we have said, in November 2011 the gencat.cat/ca/pjur_ocults/ pjur_resultats_fitxa/?action=fitxa 2016 a good number of the major festivals Agrupació de Penyes i Comissions Taurines &mode=single&documen- celebrated in the Ebre region were included de l’Ebre supported the proposal made by tID=461050&language=ca_ES> in the list. However there was no specific the International Bullfighting Association in [Last consulted: 22 July 2019]. mention of the correbous, and no sugges- relation to all bullfighting events worldwide, 23 tion that such events would be protected which provided the motivation for taking a Catalogue of the festive Heritage of Catalonia [online] < http:// or promoted in any way or that they might whole series of measures for the protection patrimonifestiu.cultura.gencat. at some point merit safeguarding. In July of a heritage that the Ebre regions recognised cat/Cataleg-del-patrimoni-fes- 2019, no celebration with correbous was as their own, but that at the same time was tiu-de-Catalunya> [Last consulted: 20 July 2019]. Festivals classified included among the 61 festivals declared of totally incompatible with majority public as: "popular festival of cultural heritage significance by the Catalan Gov- opinion on the acceptability of certain cul- interest", "traditional festival of ernment that in accordance with decree tural phenomena. As already mentioned, national interest", "traditional festive 22 element of national interest", "her- 389/2006 were deemed worthy of pres- after this, by the end of 2012 some twenty itage festival of national interest" ervation and promotion.23 municipalities had joined in the proposal, and "festive heritage element of and had declared their festivals involving national interest" are deemed to be of significance. The list includes It is true that in recent years there has been bulls to constitute intangible cultural herit- places where correbous are a part a significant increase in intangible elements age at a local level. Almost eight years later, of the big annual town festival: Alca- perceived, either locally or nationally, as none of the eight states involved in what nar, Amposta, Sant Carles de la Ràpita, Campredó, Horta de Sant cultural heritage in the different regions has been dubbed the "UNESCO Bullfight- Joan, Deltebre, Masdenverge, Sant of Catalonia. (Costa and Folch, 2014: 66); ing Project" has made any declaration of Jaume d'Enveja, Santa Bárbara, La some of these, such as the Patum de Berga support, or taken any steps to present the Sènia... but in all these cases the event is clearly labelled as a "festa or the castellers, have even achieved inter- candidacy for the official recognition of catalogada" (listed festival). national recognition. The very nature of their bullfighting festivals, although Spain 24 the concept of intangible heritage how- has recognised the corrida nationally as part Law 18/2013, of 12 November, ever, became the cause and effect of a set of Cultural Historical Heritage under Law on the regulation of bullfighting as of contradictions embodied in a number 18/201324. No Spanish government has a part of cultural heritage [online] < https://www.boe.es/diario_boe/ of contentious issues, the case discussed declared its popular bullfighting festivals to txt.php?id=BOE-A-2013-11837> here being a good example. These types be of cultural interest. In short: UNESCO [Last consulted: 21 July 2019]. of popular cultural practices, in particular has not to date received any proposal for any those involving the presence and use of festival involving bulls (either in the Ebre animals, highlight the conflictive dimen- or elsewhere) to be recognised as part of the sion of intangible heritage and contribute Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. to its ambiguity, meaning that it can be used arbitrarily in the service of different What is clear is that festivities involving bulls, causes and projects in search of legitimacy. as events based on what could be considered As has already been noted, the difficulty in to be the humiliation of the animals, have fitting the correbous into what is consid- no chance of being included in the list of ered the desired image of the country has UNESCO's intangible universal assets, or resulted in their consideration as heritage even being proposed as such by any state. In being denied - at least obliquely so - due the first place because there is already a dis- to the discomfort caused by the existence suasive precedent: the Italian state's renunci- of practices considered undesirable even in ation, in the face of animal rights protests, of legal terms (p. 67). obtaining the UNESCO stamp of approval 212 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

for the Palio de Siena, because of the risk with criteria that are incompatible when 25 to the horses it involves (Scovazzi, 2011).25 they are at the same time required to be There is indeed one cultural practice involving animals included on As in this case, the eventual inclusion of testimonies to diversity as well as factors the UNESCO list of the Intangible any such event as an element of intangible of cultural homogenisation. Cultural Heritage of Humanity. As heritage by UNESCO would be in direct the result of a joint proposal from 18 countries on three continents, contradiction to the values which are widely In effect, UNESCO only considers wor- falconry has been included since accepted within the framework of today's thy contributions that fit with its idealistic 2016, recognised for its contribu- post-modern and post-materialist societies, vision of a humanity in which social and tion to "the conservation of nature, cultural heritage and community which include as a generalised norm, pro- territorial asymmetries have miraculously social activities" [Last consulted: 22 July 2019]. ance with this norm is considered essential at the service of positive universal values, in proof for being worthy of consideration by a world where inequality and conflict have UNESCO as part of the tolerant and enrich- been erased. And correbous cannot be part ing cultural dialogue that the organisation of this utopia, a utopia that is essentially promotes, as stated in the Convention for Eurocentric and closed (Brumann, 2018). the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural A columnist summarised this spirit, in the Heritage (UNESCO, 2003). In this sense face of the ambitions of the city councils the correbous would be a perfect example of of the Ebre to see their festivals involving what UNESCO refers to in its report Our bulls - inconceivable festivities in a country Creative Diversity: Report of the World Com- like Catalonia, which, he said is "advanced mission on Culture and Development as those and generous" - recognised as an Intangible "cultures that may not be worthy of respect Heritage by UNESCO: “only traditions because they have proved themselves to be considered inoffensive are acceptable. Those intolerant, exclusive, exploitative, cruel and that do no harm, those that have not been repressive [...] that must be condemned, not invalidated by the advances of knowledge" supported" (UNESCO, 1995: 54). (Solé, 2011).

This exception in its exercise of non-in- Conclusions tervention on local customs reveals the The impossibility of making thecorrebous of paradoxes inherent in the vagueness of the Ebre a part of our heritage beyond the the concept of culture articulated and local sphere, enables us to shed some light on promulgated from within the authorised what heritage actually consists of; something discourse of heritage (Nielsen, 2011). A that becomes worthy of being treated in a notion instituted with conceptual clashes certain way as it is isolated from all the other regarding forms of 'unacceptable diver- ways of doing things within a society, and sity' (Wright, 1998; Stowkowski, 2009), is placed on the pedestal where those things which it is understood will no longer be that are admirable and exemplary sit. In the able to represent the moral values of a 'civ- Catalan sphere, for the institutions the virtue ilised society'. The problem involved in the of intangible heritage must be that of being defence of the correbous has the merit of in a position to integrate what Llorenç Prats revealing precisely the contradiction inher- (1996:295) called “a virtual pool”, a stock ent in a universalising project that insists of symbolic references, articulated and action the reconciliation of supposed global vated as a congruent whole at the service of a human rights with the cultural rights of certain discourse of identity, one that it goes each human group (Stowkowski, 2009: without saying is appropriate to the interests 11). Inconsistencies which often, in the of its promoters. From then on, anything context of concrete practice, give rise to that did not fit with this story of a moderate controversy and confrontation, while at and kindly we would be condemned to be the same time producing imbalances at ignored or excluded. And the correbous have the level of legislation and management no place in the range of symbols of which of a heritage which is obliged to comply an authentically European country could “Hands off our bulls!” Miscellanea 213 be proud. They could not be included in a ernance of which UNESCO is "the cultural tourist promotion brochure next to castellers, arm, the visionary agency and the factory of sardanes, Montserrat or correfocs. ideas" (Meskell and Brumann, 2015).

In terms of the universal values that UNE- Because it runs against the desired virtues SCO requires to be embodied in the things of the Catalan people, and is in no way a to which it gives its blessing, it is extremely symbol of the model of human culture con- unlikely that the Catalan festivals involving sidered appropriate to the liberal project bulls will find their way onto the approved of world government, and as it can only list. In the first place because it is states that aspire to be enshrined as intangible heritage propose candidates for inclusion on the list, by a handful of municipalities, the largest and as we have already pointed out Spain has of which, Amposta, has fewer than 21,000 done nothing to gain recognition for bull- inhabitants, the correbous is an example of fighting, which is banned or contested both how intangible heritage can also become a in a part of the country and internationally. It political battleground. This is what happens goes without saying that if Catalonia were to when disputes over heritage arise in certain achieve independence it would be unlikely to regions or among groups of people that assert nominate the correbous of the Ebro delta to their right to be who they believe themselves be added to those festivities already included to be, and what they believe themselves to be in the UNESCO lists, to sit alongside events like, and they do this by disregarding domi- such as the Patum, the castellers or the fire nant moral guidelines, assuming counter-he- festivals held in the Pyrenees. But the main gemonic attitudes and proposals in matters obstacle is that these festivities are the very of popular culture and demonstrating that antithesis of the lofty principles of peace, others too have the right to call heritage humanitarianism, understanding between what they are proud of, turning their backs cultures, sustainability etc. which are the on what the wider society thinks or what is foundation of the aspirations for global gov- prescribed by norms and laws. n

REFERENCES

Amades, J. (1983 [1956]). Cos- Brumann, Ch. (2018). “Anthro- Costa, R. and Folch, R. (2014). tumari català. El curs de l’any. Bar- pological Utopia, Closet Eurocen- “El patrimoni cultural immaterial a celona: Salvat. trism, and Culture Chaos in the Catalunya. Legislació, actualitat i UNESCO World Heritage Arena”. reptes de futur”. Catalonian Journal Arnau, C. (1980). “Sebastià Juan Anthropological Quarterly, 91(4), of Ethnology, 39, 10-11. d’Arbó o la tragèdia de la soledat”. 1203-1233. Els Marges, 18-19, 3-18. Delgado, M. (1990). “Espacio Carod-Rovira, J. L. (2017). “L’altra sagrado, espacio de la violencia. Bayerri and Raga, J. catalanitat”. In Vega and Castellví, El corre-de-bou de Cardona”. In (1984). “Les Terres de l’Ebre, X., Terres de l’Ebre, frontera i fron- Boesch S. and Scaraffia L. (eds.), un país sense futur?”. Treballs de tissa, 7-24. Lleida: Pagès Editors. Luoghi sacri e spazi della santità, la Societat Catalana de Geografia, 209-218. Turin: Rsenberg & Selier. 1, 72-90. Clua i Fainé, M.; Sánchez García, J. (2014). “Més enllà de Delgado, M. (1993). “El seny y Bladé and Desumvila, A. la identitat: noves conceptual- la rauxa. El lugar de la violencia en (1991). Raó i sentiment de la Rib- itzacions per a vells problemes?”. la construcción de la catalanidad”. era d’Ebre. Miscel·lània del Centre Quaderns-e de l’Institut Català Antropología, 6, 97-130. d’Estudis Comarcals de la Ribera d’Antropologia, 19 (2), 1-9. d’Ebre, 8, 7-16. Franquesa, J. (2018). "Southern Collet, R. (2012). “Fronteres de la Revolt". In Power struggles: Digni- Boquera Margalef, M. (2009). comunitat, comunitat de frontera: ty, Value, and the Renewable En- Primer la sang que l’aigua: els pi- el cas del Sènia”. Catalonian Jour- ergy Frontier in Spain, 101-121. lars d’una nova identitat ebrenca. nal of Ethnology, 38, 149-153. Bloomington: Indiana University Benicarló: Onada. Press. 214 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Catalonian Journal of Ethnology, animal”. Revista catalana de dret Gómez Pellón, J. E. (2017). “Los 37, 122-125. públic, 54, 171-184. Vidal Franquet, J. (2015). “El problemas del patrimonio inmateri- tortosinisme: unes impressions”. al: uso y abuso de los animales en Plecs d’història oral, 119, 2-6. Padullés, J. (2011). Bous de Serrán Pagán, G. (1979). “El toro España”. AIBR. Revista de Antro- mort. El Corre de Bou de Cardo- de la Virgen y la industria textil en pología Iberoamericana, 12(2), na i la cultura popular taurina de Grazalema”. Reis: Revista españo- Wright, S. (1998). "The politici- 147-168. Catalunya. Tarragona: El Mèdol. la de investigaciones sociológicas, zation of 'Culture'". Anthropology 5, 119-113. Today, 14(1), 7-15. Grisostolo, F. E. (2017). “La tau- Pitt-rivers, J. (1986). “Fiestas romachia come arena di scontro Populares de toros”. In Díaz Viana, Scovazzi, T. (2011). “Cavalli, pe- Xifrà, J. and Sriramesh, H. sulle competenze nell’Estado au- L. (ed.), Etnología y Folklore en sciolini, bambini e saracini: Brevi (2019). “Public relations and the tonómico” [online]. DPCE Online, Castilla-León, 97-107. Soria: Junta riflessioni su controversi patrimoni concept of ‘nations within na- 29 (1) < http://www.dpceonline. de Castilla-León. culturali intangibili”. Rivista Giuridi- tions’”. In Sriramesh, K. and Veri, it/index.php/dpceonline/article/ ca dell’Ambiente, 26(6): 841-858. D., The Global Public Relations view/379> [Last consulted: 3 Handbook: Theory, Research, Pradilla Cardona, M. À. (2014). February 2019]. and Practice. London: Routledge. “Dinàmiques sociopolítiques i Stowkowski, W. (2009). "UNES- procés d’estandardització a les CO's doctrine of human diversity: González, A. (1990). Bous, toros comarques de la diòcesi de Tor- A secular soteriology?”, Antrhopol- i braus. Una tauromàquia catalana. tosa”. Caplletra, 5, 95-127. ogy Today, 25(3), 7-11. Tarragona: El Mèdol. Prat, J. (1991). “El nacionalismo UNESCO. (1995). Our Creative Lanao, P.; Torns, M.; Vinyoles, catalán a través de los demarca- Diversity: Report of the World C. (1990). “Passions contrapo- dores de identificación simbòlica”. Commission on Culture and sades entorn dels toros”. Revista Revista de Antropología Social, 0, Development. Paris: UNESCO. de Girona, 141, 26-32. 231-239. Laus, F. (2006). “La tauromachia Prats, L. (1989). El mite de la UNESCO. (2003). Convención nella recente legislazione spagnola tradició popular. Barcelona: Edi- para la salvaguardia del patri- un bene immateriale del patrimonio cions 62. monio cultural inmaterial, Paris: culturale da valorizzare e tutelare” UNESCO [online] [Last consulted: 3 Feb- patrimonio”. In Prat, J. and Martín- edicions_singulars/documents/ ruary 2019]. ez, A. (coord.), Ensayos de Antro- pología Cultural, 294-299. Barce- sd_convencio_salvaguarda.pdf>. lona: Ariel. [Last consulted: 21 July 2019]. Loureiro Lamas, C.; Sánchez García, A. M. (1990). “Patrimonio Sánchez-Carretero, C. (2013). cultural, patrimonio natural”. Cuad- Prats, L. (2014). “El caràcter “Hacia una antropología del con- ernos de Etnología y Etnografía de magmàtic del patrimoni etnològic”. flicto aplicada al patrimonio”. In Navarra, XXII (56), 321-329. Catalonian Journal of Ethnology, 39, 152-159. Santamarina, B. (ed.), Geopolíti- cas patrimoniales. De culturas, Mármol, C. del; Frigolé, J.; Pujadas, J. J. (1990). “Los estu- naturalezas e inmaterialidades, Narotzky, S. (coord.) (2010). Los 195-210. Alzira: Germania. lindes del patrimonio. Consumo dios sobre etnicidad y nacionalis- y valores del pasado. Barcelona: mos en España”. In Cucó, J. and Santamaria Campos, B. i Mon- Icaria/ICA. Pujadas, J. J. (coord.), Identidades colectivas, etnicidad y sociabilidad cusí Ferré, A. (2015). “El mercado en la Península Ibérica, 3-19. Va- de la autenticidad. Las nuevas fic- Meskell, L.; Brumann, Ch. lencia: Generalitat Valenciana. ciones patrimoniales”. Revista de (2015). "UNESCO and new Occidente, 410-411, 93-112. world orders". In Meskell, L. (ed.), Global Heritage: A Reader, 22-42. Pujadas, J. J. (1994). “Memoria Solé, E. (2011). "Correbous?" Oxford: Blackwell. colectiva y discontinuidad: La construcción social de las identi- [online], El Punt Avui, 12 December dades culturales”. In Sanmartín, R. [Last consulted: 23 análisis”. In Lisón Tolosana, C. (ed.), Lisón, 617-633. Madrid: Centro February 2019]. Temas de Antropología Española, de Investigaciones Sociológicas. 108-129. Madrid: Akal. TKac, J. A. (2014). “The role of Pujadas, J. J. and Comas d’Ar- Bullfighting and FC Barcelona in Nielsen, B. (2011). “UNESCO gemir, D. (1991). “Identidad cat- the Emancipation of Catalonia from and the ‘right’ kind of culture: Bu- alana y símbolos naturales”. In Prat, Spain”. Revista de humanidades, reaucratic production and articu- J. [et al.] (coord.), Antropología de 23, 137-156. lation ". Critique of Anthropology, los pueblos de España, 647-652. 31(4), 273-292. Madrid: Taurus. Vega, X. “Terres de l’Ebre, frontera i frontissa”. DivÈrsia, 8, 53-103. Padullés, J. (2010). “El Corre de Ridao Martín, J. R. (2017). Bou de Cardona: consideracions “Toros: entre l’espectacle públic, prèvies a una recerca etnogràfica”. el patrimoni cultural i la protecció Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 215 Between the mountain and the sky Carlota Fuentevilla UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA Born in Santander Behind the apparitions (1988), he graduated in Fine Arts from the of the Virgin Mary in San Sebastián University of Barcelona (2014), where he obtained a Master's de Garabandal degree in anthropology and ethnography in 2018. He combines research Introduction tions would follow, during which the girls in the artistic field with would be able to see and talk to him. On social and cultural anthropology. n June 18, 1961, 1 July 1962, he informed them that they in San Sebastian would soon receive the visit of the Virgin de Garabandal, a Mary as Our Lady of Mount Carmel. small mountain On 2 July of the same year, the Virgin village in a narrow appeared to them in a grove of nine pine Cantabrian valley, trees, on top of a hill above the village, a four girls from very humble families, all little above the “Calleja”, known today Oaged eleven or twelve claimed that the as "Los Pinos". Archangel Michael had appeared to them. The four girls, Mari Loli Mazón, Jacinta As described by the four girls after the appa- González, Conchita González and Mari ritions, the Virgin appears in the form of Cruz González, began by confirming they Our Lady of Mount Carmel, dressed in the had visions of the angel, and that after original style of the advocation with a white this first appearance eight more appari- tunic and blue mantle, sometimes carrying

Paraules clau: antropologia de la religió, aparicions, garabandalistes, San Sebastián de Garabandal, Mare de Déu. Palabras clave: antropología de la religión, apariciones, garabandalistas, San Sebastián de Garabandal, Virgen María. Keywords: anthropology of religion, apparitions, Garabandalistas , San Sebastian de Garabandal, Virgin Mary.

Los Pinos. August 2017 CARLOTA FUENTEVILLA 216 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

the Child or the traditional scapular she doing and in a physical state which showed Mass meeting of people on the occasion of the ecstasy of girls gave to St. Simon Stock (Prior General of signs of being possessed by some higher (1961-1965). AUTHOR UNKNOWN. the Carmelite Fathers of the Cambridge force, she would go into a trance. These convent) in 1251. situations occurred on many occasions with the four girls together, but on other This is how the apparitions of Our Lady occasions they often happen during the would begin and would occur repeatedly journey that took them somewhere in the over three more years until 18 June 1965, village. These journeys sometimes involved the day on which the messages and visions walking forwards and sometimes back- would cease. The procedure would be sim- wards, on their feet or on their knees, with ilar in the many ecstasies that took place their heads tilted and looking at something during those years: the girls, like every- unknown above them. According to the body else in the village, would be occupied witnesses, despite climbing backwards or in their everyday tasks when suddenly one on their knees on the cobbled streets by of the girls would begin to feel what is day or night, they never appeared to be popularly known as "The three calls". At injured; also, they did not react to pain that time, she would stop whatever she was when poked or pinched.

Aquest article s’emmarca dins de la Este artículo se enmarca dentro de la in- This article is the result of research and investigació i etnografia realitzades a San vestigación y etnografía realizadas en San ethnographic studies carried out in Sant Sebastián de Garabandal (Cantàbria) Sebastián de Garabandal (Cantabria) du- Sebastián de Garabandal (Cantabria, durant el 2018, entorn de les aparicions rante el 2018, en torno a las apariciones Spain) in 2018 surrounding the Marian marianes que van tenir lloc entre els anys marianas que tuvieron lugar entre 1961 y apparitions that took place in the village 1961 i 1965. El seu propòsit és tractar 1965. El propósito de la misma es tratar between 1961 and 1965. Our goal is to de respondre a diferents plantejaments de responder a distintos planteamientos provide a response to different hypothe- sobre l’afectació que les aparicions sobre la afectación que las apariciones ses regarding the effects that these appa- marianes han tingut i tenen per a les marianas han tenido y tienen para las ritions have had, and continue to have, on persones del poble com a part de la seva personas del pueblo como parte de su the villagers’ cultural representation and representació i transmissió culturals, així representación y transmisión culturales, transmission, as well as other derivative com altres processos derivats. así como otros procesos derivados. processes. Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 217

Another characteristic feature, according to and hopes, interspersed with daily life, which the various testimonies of the time, is that had been deeply altered. It is not surprising the girls would become faster and heavier that news of the apparitions soon reached during their ecstasies, and had the ability to the regional and national press, since the return objects (such as crosses and rosaries) location chosen by the Virgin was especially to their owners or find them if they were striking: a remote mountain village, at the hidden, and could recognise priests dressed top of a steep valley, with no electricity in as laymen (Zimdars-Swartz, 1991: 134). But the stone cottages, only accessible by a dirt without a doubt, one of the most significant road. Events like this had a huge impact; features of the apparitions is that the Virgin curiosity and devotion quickly led to the spoke to the four girls, leaving them messages massive arrival of visitors and experts of var- which they were required to spread. Two of ious kinds. The Marian apparitions quickly the messages are regarded as more important became the dominant story in the village, because of their apocalyptic character. which went from being a tiny hamlet lost among the mountains where nobody ever Thus, between this date and July 1965, the came, to an international pilgrimage desti- visions and ecstasies of the girls occurred nation, as it still is today. almost daily. The apparitions quickly shook the whole population of San Sebastian de Fifty-four years after the apparitions at San Chaplains surrounding the four girls during one of the Garabandal, as they also became participants Sebastian de Garabandal, many questions ecstasies (1961-1965). and witnesses to the girls' ecstasies, prayers continue to be raised about the religious AUTHOR UNKNOWN. 218 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 events. Although there have been numerous although the terms in which the appari- writings and approaches, there is still a need tions occurred and their effects belong to to try to respond to different approaches to a moment of socio-economic transforma- the affect that the Marian apparitions have tion of acute and specific characteristics, had and have on the people of the town they fit into some affectations that can be as part of their cultural representation and shared with other similar processes in the transmission. This article is based on this rural areas of Cantabria in general. For this aim. After an early, still ongoing, research reason, I will try to give a brief overview of approach and an ethnographic study, the the socio-economic context of Cantabria main hypothesis focuses on the analysis of based on its historiography, which will later the refusal by many people in the village to allow me to analyse the approaches of this continue talking about the apparitions as a research with greater richness. form of resistance to the feeling of loss and fragmentation of the community, which Thus, although we could go back a long leads us to question the mechanisms of time, I will start my analysis with the trans- instrumentalisation and commodification formation towards modernity in Cantabria of the apparitions as symbolic and material (constituted as a Province of Cantabria in capital through pilgrimage, as well as other 1778), which happened much later than processes arising from the same marian in other areas of Europe, maintaining the apparitions. predominance of a peasant economy "as that form of production based fundamen- Therefore, I think that beyond the specula- tally on family labour and organised in small tive theories about why they happened, we agricultural exploitations of labour-intensive should try to understand them within the technology, that use natural means of pro- society of the village of San Sebastian de duction, and that rely to varying degrees on Garabandal at that time, in order to analyse shared assets, complementary activities and them today. This is important if we take the market to assure their economic repro- into account that the context in which these duction" (Domínguez Martín, 1995: 259). apparitions occur is a key moment in order In the second half of the nineteenth century to understand how, within the framework there was an economic boom that "was based of certain historical particularities, a change on a view of the city of Santander as a natural of paradigm was taking place, functioning port of Castilla, on the consequent colonial between the micro and the macro. That is, trade with America, and on the genesis and it linked together broader social transforma- consolidation of an industrialisation process tions, such as the Second Vatican Council, that developed along a Camino Real (the the apogee of developmental policies and the Reinosa and current Besaya corridor)" (Vil- end of economic autarchy with a particular laverde, 1998: 18). Thus, the first industrial and local symbolic process. In this way, these projects in the territory took place at the end events could be contextualized, which will of the 19th century, coinciding with the end allow us to then analyse them in relation to of the period of trade with the colonies that the objectives described previously. had made the port of Santander a prosperous place, although marked by an absolute Socio-economic context imbalance between a prosperous minority When between the years 1960-1965 the and a majority ravaged by poverty and dis- four girls began to go into ecstasy, to have ease. The decline of colonial trade pushed visions and to speak on one occasion with the Cantabrian bourgeoisie to implement the Archangel Michael and several times other forms of economic exploitation such with the Virgin Mary, the way of life in the as farming (which turned out to be more village had become markedly mixed: rural difficult to expand due to the topographi- and urban. It is important to clarify that cal conditions of the region). By 1930 the Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 219

industrial model became the main engine Nansa Valley, the land of all the villages 1 of the economy. This industrial develop- is used in four ways: grain fields, vegeta- Paradoxically, it concealed a latent crisis that was rooted in the ment generated urban nuclei such as Tor- ble gardens, pasture and monte. At the obvious imbalance of Cantabrian relavega or Los Corrales de Buelna, which bottom of the valley and in sheltered flat industry in relation to the conditions that prevailed from 1959-1960 were formed and expanded mainly by the areas, maize is grown. This land, normally in the Spanish economy after the arrival of workers from the surrounding rural close to each village, is called the mies [...] “Stabilisation Plan”. areas who worked in the factories, causing Other vegetables - mainly potatoes and an exodus to the cities. By the 1960s, the occasionally beans - are grown in the mies, industrial economy was at its peak1. but only for household consumption. Families also grow limited quantities of On the basis of the above, it would be fruit and vegetables that require more wrong to think that the so-called tradi- careful attention in gardens near their tional economy was purely self-sufficient homes. These gardens are often fenced subsistence farming, even in such remote in to prevent animals and children from areas. As I have pointed out, San Sebastian entering. [...] Uphill from the mieses are de Garabandal has certain peculiarities due private pastures that produce grass for to its geographical characteristics, so these the winter. [...] Finally, bordering the socio-economic relations were mainly due pastures, there is land unsuitable for cul- to migration and administrative relations tivation, known as monte - mountain. of income and purchase or sale of property. Part of the mountainside is covered with Christian (1978 [1972]: 54), who carried gorse and bracken, and can be used to out an ethnographic study on the religious- graze common or private flocks of sheep ness of the area , explains the permanent and goats (Christian 1978 [1975]: 20). migratory movements of the inhabitants of the Nansa Valley where San Sebastian de In this way there was a "model of adaptive Garabandal is located, from the 18th and behaviour that is not primarily characterised 19th centuries, dating back to 1715 when by attitudes of withdrawal, but by the estab- mountain people settled in Cadiz and other lishment of a relationship -between condi- areas of Andalusia, as well as the departure tioned and opportunistic- of the peasants to what was called the New World by the with the market, whose ultimate purpose emigrants later known as Indianos, which was none other than to preserve, as far as meant a flourishing economy for some fam- possible, their rural way of life" (Domínguez ilies in the area who obtained great fortunes Martín, 1995: 162). Industrialisation and through the colonial project in Mexico and the conditions of modernity produced the Guatemala. But it was a long tradition of need for moonlighting involving all mem- temporary emigration that profoundly bers of the family nucleus regardless of age marked the economy and way of life of the or gender; that is, women - who are already peasants of the area, who came to different always responsible for some of the traditional parts of Castilla to work in timber compa- subsistence work - and children were respon- nies, spending long periods in the mountains sible for taking on other work to compensate and sleeping in shared barracks. Women for the absence of men performing their were sent from the age of fourteen onwards other jobs. to serve in the homes of larger towns. These temporary jobs outside the village took place Even so, in San Sebastian de Garabandal, mainly during the winter in order to main- although the exodus was later than in other tain the annual cycle of the crops: areas due to its isolation, from the 1960s Each valley constitutes a municipality, onwards, life in the cities began to look and the municipalities are divided into like a better option, and younger people councils, which are the administrative moved around especially looking for jobs bodies of the respective villages. In the away from livestock and agriculture. It is 220 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

important to highlight the living conditions Sebastian de Garabandal and the openness of 2 that shaped the population of the time, and the church is at first quite evident. Examples If I refer here to the village as a whole, it is not to point it out as an although some nuance is desirable based of this are two of the most important mes- abstract entity but as a collective on this information so as not to idealise or sages referred to above, received by the girls subject, since the phenomenon of the apparitions has affected every romanticise, we must not lose sight of the and collected, communicated and revered in part of it. fact that the apparitions appear at this time various parts of the world to this day: like a momentous event, a tremor that shook and accelerated exponentially the condi- First message: tions of a model of life that was beginning –18 October 1961– to be increasingly invaded by modernity "There are many sacrifices to be made, and capitalism. We can point out that, in much penance. We have to visit the this case, the aforementioned model was Blessed Sacrament often. But first we have accelerated exponentially by events that to be very good. If we don’t do this, we'll nobody imagined. With this grosso modo , be punished. The cup is already filling Garabandal was exposed to the world. up, and if we don't change, we will be punished very badly." San Sebastian de Garabandal as a place of worship and a pilgrimage Second message: destination So, to analyse how the transformation –18 June 1965– of religiosity has been taking place in the "Since my message of October 18 has town2 of San Sebastian de Garabandal and not been fulfilled and not much has been especially since the Marian apparitions, is made known, I will tell you that this is at the same time the analysis of these other the last one. Before the cup was filling relationships. Far from being maintained in up, now it's overflowing. Many Priests, a simplified opposition of dominators and Bishops and Cardinals are on the path dominated inherent to a vertically struc- of perdition and with them they bring tural organisation that would defend the many more souls. The Eucharist is given interests of the Catholic Church, they are less and less importance. We must avoid immersed in tensions, interests, connections God's wrath on us with our efforts. If and complex conflicts, which would only be you ask Him for forgiveness with a sin- subjected to a reductionist thinking if we cere soul, He will forgive you. I, your take into account this dichotomous logic. As Mother, through the intercession of the Christian (1981: 22) remarks, "any analysis Angel Michael, want to tell you to make that interprets the last two centuries of Mar- amends. You're already on the last warn- ian visions as a clerical conspiracy to thwart ing. I love you very much and I don't want social progress will, as we shall see, constitute your damnation. Ask us sincerely and we an impoverished reading". will give to you. You must sacrifice more, think of the Passion of Jesus." In this case, given the context of the relationship and ideas, the angel and the Virgin While the first message collected by the girls appear at the same time as the Franco dicta- and communicated to the world at Our torship was becoming more open, and also at Lady's command functions as a warning, the same time as the Second Vatican Council in the second message the ultimatum to a in Rome. On the one hand, with the Second sector of the clergy is unquestionable. The Vatican Council, the Catholic Church seems apparitions would work from this perspec- to be bowing to the trend of moderniza- tive as a sign of the discontent of a more tion, while at the same time new campaigns traditional sector of the church, willing to of evangelisation are being launched. The show through two messages of the Virgin a association between the apparitions in San criticism of the clergy. Simultaneously with Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 221 the action of the Church, which has not tion between the spiritual and the corporal, officially recognised the theophanies and the the symbolic and the material, as Berger denialist scientific positions, and together defines when he points out that "immaterial with the socio-economic context described, cultural production has always gone hand it makes the girls - and by extension the town in hand with human activity modifying the of San Sebastian de Garabandal - a medium physical environment" (Berger, 1971: 19). with a great power of attraction. Transformations in space According to many local people and oth- After the years when the ecstasies of the girls ers who visited the village during those occurred in different areas of the village, years, at the beginning of the apparitions they gradually focused on specific areas the local people themselves welcomed the such as the Cuadro, a wooden quadrilat- people who came to see the girls' ecsta- eral construction that was built during sies into their homes, and even gave them the first apparitions, when the arrival of lunch and dinner. As was confirmed to me people began to be massive, to protect the during the field work, in various informal girls during the ecstasies. The Cuadro was conversations, there were days when due guarded by some men in the village and to bad weather the rain was unceasing and by the Guardia Civil. In Los Pinos, a com- the houses were overcrowded. One of those munity of believers began to form who days the first message of Our Lady occurred. began to share a common devotion to the This story is collectively remembered as an Virgin of Garabandal and the village as a especially long night when all the houses pilgrimage destination, known today as served as a place of shelter for people who Garabandalistas. Generally, the motivation did not know each other. Even so, tracing of pilgrimage - especially in the Catholic the process from the origins of how they religion - is "a privileged means to experi- were formed and in what circumstances the ence the relationship with the divine and Apparitionist groups were formed around can transform the individual and increase the Marian apparitions of Garabandal is an his or her state of well-being, thanks to the ongoing task. In their analysis of more than same process of searching and thanks to six thousand pilgrimage shrines in Western the energy that emanates from the sacred Europe, "Mary Lee Nolan and Sidney Nolan places" (Fedele, 2008: 221), although it is (Christian pilgrimage in modern Western necessary to make clear that it is the social Europe) point out that 65% of them are cen- group in question that deposits and projects tred on the Mother of God. Although only its experience of sacred places as radiators of a minority of these shrines have originated that energy. But in the case of San Sebastian from an apparition, practically all the great de Garabandal I believe that it would not modern pilgrimage centres have done so (e.g. be wrong to place the Virgin's announce- La Salette, Paris, Lourdes, Knock, Fatima, ment of a miracle to the girls as one of the Medjugorje)" (Murphy, 1992). But it is not turning points for the organization of these enough to deduce the threatening conse- groups. If we consider the classification of quences that these changes, together with the pilgrimages by E. Turner and V. Turner reform of the Second Council, could have (1978: 17) this factor would enter into the for the sectors of the Catholic Church, incit- fourth description, which defines a pilgrim- ing through the Marian apparitions a series age born in the 19th and 20th centuries as of messages with ideological transcendence Modern Pilgrimage. This movement is (Margry, 2009). Therefore I think it is advis- characterised by its fervour and rejection able to consider the role that devotees and of the advance of secularisation - although non-devotees had in examining the prevailing they make use of technologies and media temperature in the people at the time and to such as the Internet, as well as various means understand the joint and indissoluble muta- of transport such as the aeroplane, they are 222 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 considered anti-modern. But above all I which does not appear to be shared with would like to emphasize what the Turners the same perspective or expectations for the point out in these groups, and that is that time that the wait extends. they usually begin with an apparition and are sustained by their faith in miracles. Just Concurrences and tensions as Zimdars-Swarts points out: As I have explained, from the beginning “[…] modern Marian apparitions are dis- the apparitions raised great expectations by tinguished from previous ones by two directly involving the people of the town characteristics: they are public and have and later promoting the massive arrival of a serial character. That is, multiple appari- visitors; both believers and experts from all tions that occur in a sequence, sometimes kinds of fields (from medicine to ufology) over a very long period of time (for exam- and from different parts of the world. ple, the apparitions in Medjugorje began in 1981 and continue to this day) and the On the one hand, the high influx of vis- apparitions do not occur privately, but in itors also caused many of them to seek front of an audience. Both characteristics temporary or indefinite accommoda- are conducive to the formation of a pil- tion, which continues today. Christian grimage shrine”. (Murphy, 1992) describes how, by the year 1978, living conditions in material terms had changed The hope of salvation is one of the basic a great deal since the apparitions caused a pillars of this extension. Next to the miracle revaluation in the price of houses and land: will come the redemption and forgiveness "The situation of the town of San Sebas- of all sins. An end longed for by all people tian is exceptional. Due to the apparitions, many outsiders - from Barcelona, Seville, The four girls during one of who have contact and a relationship with the ecstasies in the "Cuadro" devotion to apparitions in the village, but France, Germany and the United States (1961-1965). AUTHOR UNKNOWN. Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 223

- have bought houses and land, which On the other hand, it should be understood has provided local people with money to that the nuclear morphology of the layout renovate their houses, and in several cases of the houses plays a decisive role in the to buy an apartment in the city, necessary overwhelming importance of the village as for their permanent employment there" a unit of activity. As Christian points out, (Christian, 1978: 63). following the theories of Caro Baroja (1954) this would produce a socio-centrictendency, Today, while the impact on the village may establishing that each village in the Nansa seem relative, given that its state of repair Valley is like a separate social world with its (for example in the care of the stone houses) own culture and its own personality and style still looks similar to the state it was in the (Christian, 1978: 37). Speaking of the local 1960s, it is undeniable that the process of in this sense constitutes the idea of a territory the pilgrimage has increased the number in which the group of people who live there of visitors to Garabandal massively, which know each other and share their daily lives has also led to the opening of hostels and ancestrally. In this way, the shared identity an exponential increase in the purchase as a local in this case, is that of feeling mainly of numerous properties (already noted by of the village and then of the region; but Christian in 78) by some pilgrims and the also the local identity is that of a collectively organisations from apparitionist movements, shared knowledge. Within this knowledge some of whom have decided to stay perma- is the experience of the religious as well as nently. This need for property in the place the events surrounding the apparitions; an of worship could well be a prolific problem experience that has undergone a process for further research. Similarly, places of of legitimisation through social relations worship continue to be periodically trans- (Berger, 1991: 52). formed. At present, the space that constitutes the perimeter around Los Pinos is The silencing surrounded by a wooden fence, reinforcing At the time of the apparitions, the local the thinking between the sacred and the people who witnessed them - and espe- profane. There is also a recently built tarmac cially the four girls - were constantly asked track that allows access to cars. Numerous about what they saw, felt, heard... There figures and statues are frequently installed are multiple records of testimonies (both Books in various languages exhibited in one of the by groups of Apparitionists on the path on video and in writing) and the arrival of religious artefacts stores. up, along which various images constitute strangers seeking to satisfy their interest by CARLOTA FUENTEVILLA the Way of the Cross. As a result, there is a specialist market selling books, prints and photos of the different episodes of ecstasy of the four girls. This market began to emerge through street vendors and soon led to the opening of shops selling religious articles (four at present), as well as the Pilgrim's Information Centre which has a religious article shop on the ground floor of the building where it is housed.

Capital investment and profits from much of what is stated here comes from the same phenomenon, but in almost all cases the people of the village are not aware of the making of the various decisions since these come from private owners. 224 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

asking people about the street or houses What in the first instance when collecting 3 is still common. Other people from out- data was an obstacle I had to dodge, equating Although they have continued to maintain contact and visit the town, side the village strengthened their presence this silence with a barrier that would hinder none of the four girls stayed to live through intermittent, longer or permanent my access to this hypothetical place where in San Sebastián de Garabandal. In the 1970s, Conchita, Mari Loli stays. As the siege grew, the reproduction of things happen , later became a conditioner of and Jacinta emigrated to the USA the speeches and narratives they had been the transformative movement of ethnogra- (New York, Massachusetts and told, increased as well. This appropriation, phy: the step of placing the refusal to speak California, respectively) where they married and settled. Mari Cruz lives together with the increase in property sales as an external object from which to unravel a in Avilés (Asturias). to which I referred earlier, gradually gen- meaning that was intended to be hidden, to erated more tension. Little by little, the hear meaning through silence. This silence is transmission of these experiences has been then shown not as a loss of interest or forget- reduced to local family circles, more and ting, but as an attitude of response to what more rarely on an intergenerational basis they consider to be an appropriation of the and almost always in moments of intimacy. discourse that is having effects on properties and on the territorial, in a reversibility that These cases fit with the prototype and also would corroborate that "power relations are with the fact that once the presence in the also relations of resistance" (Scott, 1990: 70). village of the four girls began to be less frequent due to the fact they moved house 3 It should be noted then that the appro- , other people tried to take over as guides, priation of the collective representation of mediators of the sacred or charismatic lead- the apparitions and the construction of a ers, in many cases advocates of heterodox profitable official discourse in market terms practices. From my fieldwork and the set of has been circumscribed in the form of her- interviews conducted, I was able to perceive itagisation of the phenomenon, which is that this generated some discomfort in some favoured by the increasingly acute sense of people: their symptom was in a key element loss of control by the local people. Within that I first perceived in isolation and after a this autonomy of use of the discourse of the short time i could assure that it was collective. apparitions for various purposes, the Church When referring to the collective character, I tries to maintain a regulatory role in the do not mean that this discomfort is shared universe of the symbolic and the material, throughout the people, but partially. An but it can control neither the apparitionist attitude that makes visible a conflict that is groups, nor the heterodox, nor the growing fragmentary but which affects all the people disaffection of the people of the town in as a phenomenon: the refusal of many peo- their various beliefs and positions, which ple to speak directly about apparitions and sees the community based on social cohesion everything related to them. Some examples by ties of kinship and reaffirmed in inher- recorded during the interviews express this itance through the increasingly fragmented feeling with allusions such as: "We are tired ecclesiastical community. This point, instead of questions and the only one I answer is that of situating us in an analogy of silence as for me it was very beautiful and it is the best oblivion, could be formulated as a break memory I have. I won't say any more. " Or: in the very construction of a double move- "When they ask me, I always say the same: ment of symbolic capital. The conditions of Everything is written in books. There you'll transformation of religiosity in San Sebastian find everything already explained. The last de Garabandal are marked by coincidences person who came, I spoke to them because but also by tensions over the assimilation they were going on and on while I was wash- of the testimonies of the apparitions, and ing the dishes, but, apart from that, I say the consequently territorially, given the sale of same to everyone: that everything is in the properties which, together with the rural books. There are many lies told, it's really exodus and the general loss of interest in disappointing ... ". traditional religious practices, have conferred Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 225

a partial sensation of appropriation in terms the community increases. The production of 4 of devotions and practices in the town by the subjectivities is no longer known and public, Understanding these terms here apparitionist movements and pilgrimage. nor is the production of properties. If at first in the interpretation that Marvin Harris (1964) applied to the the apparitions were able to function in a social sciences. In this sense, the In summary, these issues could be underway that revitalised believers and worship, interpretation of that which is emic to that which is etic would be to stood on two levels: that of the divergence filling the village with life and light from interpret that the inconvenience between beliefs and practices of religious life divine grace, today one can also see certain and refusal to speak of apparitions (understood differently by the Church, local by native people is due to a sym- shadows to which they have been relegated, bolic response to a material effect people and pilgrim organisations) and the cast by the tension between the different of supposed economic losses. use and incorporation of the discourse of the parties that make up this landscape. 5 experience of Marian apparitions (especially According to the official docu- by outsiders) with effects on the material and Thus from the ethnographic process of my ments of the The Bishop's Bulletin of Santander between 1961 and the territory. But I think we should look a lit- research we would find three layers of over- 1970 and statements collected tle more deeply at how this conflict occurs as lap: in newspapers such as ABC on explained above in the sense of community March 19, 1967, all the anti-concil- 1.)The State and the Church do not officially iar bishops of the diocese affirmed and social structure. If we examine it more recognize the apparitions of San Sebas- "that the supernatural nature of the closely, the latent suspicion is not only that 5 cited apparitions is not mentioned". tian de Garabandal , which do not exist On August 26, 1961, that is, two of the possible economic benefits obtained beyond the scepticism of the institutions months before the first of the through these mechanisms in a move from that continue to remain on the sidelines, apparitions occurred, Dr. Doroteo emic to etic 4(Pike 1954), but also that of Fernández, apostolic administrator although certain political decisions are of the seat of Santander (between a manifestation of fragmentation through still influenced by high positions in the May 1961 and January 1962), the symbolic capital of collective memory issued a first note in which he Church hierarchy (proof of this relation- affirmed that "any definitive judge- as a mnemonic, deep knowledge of a society ship is the dinner-debate on the appa- ment on the matter is premature", that is transmitted from one generation to ritions that the former Minister of the and later Eugenio Beitia Aldazábal, another (Turner 2009 [1973]). So, taking bishop of Santander (between Interior and PP deputy, Jorge Fernández 1962 and 1965) writes that "such into account the above, after the collective Díaz, and a Servant Brother of the Home phenomena lack any sign of super- experience of the apparitions, the stories of natural and have an explanation of a of the Mother, José Luis Saavedra, held natural nature." the apparitions have gone from being sto- in the Círculo Ecuestre in Barcelona in ries that structure the community, to being January 2018). Similarly, the option of stories of others. The use of symbolic capital visiting Garabandal is offered as a curi- through oral tradition, as a pillar helping to osity on Rionansa Town Council's own structure the community through its cultural website, and the Exploring Cantabria transmission, has been put in crisis. agency (50% subsidised by the Govern- ment of Cantabria), offers the option of These convergences are also based on one a pilgrimage to Santo Toribio and San of the essential forms of social structuring, Sebastian de Garabandal among its tours. cultural transmission through oral tradition. The control and thestructuring social 2.) The people of the village whom I inter- dynamics of the stories (describing feats, viewed, and with whom I have had infor- anecdotes and descriptions about the people mal conversations, stress that they are of the village, as well as their possessions) that making an exception by talking to me. form the basis of the village as a community/ When I ask them why, many say they are institution begins to be lost when these sto- disillusioned by the present, alluding to ries cease to have their function, and knowl- the fact that hardly anyone talks about the edge of what is happening and who has what apparitions any more, whether in every- in the village is lost. The apparitions play a day life or responding to people asking major role in this, because once the pilgrim questions. organisations persist, the feeling of loss of 3.) And finally, this tendency not to talk control over the discourses of the experiences about the apparitions coincides with and testimonies and the fragmentation of the hypervisibility of the discourse on 226 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

them by the apparitionist movements and tain intention of disambiguating its past, organisations, thus provoking a displace- according to this fragile overlap between ment of appropriation of the experience memory and history represented in the that is complicit in a parallel official his- fragment of the documentary through the tory spread by media such as the Internet, two children. The witnesses to the appa- publications, etc. worldwide and in many ritions will gradually disappear and with cases profiting from it. A large section them their memories. Meanwhile, history of the people (devout and non-devout) is being constructed. The silencing that I have moved into a collective silence that have tried to analyse here is relevant to pre- functions, returning to the terms of Scott serve living memory and the complexity of (1990), as a dual culture: The official cul- the formation of collective memory, not ture full of dazzling euphemisms, silences only in the obverse but also in its folds, in and commonplaces, and the unofficial its reverse, and in the blind spots that also culture that has its own history [...] its own function as "frames and coordinates where knowledge of the problems of scarcity, we establish what happened" (Prat, 2008). corruption and inequalities that, again, A shared silence that, camouflaged as forget- may be well known but need not be intro- fulness ("I don't remember"), also works in duced into the public discourse". analogy with people who see things where others see nothing. Conclusions There is a fragment of the documen- In San Sebastian de Garabandal, these pro- tary Die Donau rauf by Peter Nestler and cesses, together with the intense opening Zsóka Nestler where a boy of about twelve to the world, the arrival of visitors and the appears, kneeling somewhere on the bank multiple influence of new technologies, of the Danube River, and absent-mindedly would have shaped a situation that can still moving the earth in front of him. Without be detected. As I suggest above, the present too much difficulty and with delicacy, he time of the place is crossed by a long jour- extracts human bones which he places next ney from then until now, passing through to him, one beside the other. Meanwhile, in different stages with activities around the the background we can hear a voice-over by apparitions, including the contracted tours, another child in the school reciting various and the renting, buying and selling of houses events from the Battle of Mohacs in 1526. by certain groups and pilgrim organisations. Despite the remoteness in time and space, The specific interest in the testimonies of the this fragment seems to me representative of visions and the constant acquisition of prop- the idea that I want to explain next. Hal- erties has generated a state of uncertainty bwachs makes a distinction between mem- about the movements and actions that occur ory and history, saying: "History is not the in the village. To summarise, the changes whole of the past, but neither is it all that analysed arise from a hurried modernisation remains of the past. Or, if you like, next to a set against a traditional society, entailing written history, there is a living history that both the loss of community for the church is perpetuated or renewed through time and as a monopoly on spirituality, and the loss where it is possible to find a great number of of community as work, as the main axes of those ancient currents that had only appar- collective social life. ently disappeared" (Halbwachs, 1968: 209). Finally, it is important to state that the The transformation that has taken place in current economic situation in Cantabria is San Sebastian de Garabandal starting with one of a serious post-industrial crisis which the religious phenomenon of the apparitions arrived later than in other parts of Europe, is today immersed in a delicate process, in presenting itself as the "definitive end of an which its present has to be read with a cer- industrial model without a future, although Between the mountain and the sky Miscellanea 227

Graph of natural increase in Cantabria (2016). EL DIARIO MONTAÑÉS (2018).

it was on this model that Cantabria based all of tourism is being questioned in various its prosperity of this 20th century" (Ortega, studies that are currently pointing towards 1986: 309). The peasantry in some rural endogenous development (Ortiz, 2006: 35). areas such as the Nansa Valley continues An example of this would be "a rural devel- to exist in a mixed economy, continuously opment plan based on the diversification of adapting, but still refusing to abandon tra- economic activity in rural areas, which deals ditional forms of subsistence, despite the with the marketing of rural products, crafts, fact that depopulation makes the threat of fruit tree cultivation, rural tourism and small the bankruptcy of the traditional economic industry" (Latorre and Rodríguez, 2006: system palpable. According to my fieldwork 41). During this research, all the people I and the consultation of secondary quanti- spoke to during my stay in the village, regard- tative sources such as the data treated by less of their spiritual or political inclinations, ICANE (Cantabrian Institute of Statistics) felt sad and insecure about the future that and INE (National Institute of Statistics), is on the horizon. Whether these feelings a determining factor is the depopulation are the insignificant condition of a small that has occurred over the long term, that village or the concern of an entire society was already happening at quite a pace in is a question I would like to leave open. n the 1960s but which in 2018 is reaching its highest levels. At the same time, the sustainability of these places through the exploitation 228 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

REFERENCES

Apolito, P. (1992). Il cielo in terra. Delgado, M. (2005). La comu- Laplantine, François. (1977 Turner, E. and Turner, V. (1978). Costruzioni simboliche di un’appa- nidad como sueño y añoranza. [1974]). Las voces de la imagi- Image and Pilgrimage in Christian rizione mariana. Bologna: Il Mulino. Lo orgánico y lo inorgánico en nación colectiva. Barcelona: Ge- Culture. New York: Columbia Uni- la representación de la sociedad disa Editorial. versity Press. Asad, T. (1993 [1982]). Geneal- [Online]. Barcelona: University of ogies of Religion: Discipline and Barcelona. [Last consulted: 10 January febrero de 2005. Cabezón de la 64. Bogotá: National University of Berger, P. L. (1967). El dosel 2018]. Sal: Centro de Estudios Rurales Colombia. [Last consulted: 7 February Kairós Editorial. sidad popular. En torno a un falso Margry, P. J. (2009). “Marian In- 2018 problema” [Online]. Gazeta de terventions in the Wars of Ideology: Cantón Delgado, M. (2009). La Antropología, 10, 8. . [Last Catholic Church on Modern Ap- talización y crecimiento de la consulted: 20 October 2017]. paritions". Journal History and An- economía cántabra, 1955-1998. Caro Baroja, J. (1954). “El so- thropology, 20, 243-263. Taylor & Bilbao: Fundación BBV Documen- ciocentrismo de los pueblos es- De Martino, E. (2000 [1994]). La Francis Online. ta Bilbao. pañoles. Homenaje a Fritz Krüger tierra del remordimiento. Barcelo- II”. In Razas, pueblos y linajes, na: Edicions Bellaterra. Murphy, M. D. (1992). “Marian Weber, M. (1988 [1904-1905]). 457-485. Mendoza: Cuyo National Apparitions: An Anthropological La ética protestante y el espíritu del University Domínguez Martín, R. (1995). Perspective". The Georgia Skep- capitalismo. Madrid: Taurus. “Campesinos racionales con tic, 5 (2): 4 -5, 12 Caro Baroja, J. (1978 [1943]). estrategias adaptativas”. In Mon- Los pueblos del norte. Donostia: tesinos, A. (ed.), Estudios sobre Ortega Varcárcel, J. (1988). Editorial Txertoa. la sociedad tradicional càntabra, Cantabria 1886-1986. Formación 157-179. Santander: University of y desarrollo de una economía Caro Baroja, J. (1978). Las for- Cantabria moderna. Santander: Librería Es- mas complejas de la vida religiosa. tvdio Editions. Religión, sociedad y carácter en Durkheim, É. (2001 [1912]). Las la España de los siglos xv y xvii. formas elementales de la vida re- Ortiz Real, J. (2016). Identidad Madrid: Akal. ligiosa. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. y supervivencia en las áreas de montaña de Cantabria. Tresviso: Carroll, M. (1992). The cult of the Echegaray, M. del C. (1988). Tresviso Town Council. Virgin Mary: Psychological origins. Santuarios marianos de Cantabria. Princeton: Princeton University Santander: Diputació Regional de Pike, K. L. (1967). Language in Press. Cantàbria. Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior. The Christian Jr, W. (1989 [1978]). Esteban, M. L. (2015). “La re- Hague: Mouton. Person and God in a Spanish Val- formulación de la política, el ac- ley. Princeton: Princeton University tivismo y la etnografía. Esbozo Prat, J. (2008). “La memoria bi- Press. de una antropología somática y ográfica oral y sus archivos”. Re- vulnerable”. In Ankulegi: dilate vista de Antropología Social, 18, Christian Jr, W. (1990 [1981]). antropología aldizkaria, 15, 75- 267-295. Madrid. Apariciones en Castilla y Cataluña 93. Donostia: Ankulegi Asociación Vasca de Antropología. (Siglos xiv-xvi). Madrid: Nerea. Roma, J. (1992). “Nuevas apariciones o la heterodoxia dentro de la Christian Jr, W. (1997). Las vi- Fedele, A. (2008). El camino de heterodoxia”. In Arxiu d’Etnografia siones de Ezkioga. La Segunda María Magdalena: un recorrido de Catalunya: Revista d’Antropolo- República y el Reino de Cristo. antropológico por la ruta de pere- gia Social, 9: 148-154. Tarragona: Barcelona: Ariel. grinaje de la nueva espiritualidad. URV. Barcelona: Integral. Coello de la Rosa, A.; Mateo, Aahlins, M. (1988). Islas de his- J. L. (2016). Elogio de la antro- González, C. (1972). Diario de toria. La muerte del Capitán Cook. pología histórica. Enfoques, méto- Conchita. New York: Plus Ultra Metáfora, antropología e historia. dos y aplicaciones al estudio del Educacional. Barcelona: Gedisa Editorial. poder y del colonialismo. Zarago- za: Editorial UOC. Halbawchs, M. (2004 [1968]). Scott, J. C. (1990). Los conde- La memoria colectiva. Zaragoza: nados y el arte de la resistencia. Delgado, M. (2001). Luces icon- Prensas Universitarias de Zarago- Discursos ocultos. Mexico: Edi- oclastas. Anticlericalism, blasphe- za. ciones Era. my and martyrdom of images. Bar- celona: Aerial Anthropology. Dry stone in Catalonia after recognition from UNESCO Miscellanea 229

Roger Costa Solé MINISTRY OF CULTURE. GOVERNMENT OF CATALONIA Graduate in Geography and History, specialising in Social and Cultural Anthropology, from the University of Barcelona, working as a senior specialist in ethnological heritage at the Research and Protection Service of the General Directorate for Popular Culture and Cultural Associationism. He has published several articles on traditional Catalan architecture and was one of the curators of the exhibition Tota pedra fa paret: la pedra seca a Catalunya . Dry stone in Catalonia after recognition from UNESCO

The dry stone technique has been used for a wide variety of constructions, built to respond to all kinds of needs. The image shows a structure for hunting small birds, within a boundary wall in the municipality of Tàrrega. ROGER COSTA SOLÉ 230 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

hile we under- completely covering the space beneath), con- Paraules clau Pedra seca, stand “dry structions with pillars and ribs (as in Gothic patrimoni cultural, Llista stone” or “drys- architecture) and a long list of others. Representativa del Patrimoni Cultural Immaterial de la tack” walling as Humanitat, Bé Cultural the construc- The technique is usually found in rural envi- d’Interès Local, polítiques de tion technique ronments and in some areas it has been so protecció patrimonial. widely used that it has had a decisive part in Palabras clave Piedra en seco, consisting of stacking stones up without any patrimonio cultural, Lista binding material, it is not unusual to use the shaping the local landscape. A highly diverse Representativa del Patrimonio W Cultural Inmaterial de la term to refer to constructions mainly built range of constructions have been built in Humanidad, Bien Cultural using this technique but which also feature dry stone, mostly in connection with the de Interés Local, políticas de other types of materials. Thus, constructions traditional farming economy (huts, shelters, protección patrimonial. which include wooden or ceramic parts (as borders, beehives, pigeon coops etc.), the Keywords dry stone, cultural heritage, Representative List is the case with many roofs), or some sort water supply (cisterns, irrigation channels, of the Intangible Cultural of traditional binder, such as the clay used groundwater mines, wells etc.) and forestry. Heritage of Humanity, asset of Nonetheless, dry stone has also been used in local cultural interest, heritage for juniper oil ovens, are also considered to protection policies. be dry stone. What is commonly accepted public works (transport networks, including and beyond discussion is that this family roads, retaining walls, watchtowers, storm of constructions includes those with soil water tanks, drainage ditches1 , etc.), as well covering their upper part, generally shelters as in pre-industrial transformation infra- or huts, often bound together further by the structure (lime kilns, brick kilns, juniper roots of Madonna lily or sedum. oil ovens etc.). 1 Yet we should not understand dry stone as As the building materials are extracted from A good example is the Estany mine the immediate surroundings, dry stone (Moianès), a work of engineering a single technique which is exactly the same mainly built in the 18thcentury. wherever it is found. Its many variants are architecture is always perfectly integrated basically conditioned by three factors: the into the landscape, and if left to fall into ruin, type of stone used, the type of structure built, its constructions are reintegrated back into and local construction traditions. Thus, we the terrain in a harmonious way. At the same find constructions made from unworked time, with little or no preparation involving stone, stones which have been perfectly split, the stone, the technique is completely envi- huts and groundwater mines with flat roofs ronment-friendly. made using large slabs (where they can be found), with barrel vaults or ogival arches, Its historical origin is considered to coincide huts with corbel arches (roofs with circular with the first stable human settlements in the layers which get smaller as they go up until Middle East. It would have been used in all

En les darreres dècades, un nombre En las últimas décadas, un nombre Over the past few decades, a growing creixent d’activistes per la pedra seca a creciente de activistas pro piedra en number of pro-dry stone activists in Cat- Catalunya ha realitzat nombroses accions seco en Cataluña ha realizado numero- alonia have taken significant measures to per tal de posar aquest patrimoni en rel- sas acciones con el objetivo de poner highlight the importance of this cultural leu, documentar-lo i preservar-lo, tant en este patrimonio en valor, documentarlo y heritage, document it and protect it, both el seu vessant material com immaterial. preservarlo, tanto en su vertiente material in its tangible and intangible forms. The Recentment, la inclusió de la tècnica de como inmaterial. Recientemente, la in- recent inscription of the dry stone tech- la pedra seca a la Llista Representativa clusión de la técnica de la piedra en seco nique in the Representative List of the del Patrimoni Cultural Immaterial de la en la Lista Representativa del Patrimonio Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Humanitat ha propiciat una general- Cultural Inmaterial de la Humanidad ha has encouraged even wider awareness ització de la sensibilitat vers aquest propiciado una generalización de la sensi- of this instance of cultural heritage. This patrimoni. Aquest fet hauria d’estimular bilidad hacia este patrimonio. Este hecho should push public administrations in- les administracions implicades a millorar debería estimular a las administraciones volved in protecting Catalan cultural heri- les estratègies per a la seva salvaguar- implicadas a mejorar las estrategias para tage to improve safeguarding strategies, da, avui poc coherents i mancades de su salvaguarda, estrategias hoy poco which currently lack both consistency and coordinació. coherentes y faltas de coordinación. coordination. Dry stone in Catalonia after recognition from UNESCO Miscellanea 231 periods, wherever stone was abundant and other materials such as wood were scarcer and mainly used for other purposes. Its presence is likely to have been more widespread in the past, for example in houses within urban nuclei and in funerary monuments.

Dry stone builders were usually the same peasants who would later use the constructions, although they might occasionally have had the help of professionals dedicated to this type of work, particularly with more technically complex buildings. These professionals were traditionally master builders in the main, but sometimes it was also the peasants themselves, shepherds or day labourers who acquired a very high degree of expertise in this type of work. stacking stones or doing maintenance on The great diversity of landscapes in Catalonia has farming constructions (Rebés, 2001: 7). led to a proliferation of types Dry stone in Catalonia In the Cerdanya area, especially from the of dry stone construction. August Bernat sets out a plausible thesis The image shows a structure 19th century onwards, there is evidence of used to trap wolves in Lladorre according to which the first significant the appearance of skilled labour in these (Pallars Sobirà). MARC GARRIGA proliferation of dry stone constructions in tasks that took advantage of the long winter Catalonia would have occurred with the seasons to move into other areas and offer occupation of fertile lands by peasants in their services to the farms as day labourers. all the territories making up the Comtat de Some of their work was related to dry stone la Marca, the border of which would have constructions, especially borders and huts moved up to the Gaià river line from the (Congost et al, 2010: 43). In particularly 10th century onwards (Congost et al, 2010: industrialised areas around the Ter and Llo- 29). However, most of the constructions bregat rivers, workers from mainly the textile that are preserved nowadays date from the industry also contributed their dry stone 18th and 19th centuries and the early 20th construction skills to erect small buildings century. The extension of emphyteutic con- and walls around cultivation patches (Con- tracts, which allowed many peasants to make gost et al, 2010: 40). good practical use of the land, would have prompted the cultivation of many unculti- The great territorial diversity in Catalonia has 2 In France people literally speak of a vated lands during this time, causing what not been an obstacle to the proliferation of all "bulimia of earth". has come to be called a "hunger for land", a kinds of dry stone constructions, in fact quite phenomenon which also occurred in other the opposite. Only in some areas is this type parts of Europe (Le village des bories: Gordes of architecture very scarce or null: the Ebro (Vaucluse), 2019: 6)2. delta and the plains of Urgell and Vic are the main examples 3 . In the high mountain Although the general characteristics of their areas of the Pyrenees, for example, where the practitioners would be those of the peas- economy has largely been oriented to live- ants and master builders already mentioned, stock, there is an abundance of all types and casuistics could vary greatly. The most com- styles which are rarely to be found elsewhere, mon situation was what was documented such as enclosures, pens, milking parlours, in the town of La Fatarella, where the peas- wolf traps etc. In the pre-Pyrenean regions ant would carry out stonework tasks while there is another unique type construction at work in the fields, usually in summer, which proliferates: the potato pit, a con- 232 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Screenshot of the 10th Dry Stone Meeting, held in Pinós (Vinalopó Mitjà), promoted by the Association for Dry Stone and Traditional Architecture.

struction similar to a hut but smaller and huts with arches, often built with well-split 3 half buried, used to store seed potatoes at a stones. Here and in the rest of the particularly Wikipedra < http://wikipedra. constant temperature, above 0ºC (Bargalló, arid counties that make up the Terres de catpaisatge.net/>. Bernat, Costa i Martí, 2019). More than a l'Ebre, we also find an abundance of infra- thousand of these have been recorded in the structure for the supply of groundwater and counties of Alt Urgell and Solsonès alone rainwater, such as waterwheels and cisterns. (Pasques, 2018). In the Camp de Tarragona area we find huts of great beauty, complexity The wealth of all this heritage has not been and typological diversity. At Cap de Creus, perceived as such until very recently. The first there are numerous stone landings built on known precedent in Catalonia is in an article slopes, while in La Garrotxa we find the only from 1914 on dry stone, written by Joan place in Catalonia with constructions made Rubió and entitled Construccions de pedra from volcanic stone. In the counties of the en sec. The text focuses on the construction western plains and to the north of the Terra techniques of huts and borders, and already Alta and Ribera d'Ebre areas we typically find mentions places where these types of con-

Dry stone constructions are well-suited to the cultivation of complex terrains, as is the case with many mountain slopes. The construction of retaining walls has helped create terracing where crops can be cultivated, at the same time preventing the terrain from being eroded. Once they become obsolete, these same constructions blend in harmoniously with the landscape. The images show terracing in Pont de Bar (Alt Urgell) at the beginning of the 20th century and now. PHOTOGRAPH 1: POSTCARD FROM THE VENTURA ROCA I MARTÍ COLLECTION. PHOTOGRAPH 2: CARLES GASCÓN. Dry stone in Catalonia after recognition from UNESCO Miscellanea 233 structions proliferate. Much later, in 1967, M. Lluïsa Vilaseca writes about the dry stone constructions of Mont-roig del Camp in the 10th National Archaeology Congress, held in Mahon. But it was not until years later, in the 1990s and 2000s, that mostly local associations celebrating and defending this building technique began to become common. Halfway through the first decade of the 21st century, the coordinating body for dry stone organisations was set up. Prompted by the Ministry of Culture at the Government of Catalonia, this entity recently became the Association for Dry Stone and Tradi- tional Architecture. Today the association brings together 38 local entities and three identified in the municipality have been pro- Inland Catalonia has very low groups of architects (AADIPA, GRETA and 4 annual rainfall, accounting for tected , and Ascó, where a certain number the proliferation of rainwater ARPARQ) and is part of the Observatory of small stone buildings known as catxaperes collection and water supply of the Ethnological and Immaterial Herit- and shelters built within margins have been infrastructures. The image shows a cistern and a age of Catalonia. Another important civil declared of local interest. While these types collection point cut into the society initiative for dry stone is Wikipedra of declarations denote a general sensitivity rock at Ribot, in Torrebesses, (wikipedra.catpaisatge.net), a collaborative both for the use of rainwater. towards these constructions, their variety MARIO URREA web space for listing and finding information and the characteristics of the assets to be pro- on dry stone constructions in Catalonia. tected, located in areas far from population The project began in 2011 and currently hubs, make it very difficult to protect them lists more than 21,000 constructions, intro- effectively 5 . On the other hand, we find duced by more than 350 different people 35 municipalities which have established and entities. Wikipedra is managed by the protection for specific assets. Of particu- Landscape Observatory of Catalonia with lar note are those making up the subregion the collaboration of the Drac Verd de Sitges of La Garriga d'Empordà, which in 2014 group and the support of the Association protected a total of 103 dry stone huts in for Dry Stone and Traditional Architecture. Llers (52), Vilanant (22), Avinyonet de Puig- ventós (14), Biure (11) and Pont de Molins 4 The protection of dry stone on a local scale, (4). Also worth noting in other spots around The number of constructions comes from the data in the Cat- through it being declared an asset of local Catalonia are the cases of Calafell (Baix alan cultural heritage catalogue, cultural interest (BCIL), makes for a rather Empordà), with 37 protected constructions, together with the figures that uneven casuistry (Costa, 2018: 171). On Amposta (12), Pont de Vilomara and Roca- appear in Wikipedra. the one hand, we find municipalities which fort (Bages), with 11, and Tarragona (10). In 5 have established some sort of general pro- In the case of Mont-roig del Camp, contrast, some areas with a remarkable and the declaration of the five huts in the tection for dry stone constructions within widely documented presence of dry stone area of ethnological interest as an their municipal boundaries. Examples of buildings have no constructions protected Asset of Local Cultural Interest is a particular example. these include Castellbell and El Vilar (Bages), as assets of local interest. Cases which stand where all vineyard huts (264) and six lime out in this respect include the areas of Alt kilns have been protected; Mont-roig del Penedès6 , Baix Ebre, Conca de Barberà and Camp (Baix Camp), where all huts in the Terra Alta. municipality have been declared as assets of local cultural interest (154); Rellinars (Vallès Of the 1,003 dry stone constructions with Occidental), where all vineyard huts (112) BCIL status in Catalonia, 886 correspond have also been declared as such; Cervera, to just 10 municipalities. This disparity is the where the nearly 50 huts with stone arches result of a number of factors that combine 234 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 differently in each case: the perception of the Intergovernmental Committee for the 6 how much importance is given to dry stone Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage Sant Cugat Sesgarrigues has been in possession of a technical report heritage in each place, the perception of the held in Mauritius (Africa). since 2017 for the declaration of importance of its potential role in local devel- a set of dry stone constructions in the municipality as an asset of local opment, the sensitivity of urban planners in The candidacy highlighted the diversity of cultural interest, but this has not yet each municipality (Costa: 173), etc. solutions adopted to meet the different needs materialised. faced by dry stone builders, as well as the For its part, the Government of Catalonia role played by these constructions in the has declared various sites where dry stone landscape. This transformation can only has a strong presence as assets of national be achieved with an in-depth knowledge cultural interest. Examples include five huts of the types of stone found in the environ- in Mont-roig del Camp, 13 sets of stone ment in question, as well as the other natural vats in Valls del Montcau, 11 constructions materials and the usual climate traits in each for the supply and exploitation of water in place (frequency and intensity of wind and Torrebesses (Segrià) and some constructions rain, consequent risk of erosion, landslides, within the area of ethnological interest in Les floods, etc.). Experience gained over time Gavarres (two icehouses and a lime kiln). gives builders the ability to imagine spaces and adapt the shape of structures for each Dry stone construction as Intangible use, a deep empirical understanding of the Cultural Heritage of Humanity environment ultimately allowing them to In 2016, Spain's Historical Heritage Council design different construction projects which announced that the Spanish state was set are sometimes extremely complex. With the to support an international candidacy for perseverance of the individuals involved, UNESCO’s Representative List of Intan- these factors allow the natural conditions of gible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (RLI- each site to be modelled and improved, thus CHH), centring on the uses of dry stone. converting inhospitable and apparently use- Catalonia responded to the call from the less land into places suitable for agriculture Ministry of Culture along with the auton- and animal husbandry. omous regions of Valencia, the Balearic Islands, Aragon, Andalusia, Asturias, Galicia The document also stresses that nowadays and Extremadura. That same year saw work the responsibility for the transmission of begin on the candidacy, finally made up of this technique is no longer mainly down to Greece, France, Croatia, Slovenia, Italy, Swit- farmers and livestock farmers, as it was in zerland and Spain, and headed by Cyprus. the past, but that today’s “bearers” include Inclusion on the RLICHH came on 28 NGOs, associations, groups and individuals November 2018, as part of the meeting of dedicated to safeguarding, promoting, dis- Frame from the official video for the candidacy to include the dry stone technique on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (UNESCO). The Catalan version, which the image is from, was by the Fundació el Solà. Dry stone in Catalonia after recognition from UNESCO Miscellanea 235

seminating, studying and transmitting the ers of cultural heritage in Catalonia. The 7 technique. As mentioned above, in Catalo- recent inclusion of the dry stone technique The Association for the Inte- grated Rural Development of the nia most of these local cultural associations on the UNESCO Representative List of North-Eastern Area of Catalonia belong to the Association for Dry Stone and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (ADRINOC) is working to create a record of the dry stone craft in Cat- Traditional Architecture. There are also a has prompted greater interest in everything alonia. See: structions. This change in the prototype of be preserved. One of the initiatives being 8 the dry stone practitioner has helped women studied is the drafting of a good practice doc- See news in the press: formal education, initiatives of this type are (private and public entities). At the same still at an embryonic stage in Catalonia. The time, the process to raise public awareness Institut Mollerussa, a vocational training of this heritage continues, the latest example college in the Pla d'Urgell area, included a being an exhibition on dry stone in Catalo- course on natural stone during the 2018- 2019 academic year. The course included the acquisition and practical application of dry stone construction knowledge 8 .

The everyday practice of this knowledge has led to the development of its own lexicon in parallel to what is typical of the world of construction and the different economic fields involved. The idea today is to safeguard this cultural heritage with initiatives as praiseworthy as the Dry stone glossary by the Landscape Observatory, or other more local equivalents such as the Dry stone vocabulary in Catí (Alt Maestrat) within the Catalan linguistic realm.

The future of dry stone Ever since individuals and groups of enthu- siasts began to underline dry stone construction as heritage a few decades ago, the heritagisation of this building technique or set of techniques has been through different stages. Over time, the generalisation of the perception of these constructions as cultural heritage worthy of attention has driven a large number of people to carry out studies and inventories, and to imagine new forms of transmission of its inherent techniques La Fatarella dry stone wall builders Pere Falsebre and Gatano Gironés, carrying out and knowledge. Its protection, particularly at a practical activity as part of the Meeting for the Preservation of Dry Stone in the Catalan-speaking Lands (Torroella de Montgrí, 2004). The Association for Dry Stone a local level, presents clear disparities which and Traditional Architecture holds these meetings in different places in the Catalan- urge reflection on the part of the manag- speaking lands every two years. 236 Miscellanea Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

nia. This travelling exhibition pays special of this technique, which plays such a large 9 attention to the typological and territorial part in determining the make-up of our rural At the time of writing, the Asso- ciation for the Integrated Rural diversity of this type of construction in Cata- landscape, taking into account the variants Development of the North-Eastern lonia (Bargalló et al). Formulas are also being present in Catalonia, part of the very essence Area of Catalonia (ADRINOC) was carrying out specific actions with sought to establish a stable formal training of this element of our intangible cultural this goal. programme 9 that ensures the preservation heritage. n

Dry stone builder Pere Basebre de ca Tomàs working in the square in front of the chapel of the Virgen de la Misericòrdia in La Fatarella (Terra Alta). The exact number of professional dry stone builders in Catalonia is currently unknown. XAVIER REBÉS (FUNDACIÓ EL SOLÀ PHOTOGRAPHIC ARCHIVE)

REFERENCES

Bargalló, E.; Bernat, A.; Costa; Costa Solé, R. (2018). “L’arqui- Pasques Canut, J. (2018). Els fo- Vilaseca, M. L. (1969). Con- R.; Martí, J. M. (2019). La pedra tectura tradicional a Catalunya: rats de trumfos. La pedra seca en strucciones de piedra en seco seca a Catalunya: l’art d’allò senzill valor i protecció”. Construint el l’emmagatzematge de la patata a de la provincia de Tarragona. [exhibition]. Barcelona: Ministry of territori: arquitectura tradicional muntanya. Comunicació oral dins: Las barracas de Montroig, 226- Culture at the Government of Cat- i paisatge a Catalunya. Barcelo- Congrés sobre la Pedra Seca. Llei- 236 [online]. 10th National Con- alonia and the Association for Dry na: Ministry of Culture. Le village da, 23 and 24 March, 2018. gress of Archeology. Madrid: Stone and Traditional Architecture. des bories: Gordes (Vaucluse) General Secretariat of National (2019), 23 p. Gordes: Conception Rebés, X. (2001). La pedra en Archaeological Congresses. Carbó Miralles, J. (2001). “Vo- graphique. sec a la Fatarella. La Fatarella: catimenu.com/vocabularipedraen dossiers/pedra_seca/cat/glos- Yearbook of the Association of sari.php> Architects of Catalonia, 35-105, Congost, R. [et al.] (2010). La pe- Barcelona. Joan-Rubi%C3%B3.pdf> Ethnological Research in Catalonia

238 Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre

258 Creating authenticity: menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona 238 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre1 To Josep Bargalló Badia

e are not only The markedly cool reception of the and, for some, Jewish , in accord- referring to symphonic poem La veu de les mun- ance with the anti-Semitism of the the Mediter- tanyes(1877), the work of Tortosí time, and representing the search for ranean when musician Felip Pedrell, provides a clear a timeless essence of the homeland we say that example of these prejudices. Contem- that needed to continue to encapsu- the jota is a poraries were unable to appreciate the late certain specific values." (Aiats, musical genre shared by all the territories spirit of protest in a work that was 2001: 29) Wwhere Catalan is spoken. Its popularity inspired by their own musical tradition has been well documented throughout in all its complexity. More specifically, And what exactly was it in a given piece Valencia, Aragon, the Balearic Islands it was the third part, La festa , that came of music that was openly [Catalan] and western Catalonia, at least since in for criticism. The context of that his- nationalistic that was considered unac- the 19th century, and it even spread torical period, the Renaixença, should ceptable within the framework of the to other areas such as the Val d'Aran, be kept in mind, as it was then that the ideological and aesthetic prejudices of Andorra and eastern Catalonia.2 elements that would come to define the time? As Pedrell himself pointed the national identity were established. out: "There are those who were only However, the fact that the jota is alive Excluded from the canon were those capable of finding a rough Aragonese and well in most parts of the Principal- forms of tradition that were considered jota in La Festa" (Martí, 1992: 221; ity beyond the Terres de l’Ebre and the "Hispanic" or "orientalising", as we Martí, 1996: 56). Priorat regions is still a surprise today, shall see: 5 largely due to a total lack of awareness Other explicit examples of such preju- "Pedrell's heartfelt nationalistic or interest. One of the reasons for this dices are later documented in the work proposal [...] was misunderstood prejudice is that within Catalan society of folklorist Joan Amades: at a certain time, the genre simply did at the time. Many people confused not exist. In this sense, its unquestion- the harmonic language with the ably Hispanic3origin meant that, since alhambresque, and there were also the Renaixença, it has been ascribed many, especially from the Renaix- Paraules clau: Jota, folklorisme, ball ença group, who did not know how popular, dansa, etnicitat, tradició, pejorative connotations, being con- catalanisme, associacionisme, transmissió. to take the eastern harmonic lan- sidered alien to Catalonia, and there- Palabras clave: Jota, folklorismo, baile fore lacking a supposed "ethnicity" guage." (Cortes, 1992: 69) popular, danza, etnicidad, tradición, with respect to other genres that were “The attack on Pedrell then catalanismo, asociacionismo, transmisión. extended to an attack on anything Keywords: Jota, folklorism, popular dance, to become paradigms of indigenous dance, ethnicity, tradition, Catalanism, expression, such as the sardana, the that 'sounded' like moro (Moorish), associationism, transmition. contrapàs and the ball pla.4 castellà (Spanish) , or non-Christian

Luis-Xavier Flores Miquel-Àngel Joan-Lluís Monjo Abat Flores Abat Mascaró ETHNOGRAPHICAL ASSOCIATIONS: ETHNOGRAPHICAL ETHNOGRAPHICAL ASSOCIATIONS GRUP ALACANT (ALICANTE) AND ASSOCIATIONS: GRUP ALACANT GRUP ALACANT (ALICANTE) AND ESPAI ESPAI DE SO (TORTOSA) (ALICANTE) AND ESPAI DE SO DE SO (TORTOSA). CENTRE D’ESTUDIS Graduate in Catalan (TORTOSA) DE LA REPOBLACIÓ MALLORQUINA Graduate in Catalan (TÀRBENA) Philology (University Graduate in Catalan of Alicante), master's degree in the Philology (University of Alicante) and secondary school teacher. Philology and secondary school teacher. Management of Cultural Heritage and He has carried out research in the fields of Museology (University of Barcelona) He has carried out research in the fields of traditional music and dance in the dialectology, history and Valencian popular and secondary school teacher. Editor culture. Currently, his studies focus on of the Revista Valenciana de Folklore. Catalan-speaking world. He runs several courses for the diffusion of popular the knowledge and dissemination of the He has done research in the fields of linguistic and ethnopoetic heritage of the ethnographic literature and traditional dance, and is coordinator of the Ebrefolk popular culture campus of the Terres de repopulation of Valencian territories by music and dance in the languages of people from Mallorca. Catalonia and Aragon. l'Ebre. Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 239

Interview with Pepita Roca Pagà, la de Parrillo, connoisseur and diffuser of the style of the scenic jota at Jesús i Maria (December 2, 2012). JOAN-LLUÍS MONJO. SOURCE: ESPAI DE SO.

La jota és una forma musical documen- La jota es una forma musical documenta- The Jota is a musical genre docu- tada a Catalunya almenys des del segle da en Cataluña al menos desde el siglo mented in Catalonia as far back as the xviii. El seu origen indiscutiblement hispà- xviii. Su origen indiscutiblemente hispá- eighteenth century. From the Renais- nic va fer que, des de la Renaixença, hom nico hizo que, desde la Renaixença, se le sance, its unquestionably Hispanic li haja atribuït connotacions pejoratives, hayan atribuido connotaciones peyorati- origin caused it to be attributed with en ser considerada una manifestació vas al ser considerada una manifestación pejorative connotations, as it was mancada d’una suposada “etnicitat” falta de una supuesta “etnicidad” catalana. considered to be lacking supposedly catalana. No obstant això, la jota s’ha Sin embargo la jota se ha convertido “Catalan” ethnicity. However the Jota convertit actualment en un referent de actualmente en un referente de la cultura has become a benchmark of popular la cultura popular al sud de Catalunya, popular del sur de Cataluña, como resulta- culture in southern Catalonia, thanks in com a resultat, en gran mesura, d’un do, en gran medida, de un resurgimiento large part to a revival of its self-identity. ressorgiment identitari. En aquest treball identitario. En este trabajo ponemos de re- In this article, we highlight the impor- posem en relleu la importància i l’evolució lieve la importancia y la evolución de esta tance and evolution of the Jota dance in d’aquesta manifestació en el seu vessant manifestación en su vertiente coreográfica Terres de l’Ebre. coreogràfic a les Terres de l’Ebre. en las Tierras del Ebro. 240 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

"Until very recently travelling per- cific formation: the rondalla, under- Dansa or ball: a dilemma formers or minstrels were common stood as a group formed by musicians The concepts ofdansa and ball have in the western and southern regions playing string, wind and percussion been widely addressed by Catalan of the New Catalonia [...] Songs instruments. folklorists: Capmany (1930, 1944), were always accompanied by the Pujol-Amades (1936). They pro- sound of the guitar, the guitarró, fer- Sometimes the jota is simply a song, for posed several criteria when defining rets or ferreguins, the tambourine [...] example, to accompany housework or these terms, such as the same popular Castanets were also used, sometimes the work in the fields (mowing, thresh- denomination, or the consideration of made from two wooden spoons [...] ing, olive harvesting, etc.), or to accom- the phenomenon over time. Broadly The [sic ] musical value of the songs pany children's games.8 speaking, they consider the ball to be and the accompanying music was something simpler, more spontaneous non-existent. Almost all of them In this paper we will focus on the jota and of a more popular nature; whereas were sung coldly, with no musical in the world of dance, where it is most dansa would be rather more contrived emotion, and sounded like a badly- alive today. Not for nothing has it been and solemn, belonging in more for- sung jota. It's hard to find a melody declared a "dance of national interest" mal settings. In short, they correspond that has a bit of colour. " (Amades, (2010). This indicates that at this point to aesthetic criteria. Other proposals 1982: 195) in time it is widely accepted and grow- have now emerged, taking into account "The custom [les cançons de ronda] ing in popularity, in contrast with the more far-reaching approaches, such as was probably widespread in L'Urgell rejection that it had previously suffered the sociological perspective. [...] These corrandes are rendered in as, we have seen. a primitive Spanish, sung to the In this sense, we need to consider contributions that position us within other sound of a melodic variant of the We will show the different contexts parameters in order to better under- jota, insipid and less than mediocre, in which the dance of the jota was stand this dichotomy. Thus, Massa and are so rough as a whole that they expressed in a specific region, the (2007: 14), echoing Catalan tradition have no value beyond the fact of Terres de l'Ebre. This issue will be says that: their existence, and when we have addressed from a number of points of found them during our searches for view, taking into account the context "In Catalonia the words used to popular music we have not included in which it has occurred over time, the denote choreographic performances are balland dansa. The expression them in our collection. " (Amades, different people involved, and other 2001, III: 436) dansa is in a sense idealised. Thus more formal aspects, such as chore- we can talk about Catalan dansa, ography.9 From a diachronic perspec- In spite of the negative considerations and link dansa with words such as tive, we will look at the evolution the in Amades's work, paradoxically it is "technique" and "steps", or refer to jota from the point at which it was a he who makes the importance of the the dance of such and such a town jota in Catalonia clear, in its different fashionable dance to when it became (as the most representative dance of forms: music, song and dance. a folk dance. We will also discuss the that particular town), etc. While the current initiatives for the repopulari- term ballis usually used in a more In the previous quotes, Amades refers sation of the jota. In conclusion, we specific sense. We talk about differ- to the jota in a context in which sing- will reflect on its present and future ent genres of balls: the ball del rotl- ing and music are combined, popu- in southern Catalonia. These are just let, the ball de la sardana, the ball de larly known as guitarrades, rondes or some initial notes of a general nature, l’espolsada, etc. The word "ball" can serenates..6 Thejota had social func- which are intended to contribute to refer to any of them, but this is not tions, and was linked with specific the contextualisation of this cultural the case with the word "dansa"[...] contexts: a combination of song and phenomenon. [we use] the word ball when we refer music. The musical performers were to genres: the pavane, the rotllet, the primarily men, which explains the Our study is based, on the one hand, bolangera, the polka, etc. On the names by which the jota was known on written, graphic and audiovisual other hand we use dansa when refer- in this setting: jotes de ronda, de fadrins, sources from various documentary col- ring to a social event at which the de quintos, rondenyes. The jota versada lections and on available biographies, dance is performed in a formal way." would be a derivation of the combi- while on the other hand drawing on nation of song and dance.7All these oral sources during field work, with It is therefore the ritual component - forms of expression have in common interviews conducted with people symbolic or formulistic - which defines the musical accompaniment of a spe- from the region being studied. the dansa in popular tradition, as indi- Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 241 cated by Pardo. Jesús-Maria (2001: that still survive today.10According to acyclic context, unrelated to social or 75-76): Massa, what makes the ball de plaça religious rituals. "If we look at what the people con- distinctive is the fact that social hierar- sider to be a dansa and compare it chies are reflected in the act of dancing: By the concept of ball de plaça, we to what is considered to be a ball, we "Theball de plaça developed forms of understand the social and public find thatdansa has a purpose that is social relations in which social status dance that takes place in the con- defined within the framework of the was evident" (Massa, 2007: 13. text of a festival. This is one of the event in which it is included. This frameworks within which the jota is purpose can be one of thanksgiv- Below we present a conventional, documented. As we will see later on, ing, worship or veneration of the auxiliary proposal in which the con- several ritual elements were present divinity, of petition, of praise, of cepts of dansa, ball and ball de plaça in this context, which shaped the a symbolic-didactic character, or referred to above are identified, based participation protocol. In our area, purely ornamental. On the other on the defining elements explained in the ball de coques, was very common, hand the ball, is only for the pleas- the literature consulted.11 It should be featuring an auction of coques (a typi- ure of the dancers, who more or less emphasised that it is essentially context cal kind of pastry in Catalonia) The freely coordinate their movements that marks the difference, as the same purpose of the auction was to deter- with a certain melody or song, with genre, the jota, can be a dansa, a ball mine participant involvement, and to an additional element of eroticism and a ball de plaça. finance the event. But there are many which may be more explicit or rather other designations, based on different less so, but that is always important. For example, it can be observed that distinguishing elements (occasion, included in what is categorised as costumes, choreography, participants, However, the boundaries between the dansa, there are different forms of cul- ritual objects), such as the capdansada, concepts of ball and dansa continue tural expression that are also known capdeball, ball de mantons, ball de la to be blurred, as they are often used within our cultural context as balls roda, ball de Sant Antoni, ball de majo- as synonyms. Moreover, in popular (ball de bastons, ball de gitanes, ball de rales, ball de la candela, etc. events, overlaps are frequent, and real- cascavells,etc.). In fact, in Mallorca they ity is not fixed or static. In fact, it is are called balls de figures. Juan (2004: The jota in the ball de plaça interesting to note the existence of a 36) classifies them asassociative dances: Today, the jota is often a part of the context in which dancing could have "Some of these dances come from ball de plaça, especially in the Ebro and aspects of both ball and dansa. We are ancient guild dances." Priorat regions. However, it is docu- referring here to the concept of the mented much more widely in Catalo- ball de plaça, understood as the "social We use the term ball to refer exclusively nia, in other regions such as the Camp dance developed during the Ancien to dance genres, such as the jota, the de Tarragona, Conca de Barberà, the Régime" (Massa, 2007: 13), which is fandango, the seguidilla, the bolero, Terres de Ponent, Pallars and La Rib- reflected in a series of manifestations and the pasodoble, executed in an agorça.12

Table 1

DANCE SQUARE BALL DANCE Ritual and didactic purpose (show) Ritual and recreational purpose Recreational purpose Cyclical form of expression, linked to a festival Cyclical form of expression, linked to a festival Acyclic form of expression Fixed number of participants Fixed number of participants, and open participation Open participation Ritual and uniform dress Traditional dress and / or modern dress Modern dress Mandatory ritual and aesthetic elements (arches, Possible use of ritual and aesthetic elements (coques No mandatory accessories sticks, vetes, costumes, etc.) (pastries), candles, fans, costumes, etc.) Execution sponsored and organised by an Execution sponsored and organised by an institution Free execution institution or association (guild, city council, etc.) or association (brotherhood, commission, city council, neighbourhood, etc.) Public space Public space Public or private space Closed participation, fixed number of Community participation Open participation participants Organisation by roles Hierarchy of the dance Without hierarchy 242 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Table 2

Repertoire of the "xato Tírig La Sénia Tortosa d’aldover" Ascó Cornudella de Montsant entrance processional capdeball dansa jota (jota) passeig step jota jota nineteenth-century dances jota dansa punxonet punxonet bolero jota bolero fandango (or roglet) end jota and bolero bolero

The first documentary data where dance. This would indeed be the case ing to the chronological order in which we see evidence of the jota as a dance throughout its long life. the dances appeared. More fashionable in our field of study goes back to the elements were added to older features. 18th century. It is from Calaceit, and The ball de plaça brought together a As Massa explains, with reference to dates from 1734 (Salvadó, 2008: 521; repertoire of different dances. In this the Costa de Levant (2007: 21): "The Blanc, 2011: 55).13 In this document sense, it functioned as a sort of bag of other balls de plaça that as a whole have it is mentioned together with other tricks where all sorts of choreographies tended to be called dansas comprise a fashionable dances of the time, such as of different origins and types could be repertoire of dances, always ordered in the babau, the serení and the sombra. fitted into a structure in the form of a the same way, which corresponds to From this we can deduce that it coex- suite (Mass, 2007: 12. These would be their appearance over time."14 Musi- isted with different forms of music and performed in a fixed order, correspond- cally, a proof of this amalgamation is the confirmation of the coexistence of very diverse rhythms at the same time (we will look at the choreographic aspects in the following section).15 The jota also became part of the square dance programme, as one more piece of its structure, at a date that is unclear.

In picture 2, there are six examples of ball de plaça structures from the Maestrat-Priorat area. It is clear that the jota is present throughout this area. However they represent different stages within the tradition,16 as we will see:

We can observe the square dance is presented in the format of a suitein the first three locations. Within the graph we wanted to include the dance repertoire of the ball de plaça by dolçainer Jaume Blanch Gelabert, “lo Xato d’Aldover”. It was very popular in Baix Ebre and Montsià regions at the end of the 19th century, and the beginning of the 20th century , at which time the dolçaina (an instrument rather like an oboe) and the drum were still the main musical protagonists of the ball de 17 Dansada de la Fatarella (Terra Alta). Example of a ball de plaça in the context of the plaça. Once again the suitestructure is Sant Blai festivities. The most characteristic ritual element is the tortas blessed by the evident, although we do not yet know church, that everyone danced with, one of which was auctioned. The protagonists are the the order of execution. majorals (2010). PHOTO AND BACKGROUND: XAVIER REBÉS Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 243

On the other hand, Ascó (Ribera became part of the band repertoire in tionships were understood. As we can d'Ebre) represents the present day, different places. They were identified see, innovations were to emerge at an where bands have replaced the dolçaina by name (for example, La gresca, Jota de earlier date the further north we go from and tabal combination.18 It can be seen los toros, La Lolita, Jota serrana, etc.)20 the area studied. Not surprisingly, it was that the suite structure has been simpli- and it was often known who they were an area more closely linked to the major fied, which means that the jota is the written by. As Massa says (2007: 34): urban centres of Reus and Tarragona, only part of the ball de plaça remaining. "Scores written by both Catalan and and therefore more receptive to change. foreign composers. were taken up On the other hand, the southernmost In fact it was with the arrival of music and played everywhere. The same area appeared to be more conservative, bands on the scene that a considerable piece could be heard in different as there were older repertoires in the change took place in the physiognomy places. [...] This was when the uni- ball de plaça that survived for longer, as of the ball de plaça.19 They would be versalisation of social music, of con- can still be seen today.22 Therefore the the ones to introduce new repertoires sumption began to take off." adoption of the jota in the ball de plaça that would eventually replace the old can be explained as a result of its popu- ones, such as those of the dolçainer The case of Cornudella, in the Priorat larity in our area. At the beginning of Jaume Blanch. With the bands, the region, serves to explain the disappear- the 20th century, however, it was already nineteenth-century versions of the ball ance of the jota in the ball de plaça at considered obsolete in a part of the area de plaça as they were known spread. the beginning of the 20th century in studied. The jota, however, was not banished; a part of the territory. After a period of quite the contrary in fact, as composi- coexistence with nineteenth-century In short, this evolution was part of a tions aimed at bands became popular, dances, it was finally displaced.21 We more complex process involving the drawing on a variety of sources, such can deduce that the appearance of the transition from a pre-industrial to a as popular jota melodies, zarzuelas ball agarrat was a reflection of the social modern society, which affected many or cuplés. These pieces were then dis- changes taking place at the time, which areas. As for the concept of ball de plaça, seminated through sheet music, and affected the way dance and social rela- a trend towards the democratisation

Rondalla de Freginals, an example of the training of string musicians in the first third of the 20th century. FREGINALS TOWN COUNCIL 244 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 of the act of dancing can be observed, is the current meaning, above all in The musicians at a bureo usually which affected how dancing was the Maestrat, Ports and Matarranya formed a rondalla, understood as a organised, as well as the music bands areas. In other parts of the zone studied, "musical ensemble formed basically and repertoire. There was a change in the word is used in a more restricted by stringed instruments". The guitar musical tastes, with a shift towards sense.26 It is in this context that the was the main instrument. There was more academic and urban models.23 no standard format, since an indeter- dance had a spontaneous character, minate and variable number of instru- and everyone could take part. No pro- The jota in an acyclic context: ments could be part of it, depending the ball de bureo tocol was required, and neither was the on the circumstances. Together with As we have seen, the jota has a place presence of paid professional musi- the strings (lute, bandurria, guitarró, within the context of the ball de plaça, cians, as in balls de plaça (Massa, 2007: violin), percussion instruments (tam- understood as a social act that required 15). As Pardo says (1995: 724): bourine, ferrets, castanets) were also a certain formality, and that was con- "It is clear that the ball and the important. Over time, others would nected to the framework of commu- ronda, of a more private nature and be added, such as wind instruments nity festivals. But it could also be part unrelated to the formality of an offi- (euphonium, clarinet, accordion). of a dance in a more playful, family cial festival, were accompanied by oriented setting, which we call ball de In this context the most common stringed instruments. It should also bureo (as does Pardo, 1995: 728). 24 We dances were the jota and other related understand a bureo25 to be a "festive be noted that string players were not genres, such as the fandango and the meeting of a private character where considered professional musicians, seguidilla. It is important to empha- dancing is the main entertainment, unlike the dolçainers or the members sise that in these types of dances together with drama or games, par- of the band, who always charged for performed by the rondalla, singing ticularly in country farmhouses". This their work." was always involved. The musicians

Choreographic structure of the canut in jotas at the most important local festival of the year (Amposta, 1968). LOPEZ, 2008: 55 Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 245 sometimes played a double role as both a combination of vocals and instrumen- facing each other. This is reminis- instrumentalists and singers. We are tals, and the other was solely instrumen- cent of the usual positioning for now going to take a look at the most tal. The instrumental and vocal parts the ball de plaça, except they do important choreographic elements of corresponded to those performed in not form a circle. This is a format the jota. the ball de plaça by bagpipes and the found in the southern part of our tabal. However, within the vocals a dis- area of study, more specifically in The dance was learned in an intuitive tinction needs to be made between the the Montsià and the area around way, simply by imitation: in this con- song (folia, corranda) and the chorus. It Tortosa. Apart from the position- text there was no concept of rehearsal, was possible for the chorus to be solely ing, there were several variations in or any form of prior instruction. Par- instrumental. In terms of choreogra- terms of changes of partner and cho- ticipants took part freely, and on an phy, the steps went with the song. These reographic evolution documented individual basis. It was the woman who tended to be simple, turns, walks, twists, in the neighbouring areas of El took the lead, and who chose the steps etc. During the choruses, regardless of Maestrat and Els Ports. A graphic (passos, punts, passadetes).27 whether or not these included vocals, document from Amposta suggests the dancers usually performed a few the possibility of the existence of a The position of the dancers depended steps to the rhythm of a waltz. choreographic variant that in other on several factors, such as the char- areas is called ball del canut, in which acter of the dance. If we understand In the bureo , the placement of the the dancers form a sort of corridor it as a ball de plaça, the dancers were dancers was much more diverse. There led by one of the pairs at the end distributed in two parallel rows that were no predetermined structures. during the chorus (Ramell, 2006: advanced forming a circle around Based on the dancing couple, there 31. the dance space, the plaça, in an anti- were several more complex choreo- c) El quadre,”The square”. This is clockwise direction.28 Women were graphic structures for dancing the jota. formed by two pairs of dancers. We on the outside, the men on the inside. The aims were diverse: to add variety to have photographic evidence which Placement usually corresponded to the performance, to adapt to the avail- shows that it was possible to position rank. Those who led the dance were able space or number of dancers, to the dancers in different ways.31 the most distinguished people. The show off, or to encourage fun and the d) Other structures. Until now we have dancers stayed with the same partner building of relationships between the not had any evidence of other cho- throughout the session. A dancer could two sexes, as changes of partner were reographic structures in the Terres sometimes take on more than one part- possible. Up to now, in our research de l'Ebre, such as el rogle, which ner in the case of a ball d’obsequis, a "gift we have been able to document the were common in more conservative dance", the gifts being coques (a kind of following patterns: traditional Catalan pastry). Musically, areas close by (Matarranya, Ports, a) Ball de tres, literally "Dance for 32 when the dolçainer was in charge of the Maestrat). As we will now see, it three". Performed by one man ball de plaça, the jota was structured may be that the fact that the area and two women. It is considered in two clearly differentiated parts: the was affected by folklorisation at an a display dance. The dancers form bagpipe section and the drum solo earlier time contributed to gradual a line. The man stays in the centre, section. In the first, the dancers took disappearance of these structures. with one of the women on each advantage of the tune of the song and side. During the chorus, the steps the chorus to perform the moves, while From popular dance they perform form something like in the second part, the interlude, they to folklore show a figure eight. Ulldecona is one of rested, advancing to the beat of the In the literature we consulted, refer- the places where this has been docu- drum.29However, with the appearance ence is made to the jota as being very mented.30 of the music bands, new jota repertoires much alive between the end of the 19th that altered the structure of the ball de "They had also danced the ball century and the early part of the 20th plaça spread. The new compositions tres[ sic ]: the dancers were divided century. At the same time, the first ref- were jotas (or walz-jotes ) in which the into groups, each formed by one erences of the jota as a display dance structure of couplets and choruses was man and two women. [...] both of appeared. The oral sources consulted in no longer identifiable, and the role of these dances were variants of the our field work provided us with sketchy the solo drum had disappeared. jota tortosina." (Amades, 2001: V: data on the final stage, when the dance 488-489) was already fading in importance and Thejota performed by a rondalla was b) La fila, “The row”. The partners performances were frequently ‘folklor- also structured in two parts: one part was form two parallel rows, and dance ised’. Consultation of Josep Bargalló's 246 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

They danced the tortosina variant of the jota." (Amades, 2001, IV: 229) "There's plenty of fun in that corner of the square! Listen to the song: Esta donsella que dansa / se parese á San Miguel / y el bailador que la baila / lo que está debaco d’él. It is a dance in the local style, and like the costumes of the peasants is reminiscent of the time of the Moors. Now they’re dancing to the sound of guitars, guitarrons and ferrets [… ] What lively people! Like the night of Palm Sunday. The dance is over. Listen: Aviso les doy, señores, / que no salgan á bailar, / que en esta copla y en otra / lo vamos a rematar.” (Vergés Pauli, 1923: 132-133) "It was the night of magic and fire [Night of Sant Joan]. At midnight the young girls did the "egg yolk test" to find out what the trade of their future boyfriends would be. [...] People gathered to dance the jota, or the cota, as they called it [...] and when they went to dance the 'cota' they took pastries made with eggs, flour and sugar, stuffed with dried figs and then fried, this was the typical 'parachota' (‘for the jota’)." Example of the jota at the pilgrimage to the Remei de Flix hermitage on the “Day of the (Casanova i Giner, 1996: 37) Hermit”. Easter Monday, 1950. Unknown author. FRANCISCO RAMÓN VISA RIBERA "And during the year there are many neighbourhoods where they dedicate a night or two to our jota, audiovisual archive has provided us "Another town where a local cel- which really pleases those middle- with relevant data on the way the jota ebration was held was the town aged people who remember the was performed in both a popular and of Benissanet, on the banks of the times when singing and dancing a folkloristic context. They represent River Ebre. After dinner the young the jota used to be something that the invaluable testimony of the last men went to the square and started dancers who were familiar with the people did every Sunday and on fes- dancing on their own in a showy, tival days, or even a daily event. The jota in several regions (Terres de l'Ebre, grotesque way until a young woman Priorat, Camp de Tarragona). peasants, conservative and faithful came up to dance with them. Once to this, the purest of traditions, and they had found partners and started The following quotes document the who continue to preserve it with presence of the jota as an expression of dancing, if another man came up the greatest of care for the benefit of popular culture in different contexts. and said simply llicència, they had future generations are happy too. It Different aspects are highlighted in to give up their partners and try is a shame that like so many other each case, such as the way in which to find another girl to dance with. things connected with our local partners were chosen, or how the dance Throughout the dance, it was always area this has been slowly dying out, ended, its popularity, or how it started the women who chose their part- and today there are very few young to lose popularity with young people, ners. The men were not allowed to people who know how to dance the or its appearance as a festival event: choose, or to go to look for a partner. jota." (Subirats, 1955: s. p.) Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 247

"No less striking are the impromptu and dance. It stemmed, however, from dances in the square in front of the interest that the privileged classes the church. The strains of a joyful took in the people, but in an idealised jota ring out from the many gui- way, rather than from an ethnographic tars, horns and bugles of the band. perspective. The virtues of rural soci- Five or six couples show off their ety were exalted, and presented as the panache, changing over from time depository of a true and unalterable to time. On this occasion it is abso- cultural essence. In this sense, an imagi- lutely impossible to pass through the nary of "popular culture" was created, square as it is packed with dancers which became the object of study and and people watching them." ( El empowerment, and would form the Orden, 19 January, 1890) basis of folklorism.34 In this context, the objective was to prolong the life We have already made reference to of those popular forms of expression the fact that the disappearance of the that were in danger of extinction in pre-industrial model of society at the order to turn them into museum pieces end of the 19th century brought about decontextualised from reality. changes that affected the customs and attitudes of the working classes. It was Traditional music and dance adopted the moment when the ball agarraoor a new format, one that was no longer agarrat as they were called appeared on participatory and fun, but that was the scene, coinciding with the peak of becoming a spectacle with an aesthetic popularity of the jota. It was a new con- value that was also a source of identity. cept of dance (ball) in which contact between the dancers was possible. We Specifically, in the case of thejota , it was are referring, for example, to new dance in Aragon where the dance became an fashions such as the waltz, the mazurka important part of regional identity dur- or the polka.33 At first, the soltdance, ing the second half of the 19th century. represented above all by the jota, coex- At the same time, the Renaixença in isted with theagarrat; but gradually the Catalonia reinforced other expressions balance swung towards this new form, of popular culture that were intended as young people identified with the to represent the vision of ethnicity that Poster of a show that includes new music and new forms of dance had been forged in the country. These improvised singing, a "country-style" dance competition, with traditional dress which represented modernity. elements came mainly from Old Cata- guaranteed, and a verbena (1947). "The fandango has died, drowned lonia. As Costa says (2011: 59): M. CARME QUERALT by the wave of foreign dances that "Thejota fell outside this framework. has hit our streets and squares; but It was a joyful, lively way of danc- to evolve into what were calledcuadros the joyous fandango is in the very ing, one that did not sit comfortably de jota. The dancers came to be of sec- blood of our young people, and it with the stereotype of the sensible, ondary importance, at least, in the first prevents them from assimilating the hard-working Catalan people. [...] period. As Andrés Cester says (1986: jota soul or even the beat of the French But above all the was suspected 53, in Rubio, 2008: 57): and American pantomime." (El of not being truly Catalan."35 Correo de las Familias, 1 August "A singer or two were included, 1878) The creation of the Official Aragonese and later a pair of dancers (how- Jota Contest (1886) in Zaragoza is a ever these were not couples who Costumbrism appeared on the scene good example of the process of the exal- had been sought out and who had as a reaction to this transformation tation of the genre at this time. It was rehearsed in advance as would be of the customs of the working classes an annual competition which involved the case today, but people called on in the 19th century. This movement, stories, understood as reworked ver- by chance who had had no previous which originated with Romanticism, sions of traditional tales, which had a preparation or training)." manifested itself through the visual role to play. They were performed as arts and through literature and, as part of the competition in which the This new version of thejota as a folk- expected, also included popular music singer's participation was key. This was lore spectacle is also documented in 248 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Folklore demonstration by a children's group of the Sección Femenina (Tortosa, 1964). ARCHIVE OF THE SECCIÓN FEMENINA, MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, CULTURE AND SPORT, GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN the Tortosa area in the last third of who are most appropriately dressed Throughout the 20th century, the per- the 19th century, where it established and who give the best performance formance aspect would be appear in deep roots, and persisted for much of of the local dance, the jota." ( Diario different formats: competitions, festi- the 20th century. Undoubtedly, geo- de Tortosa , 5 September 1896) vals and tributes, which took place par- graphical proximity to Aragon was the ticularly in the Baix Ebre and Montsià trigger for the revaluation of the jota as As we see, the dance was then under- area. It must be said that the popular- 36 a expression of popular culture. It is stood as an exhibition. The aim of ity of the improvised song of the jota interesting to note that in the Tortosa the performance was to showcase the eclipsed the dance. It gradually became press at the end of the 19th century technical aspects, and to present a har- a decorative complement to the stories and the beginning of the 20th century monious choreography. The "typical" that were sung by the singers. As we can there was a great deal of coverage of the see in this account: dress also became a necessary require- events and people related to the jota ment. It was at this time that the term "At that time, when Teixidor [1931- in Aragon. The appearance of the first "regional style" applied to this form 2011] began to sing, the jotes were examples of the sung (and improvised) very important; together with the of the jota took on its full meaning. jota in our area could be seen as evi- singers and the stories, jota danc- 37 The dance was no longer something dence of this phenomenon, as could ers were also part of the festival." natural and spontaneous, but clearly the introduction of dance competi- (Fandos, 2005: 40) tions, as we see from their inclusion a prearranged performance. Dance in Tortosa’s main festival: moves were created or re-worked, and One of the most striking innova- "At four o'clock in the afternoon, they had to be rehearsed beforehand so tions we can observe at this time were the event will begin, in which the that the dancers could win a prize and changes to the choreography. The following prizes will be awarded by gain a reputation (this is why they were steps that corresponded to the sung the jury of the San Antonio guild. popularly known as balls de premits - part ("mudances") were relegated to First prize. 40 pesetas to the couple “prize dances”).38 the instrumental section, while the Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 249 movements traditionally performed in the instrumental or interlude part ("valsat" and "arrastrat") were shifted to the vocal section. It is assumed that the explanation for these changes lies in the style of singing. As Bargalló explains (1994: 50): "After each cobla, the instruments took up the tune again with gusto, so while the dancers danced to the instrumental part with very quick steps, snapping their fingers, during the vocal section they reduced their movements to a minimum so that the voice could be clearly heard by the spectators."

It should be assumed that the format of the song affected the dance in the Video cover Danses Tortosines (1993) edited by the Grup Tortosí de Danses Folklòriques. sense that attention was focused on This group created its own style along the lines of the staged jota, which has had the message conveyed by the songs, widespread impact in the Tortosa area. BOLUÑA. SOURCE: GRUP TORTOSÍ DE DANSES FOLKLÒRIQUES. rather than on the dancers. On the other hand another factor that deter- to criteria of age and sex. This was In the Coros y Danzas competitions, mined changes in choreography was documented in the following towns: moreover, these pieces had to comply the irregularity of the tempo in the Ametlla de Mar, Amposta, Benissanet, with strict rules regarding duration. vocals section, as it depended on how Bítem, Flix, Gandesa, Jesús and María, Thus, for example, the stage version the singer chose to improvise. The tra- Mora de Ebro, Móra la Nova, Paüls, el of the Tortosa ball de plaça was pre- dition has evolved in such a way that Perelló, Roquetes, San Carlos del Valle, sented to the public in a fragmentary the musicians are at the service of the Santa Bárbara, Tortosa and Xerta, but way. It was made up of the "capde- singer, not the dancers. in most cases it was short lived. ball", the "jota", the "punxonet" and the "bolero", which all looked as if This type of performance dance per- One of the characteristics of the system they were autonomous and uncon- sisted during the Franco dictatorship. was the need to appear in competitions nected pieces. With regard to cho- When the competitions disappeared, of a provincial, regional and national reography, a repertoire of dances the artistry of these dancers survived nature, in which it was necessary to was created in which the steps were in several local groups that emerged prepare a repertoire of dances repre- chosen and fixed arbitrarily, in order at the end of the 20th century, such as to make them clearly identifiable by sentative of each "region". It was then those of Sant Jaume d'Enveja, Jesús i the dancers. Aesthetic values were that the jota was consolidated as a folk Maria, and Sant Carles de la Ràpita. also enhanced through the staging, dance. The concept of a repertoire of gestures and posture of the dancers. pieces, identifiable with a specific geo- In 1942, the groups of Coros y Danzas The artistic aspect was highlighted of the Sección Femenina (“Women's graphical area or name, was dissemi- as the dancers were required to wear Section”) and the Frente de Juventudes nated. Local groups performedballets "regional costumes". Although the (“Youth Front”) were born, which (dances)from their respective areas. The intention was to revive what were prolonged this aesthetic aspect of the Terres de l'Ebre, however, provided few supposedly popular dances, the result dance. Their influence was reflected in examples of the local tradition, unlike was the manipulation and adultera- the creation of a series of local groups other areas of Catalonia. These were tion of the original materials. Several that either coexisted with, or absorbed, folklorised pieces, taken out of their factors influenced this process, such previous formations such as the dance original context. We do however know as shortcomings in the collection groups, or were nourished by their of some from the Terres de l’Ebre, , Lo and faithful dissemination of the musicians, singers and dancers. These Capdeball, the Jota tortosina, the Jota dances, or the competitive frame- groups were structured hierarchically fogueada [sic], the Jota de Cherta or the work in which they were performed. across various categories, according Dansades de Bot. This situation was echoed in the press 250 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 of the time, with several tradition- The emergence of theGrupo Tortosino guage,47 following a trend that, in gen- sensitive personalities denouncing de Danzas Folklóricas, founded in 1969, eral terms, had already been set during the tampering carried out by the Sec- consolidated the aesthetic aspect of the the previous stage: the performance as ción Femenina.39 jota in the last third of the 20th century. a means of dissemination. The group's It was the heir to the Grupo de Coros extensive trajectory allowed for an evo- On the other hand, the dance group y Danzas de Tortosa and was a refer- lution towards the new tendencies that movement, which was the Catalan ence point for folk dance in the Terres were appearing on the folklore scene alternative to the monopoly on folk- de l’Ebre together with - although to in Catalonia. It has to be said that the lore represented by the Coros y Dan- a lesser extent - the Grup de Danses Grup Tortosí de Danses Folklòriques cre- zas40 arrived on the scene very late in Catalònia, de Jesús.45Ramon Balagué, ated its own style of performing Cata- the Terres de l'Ebre and did not take artistic director of the Grupo Tortosino lan dance on stage, and achieved a high root.41 There is only evidence of two de Danzas Folklóricas, explained that it degree of artistic excellence until its groups: The Estel Dansaires de Paüls was research that had legitimised the disappearance. According to the testi- and the folklore group, the Soci- group's trajectory: mony of the folklorist from Reus Josep etat de Cantaires de l’Ebre Delta de “By creating the group, my goal was Bargalló, based on statements by jota 42 Tortosa. Unfortunately, the supposed limited to the revival of our dances. singer Josep Guarch nicknamed "Lo safeguarding of the choreographic her- [...] These dances are the result of 30 Teixidor", he describes what the jota itage they claimed to dedicate them- years of research, always based on scene was like in the 80s and 90s, when selves to was also undertaken from an oral accounts, and always within the artistic part was the sole means of 43 aesthetic point of view. However, the local communities."46 expression: jota had no place in their repertoires "Today very few people dance the until a later period (the 1980s), thanks However, it is on the artistic side where jota, and there are only a few groups mainly to the work of the folklorist he stood out most. The folk materials in the Sección Femenina that “dance 44 Josep Bargalló. were translated into a theatrical lan- it very well', but in a somewhat fixed

Popular dance. The festive format of events such as the Ballades al Mercat (Amposta) has created a new framework for popular dance and music. There is a firm commitment to participation, the aim is above all to entertain and thus go beyond the aesthetic aspect of the dance (8 April 2013). JOAN-LLUÍS MONJO. SOURCE: ESPAI DE SO Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 251

and showy way, rather than as it had is an example of the integration of the (under different names), is once again previously been danced by young diverse reflections that were beginning a living (or revitalised) expression of people in the past." (Bargalló, 1994: to emerge in the field of dance.51 popular culture, and is an extremely 194) important element in festivals in south- With the protest movement against the ern Catalonia. And it is clear that the This artistic expression of the Grup Tor- National Hydrological Plan at the end jota, be it as a dance or as a song, has tosí de Danses Folklòriques reached its of the 20th century and the beginning become a key element in the identity peak in the 90s with Carme Balagué, of the 21st, the identity of the Terres of the Terres de l'Ebre in recent years. who continued her father's work. She de l'Ebre was strengthened, and local has been key in the training of new forms of cultural expression, such as Throughout the area, a series of entities dancers in various dance groups over the jota, were re-evaluated. According dedicated to the dissemination of the the last few years, and her expertise has to Guiu (2001: 73): “La jota est donc jota have proliferated, acting as folklore made it possible for new folk groups to devenue un instrument de revendication groups at the same time. Their aim is appear in the area, such as the Grup de en défense de l’Ebre et en défense d’une to reclaim this dance through popular Dansa Paracota, d’Amposta, which was nouvelle conception du modelle d’identité events, such as the Jota Festival in the greatly influenced by her.48 However, catalane”. Within this context of the Ribera de l'Ebre or the meetings of the great contribution of Carme Bal- re-evaluation of the jota, he empha- jota groups, which usually take place in agué was developing the staging for the sized the role of the folk group Quico the Baix Ebre, Montsià and Terra Alta Saragatona group, heir to the work of el Célio, El Noi i el Mut de Ferreries, areas. Despite the new open spirit of the Grup Tortosí de Danses Folklòriques, centred basically on creating a new ver- these celebrations, the display compo- where she had previously been the artis- sion of traditional song. nent is still evident. Ultimately, they are tic director. In an explicit way, Balagué representations of the supposed local wanted to highlight the artistic side of Since then, this awareness of local tra- variations of the jota, where certain the dance, which is translated into the ditions has meant that there has been aesthetic elements still persist, such as, language of contemporary dance, after a very clear interest in the world of sto- dress (regional costumes, scarves tied undergoing a clear process of inno- rytelling and in the versadors of the new around the waist). vation: "[Saragatona] is innovative generation (such as El Canalero or El in terms of musical instruments and Teixidor). This revival has also led to a On the other hand, there are several even in the costumes worn, achieving parallel concern for the jota as a dance, initiatives that have focused on the jota a staging that has traditional roots, but now understood in a different way: the as a dance, in the sense of an explicitly that is at the same time adapted to the desire was to return to the concept of spontaneous, open and acyclical form trends in stage design."49 The intention dance (ball) as a form of entertainment of expression, which have been suc- was not so much the reproduction of open to all, and less as a show. cessful in recent times. For example, traditional forms, but rather a rework- La Jota a la Plaça was a pioneering ing for the stage, reflecting a desire to The current picture. Prospects organisation, established in the Casal go down more contemporary paths: for the revival of the jota as a Panxampla in Tortosa. Subsequently, "The show mixes different ele- folk dance (ball) initiatives such as the Ballades al Mer- ments of the dances of the Terres It was not until the beginning of the cat promoted by the Grup de Dansa de l'Ebre, jotas and dansades, based 21st century that initiatives were pro- Paracota in Amposta, or those of the on traditional aspects and incorpo- posed in the Terres de l'Ebre to change Lo Fardell Patxetí association in the rating more modern and innovative the format in which dance (ball) was Ribera d'Ebre were added. In the words staging options, with new ideas on presented as a spectacle. There has of representatives of the first two: interpretation and musical arrange- been an interest in the revival of its "Our perception [of the jota] [...] ments, revived, reinvented and even entertainment function as an open was that, although socially it was [sic] created by the musicians of the and participative form of expression. widely recognised, it was basically group."50 Without a doubt, the rediscovery of the positioned and presented as a per- improvised jota has had a great influ- formance [...]. Our aim is to ensure A timid attempt to break with the rigid- ence on this trend towards manifesta- that the jota can be actively and par- ity of the precepts of staging can also tions of a popular nature. We live in ticipatively present at any festival, be discerned in Saragatona. At some an era in which there is a demand for dance or concert, and that we can point, the audience becomes involved, local cultural activities as an expression once again dance it in a comfort- as the dancers move outside their per- of identity in the face of globalisation. able and natural way [...], to make formance framework (the stage). This The jota understood as a ball de plaça it popular in the sense that people 252 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

feel that they have made it their own aCampus based in Poblenou del Delta. of Valencia, it still remains to this day, once again.” (Baiges, 2014: 48) In this area, the projects coordinated albeit in a residual form. “Paracota works as a meeting by the Espai de So de Tortosa association space that offers the possibility to should be highlighted: The Ebrenca Lo Today there is a very clear commitment learn and dance the jota through- Canalero School of Traditional Music to the popularisation of the recreational out the year. At the same time, of Roquetes, and the Ebrefolk Campus role of the jota as a dance. New perspec- through the participation, diffu- de Música i Balls Populars de les Terres tives are emerging from different points sion and organisation of meetings, de l’Ebre, Matarranya i Nord Valencià of view. All of the above initiatives and popular dances, workshops and of Móra d'Ebre. The main feature of projects are examples of an obvious courses, Paracota brings together these last two initiatives is that they too interest in the revival and updating of other groups that keep the music are aimed at training pupils, but based music and dance in a festive context, as and dances of the region alive." on knowledge rooted in tradition. a spontaneous form of expression that (Miralles, 2014: 39) We consider this necessary in order to is open to participation. The barrier understand the jota in its maximum that existed between performers and These associations promote meeting diversity, and in order for it to be able spectators in the folkloristic concep- spaces in which the active participation to develop in every sense. tion of dance began to dissolve and of dancers is encouraged, but without a break with the previous era became a performance element. Hence tradi- Conclusions clear: there were other similar cases in tional costumes no longer have a role In traditional society dance was a mani- our cultural context at the same time. to play. There is a clear desire to revive festation that was part of a system of For example, this is the case of the phe- the ball de plaça in the town square.52 human relations integrated into a pre- nomenon of the ballades in Mallorca industrial way of seeing the world. It and the new bureos54 and aplecs that are In the same vein, new initiatives have was common within the celebrations of currently flourishing in Valencia and recently appeared, such as the bureos, the agricultural and liturgical calendar, the Terres de l'Ebre. promoted by the Espai de So associa- which governed our ancestors' lives, tion. This is an initiative that redefines and on certain public holidays or at In the 21st century, associationism will traditional practices in the framework private celebrations. It was a highly increasingly be the driving force behind of modernity by adopting new func- participative activity and not yet con- new dynamics for understanding folk tionalities. This is the case of the music fined to any particular group. Likewise, music and dance. Furthermore, it will and dances of the rondalles de corda, it was understood as a playful form become the depositary of tradition, which seemed to be destined to disap- of expression charged with a specific and will take on the job of transmis- pear. This is a leisure context, often cen- meaning within the cultural frame- sion. tred on a popular meal, which invites work in which it took place. those attending to actively participate. Consequently, as the jota is a living In addition to the jota, the repertoire We have seen that the tradition of the expression of popular culture, it will broadened as other dance genres that jota as a popular dance in the Terres always be subject to adaptation within have been common in popular tradi- de l'Ebre began to wane in the last the diverse contexts in which it occurs. tion were revived: the fandango, the third of the 19th century, in the same At the same time, this process can be seguidilla, the bolero, nineteenth-cen- way as other genres of popular dance, observed in different senses, such as in tury dances, etc.53 such as the seguidilla, the bolero and the forms of transmission, as we have the fandango, had previously. One already seen; and also in terms of chore- Alongside this drive to popularise the of the reasons was the emergence of ography, since it facilitates the involve- genre, there has also been an interest in new tastes and customs, linked to a ment of new dancers; at a musical level, training. We should mention the crea- social change. Young people identi- new melodies are being created and the tion of schools throughout the region fied with new music and a new way door is open to fusion with other types that offer courses aimed at teaching of understanding dance (the agarrat) of music currently on the scene, and song, dance, and how to play certain dance triumphed. As a reaction to this even to the incorporation of instru- instruments. Here we are referring to demise, a folklore movement was born ments from other traditions. n the Aula de la Terra (originally l’Aula de that was consolidated during the 20th Música Tradicional i Popular - AMTP - century: the artistic side of the jota. By attached to the Ministry of Culture at the 1940s and 1950s, the break in gen- the Generalitat de Catalunya) and to erational transmission was complete Lo Plantel, in Tortosa, as well as the Jot- in the Terres de l'Ebre; in the north Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 253

Historical Memory (Reus). Ethnographic racv.es/files/Los_coros_y_danzas.pdf> [Last ORAL SOURCES library documentation. consulted: 8 September 2018].

Jordi Angelats (Tortosa, 1933) Milà i Fontanals Institution - CSIC (Barce- Aragonés, A. (2003). Refranys i modismes lona). Archive of the former Folklore Section of tortosins de Federico Pastor i Lluís publicats Josep Bargalló (Reus, 1931) the Spanish Institute of Musicology (Folklore al setmanari Libertad (Tortosa, 1908-1910), Missions, 1944-1960). edició a cura d’Albert Aragonés Salvat [online]. José María Chavarría (Tortosa, 1937) Tortosa. [Last consulted:: 14 June Agustí Chartó (Pinell de Brai, 1930) tion of Centres for Catalan-speaking Studies 2018]. (Mora la Nueva). Archive of research projects. Maria Cinta Llasat (Tortosa, 1930) Aragonés, A. (2012). “Les ‘Notes folklòriques’ Josep Serra and Castellví Museum of Mu- (1924-1928), recollides i anotades per Ramon Sedó Borrell”. Beceroles, 5, 113-135. Antonio Martínez, lo Xaparro (Tortosa, sical Instruments (Benissanet). Archive of 1962) musical scores. . Aragonés, A.; Vidal, J. F. (2009). “L’obra musical, folklòrica i literària de Joan Moreira”. Recerca, Joan Navarro, Sarassó (Jesús i Maria, 1929) 13, 49-86. Josefa Roca, Pepita la de Parrillo (Jesús i Baiges, E. (2011) “Omplim la plaça a ritme de Maria, 1940) BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES jota”. Caramella, 24, 29. Valeriano Serres (Pinell de Brai, 1930) AA. DD. (1996). II Congrés de Cultura Tradi- Bargalló, J. (1992). Balls i danses de les co- cional i Popular Catalana. Comunicacions. marques de Tarragona, 2. Ribera d’Ebre i Terra Dolores Vallespí (Barcelona, 1929) Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya. Alta. Tarragona: Institut d’Estudis Tarraconenses Ramon Berenguer IV. AA. DD. (1997). II Congrés de Cultura Tradi- cional i Popular Catalana. Ponències. Barce- Bargalló, J. (1994). Balls i danses de les co- lona: Generalitat de Catalunya. DOCUMENTARY SOURCES marques de Tarragona, 3. Baix Ebre i Montsià. Tarragona: Institut d’Estudis Tarraconenses AA. DD. (2003). Investigadors i recerca et- General Archive of Administration (Alcalá Ramon Berenguer IV. nològica a Catalunya. Catàleg de recerques de Henares). The documentary and photo- impulsades des del Centre de Promoció graphic archives of the Sección Femenina. Bargalló, J. (1999). Balls i danses de les code la Cultura Popular i Tradicional Catalana marques de Tarragona, 4. Baix Camp Tarra- Traditional Catalan Dance Archive (Josep 1983/1999. CPCPTC: Barcelona. gona: Institut d’Estudis Tarraconenses Ramon Bargalló, Reus). Collection of interviews, the Berenguer IV. sound and video library of traditional Catalan Aiats, J. (2001). “El mite de l’orientalisme en dance. les cançons de treball (o la inútil recerca de Bargalló, J. (2005). Balls i danses de les co- l’origen)”. Caramella, 4, 26-29. marques de Tarragona, 5. Alt Camp and Conca Regional Historical Archive of the Terres de Barberà. Tarragona: Institut d’Estudis Tar- de l'Ebre (Tortosa). Ramon Borrell Photo- Alumnes del curs de català. (1991). Primer raconenses Ramon Berenguer IV. graphic Archives, documentary archives (inven- recull del cançoner canareu. Alcanar. tories and local bibliographies) and the press. Bargalló, J. (2011). “Primera festa de la Jota Amades, J. (1982 [1951]). Folklore de Cata- de la Ribera d’Ebre”. Miscel·lània del CERE, Library of the Royal Academy of History lunya. Cançoner. Barcelona: Editorial Selecta. 22, 359-364. (Madrid). Nueva Andadura archives. Amades, J. (2001 [1956]). Costumari català. Bargalló, J. (2013). Seminari de danses de les Spanish National Library (Madrid) Sección El curs de l’any, 3a edició, 5 volums. Navarra: comarques tarragonines. Barcelona: Agrupa- Femenina musical archives. Salvat Editores. ment d’Esbarts Dansaires.

Sant Carles de la Ràpita Public Library. Amades, J.; Tomàs, J. (1998 [1927]). Biarnes, C. (1983). Guia d’Ascó. Tarragona: General archives. “Memòria de les missions de recerca de músi- Institut d’Estudis Tarraconenses. ca instrumental i cançons realitzades per Joan Marcel·Lí Domingo Public Library (Torto- Tomàs i Joan Amades a diversos indrets del 13 Blanc, M. (2011: “La jota al Matarranya”. Cara- sa). General collection, Il-lercavònia platform de febrer al 29 de maig de 1927 per comanda mella, 24, 55-56. (festival programmes) and sound library. de l’Obra del Cançoner Popular de Catalunya”. In Obra del Cançoner Popular de Catalunya. Bonastre, F. (1977). Felipe Pedrell. Acota- Documentation centre of the General Di- Materials, Vol. VIII. Memòries de missions de rectorate of Popular Culture, Association- ciones a una idea. Barcelona: Caja de Ahorros recerca per Joan Just-Josep Roma; Joan Ama- Provincial de Tarragona. ism and Cultural Action (Barcelona). IPEC des; Baltasar Samper, a cura de Josep Massot research programmes, IPEC Scholarships i Muntaner. Barcelona: PAM. and Fonoteca de Música Tradicional Catalana Borau, L.; Sancho, C. (1996). Lo Molinar. Liter- (FMTC). atura popular catalana del Matarranya i Mequin- Añón, A.; Montoliu, V. (2011). “Los Coros y ensa, 2. Cançoner, a cura de L. Borau and C. Danzas de España. Transmisores del patrimo- Carrutxa Centre for Research and Dis- Sancho. Terol: Instituto de Estudios Turolenses, nio cultural valenciano” [online]. Valencia: Real Associació Cultural del Matarranya, Carrutxa. semination of Ethnological Heritage and Academia de Cultura Valenciana.

Bosch, V. (1997 [1907]). Cançons antigues Cid, J. S. (1989). “Corrandes de l’Ebre (3)”. Fandos, G. (2005). Lo nostre Teixidor. L’últim del Pallars. Tremp: Garsineu. Miscel·lània del CERE, 7, 59-68. cantador del Montsià. Tortosa: ed. autora.

Buj, À. (2010). “Notes etnogràfiques en etno- Cid, J. S. (1991). “Corrandes de l’Ebre (4)”. Ferré, À.; Ferré, C. (2004). “‘La trobada’, un textos del Montsià”. Beceroles, 4, 13-33. Miscel·lània del CERE, 8, 73-96. motor de dinamització cultural”. Butlletí del Cen- tre d’Estudis de la Terra Alta, 40, 14. Capmany, A. (1930). La dansa a Catalunya. Cort, A. (2011). Història de Reus a través del Barcelona: Barcino. ball: del vals al swing. Reus: Centre de Lectura Flores, L. X. (2018). La música i el ball tradi- de Reus. cionals de les Terres de l’Ebre: Un patrimoni Capmany, A. (1944). “El baile y la danza”. In etnomusical, una altra catalanitat?. Treball de Carreras Candi, F., Folklore y costumbres de Cortès, F. (1992). “La música escènica de Fe- fi de màster. Tutor: Roigé Ventur, X. Barcelona: España, vol. I, 167-418. Barcelona: Casa Edito- lip Pedrell. Els Pirineus. La Celestina. El comte Màster de Gestió del Patrimoni Cultural i Mu- rial Alberto Martín. Arnau”. Recerca Musicològica, XI-XII (1991- seologia, University of Barcelona. 1992): 63-97. Capmany, A. (1948). El ball i la dansa popular Flores, L. X. (s/d). “Nous contextos per a les mú- a Catalunya. Barcelona: Ed. Milà. Costa, R. (2011). “Jota, recerca folklòrica i es- siques i balls tradicionals al segle xxi: els bureos”. barts. Breu història d’un desencontre”. Cara- In Actes del 1r Congrés de la jota als territoris Casanova, B. (1996). Des de les ‘Quatre Car- mella, 24. 58-61. de parla catalana (Falset, 2018), in the press. reteres’. Una aproximació al folklore i la parla del Delta de l’Ebre. L’Aldea: Deltebre Town Council. Costa, R. (2005). Cien años de Esbarts. Flores, M. A. (s/d). “Quan la tradició és obli- Ciudad Real: CIOFF Espanya – Ministeri de dada. Usos i contextos de la jota a les terres Casero, E. (2000). La España que bailó con Cultura. de Lleida”. In Actes del 1r Congrés de la jota Franco. Coros y Danzas de la Sección Fe- als territoris de parla catalana (Falset, 2018) menina. Madrid: Nuevas Estructuras. Costes, A. (1989). Recull de cançons i música (in the press). tradicional de la comarca del Delta de l’Ebre. Castellanos, E. [et al.]. (2007a). La jota can- Beca inèdita de la Fonoteca de Música Tradi- Flores, L. X. [et al.]. (2011). “La jota al País tada a les Terres de l’Ebre. Centre de Promoció cional Catalana (FMTC). Barcelona: Direcció Valencià. Algunes consideracions”. Caramella, de la Cultura Popular i Tradicional Catalana del General de Cultura Popular, Associacions i 24, 30-51. Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Acció Culturals. Catalunya – Amics de l’Ebre. Research work Flores, L. X. [et al.]. (2017). “La jota de ball carried out as part of the 2007 Research Pro- Crivillé, J. (2003). "The change of perspective a les Terres de l’Ebre. Trets característics i gramme for the Inventory of the Ethnological in ethnomusicology through the field work car- paral·lelismes amb Mallorca i el País Valencià” Heritage of Catalonia (IPEC). ried out in musical folklore courses at the Barce- [online]. Patrimoni musical III. Cicle de con- lona Municipal Superior Conservatory of Music ferències de l’Escola Municipal de Mallorquí. Castellanos, E. [et al.]. (2007b). Cantadors in the academic years 1975-76 to 2002-03". In October–November 2016, Papers de Sa de les Terres de l’Ebre. Research work commis- La cultura tradicional en la Sociedad del siglo Torre, 71, Manacor Town Hall, 29–53. . the IRMU 2007. Cuscó, J. [et al.]. (2008). El seguici festiu de Tortosa. Músiques per a dolçaina i percussió. Flores, M. À.; Monjo, J. L. (2011). “Perspec- Castellanos, E. [et al.]. (2010). “La jota can- Barcelona: DINSIC Publicacions Musicals – tives actuals per al ball tradicional al Sud valen- tada improvisada a les Terres de l’Ebre”. Catalo- Generalitat de Catalunya. cià”. El Salt, 26, 4-10. nian Journal of Ethnology, 25, 217-220. Domenge, J. (2011). “La jota al Llevant de Mal- Flores, M. À.; Monjo, J. L. (2012). “Nous Castellanos, E. [et al.]. (2011). “La jota can- lorca. El cas de Sant Llorenç des Cardassar”. camins per al ball tradicional al País Valencià. tada improvisada a les Terres de l’Ebre”. Cara- Caramella, 24, 14-17. Els aplecs de sonadors”. Caramella, 26, 64-67. mella, 24, 4-7. Esteve, C. (2009). “Vestit i música popular i/o Garrich, M. (2011). “Dansa tradicional versus Cester, A. (1986). La jota. Zaragoza: Zaragoza tradicional al territori de la diòcesi de Tortosa a altres tècniques”. Caramella, 24, 139-140. City Council. principis del segle xxi”. Raïls. Revista del Centre d’Estudis d’Ulldecona, 25, 7-50. Gaya, A.; Poy, M. (coord.) (2014). La nostra Chavarría, J. M. (1975). “Variantes y coplas de jota. Tortosa: Casa de la Jota jota en la comarca tortosina”, Tortosa Folk-75, Faiges, J. (1953). “La jota tortosina”. Programa s. p. (56 pàg.). de las fiestas de la Cinta 1953, 1 p. Giménez, C. (2011). “Cantant, cantant, les pe- nes se’n van”. Cançons de trobada al Delta de Chavarría, J. M. [et al.]. (2005). Veus i teclats Faltus, R. (2006). “Recerca del folklore musi- l’Ebre. Treball inèdit del Màster de Musicologia a través dels serveis regulars de la Hispano de cal de la Ribera d’Ebre”. Catalonian Journal of i Educació Musical (director: Ayats Abeyà, J.). Fuente En-Segure. HIFE SA. Ethnology, 28, 132-133. Barcelona: Autonomous University of Barce- lona. Cid, J. S. (1987). “Corrandes de l’Ebre (1)”. Faltus, R. (2007). “Recerca del folklore musical Miscel·lània del CERE, 5, 52-66. de la Ribera d’Ebre, 2”. Catalonian Journal of Grup Ramell (2006). De rondes i bureos. Ethnology, 31, 147-148. Música dels valencians de secà. Explanatory Cid, J. S. (1988). “Corrandes de l’Ebre (2)”. booklet, edited with an accompanying CD. Miscel·lània del CERE, 6, 53-64. Madrid: Tecnosaga. Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 255

Guiu, C. (2001). La jota dans les Terres de Mitjans, R.; Soler, T. (1991). “La música a Sáenz, F. J. (2014). “La manipulación de la l’Ebre. Étude d’un fait culturel traditionnel et de les zones de muntanya. El cas dels flabiolaires tradición: los Coros y Danzas de la Sección ses localisations dans le sud de la Catalogne. d’Arbúcies”. Aixa. Revista anual de la Gabella, Femenina en Teruel”. Temas de Antropología Memòria del Màster de Geografia (director: 4, 47-56. Aragonesa, 20, 235-264. Trochet, J-R.). Paris: Universitat de París IV- Sorbonne. Moreira, J. (1979 [1934]). Del folklore tortosí. Salvadó, R. (1998). “Balls, indumentària i Costums, ballets, pregàries, parèmies, jocs i moral al segle xviii a la Terra Alta”. In Actes de Guiu, C. (2008). “Fer-se escoltar. La jota com a cançons del camp i la ciutat de Tortosa. Tortosa: les Segones Jornades d’Estudis a la Terra Alta, vector de mobilització i de reivindicació”. Cara- Cooperativa Gràfica Dertosense. 519-528. Batea: Fundació Pro-Batea. mella, 19, 37-40. Oriol, C. (2002). Introducció a la etnopoètica. Sánchez, M. (2004). “Folclore del sureste es- Ibor, C. (2012). “Jotas y fandangos en el sureste Teoria i formes del folklore en la cultura catalana. pañol. El baile suelto: el baile popular y el baile de Teruel”. Jentilbaratz. Cuadernos de Folklore, Valls: Cossetània edicions. bolero”. Revista costumbrista y local. XV edición 14, 147-186. Cuadrillas y Aguilandos en Torreagüera, s.p. Palomar, S. (2011). “Notes sobre la jota a la Ibor, C.; Escolano, D. (2003). El Maestrazgo Catalunya Nova”. Caramella, 24: 18-22. Sánchez, M. (2008). “Hacia una interpre- turolense. Música y literatura populares en la tación del modelo folclórico musical en el Sur- primera mitad del siglo xx. Zaragoza: Rolde de Palomar, S.; Rebés, S.; Juan, M. A. (1990). este español”. In García, M. (coord.), Música Estudios Aragoneses – Prensas Universitarias Rasquera, cançons de la tradició oral. Reus: de tradición oral. XXV Años de Encuentros de de Zaragoza. Carrutxa. Cuadrillas de Ánimas de Los Vélez, 201-258. Almeria: Instituto de Estudios Almerienses. Jardí, D.; Jardí, C. (2009). Les golfes de Pardo, F. (1995). “Aspectes de tècnica i pràc- pagès (de Tivissa i la seva muntanya). Valls: tica musicals populars a la vila i terme de Culla”. Sánchez, R. [et al.]. (1992). Dites, cobles i ron- Cossetània. In Imatge de Culla. 750 aniversari de la Carta dalles, pròleg d’Ester Martí i Accensi. Tortosa: de Població, vol. II, 721-741. Culla: Comissió Servei Municipal de Català de Tortosa. Jover, M. (1973). “De la jota tortosina”. Progra- del 750è aniversari. ma de las fiestas de la Cinta 1973, s. p. (1 pàg.). Saragatona (2004). Saragatona. Grup de Pardo, F.; Jesús-María, J, Á. (2001). La músi- Música i Dansa Tradicional. Programme for López, M. (2008). El vestit tradicional ca popular en la tradició valenciana. Valencia: the performance on Saturday 24 April 2004 at d’Amposta. La seva època. Amposta: Amposta Conselleria d’Educació i Ciència, Generalitat the Felip Pedrell Theatre-Auditorium in Tortosa. Capital. Valenciana. Seguí, S. (1990). Cancionero musical de la Llopart, D.; Prat, J.; Prats, L. (ed.) (1985). La Pedrell, F. (2011). Cancionero musical popular provincia de Castellón. Valencia: Caja Segorbe, cultura popular a debat. Barcelona: Altafulla. español, 4 vol., 1a edició 1922. Seville: Extra- Caja de Valencia. muros Edición. Manzano, M. (1995). La jota como género Serra, V. (1982 [1907/1015]). Cançons de musical: un estudio musicológica acerca del gé- Pitarch, C. (1998). “La dolçaina i els balls pandero. Cançons de ronda. Mallorca: Olañeta. nero más difundido en el repertorio tradicional públics valencians: ‘Les danses’ i els ‘balls ro- español de la música popular. Madrid: Alpuerto. dats’ o ‘de plaça’”. A Tabal i Dolçaina, 49-56. Serra, V. (1981 [1915]). Calendari folklòric d’Urgell. Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat. Manzano, M. (2006). Mapa hispano de bailes Prats, L. (1988). El mite de la tradició popular. y danzas de tradición oral. Aspectos musicales. Barcelona: Edicions 62. Serra, V. (1987). Folklore de la pagesia. Bar- Madrid: CIOFF España. celona: Abadia de Montserrat. Puig, L. (1994). Crònica i calendari de dansa Marco, J. (2016). L’Orfeó Capçanenc i el seu tradicional. Tarragona: el Mèdol. Serra, V. (1992 [1928]). “Geografia folklòrica”. Esbart Dansaire. Capçanes: Capçanes Town Arxiu de Tradicions Populars, fascicle II, 65-70. Council. Queralt, M. C. (2009a). “Jaume Blanch Lo Xato. La dolçaina d’Aldover”. Caramella, 20, 71-75. Solà, M. (2011). “Josep Bargalló i Badia. Folk- Margelí, A. (2008). La jota en el Bajo Aragón lorista i restaurador de jotes”. Caramella, 24, y especialmente en la villa de La Codoñera Queralt, M. C. (2009b). “La dolçaina: Estudis 26-28. con todas sus formas, variedades y ocasiones i reculls dels cronistes, etnòlegs, folkloristes i en que se ejecuta (ed. Alberto Turón Lanuza). músics catalans del tombant dels segles xix i Subirats, J. (1955). “La nostra jota”. Programa Zaragoza: Instituto Cultural del Bajo Aragón. xx”. Recerca, 13, 151-175. de las fiestas de la Cinta 1955, s. p. (2 pàg.).

Martí, J. (1992). “Felip Pedrell i l’etno Roma, J. (1991). “El papel de los ‘Esbarts Tomás, E. (2008). “Etnografia musical en los musicologia”. Recerca Musicològica, XI-XII, Dansaires’ en la modificación del patrimonio rituales religiosos festivos de Los Vélez”. In 211-229. de la danza catalana”. Trencadansa, 3, 31-34. García, M. (coord.), Música de tradición oral. XXV Años de Encuentros de Cuadrillas de Martí, J. (1996). El Folklorismo. Uso y abuso de Rovira, J. J. (2002). Cantadors del Delta. Texi- Ánimas de Los Vélez, 33-80. Almeria: Instituto la tradición. Barcelona: Ronsel Editorial. dor, lo Noro, Caragol. Tortosa: Querol. de Estudios Almerienses.

Mestre, M. (2018). The sniper. Francesc Mes- Rubio, J. (2008). “La jota de baile”. In La jota Turón, A. (2018). “La jota cantada” [online]. tre i La Veu de Tortosa. Barcelona: Editor Rafael ayer y hoy. 3. La ronda y el baile, 42-85. Zarago- Dalmau. za: Prames. [Last consulted: 15 September 2018]. 256 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

highlight the study by Miguel Manzano La jota Vergés, R. (1991 [1909-1934]). Espurnes AUDIOVISUAL SOURCES como género musical (1995). Also recom- de la llar. Costums i tradicions tortosines, 6 mended is number 24 of Caramella, which volums, reimpressió. Tortosa: Cooperativa Grà- Grup Tortosí de Danses Folklòriques includes a dossier dedicated to the jota in fica Tortosina. (1993). Danses tortosines (format VHS). Tor- Catalan-speaking territories. tosa. Vidal, J. F. (2012). “Felip Pedrell i el folklore 10 musical ebrenc”. Beceroles, 5: 27-57. For information about this in Catalonia, please Recording of the first bureoheld in the refer to Massa (2007). In Valencia, this typology Terres de l'Ebre [online]. . Tortosa, (Pardo 1994: 59-61), balls de carrer o de plaça ebrenc i la rellevància de la figura de Mariano 15 de juny de 2013. (Pardo, Jesús-María 2001: 374-396) or balls Manta”.Quaderns de l’Ebre, 7, 17-32. públics tradicionals de dolçaina (Pitarch 1998: (50-52). Popularly the most widespread denomi- Vigo, E. (1909). Aplec de balls populars del nations are ball de plaça and les danses, entre Pallars. Barcelona: Centre Excusionista de d’altres (ball del dolçainer, ball perdut, ball rodat, Catalunya. NOTES ball del cremaller).

1 11 This article further develops the paper presented Pardo, Jesús-Maria (2001: 75-76; 374-376), on 14 September 2013 at the 11th Conference Juan (2002), Massa (2007: 11-12). MUSIC SOURCES on the Ethnology of the Terres de l'Ebre held in Móra la Nova entitled The Ethnomusical Herit- 12 Banda de Música de Benissanet. (2014). age of the Terres de l'Ebre. The jota as a dance. For the counties of Tarragona see Bargalló (1999, 2005). For the counties of Ponent see, Jotes patxetines. Jotes de la Ribera d’Ebre, di- The exhibition was organised by Lluís-Xavier for example, Bosch (1997 [1907]), Vigo (1909), recció musical de Carles Capseta. Lo Fardell Flores. It is part of a wider study project about the missions of l’Obra del Cançoner Popular de Patxetí. the jota in Catalonia, of which some aspects have been made public (such as Flores et al. Catalunya i Flores (in the press). 2017, Flores, 2018, Flores s/d). Cobla Montgrins. (1994). Jotes de la Terra 13 Alta. Consell Comarcal de la Terra Alta - Gen- 2 It should be remembered that this town in Matar- eralitat de Catalunya. Barcelona: TRAM 0048/ We find it documented, for example, in the ranya was part of the bishopric of Tortosa until CD. repertoire of musical groups from the Penedès 1956. to Northern Catalonia, mainly in the form of Jota Crivillé, J. (coord.) (2007). Tivissa. Cançons i Vals (jota waltzes), and forming part of the suite 14 tonades de la tradició oral. Fonoteca de Música of different gypsy dances in the Vallès region. The same thing happens in the counties of the Tradicional Catalana. Sèrie 1. Testimonial docu- centre and south of the Valencia region, where ments. Recerca directa, vol. 3. Barcelona: Gen- 3 the ball de plaça is known as "Les Danses". eralitat de Catalunya. For example, ethnomusicologist Manzano, one of the leading scholars of the jota (1995, 2006) 15 presents the jota as "without a doubt the most See, for example, Torrent (1994), with regard to Gaiters de Joventuts Unides de la Sénia. widespread dance genre throughout the Iberian the irregular aksak rhythms documented in the [et al.] (2000). Recapte de sons. Grallers, gai- Peninsula, including Portugal" (2006: 454). music of the dances of the Plaça de la Redolada ters, dolçainers i tabalers. Barcelona: TRAM/ dels Ports i del Maestrat. GMI Records. 4 On the prejudices of the first Catalan folklorists 16 Grupo Tortosino de Danzas Folklóricas against the jota, see, for example, Martí (1996) It should be noted that different historical (1971). Grupo Tortosino de Danzas Folklóricas and Costa (2011: 59-61). moments are represented. On the one hand - José María Chavarría and Ferreres offer a re- there are the cases of Tirig and Ascó, which cital of songs, dances, storytelling and bagpipe 5 reflect the present day, in which the ball de music based on the folk music of Tortosa and On the concept of orientalism and its connection plaça is alive. On the other hand, the examples the surrounding area. Tortosa: Grup Tortosí de with popular music see Aiats (2001: 26-29). of Sénia, Tortosa and Cornudella de Montsant represent the structure of the ball de plaça Danses Folklòriques. 6 before its disappearance in the first third of the See, for example, Moreira (1979 [1934]: 398- 20th century. Joaquín Targa; Juan Valmaña; Los Flarets; 403). Boca de Bou [et al.], Orquesta Sinfónica de 17 Acordeones de San Sebastián (2005). Veus i 7 After all, the dolçaina (or bagpipes) and drum teclats, coordinated by José María Chavarría For further understanding of the jota in the Ebre ensemble recalled the old minstrel ensembles, Ferreres. Tortosa: HIFE (accompanies the book region, see Rovira (2002), Chavarría (2005) a harking back to antiquity. Today in the Baix of the same name). and Castellanos, Martí, Queralt, Salvadó, Vidal Maestrat the figure of the dolçainer is popularly (2007a, 2007b). known as the joglar, “the minstrel”. Rondalla de Sofia de la Ribera; Agustí Ribes (2010). Un pont al Riu. Madrid: Tec- 8 18 nosaga. WHCM 356. As for example can be widely seen in the folkloric The existence of string ensembles in the ball de works of Serra and Boldú or Moreira. plaça is well documented. It can be seen, for example, in notes by Francisco Nogué included 9 in the work Capçanes y sos encontorns (1896), For a better understanding of the musical cited by Palomar (2011): 21) aspects, we refer the reader to the extensive literature that exists on the subject. We would Dancing the jota in Terres de l’Ebre RESEARCH 257

19 32 45 Its appearance was another example of a policy See, for example, Margelí (2008), Pardo (1995), Led at one time by Josep Buera i Bel. aimed at reforming customs promoted by those Grup Ramell (2006), Flores et.al. (2011), Ibor i in power, with the aim of educating society (see, Escolano (2003) and Ibor (2012). 46 for example, Torrent, 1990): 11-12). Information included and obtained from the 33 video Danses tortosines, Grup Tortosí de 20 For the study of the different trends in fashion- Danses Folklòriques, 1993. Note the change of An extensive collection of scores for music able dances during the 19th and 20th centuries name to a form in Catalan. bands, including the jota, is kept in the archive of see, for example, the work of Cort (2011). José Serra (Benissanet). 47 34 Sample of the choreographic reproductions of 21 See Prats (1988) and Martí (1995). several folk pieces, recorded by this group in the Sources: Tírig (Seguí, 1990); La Sénia (Bar- video Danses Tortosines. galló, 1994); Dolçainer de Aldover (Amades- 35 Tomàs, 1998 [1927]); Tortosa (Moreira, 1979 It is also worth consulting Martí (1995: 51-54). 48 [1934]); Cornudella de Montsant (Bargalló, Their characteristic style of scenic dance is 1991). 36 revealed, for example, in the creation of several It is interesting to follow the evolution of the jota pieces of choreography, in the stylisation of body 22 in Aragon up to the point where it became a folk movements or in the didactics. This becomes evident when comparing the cur- genre with its own particular identity in Turón rent repertoire of balls de plaça in the southern- (2018). 49 most area (counties of Els Ports and Maestrat). Saragatona. Traditional Music and Dance Group It can be seen that more archaic forms of dance 37 [online]. < http://usuaris.tinet.cat/aismael/sara still survive here. See, for example, Castellanos et al. (2010). gatone >. [Last consulted: 1 May, 2014].

23 38 50 Regarding the evolution from early to modern Rovira (2002: 80). According to a testimony See previous note. social dance in Catalonia, see Masa (2007: cited in this study: "I won the prize for dancing 9-40). the jota in Sant Jaume d'Enveja. Boca de Bou 51 sang, and they held a ball de prèmits, a prize was At the second Congress of Popular and 24 awarded for dancing the jota”. Traditional Catalan Culture (1995-1996) new See also Bailes de bureo de Teruel y Cas- initiatives emerged in the field of esbarts, aimed tellón (Carolina Ibor, Marta Valls, Antonio 39 at opening up popular culture to present-day Navarro) [online]. . [Last consulted: 1 May, 2014]. Thus imitating the model of the Falset Clavel- this associative model was a derivation of the linera association, which since 1988 has been 25 cultural programme of the Renaixença. He was developing activities to promote the jota in the In Terres de l'Ebre boreo i boleo are variations born at the beginning of the 20th century. Priorat region [online]. < http://www.agenda that are used. priorat.cat/users/associació-cultural-la- 41 clavellinera>. [Last consulted: 1 May, 2014]. 26 In the Priorat we have evidence of at least one See, for example, Flores (s/d). such grouping: "Esbart dansaire capçanenc" 53 (Marco, 2016). Its repertoire was the classical The aim is also to revive the type of instrumental 27 programme of early 20th century dance groups, formations documented in the tradition, before The term mudançais documented by Moreira made up of folk pieces unique to northern the rondalla mixta (a combination of strings and (1979 [1934]) and Pardo (1995). Catalonia. wind instruments), became more widespread, becoming a paradigm of the jota versada. In this 28 42 sense, the newly created Rondalla dels Ports Guiu (2001: 44) Includes a map proposing an Costa (2005:59). We also have evidence of represented the spirit of ancient tales rondalles extension of the ball de plaça choreographies. the existence of an esbart in Móra d'Ebre in the or music produced by stringed instruments. eighties. 29 54 In Moreira's (1979 [1934]: 350-354) descrip- 43 Originally of a private nature. They were organ- tions of the jota in the context of the ball de plaça One of the first works to mention it is Roma ised in rural areas, at events such as the slaugh- in Tortosa, it can be seen that this order has (1991). ter of the pig, the end of the harvest, etc. been reversed, alongside what was happening in the jota escènica de rondalla. It is clear that in 44 the latter period it was already a folkloric form of The aim of his research work was to catalogue expression. traditional dances from the southern parts of Catalonia, to serve as a repertoire for dance 30 groups, or to promote the revival of local dances. Bargalló (1994: 136) also documents this vari- The lack of an ethnological methodology and ant in Tortosa; however, he illustrates it with the the influence of folklorism contributed to the tune of a ballad. diffusion of an atomized vision of popular music, which differed from the reality. A clear example 31 might be the idea that in each town there should As suggested for example, by the image entitled be exclusive musical forms, representative of a "Tortosa. Balls y cansons del País” seen in La people. Veu de Tortosa, 40, (2/9/1900: 4). 258 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 Creating authenticity: menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona

Marta Pons Raga Barcelona and the peripheral area of UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA Les Planes in April 2014. Predoctoral researcher at the Department of Social Anthropology at the Faculty of Geography and History at the University of Barcelona. Current fields of research are Afro-Cuban religions, migration studies, On that October day, when my field- religion and gender, and new spiritualities within the European work was still in its early stages, there context. was what those taking part called a rupture and that they affirmed represented a break with religious traditions, not Field study: Afro-Cuban a vehicle for spiritual, psychological only those of Cuba but also those of religions in Barcelona and physical wholeness (Murrell, Barcelona. This break with tradition 2010: 96). The ritual powers referred consisted of performing the rayami- n October 2014, a ritual to, and which are the basis for deal- ento in the presence of menstruating took place on the outskirts ing with the divine, are the Orishas , women. of Barcelona to initiate four transcendent entities typical of the people into Palo Monte. Yoruba tradition1 , which is where The desire of the practitioners to break According to Argyriadis much of Afro-Cuban religion stems with a religious norm is the main sub- (2011: 182, in Argyriadis from (Murrell, 2010). ject of this article. However, along the and Capone, 2011), Palo Monte is an following lines, I will discuss the con- IAfro-Caribbean religion usually con- To access the knowledge of the secrets cepts of rupture and of tradition. To sidered to be of Bantu origin. It is a reli- and foundations of these religions, an do so, I put forward two fundamental gion that was founded on the worship initiation is required. In the case of ideas that are at the same time intrinsi- of non-anthropomorphic beings called Palo Monte, this initiation is known cally linked. mpungus, which represent the forces as rayamiento, since the core of the of nature and that are represented by ritual consists of cuts (or rayas) made On the one hand, I perceive these the spirits of the deceased, the nfumbis on the skin of the neophyte to cause religious practices to be inherently or muertos. The materialisation of the bleeding. synergistic, which means that their dead occurs in bones, stones and dolls definition must be based on the crea- and is regularly fed with animal blood, In the initiation ceremony that day in tivity of the social actors (Espírito Santo eau de cologne, alcohol and other October, four people of different ori- and Panagiotopoutulos, 2015) who substances that allow the nfumbis to gins but all Europeans, participated as participate in, produce and reproduce become strong. future neophytes of the religion (one of these religions, in the cosmological, them was a woman who was menstru- discursive and ritual spheres, and pre- Palo Monte, together with Santería ating), a priest who was Cuban, four sent an extremely heterogeneous, shift- or Regla de Ocha, which are two of menstruating women who attended ing and plural religious landscape. On the most widespread religious tra- the priest (two of them already initi- ditions among the practitioners of ated), all of them Europeans as well, Afro-Cuban religions, are based on and myself. The ritual was held on a Paraules clau: religions afrocubanes, creativitat, nous imaginaris culturals, communication between human housing estate in the municipality of autenticitat, menstruació beings and the divine in order to Sant Cugat, in the hills of Collserola. Palabras clave: religiones afrocubanas, ease the problems and contradictions Taking the road to La Rabassada, after creatividad, nuevos imaginarios culturales, of daily life. Practitioners believe in ten minutes of driving around dizzy- autenticidad, menstruación supernatural and ritual powers, spir- ing bends, you reach the turnoff that I Keywords: Afro-Cuban religions, creativity, new cultural imaginaries, authenticity, itual mediations, divination, healing, have taken many times since I started menstruation and ultimately in human agency as investigating Afro-Cuban religions in Creating authenticity: menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona RESEARCH 259 the other hand, but related to the first Afro-Cuban religions as of reality (2017) - not so much what idea, I propose to study these religions a creative synergy and a reality supposedly is, but how it is con- taking as a starting point their posi- transnational field structed, and what effects it produces. tion in a transnational arena which is Before going into ethnographical In this respect, what anthropological undergoing a process of reconstruc- detail, it is worth examining the first analysis can capture is, in the author's tion, (Argyriadis and Capone, 2011) of the theoretical bases for the analysis terms, incomplete, or simply a specific, developing strategies of authenticity in of Afro-Cuban religiosity in Barcelona: historically consolidated episode, an order to establish themselves as legiti- creativity as a synergistic force. example of a set of relationships that mate. I therefore propose to interpret create a procedural field in which even the search for authenticity as a second For a thorough and careful approach the term tradition is not immune to heuristic tool for the study of these reli- to Afro-Cuban religions in Barcelona, these creative processes, and which gions in the European context. Based it is necessary to start from the fact that therefore evokes a whole imaginary, on the first idea, these religions can they are a heterogeneous phenomenon created and produced by social actors only be defined from the standpoint of in the diachronic sense of the term, who project a legitimised past onto an their potentiality and movement, that that is, that the definition of one of imaginary of the present. is, from their ability to create new reali- these religions implies denying that ties and their procedural idiosyncrasy is of a particular nature, as this would This relational view, or what Espírito or, drawing on Holbraad, to being in make it impossible to account for the Santo and Panagiotopoulos (2015) motion (2012); based on the second constant process of transformation that call relational ontology, enables us to idea, I will show how these processes underpins it. go beyond dichotomous approaches of the reconstruction of Afro-Cuban between social agents and more gen- religious practices in Barcelona are Thus, Afro-Cuban religions must be eral contexts or those of a structural connected to the search for legitimacy, understood not as an objective reality nature, and makes it possible to study using “africanness” as a point of refer- that can be typified and reified, but specific historical relations that high- ence, and equating it with authentic- as a reality that is socially constructed light agential experiences and cultural ity. To reflect on this issue, I will take and created, in its cosmological and refractions and so make bipolarisation a specific case study, which, as I have discursive as well as in its ritual aspects unnecessary. stated above, is a rayamiento ritual, and (Espírito Santo and Panagiotopoulos, even more specifically I will focus on 2015). In spite of the challenge that this To illustrate this creative synergy, Barad the performance of this ritual with ref- may seem to present when conducting (2007) develops the concept of intra- erence to the use and meaning ascribed an anthropological analysis, the aim is activity, that is a force that generates to menstrual blood. to reflect what Palmié calls theeffects new realities from a set of specific rela-

El 2014 va tenir lloc a Barcelona un En 2014 tuvo lugar en Barcelona un ritual In 2014 a Palo Monte initiation rite taking ritual d’iniciació al Palo Monte en què es de iniciación al Palo Monte en el que se place in Barcelona challenged a funda- va qüestionar una premissa fonamen- cuestionó una premisa fundamental de las mental premise of Afro-Cuban religions: tal de les religions afrocubanes: la no religiones afrocubanas: la no participación the exclusion of menstruating women participació de dones menstruant en de mujeres menstruando en estos cultos. from this form of worship. The will to aquests cultes. La voluntat de trencar La voluntad de romper con esta prohibi- break this rule led five women to attend a amb aquesta prohibició va propiciar ción propició la asistencia a la ceremonia ritual falling during their menstruation pe- l’assistència a la cerimònia de cinc de cinco mujeres menstruando en ese mo- riod. In light of this normative rupture, our dones menstruant en aquell moment. mento. Este artículo analiza, por un lado, la article analyses the structural creativity Aquest article analitza, d’una banda, la creatividad estructural de los participantes ingrained in the followers of Afro-Cuban creativitat estructural dels participants de las religiones afrocubanas en Barce- religions in Barcelona that allows them de les religions afrocubanes a Barcelona lona para generar una renovada mirada to generate new configurations of their per generar una renovada mirada cap a hacia estas prácticas, que las acerca a los practices that bring them closer to new aquestes pràctiques, que les apropa als nuevos imaginarios culturales, sobre todo cultural imaginaries, especially in relation nous imaginaris culturals, sobretot, en en relación con las configuraciones de to the feminine role in Afro-Cuban reli- relació amb les configuracions de gènere género y al papel de la menstruación. Y, gions. Additionally, it looks into how these i al paper de la menstruació. I, d’altra por otro lado, analiza cómo estas nuevas new meanings align with heritagisation banda, analitza com les noves signifi- significaciones resultantes entroncan con logics, in which the search for authenticity cacions resultants entronquen amb les las lógicas de patrimonialización en las que becomes key to the consolidation of such lògiques de patrimonialització en què la la búsqueda de la autenticidad deviene religions in Europe. cerca de l’autenticitat esdevé central per central para la consolidación de estas a la consolidació d’aquestes religions en religiones en el contexto europeo. el context europeu. 260 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 tionships and interactions between this is a two-way street, as, many practi- the ritual level (Karnoouh, a Argyriadis social actors. This intra-activity is thus tioners of these religions have also stud- y Capone, 2011: 239), which is why clearly related to the relational ontol- ied anthropology. And taking this one Argyriadis and Capone speak of a con- ogy proposed by Espírito Santo and step further, irrespective of whether tinuum religieux (2011: 10). Therefore, Panagiotopoulos (2015); for Barad, they have studied anthropology or not, we cannot think of the Afro-Cuban social actors (with the meanings they what is undeniable, and is reflected in religion in Cuba or Spain, or even in produce and the practices they per- the ethnographic studies carried out to Barcelona, in terms of a single cult form) cannot be conceived of beyond date, is that the social actors are fully group. It is rather that each group is their relational sense (Barad, 2007: 33). aware of this mutual interaction, and defined by others, distributed in space, employ discourses that also circulate giving rise to a religious plurilocality or, Thus, it is necessary to understand the in the academic sphere or in that of as Beck and Beck-Gernsheim would Afro-Cuban religions in Barcelona social analysis and that have to do with argue, to a locative polygamy (2003: in relation to the rise of new cultural ideologies that are perhaps transversal 73) and, I would add, a locative spiritual imaginaries, as Prat (2012) calls them. in contemporary society, such as the polygamy. For the author, this term refers to what discourse of heritagisation and the Within this plurilocality, the Afri- is popularly known as the New Age. ethics of authenticity (Boltanski and can continent becomes a mythical These are imaginaries that, as he states, Chiapello, 2002; Frigolé, 2014). Social place of Yoruba traditions, and as have to do with Eastern spiritualities, actors make use of these discourses in Africa is so important at this mythi- with natural therapies and esoteric order to legitimise their practices, and cal level, it becomes an imagined knowledge, and that have been on thus not only social practices, but also community (Anderson, 1983) for the rise in the European context the production of discourses, become many people participating in these over the last decade. In this way, the ethnographic material. Thus, what is cults. Palmié speaks of a continent members of Afro-Cuban religions termed culture is not only praxis, but that, in fact, ceases to be used in in Barcelona practice what Espírito also a set of textual artefacts in which discourse as a continent, becoming Santo and Panagiotopoulos (2015) religion, in this case, is also what social a chronotope (2013: 29), that is, a call ontological craftsmanship, that is actors (including ethnographers) say it space that represents a mythical time they take elements from different is (Canales, 2014; Palmié, 2013). in the narrative of heritagisation. religious traditions in order to create This “reafricanisation” (Argyriadis new meanings, new discourses and Apart from understanding creative syn- and Capone, 2011) is something new practices. ergy from a diachronic point of view, that must be taken into account in I intend to understand Afro-Cuban order to understand many of the To conclude this point, it should be religions as a heterogeneous phenom- discourses that social actors produce borne in mind that if Afro-Cuban enon in the synchronic realm. If I have in order to establish their practices religion is conceived as a synergistic taken as my starting point the idea that as authentic. Thus, a link or, if you field, inherently relational, and as such this religious practice that constitutes like, an equivalence between "Afri- a producer of new social realities, the and is constituted by a synergistic field, canness" and "authenticity" would ethnographic analysis itself is not an that is by a field that is both in and of be established. element that can be disregarded. In relationships, we must also understand fact, in this vein, Palmié speaks of the this synergy and reciprocity of relation- Authenticity strategies: ethnographic interface, that is, an eth- ships not through their contingency Heritagising the Yoruba cult in nographic membrane that accounts in time, but through their diversity in Barcelona for the interaction between Afro- space at a specific historical moment. Understanding the Afro-Cuban reli- Cuban cults and anthropology, to the gions from a transnational and syn- point that, the author argues, much Thus, the Afro-Cuban religions are a ergistic point of view, we must there- of what we could consider today to be complex, diverse and global religious fore take into account the strategies of "Afro-Cuban cults" is the result of the field, and at the same time a transna- authenticity adopted by the different Anthropology of Afro-Cuban Religion tional social field undergoing a process practitioners of these religions in order (2013: 10). As a consequence of this of reconstruction, as stated by Argyri- to legitimise their practices and cos- interaction (and as proof of its exist- adis and Capone (2011). One of the mologies. ence), many anthropologists who have premises that should be made clear is studied Afro-Cuban religions have that the bases of the religious dynamic On the broad roadmap of strategies been initiated into this cult, as has the itself are not established, but are con- aimed at achieving legitimacy, given above-mentioned Lydia Cabrera, but stantly being negotiated, especially at the heterogeneity and variety of forms Creating authenticity: menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona RESEARCH 261 and meanings in Afro-Cuban religions fundamental pillars of the ideology of This paradox lies in the fact that what in Barcelona, the prevailing discourse authenticity. is authentic ceases to be so precisely of authenticity is linked to the pan- because it is authentic; once valued as Africanist movements referred to by The ideology of authenticity also refers such, it will be exploited by the market, Capone and Argyriadis (2011). This to an ethic, expressed as such by Taylor which will only place it increasingly on means that the authentic ritual is one (1994), that makes reference to the the outskirts of the realm of authentic- that can be attributed to the way it was expressive individual, a child of roman- ity (2002: 559). If commodification performed in Africa before the time ticism, who emerges as a response to causes the authentic to emerge, it also of the slave trade, up to and including a supposedly widespread uniformity dismantles it; it grants validity and throughout the first half of the 20th the present day. On the other hand, legitimacy, and thus, exchange value, century in Europe. This sense of dif- the non-authentic ritual is one that has but, when doing so, it progressively ferentiation was considered positive, been corrupted on leaving Africa, in confers inauthenticity. the New World, and also in Barcelona, insofar as it broke with the massifica- and that, moreover, is associated with tion of thought, so deeply ingrained This paradox has led to an evolution 2 in Euro-American society between commercial ends, so that the oriaté can of the ideology of authenticity. The the 1930s and 1960s, and provided a make money. inauthentic is not standardisation, i.e. renewed critical spirit (Boltanski and mass production, as was the case in the Chiapello, 2002: 553). Thus, by way of example, oneoriaté , 1960s and 1970s, but the reproduction Teo, told me the following in relation According to Boltanski and Chiapello, of difference for commercial purposes. to what another priest, Leandro, said It is not enough then to become dif- to neophyte, Gael:3 it was the counter-culture of the 1960s ferent, but rather it is necessary not to "What Leandro told him was a lie, that brought about this critique of mass have (or not to appear to have) com- that was not what the prophecy society, and led to the emergence of mercial objectives. What is authentic said, he was not reading it cor- the expressive individual, in Taylor's is what is not perceived as a second- rectly. He did everything to create terms an original individual with a free ary attempt to codify the authentic in that terror... so that Gael would conscience, capable of knowing their own desires. order to adapt it to the market. If this bring his mother and father to him. Do you know that Gael's secondary intention is detected, it will This ideology works alongside the father has money? Well, that’s what become something to be manipulated political-economic system that makes it is, because this has cost Gael a and will be the object of the "denuncia- it possible and reproduces it, that is, lot of money, and it seems Leandro tion of the spectacle" (Boltanski and advanced capitalism as Frigolé (2006) Chiapello, 2002: 568). Difference in never has enough. I already knew calls it, which turns every practice and it was like that, but I didn't expect itself is not enough, it has to be a spon- every cultural product into a commod- taneous difference. that, I didn't expect him to be so ity (Comaroff and Comaroff , 2011). keen to deceive. We live religion Boltanski and Chiapello, in turn, refer in very different ways.” This sense of what is authentic is per- to all those ideologies and cultural ceived as such by the leading social reasons that enable a material social actors of the present study. Thus, one As Frigolé (2014) points out, authen- dynamic and that establish an inher- ticity is a highly polysemic concept. of the priests affirmed the following: ent relationship between tangible and "So many sacrifices are not neces- However, the author opts for a more intangible factors. Therefore, it is nec- sary. This is something this priest heuristic or analytical approach that essary to analyse the overlap between does because he’s so concerned with makes it possible to define it as refer- ideology and the economic system, appearances, with folklore, ostenta- ring to a pristine origin. Moreover, this an overlap that turns authenticity into pristine or primary origin is related to a a use value, and an exchange value tion. It is said that the blood of an distinction between nature and culture; (Frigolé, 2014: 44), that is, authenticity animal is enough, or to make the the latter being established as a stage and the production of difference that rupture, which can even be done subsequent to that of nature, which, it implies become marketable. just with an egg, by breaking the in turn, is perceived as untouchable egg. But this way he takes on the by man, preceding him, and as such However, there is a paradox here which, leading role and everything becomes very highly valued by social actors. So according to Boltanski and Chiapello, very grand. In addition, the one that "the turn towards nature" and, above has to do with "the failure to com- gets paid for the animals is his wife." all, "the return to nature" is one of the modify the authentic" (2002): 559). (31 July 2015) 262 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Yet, it is necessary to analyse how the is that this priest was fully aware that dangerous - it can be useful, because ideology of authenticity affects the pro- his desire to involve five menstruating in the end it is only energy, and I am duction of the meaning of menstrual women broke with the traditional pat- not afraid of the energy that comes blood within the ritual that we have terns within Afro-Cuban religions, not from nature, which comes from here, and in which the authentic is only in Cuba, but also within the Afro- the most authentic, from the most linked to that which is African as well Cuban religions practiced in Barcelona ancient.” as to a mythical time. So now we need by other priests, which I have also been to go deeper into ethnography. able to “ethnographise” through the Moreover, Teo was not the only one research I am carrying out. Accord- present who felt that he was modify- Menstrual blood in rayamiento: ing to practitioners of Afro-Cuban ing religious forms with his own ritual the production of authenticity religions who consider themselves praxis, other participants also showed in an Afro-European ritual. more conservative or protective of that they were fully aware of this. For There were ten people present at the tradition, menstruation is considered example, Miriam, one of the girls pre- taboo. Blood (eyebale) is a vehicle of above-mentioned ritual, held in Octo- sent who was in charge of helping Teo communication and cohabitation ber 2014 in Les Planes: a Cuban priest, said: "You are crazy, Teo, do you really four neophytes (two men and two between the Orishas or Yoruba deities want to do the rayamiento with five women), an anthropologist (myself) and the initiates. However, menstrual menstruating women?" Faced with and four other women who helped the blood is considered "discarded blood", this, Teo replied: "Well, yes, we must priest (two of them already initiated or as stated by Roberto, an obá mayor. So begin to break with these dynamics rayadas) who were also menstruating, according to the religious convention, along with one of the neophytes. menstruating women are not allowed that have only served to keep power to touch any sacred object, and even in the hands of men. Women are the The officiating palero, Teo, decided to less assist the oriaté or palero. important ones. In fact, they always perform the ceremony with the explicit have been. In Africa things were already presence of five menstruating women He said the following: like that and we have to bring it back. to "generate pure energy, like they do “I am going to break with tradition And the more menstrual blood, the in Africa". The most interesting thing today, because I do not consider it better, more energy. "

Two women and the priest preparing fruit for the rayamiento ritual. (2014). MARTA PONS Creating authenticity: menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona RESEARCH 263

What was the break with the tradi- do with the fact that the Afro-Cuban Africa. On the other hand, through its tional religion? And what moved Teo to religions developed in Cuba, and in practices, it enables us to relate these commit it? What I propose is to under- part in Barcelona, were perceived as new productions of the meaning and stand this break with tradition (or what something more or less folkloric, as role of women in Afro-Cuban ritual Teo and the other participants in this regressive and traditional. with the rise of new cultural imagi- ritual perceived as such) as an attempt naries, and the centrality they give to to establish an authentic and legitimate It is interesting to note the double women as elective social agents and as way of observing this religion, specifi- connotation and huge versatility of spiritually empowered. cally because of its references to what the term traditional. When tradition is original, pristine, primitive, African, is appealed to as a pristine and original However, what relation do the new and also to break with the tradition past, a kind of primordial state, it is cultural imaginaries have with Afro- associated with Cuba, which is per- regarded as something positive that Cuban religions, or more precisely, ceived as being androcentric4 and per- must be recovered. In the case of the with the production of new and verted. Thus, for example, one of the discourses of social actors, this sense groundbreaking meanings, calling participants in this ritual of rayamiento of tradition is associated with the Afro upon the discourses of social actors, commented: or African imaginary. Evidently, here regarding the role of women in reli- "Menstrual blood is the purest gold we have to refer to what Frigolé calls gion? that exists, which is why in Cuba, "selective tradition" (2005), since with the babalaos who can only be those elements of this imagined past From the explanation that Prat sug- men and all that stuff, this sense has are selected to emphasise what makes it gests (2012), and as I have pointed out been lost." possible to grant legitimacy to a current in previous research (Pons, 2017), it practice. On the other hand, the term can be seen how, since the Second Another participant added: tradition can also refer to what Bauman World War, a series of changes and "If we refer to the Yoruba tradition calls processes of detraditionalisation deep social transformations have been in Africa, women had another role. (in Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2003) taking place, and one of these will be Menstrual blood wasn’t something that take place in contemporary society that the full acceptance of the roles dangerous, it was a part of nature and are linked to a vision of the past assigned to women will begin to be that could be used to achieve better as something that is retrogressive, that questioned. Some women will begin results. " hinders the proper unfolding of events to reject the role attributed to women and that therefore must be overcome. in the home, the triple role of obedi- In spite of everything, this attempt to ent daughter, compliant wife and self- break away from tradition is a present This is the sense that Teo and the sacrificing mother, and there will be a day initiative that needs to be under- other participants in the rayamiento movement towards a liberation that stood in the context of the modern ritual were referring to when they said will culminate in the emergence of two logic of heritage, and furthermore, due that they considered the Afro-Cuban models of womanhood. Woman as to its link to the European context, ritual performed in Cuba to be a "tradi- housewife, and the self-made woman. it must be understood in terms of its tional" one. It was therefore necessary The latter model will involve access interaction with more general social to break away from the more tradi- to paid work and an effort to achieve and religious dynamics, such as the rise tional Afro-Cuban religions founded economic and social independence, of new cultural imaginaries, which have in Cuba that had also been established and independence from the family. in turn contributed to the rethinking of in Barcelona with the diaspora, and to According to Prat, despite the will the role of women in the religious and seek a religiosity that would transcend to be part of this group of women, spiritual sphere5 and which have led to the elements considered to be central many will be trapped in the more tra- the idea of the self-made woman, that to this more traditional religion. In the ditional ideology embodied in the first is to say, to women as empowered and specific case that we are dealing with model, according to which success is active subjects who can make choices here, the question of rethinking the to be found in the private sphere of (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2003; role of women in this religion and the the family. Consequently, women's Prado, 2012). production of a particular meaning experience of having to combine both for menstrual blood which, on the one models will give rise to what is known The argument of the participants in hand, through the discourses of the today as family reconciliation, which this ritual of rayamiento, an argument social actors, refers to a pristine origin generates high levels of stress, anguish that I was lucky enough to discuss with of the Yoruba religion that would trans- and overall unease, which, according to them at the end of the ritual, had to port us back to an original, mythical the author, may lead some women to 264 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 decide to break with certain hegemonic Thus the new cultural imaginaries will world, such as Yoruba religions, and values embedded in the patriarchal sys- suggest a new way of perceiving real- in short, has allowed some priests to tem that subjugates them. ity, a transcendent reality, enhancing reflect on a necessary reinterpretation imagination, feeling, and intuition, of the role that women play within The will to break with these values and discarding other values associated them, above all, from the point of links with the theory of Beck and Beck- with reason that, among other aspects, view of menstruation, something Gernsheim (2003) on the elective according to the worldview of the new that was observed in Teo's case, and character of living a life of one's own. cultural imaginaries, aims to under- in the rayamiento ritual mentioned Prat speaks of the self-made woman, stand the world as fragmented into in this article. and Beck, of the woman with a life of parts that become intentional devia- her own, that is a life in which she can tions from reality, and that avoid reach- On the other hand, from discourses on decide or choose (at least, to a greater ing true knowledge and thus personal how this new understanding of men- extent than a century ago) the sort of liberation. struation relates to a more authentic, life she wants to have: the choice will be original and pristine way of practicing hers. And, women, as elective subjects, Nevertheless, according to Hanegraaff the Yoruba religion, a way that leads will, according to Prat, decide to take (1998), these new cultural imaginar- us directly to an Africa conceived as a up initiatives that imply alternatives ies must be understood within a logic mythical land where the processes of of some kind (2012: 340, 341). One of secularised esotericism, a knowledge generation are very different, and in of these, the new cultural imaginar- that is on the one hand spiritual, dis- which, therefore, the role of women ies, which, in effect, mainly involve enchanted and individualised, but have had much to do with religion and women (according to Prat and his which on the other hand allows us to spiritual power. The following state- team (2012), women make up 90% overcome hegemonic European log- ment by another social actor, also pre- of all participants in the new cultural ics, such as dichotomous rationality sent at this ritual, illustrates this very imaginaries in Catalonia). or dominant values - and this is where point: the strength of the argument presented "The first blood of the young girls The reason why I am suggesting that here lies - that are associated with the is kept for all sorts of things. The the relationship between the new masculine gender, as affirmed by Prat, Africans already taught us that. The cultural imaginaries and some Afro- who in turn adheres to a theory put thing is that in Cuba it's been per- Cuban religious practices such as those forward by Jung as early as the 19th verted.” we are dealing with here has taken root century (2012). These values would be is therefore, among other things, the to think or to perceive and they would Therefore, I propose that this produc- importance of the role associated with be seen as detrimental to other values tion of the meaning of menstrual blood women. traditionally associated with the femi- in Afro-Cuban religion be understood nine, such as to intuit or to feel. Thus, as a way of creating a ritual that we On the one hand, the new cultural we observe a questioning of dominant could call Afro-European, since it imaginaries are based on the prevalence male values and an exaltation of other needs to be understood in relation to of a state of expanded consciousness, in values, feminine values, such as imagi- the European context where the new reference to a reality that is not the one nation or intuition. cultural imaginaries have established that is perceived or tangible, but rather increasingly widespread roots and have one that is transcendent and, that as The production of a new sense of gained more spiritual followers; and, such, must be more readily intuited menstrual blood in the Yoruba ritual at the same time, a ritual that refers to and, above all, felt. In relation to the in Barcelona and consequently of a African roots that make it the true and relevance of feeling, a balanced expe- new role for women in this spiritual authentic Yoruba ritual. rience is advocated, experiences that sphere emerges in two different senses. have to do with a holistic and totalising On the one hand, from the progressive Conclusions sense of life and that do not separate the widespread acceptance of the new cul- Studying Afro-Cuban religions at pre- sphere of reason from that of emotion, tural imaginaries in Europe and, with sent and in a diaspora context, we have just as they do not separate the mental these, the revaluation of the role of to keep in mind, above all, two issues. sphere from the physical one. On the women as elective and central agents On the one hand, the fact that these other hand, a kind of fantastic real- in the spiritual world. This revalua- religions are a synergistic field and in ism is advocated, that is through the tion has led to the decision by certain a permanent state of evolution. Social imagination, breaking with rational women to adhere to non-dominant actors, with their practices and their thought in order to know the world. religious practices within the western discourses, transform realities, create Creating authenticity: menstruation in an Afro-Cuban ritual in Barcelona RESEARCH 265

The image of this menstruating woman was found on an altar in Teo's house of Theo, along with other elements the priest affirmed were related to aché or feminine energy, such as plant, hearts, the colour red, or the colour pink (2017). MARTA PONS them, reproduce them, modify them, they are found, and which at the same interest of social actors in establishing consolidate them. It is not possible to time they themselves produce. a legitimate and authentic religious study Afro-Cuban religions as if they practice in Europe, one that is original, form a consistent whole. They can only Therefore, at least in part we need but that has African roots. These roots, be understood in terms of the intra- to understand Afro-Cuban religions in effect contribute to the capacity of activity that Barad (2007) speaks of, in Barcelona within this framework, these religions to modernise themselves, and so can only be analysed on the basis because of their relationship with the and to break with practices that they of the real effects that they produce, as new cultural imaginaries, their revalu- consider to be traditional, backward established by Palmié. ation of the spiritual role of women, and patriarchal, and therefore add and their relationship with the logic of to their capacity to connect with On the other hand, these effects on real- heritage and the search for authenticity. secularised esotericism (Hanegraaff, ity and this constant synergy also oblige Thus, new meanings are produced con- 1998) as expressed through the new us to think of Afro-Cuban religions in cerning menstruation in the Yoruba cultural imaginaries that are becom- Barcelona as a transnationalised religious religions, and rituals that I suggest we ing increasingly widespread within the field and one that will thereforeinteract call Afro-European are created. On Euro-American framework. n with different specific contexts. Despite the one hand, this shows that these the contact that may have existed6 with religions can only be understood in religious practice in Miami or Cuba, terms of their potential, of their move- studying Afro-Cuban religions in Bar- ment and the constant creative process celona implies understanding them that shapes them, and on the other within the particular context in which hand, that this creativity is linked to the 266 RESEARCH Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Frigolé, J. (2014). “Retóricas de la autenticidad BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES NOTES en el capitalismo avanzado”. Series filosóficas, 33, 37-60. Madrid: UNED. Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communi- 1 ties: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of The Yoruba are from Nigeria and comprise a Hanegraaff, J.W. (1998). New Age Religion Nationalism. London and New York: Verso. considerable number of different ethnic groups, and the Western Culture. Esotericism in the such as the Egba, the Ketu and the Ifé. The Mirror of Secular Thought. Albany (New York): best-known region belonging to the Yoruba is Argyriadis, K; Capone, S. (ed.) (2011). La State University of New York Press. the Dahomey Kingdom which used to occupy religion des orisha. Un champ social transna- present-day Togo and the south-western part tional en pleine recomposition. Paris: Hermann Holbraad, M. (2012). Truth in motion. The of present-day Nigeria, although the Yoruba Éditions. Recursive Anthropology of Cuban Divination. also had two other kingdoms: Oyo and Benin Chicago: Chicago Press Books. (Llorens, 2008). Argyriadis, K. (2011). “Relocalisation de la santería dans le port de Veracruz: le marché, 2 Karnoouh, L. (2011). “Processus de recom- espace restreint de légitimé”. In Argyriadis, K; Santero priest, master of ceremonies and divina- position religieuse à La Havane: la religion et le Capone, S. (ed.), La religion des orisha. Un tion. New Age”. In Argyriadis, K; Capone, S. (ed.), La champ social transnational en pleine recom- religion des orisha. Un champ social transna- position, 177-207. Paris: Hermann Éditions. 3 tional en pleine recomposition, 209-242. Paris: It should be pointed out that none of the real Hermann Éditions. names of the social actors appearing in this Barad, K. (2007). Meeting the Universe Half- article have been used, in order to preserve their way: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement Llorens, A. (2008). Raíces de la Santería. anonymity. of Matter and Meaning. Durham: Duke University Una visión completa de esta práctica religiosa. Press. Woodbury (Minnesota): Llewellyn. 4 Throughout the present research, I have Beck, U.; Beck-Gernsheim, E. (2003). La in- recorded statements by Cuban priests who Palmié, S. (2013). The Cooking of History. dividualización. El individualismo institucionali- clearly reject the presence of menstruating How not to study Afro-Cuban Religion. Chicago zado y sus consecuencias sociales y políticas. women in rituals. Some of these are as follows: and London: University of Chicago Press. Barcelona: Paidós. "We can't risk it. Santería is based on energy, and the energy of the menstruating woman Palmié, S. (2017). When is a Thing? Trans- Beliso-De Jesús, A. (2015). Electric Santería. is very powerful. We have to concentrate on duction and Immediacy in Afro-Cuban Ritual; Racial and sexual assemblages of transnational channelling the energy between the Orisha Or, ANT in Matanzas, Cuba, Summer of 1948. religion. New York: Columbia University Press. and ourselves, any distraction or dispersion of Open conference. Universitat de Constança. that energy can be dangerous". Another priest affirmed the following: "Women do not forgive. Boltanski, L.; Chiapello, E. (2002). El nuevo Pons Raga, M. (2017). “La Santería en un They have too much power. Menstrual blood is espíritu del capitalismo. Madrid: Akal. context globalitzat. Resignificant l’experiència something that overwhelms, that is why there religiosa en el marc europeu”. Perifèria. Revista are moments when women cannot even watch, Canals, R. (2014). “Global Gods and Local de recerca i formació en antropologia, 22 (1): and if they are menstruating it is best that they Laws: Venezuelan immigrants in Barcelona”. In 4-26. go away". Isin, E.; Nyers, P. (ed.), Handbook of Global Citi- zenship Studies, 508-521. London: Routledge. 5 Prat, J. (coord.) (2012). Els nous imaginaris In accordance with the critique presented by culturals. Espiritualitats orientals, teràpies natu- Comaroff, J; Comaroff, J. (2011). Etnicidad, Fedele and Knibbe (2013), despite the fact rals i sabers esotèrics. Tarragona: Publications S.A. Madrid: Katz. that the so-called new spiritualities, or new Rovira i Virgili University. spiritual imaginaries, seek to modify the power Espírito Santo, D.; Panagiotopoulos, A. and gender relations traditionally established Taylor, C. (1994). La ética de la autenticidad. in conventional religion, it is necessary to criti- (ed.) (2015). Beyond Tradition, Beyond In- Barcelona: Ediciones Paidós Ibérica. cally analyse whether or not this transgressive vention. Cosmic Technologies and Creativity goal is achieved. Nevertheless, what can be in contemporary Afro-Cuban Religions. Canon ascertained from the ritual proposed here is that Pyon (United Kingdom): Sean Kingston Pub- certain practitioners have the will to reflect on lishing. and rethink the roles traditionally associated with women in these religions, which, as they claim, Fedele, A; Knibbe, K.E. (eds.) (2013). Gender is always a role contingent on male knowledge and power in contemporary spirituality. Ethno- and decisions. graphic approaches. New York: Routledge. 6 Frigolé, J. (2005). “Dones que anaven pel As Belisa-De Jesus (2015) affirms, there are so món. Estudi etnogràfic de les trementinaires many links between continents today because of de la Vall de la Vansa i Tuixent (Alt Urgell)”. Te- the growth in new communication technologies mes d’etnologia de Catalunya, 12. Barcelona: which enable dialogue between people who Generalitat de Catalunya. are separated from each other by a considerable physical distance. For example, one of the people most frequently followed on YouTube Frigolé, J.; Roigé, X. (coord.) (2006). Glo- by the social actors involved in this research is balización y localidad. Perspectiva etnográfica. Carlos Valdés, a priest, a Cuban oriaté who lives Barcelona: University of Barcelona. in Miami. Chronicles

268 MUSEUMS – Jugs from La Galera (Montsià) – Recovering the Banyoles dragon

277 EXHIBITIONS – Chronicle of the Exhibition Building the Territory – Visit by the Ethnological and Immaterial Heritage Observatory to heritage facilities in the Netherlands

284 BOOK REVIEWS – Drinking to not forget – Book review: Gaspar Lloret, mestre d’aixa i llibertari – The heritage of war and the war for its heritage 268 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Museums Jugs from La Galera (Montsià)

Olga Ralda Although we mention the different Rodríguez, and so on back to the early Terracotta Technique, La Galera Pottery Interpretation types of La Galera jugs, we chose to 18th century) he now has total mastery Centre focus this article on the water jug of the technique for making the various because it is one of the most represent- pieces. He has added minor changes to Introduction ative and iconic pieces of La Galera make the job easier (such as replacing pottery, an essential item in all homes the wood oven with propane, which a Galera's pottery 1 and manufactured in large quantities. gives him more control over the firing (terrissa) tradition is We want to record the importance of temperature for the different pieces and clearly documented this item, of all its cultural baggage, the ensures they are all exactly the same from the 18th century know-how and the history implicit in colour, which people prefer because to the present day. At it. At times we will deal with the past, tastes have changed markedly) but its height there were because in some ways this piece belongs he continues to make pieces by hand, five or six active workshops. Today it to that past, and out of respect for the with the help of a traditional wheel, Llives on in the hands of the only mas- municipality's huge pottery tradition. not powered by a motor or electric- ter potter in the municipality and the ity. As his ancestors did, he makes the county, the direct heir of this 18th cen- We should clarify, however, that at pieces in different stages: first on the 2 tury tradition. present only one master potter remains wheel, then the handles if they have to in the municipality to make this ves- be added (the handles are made and Traditionally all these workshops pro- sel as his forefathers did. The work is put in place after having let the piece duced a number of items in different entirely artisanal. The procedure he dry a little), the spout, etc. This means shapes and for different uses (water, uses was passed down to him by his the vessels are made entirely by hand domestic use, construction, etc.) that predecessor, along with experience and each one is different, resulting in were absolutely necessary for the inhab- of this traditional trade. Having used unique pieces. itants of La Galera and the surround- the potter's wheel from a very early ing area. The dominant products were age next to his father (Joan Cortiella, Talking about these jugs takes us back vessels for carrying water, especially a master potter as well, who learned in time, to see that a thing does not water jugs (cànter, or càntir in Eastern from his father, Joan Cortiella Rallo, need to be a great work of art to enjoy Catalan). That was no accident. who learned from his, Joan Cortiella it, and appreciate the enormous wisdom involved in an apparently austere and simple piece of pottery actually 01 02 brimming with influences as diverse as Greco-Roman, Iberian or Arabic.

Spout jug. Spout jug. Road jug or canteen. Vessel traditionally used for drinking water while Vessel traditionally used for drinking water while Traditionally for drinking fresh water while trav- working in the fields. The spout is designed to working in the fields. The spout is designed to elling by cart, with a flat back. It remained still make drinking more practical. They were and make drinking more practical. They were and when hanging and there was no danger of it fall- are made in different sizes. Author: Noelia are made in different sizes. Author: Noelia ing. It usually had a cork stopper as well. Author: Domènech. Terracotta Museum Archives. La Domènech. Terracotta Museum Archives. La Noelia Domènech. Terracotta Museum Archives. Galera Town Council. May 2018. Galera Town Council. May 2018. La Galera Town Council. May 2018 Museums CHRONICLES 269

The raw material were the items that the potters of La decorative) 05 , window jug 06 and The vital element for making earthen- Galera produced most. tower jug (with four or five spouts like ware pottery is clay. The characteristics the window jug, but with water only of this clay determine whether a pot- However, they made others besides this coming out of one of them) 07 and the tery centre produces a certain type of type of jug for fetching and holding: castle jug (which mimics the shape of piece and not another. the spout jug (for drinking water while a castle with a stopper) 08 . working in the fields)01 , the commu- Clay has basic mineral components: nal or large-mouth jug (traditionally All these types are still made in La silica, oxygen, aluminium, magne- for taking excrement from houses to Galera, both those that traditionally sium, iron, etc. Its structure is based the fields)02 , the road jug or can- had a use and the purely decorative. on very small layers which can absorb teen (traditionally for drinking fresh water, and depending on the amount water while riding on a cart) 03 and the The water jug of water it incorporates, the clay will "sulphating" jug (traditionally used History be more or less smooth and malleable. for transferring "sulphate" mixed with Earthenware pottery appeared in the However, potters used to mix different 04 water to the sprayer) . These were Neolithic period, born out of a need to types of clays to improve their prop- the traditional types made since the store, collect and transport liquids from erties. For example, in the towns right 18th century, and undoubtedly earlier one place to another. People became next to the Ebro (Ebre in Catalan), than that. Then, around the 1960s, farmers - that is, they started prepar- clay was mixed with mud from the this type of earthenware fell into disuse ing and storing food, especially cereals, river's banks, while in La Galera, in and was replaced by cheaper materials which meant they needed containers the mine itself, they mixed what they like plastic, as people's tastes changed that could hold liquids. The smallest called strong and slack clay to improve and living conditions improved with vessels were made by spreading a layer its properties and thus make the pieces the appearance of running water in of clay in an open basket or gourd smoother. houses, and so on. The potters of La shell. When it dried, the clay could be Galera, the only workshop that is still extracted to give a kind of mould in In La Galera and the Terres de l'Ebre working today, created new types for the shape of a shallow bowl, ready to region in general, clay has many ferrug- decoration or as collectors' items: the be fired and used. This would be the inous components that make it suitable flower, fantasy or bride's jug (highly earliest origin of a vessel meeting one for making pieces to contain liquids, of the most basic of human needs: to but not making pieces to be fired, as contain and transport water. its composition will not withstand it. 05 La Galera jugs Water jugs, along with the cadup (a 06 vessel for taking water from norias),

Flower, fantasy or bride’s jug . An ornamental jug, highly decorated with plant motifs: flowers and leaves. Crowned in the centre with a removable stopper. La Galera potters mainly called it a flower jug, or occasionally Window jug. a fantasy jug. Some pottery scholars call it a Ornamental but can also be used for drinking. It Sulphating jug. bride’s jug because it is a type that was made is a “soul” jug (there is a little tank inside called Traditionally for transferring “sulphate” mixed by other potters, from other places, often for a a soul) and a “trick” jug, because you can on- with water to the spraying machine, in order groom to give to his bride. New type that arose ly drink from one of the four spouts. New type to treat trees against pests. Same shape as as a result of earthenware losing its initial utili- that arose as a result of earthenware losing its the communal or large-mouth jug, except tarian function. In La Galera, as a type of jug to initial utilitarian function. In La Galera, as a type that it ususally acquired a bluish colour from be manufactured for sale, they date from the of jug to be manufactured for sale, they date the chemicals in the sulphate. Author: Noelia 1960s , more or less. Author: Noelia Domènech. from the 1960s , more or less. Author: Noelia Domènech. Terracotta Museum Archives. La Terracotta Museum Archives. La Galera Town Domènech. Terracotta Museum Archives. La Galera Town Council. May 2018. Council. May 2018. Galera Town Council. May 2018. 270 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

defined where water is a prized asset 07 08 and it is in the artistic production of this area where that is made clear. But it is in Catalonia where we will find most artistic representations of the cànter, that vessel so much our own that it has become a symbol of our identity." (Arnabat. Calvo, 2003: 9).

Use

Castle jug. It served to go and fetch water from Tower jug. For decoration. So named due to its shape, the source and to keep it at home Ornamental but can also be used for drinking. which reminds us of a castle, smooth, without A trick jug because it has five spouts and you any kind of decoration, though it does have a when there was still no running water can only drink from one of them. New type that removable stopper. New type that arose as a in houses. Usually women had the job arose as a result of earthenware losing its in- result of earthenware losing its initial utilitar- itial utilitarian function. In La Galera, as a type ian function. In La Galera, as a type of jug to of going to look for it and they would of jug to be manufactured for sale, they date be manufactured for sale, they date from the take one or two large jugs capable of from the 1960s , more or less. Author: Noelia 1960s , more or less. Author: Noelia Domènech. Domènech. Terracotta Museum Archives. La Terracotta Museum Archives. La Galera Town holding 12 litres, more or less. They Galera Town Council. May 2018. Council. May 2018. carried one on top of their head and the other under their arm. That way In Catalonia, the first amphora-type temporary jugs found in the pottery of carrying a jug on the head was typ- pieces we find are from the late Bronze centres of the Ebro potters [...], dry ical of La Galera, Terres de l'Ebre and Age Agullana necropolis, which can farming land where water is a very many other places in Catalonia, Spain and the rest of the world. be seen in the Barcelona Archaeologi- precious asset because it is scarce cal Museum. They are handmade but and necessary, and often requires Girls used to help their mothers, half show the influences of a potter's wheel. going a long way to look for it [...] playing, to go and get water from the " (Sempere, 1985: 37) 02-03. "On the Peninsula, the most spring, and in La Galera the potters immediate heirs of those immense The importance of this vessel meant produced what was called a cantrella, a amphorae transported round the it was often depicted in art, in still-life small jug that held much less than the Mediterranean by the Phoenicians, or genre scenes. “All along the Medi- one used by the mothers but which Greeks and Romans are the con- terranean shore a civilisation has been had the same function: collecting water from the spring to bring home.

Description Inverted conical body, with a narrow base and broad top.

Finished off with a tall, narrow neck, a spout on the upper part of this neck, and two undulating handles on the side of the neck.

Today they are slimmer than they were traditionally, since the aesthetics are more important than the function 10-11 . Traditionally they were made in large quantities because people used them a lot, they broke and had to be Painting by Joaquim Mir (Barcelona, 1873-1940). Oil on canvas 141 x 235 cm. Parellada-Vilella Collection, Reus: Chatter , 1915. Work where a woman appears with replaced, so potters paid hardly any a La Galera water jug on her head. It enables us to see how the jug was traditionally attention to their aesthetic side. Along carried, as well as the importance of a vessel that often appears in works of art. Taken with the cadups these were the pieces from: http://www.elpuntavui.cat/article/-/19-cultura/1851-el-retorn-de-mir-el-foll-del-paisatge. html#&gid=1&pid=3 of pottery they produced most and Museums CHRONICLES 271 with each batch filled the enormous being able to explain their meaning, find that rectilinear or zigzag strokes wood-fired oven to bake them so they but which in fact lead us to the source represent water; the triangle, fertil- could meet the great demand. of the mother civilisation and which ity; the spiral refers to life, death, and later would inspire the graphic writ- return to the eternal, while the tree Decoration ing that allows us to convey our own symbolises the science of good and Decoration was based on parallel thought in a rational and understand- evil; the circle is the solar star, as well and curved lines, on the neck, han- able way to others. as the annual revolution of agricul- dles, belly and foot (sometimes) and tural seasons and the cycle of human painted with red clay (containing iron According to Emili Sempere, a scholar life coupled with cosmic destiny; the 3 oxide) Potters used a special brush of the world of ceramics and pottery wavy lines in different forms signify with a wooden handle they made (all kinds of pieces made of baked clay, the snake, symbol of fertility, and so themselves from mule tail hair. Tra- varnished or not, exclusively utilitar- on [...] " (Sempere, 1982: 92). ditionally, potters collected this clay ian): “The conjunction of symbols rich in iron oxide. They did not have represents a language in which each of We believe that the most remote ori- to crush the mineral because it was these motifs contains a message, so we gins of this type of decoration should a sediment that they found at the be sought in the Neolithic period. 4 bottom of the arjups or got from a 10 Although, applied to pottery, most place they knew in the same munic- scholars in the ceramic world believe ipality, El Barranc. They stored it they should be sought in the Iberian and when they needed to use it they cultures, with a resurgence in the mixed it with water and applied it to Muslim era. In the present day, they the unfired piece of pottery with their endure in the surviving pottery cen- special brush. tres.

The decoration of La Galera jugs was The presence of the Iberians is very traditionally linked with other pottery important in all those pottery centres centres in the Terres de l'Ebre region: Modern jug baked in a propane oven that share this type of decoration. Nor Tivenys, Benissanet and Ginestar (in some places they are called gàrgola should it be forgotten that the Iberi- in Catalan and not cànter). (today unfortunately all extinct) and Today more beautiful and stylised than tradi- ans were the ones who consolidated with the decorative style of various tionally. Due to its baking process uniform red, the use of the wheel, which enabled in other words, all the same with no marks. Au- pottery centres in Aragon: Calanda thor: Noelia Domènech. Terracotta Museum more pieces of pottery to be produced (Teruel), Tronchón (Teruel), Huesa Archives. La Galera Town Council. May 2018. and gave them slimness and balance, del Común (Teruel), Huesca and thanks to their narrow necks and Tamarite de Litera (Huesca), Trai- large handles. Moreover, the harmo- 11 guera and Olocau del Rey, through nious and asymmetrical decoration the influence of Traiguera (Castellón) with manganese brushstrokes, fine and Priego (Cuenca). lines and a precise outline was a clear example of a more developed culture Meaning of the decoration with a different artistic and social con- With the appearance of pottery in the ception. All of that was transmitted Neolithic period came the first deco- to the pottery centres that concern rations in which we find an abstract us and which share decoration. The geometric symbolism. If we know craftsmen do not know the reason for how to interpret them, we realise that this type of decoration but they say these signs are not merely simple aes- Jug baked in a wood oven. "they have always done it". thetic decorations. From the 1950s. Blackened because it is baked in a wood oven, not uniform like today’s but The potters still working in La Galera They represent a magical and religious showing traces of the flames from the fire leaving lighter and darker shadows. The decorative today did, and do, six lines, while oth- world of our ancestors which crafts- lines added using clay rich in iron oxide stand ers who were active in the municipal- men have been handing down from out with a blacker hue. Terracotta Museum Ar- chives. La Galera Town Council. Image taken ity until the 1960s did five or eight. generation to generation, without in from a piece in the Ametlla de Mar Popular Ce- ramics Museum collection. 2014. We know that in the other centres most cases the authors themselves that applied this same decoration 272 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 the number changed. In Traiguera La Galera jugs today (Castellón), for example, they have The decline of these jugs came with REFERENCES always painted seven, while in Huesa the arrival of running water in houses Álvaro, M. I. (1981). Léxico de cerámica y al- del Común (Teruel) they put two or around the middle of the 20th century farerías aragoneses. Zaragoza: Libros Pórtico. three at the front on the belly. In this . In La Galera, however, well into the Arnabat, M. A. and Calvo, O. (2003). Imatges specific case, as explained by María 21st century , they coexist with new del càntir. Les representacions d’un atuell de Isabel Alvaro Zamora, a scholar of technologies. la mediterrània en la història de l’art. Barcelo- Aragonese pottery, the number of na: Argentona Town Council, Caixa Catalunya Foundation and Argentona Water Jug Museum. lines served to indicate the jug's Decoration using natural pigments, capacity. which has been with us since the Neo- Casanovas, M. A. (2002). Breu història de lithic period, fortunately lives on in la ceràmica catalana. Sant Cugat del Vallès: In La Galera, traditionally, this type of the present, in a number of pottery Amelia Romero Editora. decoration was only applied to water centres, one of which is La Galera. Ralda, O. (2004). Terracota, Centre d’Inter- jugs. Later, the only potters still work- Joan Cortiella Garcia, the only potter pretació de la Terrissa de la Galera, 10 anys ing in La Galera gradually applied still active in La Galera and Montsià (2004-2014). La Galera: La Galera Town Council. it to virtually all the pieces (rough, county, continues to make this ves- unglazed) that they made, as a kind of sel. Although the water jug has lost its Sempere, E. (1985). La terrissa catalana. Bar- identity mark. original use, this master craftsman con- celona: Edicions de Nou Art Thor. tinues to produce them and today they Sempere, E. (1982). Ruta de los alfares de This type of decoration has undoubt- are mainly bought for decoration and España-Portugal. Barcelona: Distribuïdora Les edly been handed down from civ- as a collector's item. Joan also makes Punxes. ilisation to civilisation, but its most many other, more contemporary and Seseña, N. (1997). Cacharrería popular. La remote origin should be sought in the innovative pieces, as a result of the alfarería de basto en España. Madrid: Alianza ancient pictograms (written commu- need to adapt to new times and new Editorial. nication in which each sign represents tastes. These coexist peacefully with Violant, R. (2003). El càntir per aigua. Calaceit: an object) of the Neolithic, in which the water jug, while also helping his Gràfiques Matarranya, Reus Municipal Histor- curved, wavy lines were the sign that trade to survive. ical Archives and Carrutxa. represented water, a symbol of movement of something that flows. In short, We hope that this piece of pottery will the symbol of life. be among us for a very long time, but if NOTES not, Terracotta, the La Galera Pottery 1 This affirmation is not fanciful, because Interpretation Centre will publicise, Traditionally in La Galera the Terres de l’Ebre, in the same way that the technique conserve, preserve and highlight it, as they did not say terrisser/a nor terrisseria but of decorating with natural pigments canterer, cantereria and cànter (not càntir). well as all the cultural heritage associ- These days all that has been replaced by terrissa (iron oxide or manganese oxide) was ated with La Galera's potters. n and all its derivatives. passed on, so was the symbolism, that 2 is, what was represented. No words Queralt, M. C. and Ralda, O. Terrissa i Patrimoni were needed, everything was explained Etnològic. Estudi Contemporani del centre through signs, in our case, curved lines, canterer de la Galera. ACOM 96 Ralda, O. (1998). La terrissa de la Galera. Estudi històric in motion, water, source of life, of fer- i etnològic per a la creació del Museu Terracota. tility, precisely the decoration applied La Galera: La Galera. Town Council to the jugs for going to fetch water from 3 the spring, contain it and store it at Iron oxide or manganese oxide: these are natural home. Water as a source of life is an pigments used since prehistory. Cave paintings were made with natural pigments, crushing the essential element for the existence of minerals to obtain the pigments and diluting life and fertility. them in animal fat, egg white, etc. which acted as a binder.

Everything fits, craftsmen have been 4 passing on the decoration and the sym- Aljub (arjup): a wide, shallow, square reservoir bols that are implicit without, in most dug out of the ground and dressed in sandstone or stones, which serves to collect rainwater in cases, the authors themselves being able the fields. to explain their meaning. Museums CHRONICLES 273 Recovering the Banyoles dragon

tury, gave rise to the famous Banyoles Guerau Palmada Auguet dragon legend. One of the first legends Art Historian was compiled by the pharmacist and Initial clay model of the Banyoles dragon made historian Pere Alsius, who describes it by the students from the Olot School of Art and as "a poisonous dragon with long wings Design. EASD and curved paws, which poisoned the crystalline waters with its foul breath." In the mid 20th century the folklorist, historian and priest Lluís G. Constans came across another version and, more recently, new reinterpretations of this famous legend have appeared.

The first historical news The history of the Banyoles dragon as a figure depicted in its festivals is very old, stretching back over 400 years. In Banyoles festivals of old, that is, during the 17th and 18th centuries, before the town had its giants and big-headed dwarfs (capgrossos), it was these beasts that danced. The dragon is the oldest documented figure in Introduction The dragon in popular the town, a winged beast that went imagination round the streets and squares during couple of years ago The most iconic figure of the old and religious and traditional festivals. It was an interdisciplinary long-gone Banyoles festive bestiary was not alone, however, dancing with two group of local entities, without a doubt that of the dragon. A other figures: a bull and a female mule intellectuals and schol- fantastic being which was the product (mulassa). ars, coordinated by the of human imagination, inspired by the local council festival many reptiles that exist, and to which The Corpus Christi procession is where department, launched a programme each historical era has attributed a dif- we find the first mention of the Ban- Ato revive the traditional Banyoles fes- ferent symbolism between good and yoles dragon. Corpus Christi has been tivals. Their priority was to bring back evil. Water and dragon form an old and one of the most important religious the traditional bestiary, festive figures legendary symbiosis. Thus, old place festivals in Catalonia since medieval that had disappeared at the beginning names have been preserved, such as times. The main act is a procession, of the 19th century, but which featured "Clot del Drac" ("Dragon's Pit") in the traditionally accompanied by zoo- in numerous historical reports testifying Draga park, legends about Sant Mer morphic figures, which appeared as to their existence throughout the 17th and the dragon of the lake, popular say- early as the 14th century , but where and 18th centuries. Thus, the town had ings and even songs such as El monstre later giants, big-heads and hobby previously had a dragon, a bull and a de Banyoles . In recent years its graphic horses (cavallets) paraded. In the case female mule, the latter two identifiable representation has identified sports of Banyoles, most of the brotherhoods as traditional animals in rural life. As an institutions too, and it has also been took part, usually grouped into guilds iconic image of the city, the priority was adopted in the name of the current and trades, such as the brotherhoods undoubtedly to make a new dragon, the municipal youth office, "Cal Drac" of tailors, wool weavers, linen weavers, new "Banyoles Monster" that would be ("Dragon's House"). There can be no shoemakers, wool workers, provosts the new centrepiece of the annual Sant doubt that the "Clot del Drac" quarry, or that of foreigners, in other words, Martirià Festival. documented as early as the 18th cen- French and Occitan emigrants. 274 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

It would not be until the beginning of Girona counties and a great festival was Festival was placed in the centre of the the 1600s that the first animal figures organised from 24 to 27 October to square with other fixed pines and a spec- appeared. We have a brief description commemorate the glorious victories of tacular paper balloon was raised. of how in the 1614 Corpus Christi pro- Archduke Charles of Austria. The spec- cession, the town councillors went to tacular nature of the evening festivities, The town dragon was the star of this collect the canopy of the high altar at paid for out of the municipal coffers, commemorative festival, with "long the Monastery of Sant Esteve. They also with fireworks, dances and theatrical rockets" placed, more than likely, in its celebrated the "lights and the dragon". entertainment, presaged an Austrian mouth while dancing in the middle of Due to a dispute with the abbot of victory, which in the end did not hap- the Main Square. Its zoomorphic body, the monastery, Fr. Lluís d'Alentorn, pen. It was the last great act against probably made of wood and cloth, the municipal council was prohibited Philip V in the town of Banyoles, a few was repainted green, yellow and red from attending. Although the mention months before it was occupied in the for the occasion with some cloth from is brief, this document suggests the Ban- name of the Bourbon pretender by the Ghent, while its dancer was given white yoles dragon could be 400 years old, royal French regiment under the Mar- cloth for his jacket and trousers. The making it one of the oldest documented quis of Arpajou (January 1711). The carpenter Lluís Argelés had the job of but not preserved dragons in the coun- celebration was held under the stone fixing the dragon's wings. The dragon ties of Girona, without a shadow of a portico arches of the Plaça Major, the danced from Banyoles to the centre of doubt. There is also evidence that in main square. The carpenter Narcís Fam- the square as a festive symbol in favour 1687 the gunpowder merchant Bernat ada, the sawyer Siscla Simon and the of King Charles III and against the Rovira sold 48 rockets to the Town Hall labourer Bartomeu were in charge of Bourbon king Philip V. The governor for the price of 3 pounds and 12 pence the "lights", that is, they cut the wood of Girona was invited to the festival and so they could be placed in the dragon's and placed it in iron cressets set in the he paid for half a quintar (50 pounds) mouth during the Corpus Christi pro- corners of the square. Four musicians of gunpowder to fill the mortars for the cession. Years later, in the 1760 proces- (probably a group of minstrels) played salvoes. sion, the dragon, the mule (mulassa) and and 11 singers sang on the esplanade the bull performed together. to get the people of Banyoles dancing. The dragon also participated in Plant- For three nights there were fireworks ing the Maypole, a religious festival for- The dragon in the old festivities and the report describes flying rock- merly held in the Plaça Major. It was first The Banyoles dragon also took part in ets, string rockets and fire wheels being held at the end of the 17th century but commemorations of military victories, launched. The firework launchers were today it has completely disappeared. By more specifically in the War of the Span- transported from Barcelona by Pere contrast, the famous Planting the May- ish Succession (1701-1714). In 1710 Blanch, a carter from Vilassar de Mar. pole and Cuckold's Dance festival still there was a pause in the conflict in the A large tree reminiscent of the Maypole survives in the neighbouring town of Cornellà del Terri, and it was declared a Traditional Festival of National Interest by the Catalan government in 1999.

In Banyoles, the "Youth Candle" brotherhood was in charge of chop- ping down the town's tallest tree for the Christian Feast of the Ascension. Many elements of the festival are identified in the accounts for 1673, when three shillings (sous) were paid "to make the Dragon dance with the Dwarf Pol", nine to "make the bull and the donkey dance", and three more "to help bring the blessed flatbread (coca) and to announce the flatbread". Sixteen shillings were paid for the hobby horses and Hobby horses, giants and big-heads in 1913 in front of the Monastery of Sant Esteve de Banyoles, where the historical figure of the dragon had already disappeared. Author a further nine for hiring the gambals unknown. BANYOLES REGIONAL STUDIES CENTRE (leather strap with bells worn by the Museums CHRONICLES 275 dancers), and finally one pound, two of wedding charges. It seems that eco- ing the dragon, an emblematic figure shillings and six pence (diners) to the nomic problems prevailed over tradi- among the festival beasts with more gunpowder merchant Bernat Rovira for tion. than 400 years of history behind it. An a dozen and a half rockets. The square's interdisciplinary group was formed to arches were also decorated with pine The local council and town brother- commission a dragon from the Olot branches and broom, with the arrival hoods would have taken care to restore School of Art and Design (EASD). of spring. In 1689 the planting festival and maintain the bestiary for many This group comprised members of the was particularly splendid, with musi- years. They probably disappeared at the Gàrgoles de Foc, musicians and musicians, singers and pines planted. We beginning of the19th century, follow- cologists from the Ateneu and Joventuts also know the singers were Josep Bruy- ing the cruel episodes of the Peninsula Musicals de Banyoles, the Annual Festi- ats, Joan Antoni Gaurans and Fr Felip, War which affected the demographics val Commission and various specialists accompanied by two boys. At that year's and the economy of the Pla de l'Estany in aspects of the city's history, such as festival "the bull and the donkey" was county and the town of Banyoles. The the musician Adrià Dilmé, the folklorist sung, and again the dragon danced to festival would have to wait until the late Àngel Vergés, the art historian Guerau the beat of a drum accompanied by a 19th century, when Banyoles had its Palmada and the master and musicolo- small group of musicians. A pair of espa- first pair of giants, and the mid-20th gist Albert Massip to advise on musical drilles were also bought for its dancer. century, when they were joined by new processions. The group was probably a "three quar- giants and big-heads. ters" cobla, a group of minstrels con- Finally on Saturday 6 October, 2018, sisting of three musicians who played The recovery process the dragon made its first public appear- four instruments: bagpipes, the tarota Until very recently the city of Banyoles ance outside the town hall doors to the (similar to an oboe), the flabiol (pipe) lacked a winged dragon suitable for rhythm of the drummers tasked with and the tambori (small drum). There the traditional bestiary. The traditional rhythmically marking its first steps. were also fireworks and the gunpowder group of giants, small giants, big-heads This new dragon was commissioned merchant Narcís Cabanellas was paid and hobby horses was not accompanied from the students and teachers of the "for two dozen and two rockets and for by any beast. However, following the Advanced Sculpture course at the two pounds, powder for the evening of recovery of the Saint Martirià Festival EASD, who took charge of the design, the lilies and nails to nail up the lilies in 2017, with the exploding fireworks structure, modelling, laminating and and for 1 pound 6 shillings, powder for (tronada) documented as early as the painting of the dragon figure, based on firing the mortars on Ascension Day". 17th century, it was necessary to add historical advice. The current Banyoles a new element from the old Banyoles dragon is 2.80 metres long and 1.70 At the May Festival in 1699, the dragon traditions. Priority was given to restor- metres tall, with a total weight of 80 kg. danced with the bull and the donkey, and once again the gunpowder merchant Narcís Cabanellas was paid 11 silver reals for "22 rockets, to shoot at the bull, the donkey and the dragon." That year they also went to look for a hobby horse in the town of Mieres (Garrotxa), who were very generous neighbours. In Banyoles, it could be the case that the three beasts had spun forming a "fire wheel" in the Plaça Major. The festive ritual in Banyoles continued with much pomp until the mid 18th century , when mysteriously there was no more news of Planting the Maypole and the Feast of the Ascension. The mystery was solved in 1770, when the Candle Brotherhood provosts said the festival had disappeared and the brotherhood The dragon dance in the middle of the Banyoles Main Square during the Sant Martirià was bankrupt, following the abolition Festival, in 2018. LAURA BATLLES 276 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

The dragon enters Banyoles Town Hall in front of the giant Martirià and the giantess Maria. GUERAU PALMADA

One person can carry it, but it can also magnífic,by Joan Carreras Dagas; L’airet a great milestone in the recovery of be adapted to go on wheels on longer de matinada , a popular song; El monstre Banyoles' old folk traditions. We hope routes. The colours are a reproduction de Banyoles , by Toni Giménez, and El that in the coming years the Banyoles of those that the monster documented tren pinxo de Banyoles, another popu- dragon, or monster, will become an in the 18th century was known to have: lar song. On the last day of the festival iconic figure, one well-loved by all the yellow, red and green. An effort has been the dragon returned once more to the people of the town and participants made to ensure the green was the colour waters of the lake and disappeared into in the festival. In the coming years the of the lake, as a symbol of local identity. the darkness in Parc de la Draga. project must surely continue with the recovery of two more traditional figures On 20 October, the first day of the Sant Without a doubt, the return of the that have been historically documented Martirià Festival, the drummer and the dragon to the festival more than two and accompany the Banyoles dragon: festival crier were given the job of waking centuries after it was lost has been the bull and the mule. n the dragon, giants, big heads and hobby horses at the town hall. The procession (cercavila) stopped in the Plaça Major where the old dance of the Banyoles dragon was performed again in front of the crowd that had gathered. Then the festival continued with the second tronada, arranged by the master pyro- technician from Valencia, Joan Garcia Estellés. The presentation of the new dragon concluded with the old tradition of the "Ball de Passada" played by the Cobla la Bisbal Jove youth band. To their musical accompaniment, a large procession with hobby horses, giants and the new dragon danced around the four sides of the porticoed square. Apart from the Ball de Passada, the band played El Detail of the Banyoles dragon's head with its characteristic horns. LAURA BATLLES Exhibitions CHRONICLES 277

Exhibitions Chronicle of the Exhibition Building the Territory Traditional architecture and landscape in Catalonia

Xavier Busquets Massuet Catalan Ministry of Culture

ne of the characteristics of the Catalan landscape is the wide range of natural and man-made elements that coexist in Oharmony throughout the country. From the mountainous landscapes to the coastal areas, there are a large number of architectural properties arranged according to certain needs in turn conditioned by different spe- House cistern, Illa de Buda, Sant Jaume d'Enveja (Montsià). Author: Joan Nonell, 1936 cificities: climatic, socio-economic, (Centre Excursionista de Catalunya). ecosystemic, cultural and political, among others. From an ethnological by Fabian van Geert, PhD in museol- tecture, and an outline of the inter- perspective, traditional architecture ogy, and Ferran Estrada, PhD in social actions between communities and is central to understanding human anthropology, in collaboration with traditional architecture in Catalonia. processes associated with landscape the museums and other members of anthropisation, as well as helping us the Observatory of Ethnological and The second part, the core of the exhi- visualise materially, through the built Intangible Heritage of Catalonia. The bition, is divided into five modules spaces, the social organisation of its exhibition project is complemented by arranged to show the link between inhabitants with the passage of time. the catalogue2 published by the Gen- traditional architecture, the landscape eral Directorate of Popular Culture and and productive activities. The modules The exhibitionBuilding the Landscape. Cultural Associations, and written by are as follows: the world of estates, high Traditional architecture and landscape Fabian Van Geert and Ferran Estrada. mountains, the coast, dryland farming in Catalonia 1 is a clear reflection of a and irrigated farming. perspective that goes beyond the mate- In museographical terms, the exhibi- rial contemplation of a property, since tion is arranged in three parts. The first Each of the modules is defined by the it is committed to exploring the social, one aims to provide visitors with the use of four core themes, arranged effi- productive and symbolic dynamics necessary tools for addressing the issues ciently to guide visitors through the that take place there. An initiative of that converge in traditional architec- constructions by establishing a link the Directorate General for Popular ture and its impact on the landscape. with the territory. The content of the Culture and Cultural Associations, A brief introduction explains a series core themes in each of the five modules attached to the Catalan Ministry of of key concepts: what is understood emphasises the particular features of Culture, it was coordinated by the by traditional architecture, representa- the architectural elements, contextu- Institut Ramon Muntaner, sponsored tions of architecture in the collective alising the differences between the uses by Obra Social La Caixa, and curated imaginary, a timeline of popular archi- associated with those constructions, 278 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Catalogue of the exhibition 'Building the Territory. Traditional architecture and landscape in Catalonia'

resource and how this influences the morphology of the landscape.

Based on the core themes, a discourse is developed in each of the modules regarding the influence of traditional architecture in building the Catalan landscape. The world of estates module emphasizes the concept of the farming estate as a basic unit of territorial occupation. Estates are identified with vestiges of socio-economic transformations that have lasted over time. This module shows how we can see which sociocultural and economic needs have arisen in a particular territory from the architectural alterations to a estate. The high mountain Bordius, Canejan (Val d'Aran). 02: Author: Juli Soler, 1907 (Centre Excursionista de module places particular emphasis Catalunya). 03: Authors: Elisenda Managuera and Jordi Feliu, 2011. on how traditional architecture has adapted to local weather conditions. their impact on the landscape and the inhabitants. The theme of techniques Aspects such as the concentration socio-economic needs that derive from and materials tells us about the rela- of houses in small settlements or them. tionship between the knowledge asso- the spatial distribution of groups ciated with building techniques and of buildings, as well as the need to The first theme, the lived space, shows the materials used, as well as if there establish building typologies derived the house from a functional perspec- is a link determined by the availabil- from the productive activities of the tive focused on the habitability of the ity of the resources found in the area. area, such as animal grazing. Farm domestic space: layout, uses, condi- outbuildings known as bordes repre- The fourth and final theme focuses tioning and socialisation, among other sent a building typology that arose on the uses infrastructures are put to aspects. The second theme is the pro- precisely in response to a productive cesses that give meaning to the space, from an economic perspective, that need, storing fodder and sheltering ranging from urban manifestations is, how the architectural elements are the flock, in areas far from human determined by a historical context to distributed in the territory with the settlements, close to the pastures and the symbolic representations linked to intention of maximising productiv- fields. This module also emphasises the socio-economic conditions of its ity in the exploitation of a particular the characteristic feature of using Exhibitions CHRONICLES 279 certain materials in plentiful supply almost belittled, probably because it tion of resources, social relations and in the territory, such as wood, which was not seen as artistic or did not pro- technology, among others), combine generates an architectural knowledge ject an architectural canon contextu- to take shape in architectural elements linked to the building techniques alised in a certain historical period. capable of transforming our territory associated with that material. The Despite that, from an ethnological into landscapes that evoke a shared module on the coast shows how the perspective, the heritage value asso- imaginary. n work of fishermen has given rise to a ciated with the knowledge, transfor- type of settlement that responds to a mation and human adaptation of the specific task. Settlements located in territory is now being asserted. More- NOTES bays, sheltered from the to and fro of over, heritage recognition of tradi- 1 the waves, which act as natural har- tional architecture is opening up new Link to the virtual exhibition: https://cultura. bours for mooring boats, with a pro- avenues for admiring architectural gencat.cat/ca/departament/estructura_i_adre- ces/orga nismes / dgcpt / 05_documents_i_ liferation of auxiliary elements such elements as a source of income from resources / 04_exposicicons_itinerants / as huts, lighthouses or fish exchanges. tourism. In some cases, it is increasing constructing-el-territori / (05/09/19) The dryland module focuses mainly the possibilities of restoring proper- 2 on dry stone constructions: terraces, ties which had fallen into oblivion Link to the exhibition catalogue: https://cultura. walls, huts and water tanks (aljubs), decades ago. gencat.cat/web/.content/cultura_popular/05_ among others. Architectural elements documents_i_recursos/04_exposicions_itine rants/Construint_territori/SD_Construint_terri that have modified the landscape by In conclusion, the exhibition Building tori.pdf (05/09/19). adapting it to the agricultural needs the Landscape. Traditional architecture 3 of its inhabitants, from water manage- and landscape in Catalonia is a clear https://ich.unesco.org/es/RL/conocimien- ment in an area where it is scarce to reflection of how a multitude of fac- tos-y-tecnicas-del-arte-de-construir-muros-en- the construction of terraces with dry tors, in theory unconnected (exploita- stone-seca-01393?RL=01393 (05/09/2019). stone walls to avoid rain erosion by rain and facilitate agricultural tasks. Knowledge, the art of dry stone walling, which has recently been declared Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO3 . Finally, the irrigated plains module identifies the most characteristic features of this type of farming: piped water, storage ditches and field geometry, among others. The module places particular emphasis on the adobe constructions of the Urgell Plain and the huts of the Ebro delta, identity symbols of the traditional architecture in both territories.

The exhibition itinerary ends with a reflection on the new uses associated with traditional architecture, where the loss of value has been replaced by an increase in heritage value. The heritagisation of traditional elements through protection measures, such as being declared a Cultural Asset of National Interest (BCIN in Cata- lan) or Zone of Ethnological Inter- est (ZIE), marks the start of a new Carrer de Linyola (Pla d'Urgell), with an early 19th century house built with adobe. Author: approach: valuing a heritage until now Adriana Salvat Torregrosa. 280 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 Visit by the Ethnological and Immaterial Heritage Observatory to heritage facilities in the Netherlands

d'Àneu Eco-Museum, the Montseny Àngels Blasco, along with two techni- Roger Costa Solé Catalan Ministry of Culture Ethnological Museum, the Barce- cians from the Directorate-General's lona Maritime Museum, the Ramon Research and Protection Service. Lluís n 28, 29 and Muntaner Institute, the Barcelona Puig, director of the Ministry of Cul- 30 March, Ethnological Museum, the Cervera ture's programme for developing cul- 2019, a group Regional Museum, the Sant Feliu de tural projects at an international level, of technicians Guíxols History Museum and the also accompanied the group for two and executives Ter Museum, as well as a represent- of the days. The activities programme from differ- ative from the Network of Ethnology was designed by Vanessa Barberà, a ent organisations belonging to the Museums. The representatives of the Catalan museologist residing in the OEthnological and Intangible Herit- Government of Catalonia, which Netherlands. age Observatory (OPEI in Catalan) organised the visit, was headed by the visited several heritage centres in the Director-General of Popular Culture The first heritage institution to Netherlands. The group was made and Cultural Associations, attached to host the group was the Amsterdam up of representatives from the Valls the Catalan Ministry of Culture, M. Museum. Annemarie de Wildt, cura-

The Catalan delegation at the gates of the De Kathammer polder mill. DANIEL SOLÉ LLADÓS Exhibitions CHRONICLES 281

Albert van der Zeijden, coordinator of the Dutch Centre for Staff from various organisations belonging to the Ethnological and Intangible Cultural Heritage, presenting the NGO at the Intangible Heritage Observatory during the visit to the Museum of Amsterdam Museum. DANIEL SOLÉ LLADÓS the Mind in Haarlem. DANIEL SOLÉ LLADÓS tor of the museum's exhibitions, briefly ipants in the museum, initiatives such advises public authorities on ICH, explained the mission and contents as debates and supper clubs. She was and encourages debate on the issue. It of the museum, housed in the city's followed by Albert van der Zeijden, also offers communities guidance on former orphanage which took in thou- the coordinator of the Kenniscen- how to protect their ICH and imple- sands of children between 1580 and trum Immaterieel Erfgoed Nederland ments an active communication policy 1960. As a museum of the history of (Dutch Centre for Intangible Cultural in order to raise awareness about the the city, it also reflects that of the whole Heritage), a UNESCO-accredited importance and value of such heritage. country to a large extent. Given the NGO that advises the Intergovern- Its research agenda includes 1) con- composition of the visiting group, mental Committee for Safeguarding troversies around ICH, 2) ICH and Wildt placed special emphasis on the of Intangible Cultural Heritage. The cultural "superdiversity", 3) the role museum's efforts to be open to social centre promotes activities aimed at of young people, 4) the relationship changes in the city, and especially on preserving, managing and develop- between material and immaterial herit- initiatives to attract the communities ing intangible cultural heritage (ICH, age, and 5) ICH and sustainable tour- of newcomers and make them partic- hereinafter) in the Netherlands, ism. The Kenniscentrum Immaterieel Erfgoed Nederland maintains relations with the Ens de l’Associacionisme Cul- tural Català (ENS), a confederation of associations that is also UNESCO-accredited.

The group then moved to a municipal office, where María Cuartas de March- ena, head of the Amsterdam City Council's Diversity Department (Pub- lic Policy), explained the initiatives that have been carried out in recent years by the local council. Through its "Shared History" programme the department aims to shed light on those groups and people who are related in some way with the Amsterdam municipality and have a history to explain, emphasising those parts of their history that may be Inside the De Kathammer windmill. You can see the machinery and the green roof, which painful and unknown, by means of has to be relaid periodically. DANIEL SOLÉ LLADÓS personal testimonies so that younger 282 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Partial view of the Zuiderzee Museum. DANIEL SOLÉ LLADÓS people have access to it. The issues depends on donations from benefac- This was how the museum abandoned addressed are primarily World War tors and only occasionally on public its geographical orientation in 2018 II, colonialism / slavery and migration. subsidies, the discussion between to focus on universal themes that the museum's technical team and connect individuals from all over the The second day began with a visit to representatives of the OPEI revolved world. The new permanent exhibi- the Het Dolhuys museum (Museum of around management models in gen- tion is called Things that Matter, and Mind) in the city of Haarlem. It occu- eral and funding models in particular issues such as migrations or identity pies an old building originally outside for facilities with these characteristics. feature prominently. The museum's the city walls which housed lepers and The exchange of impressions served new social commitment can also be people with other infectious diseases in to confirm the numerous similarities seen in the long-term exhibitions the Middle Ages, and subsequently had between the Catalan cases and that of Afterlives of Slavery and Longing for a long history as a centre for interning the Het Dolhuys museum. Mecca. The temporary exhibitionCool people affected by mental illness. At Japan , on the other hand, focused on the time of the visit, the permanent In the afternoon we visited the Tro- the characteristics of today's Japanese exhibition focused on the vision we penMuseum, a large museum in youth cultures and the attraction they had of these diseases in Western Europe the colonial style like the Barcelona have for the West. in general, and in the Netherlands in Ethnological Museum, a member of particular, from the Middle Ages to the OPEI, originally, that has been On Saturday 30 March the group the present day 1 . Given it promotes totally reinterpreted in recent years. moved 22 km north of Amsterdam to an unusual building and theme in a It is now defined as "a museum about visit De Kathammer, a polder wind- small town, as is the case with various people" that explores cultural diversity mill3 for draining excess water from entities represented in the Observatory through universal phenomena such as crop fields. The visit had a double 2 , and since it is a private museum that mourning, love, festivals or conflict. purpose as, since 2017, "the tradi- Exhibitions CHRONICLES 283 tional craft of the miller operating metres inland in the north-western windmills and watermills" has been part of the Netherlands and which NOTES included in the Representative List became a freshwater lake with the 1 of the Intangible Cultural Heritage construction of the first large dyke in The museum began a period of alterations and museological reformulation the day after the of Humanity for the Netherlands. 1932. All of the 140 buildings that Catalan delegation's visit. At present, there are only 11 master can be seen today come from villages 2 millers in the whole country but since and sites on the banks of this old bay, The old Trepat agricultural machinery factory the creation of the Voluntary Millers and form an outdoor museum where in Tàrrega, now converted into the Agricultural Guild in 1972, about 2,000 people scenes from daily life, ranging from Mechanisation Museum, or the Pauma Museum have qualified to practice this profes- doing the laundry to cooking food, in Mas de Barberan, are paradigmatic cases. sion. Among them is Roel Boulengier, are recreated every day. Craft activities 3 who explained how De Kathammer mainly linked to the old life of the Land reclaimed from the sea and later converted into farmland. works and the maintenance tasks car- sea are also carried out in this mem- ried out there. ory space, which uses original objects rescued from oblivion or disappear- The last visit was to the Zuiderzee ing. The explanations at this site were Museum. This heritage facility 67 given by Kees Hendriks, who manages kilometres north of Amsterdam is the collection and who commented actually a whole village that was that the museum will not be expanded rebuilt to recreate the lifestyles asso- any more, in contrast to others with ciated with the Zuiderzee, the North the same features that continue to add Sea bay that stretched about 100 kilo- buildings today. n

A man dressed in traditional clothes mending various fishing nets at the Zuiderzee Museum. DANIEL SOLÉ LLADÓS 284 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Book Reviews Drinking to not forget An anthropological look at the neighbourhood bodegas in Barcelona.

The book's five chapters, four plus a Cultura Tradicional 1. DE LA SABOGA AL SILUR. José Muñoz Albaladejo Pescadors fluvials de l’Ebre a Tivenys L’Inventari del Patrimoni Etnològic de Catalunya 2. LA TERRA DEL DÒLAR. Aquesta recerca s’acosta a les bodegues de Barcelona, enteses com la principal insti- L’activitat minera al poble de Bellmunt del Priorat (IPEC) és un projecte de la Direcció General 3. COM A LA LLOSA, RES. conclusion,tució social de la Barcelona aim popular, to a partir analyse d’una panoràmica etnohistòricathe social que en Incipit CSIC Les transformacions alimentàries al Pallars Sobirà de Cultura Popular i Associacionisme Cultural. i a l’Alt Urgell ressegueix els orígens, transformacions i imaginaris culturals. L’objectiu és posar de Iniciat el 1994, el seu objectiu és la recerca, 4. PUIX EN ALT LLOC SOU POSADA. Entre el celler manifest el paper cabdal desenvolupat per les bodegues en el seu entorn més imme- Ermites i santuaris. Indrets de devoció popular la documentació, la difusió i la restitució del al Priorat cohesiondiat, el barri, role a través d’unathat anàlisi Barcelona'sprofunda de la seva sociabilitat. bodegas La investigació patrimoni etnològic català. Un circuit iniciat 5. «BENVINGUT/DA AL CLUB DE LA SIDA» planteja que les bodegues aixopluguen vincles forts basats en el coneixement, el res- i altres rumors d’actualitat pels investigadors que pretén que els resultats pecte i la confiança entre els parroquians; i que vertebren el teixit veïnal i associatiu i la taverna 6. TORDERADES I EIXUTS. aconseguits acabin revertint en la comunitat Els usos tradicionals de l’aigua al Montseny de molts barris de la ciutat. Més enllà del recorregut històric, la hipòtesi de la recerca 7. LA MUNTANYA OBLIDADA. have exercised in the city, often serving Un recorregut per les bodegues de barri i en el ciutadà com a destinatari i alhora Fàbregas, B. (coord.), Roura-Expósito, Economia tradicional, desenvolupament rural també es pregunta per la vigència d’aquesta funció social a la Barcelona contempo- protagonista i creador d’un patrimoni cultural i patrimoni etnològic al Montsec rània, i aporta un treball de camp que ha abraçat quasi dos-cents establiments i una de la ciutat de Barcelona 8. CARRER, FESTA I REVOLTA. viu i canviant, que es fa i es transforma Els usos simbòlics de l’espai públic a Barcelona etnografia extensa de la Bodega Xifré, al barri del Parc. (1951-2000) as a nerve centre for neighbourhood en el dia a dia. J., Marín, A., Llobet, O.9. and I... AIXÒ ÉS LACamps, MEVA VIDA. Aquesta monografia és resultat d’un treball d’investigació dut a terme entre els anys Relats biogràfics i societat Com a fruit de les diferents accions impulsades 10. ELS ÚLTIMS HEREUS. 2010 i 2014 per part de l’Associació per a la Recerca i l’Estudi de la Cultura Catalana Història oral dels propietaris rurals gironins, des de l’Inventari del Patrimoni Etnològic de 1930-2000 L’Escambell, en el marc del programa de recerca de l’Inventari del Patrimoni Etno- and working-class sociability. It is a Bernat Fàbregas Oliveras (Coord.) Catalunya (IPEC) la col·lecció “Temes d’Etnologia L. (2018). Entre el celler i la11. taverna. EL TEMPS I ELS OBJECTES. Un lògic de Catalunya (IPEC), finançat pel Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Memòria del Museu de Ripoll de Catalunya” presenta un seguit d’estudis Catalunya. Joan Roura-Expósito 12. DONES QUE ANAVEN PEL MÓN. monogràfics, amb un marcat caràcter territorial, Estudi etnogràfic de les trementinaires Albert Marín Pizarro de la vall de la Vansa i Tuixent (Alt Urgell) meticulous,BERNAT FÀBREGAS OLIVERAS detailed, és llicenciat en Antropologia almost Social i Cultural perfec per la Uni- - que ofereix la possibilitat de donar sortida a les 13. LES PORTERIES A BARCELONA. Olga Llobet i Gràcia recorregut per les bodegues de barri de la versitat de Barcelona i gestor cultural. conclusions del treballs desenvolupats. Entre l’espai públic i l’espai privat Laura Camps i Escribano 14. CADA CASA ÉS UN MÓN. Família, economia i arquitectura a Cerdanya JOAN ROURA-EXPÓSITO és llicenciat en Antropologia Social i Cultural per la Universi- 15. ENTRE EL PODER I LA MÀSCARA. tionisttat de Barcelonawork i té el màsterthat en Antropologia tries i Etnografia to de laapproach mateixa universitat. ciutat de Barcelona. Barcelona: Una etnohistòria Catalan del Carnestoltes a Barcelona 16. EL MAS AL MONTSENY. Actualment desenvolupa la seva tesi doctoral a l’Instituto de Ciencias del Patrimonio La memòria oral (Incipit). 17. IMATGES AL MOLL. Els oficis de les feines d’estiba a la Barcelona these spaces from an increasingly Ministry of Culture dels segles XIX i XX ALBERT MARÍN PIZARRO és llicenciat en Antropologia Social i Cultural per la Universi- 18. DE QUILLA A PERILLA. L’ofici dels mestres d’aixa a la Costa Brava tat de Barcelona, té el màster en Antropologia i Etnografia de la mateixa universitat i 19. FEMER FA GRANER. és membre de l’Observatori d’Antropologia del Conflicte Urbà (OACU). Feines i eines de pagès a la Plana de Vic microscopic perspective and seeks to del segle XX OLGA LLOBET I GRÀCIA és llicenciada en Ciències Ambientals per la Universitat Autò- 20. TRANSHUMÀNCIES DEL SEGLE XXI Ramaderia ovina i transhumància a l’Alta Ribagorça noma de Barcelona, té el màster en Sostenibilitat de la Universitat Politècnica de Cata- 21. BARRAQUISME, LA CIUTAT (IM)POSSIBLE lunya i és llicenciada en Antropologia Social i Cultural per la Universitat de Barcelona. Els barris de Can Valero, el Carmel i la Perona analyse the particular characteristics he historya la Barcelona del ofsegle XX tav- 22. FORÇATS A FOC I LLUM LAURA CAMPS I ESCRIBANO és tècnica sociocultural i postgraduada en Ciutadania i Una història oral dels últims masovers de la regió de Girona Immigració per la Universitat Pompeu Fabra. 23. DONES DEL CARRER of socialisation inside them. Thus, in Canvi urbanístic i treball sexual a Barcelona erns ((2005-2009)tavernes) 24. DE LES IGUALES A LA CARTILLA El regiment de la cosa pública, la medicalització i el pluralisme assistencial a la Vall d’Aro 25. PARCS ALS COMUNALS the first chapter we are presented with 7

La patrimonialització de la muntanya Entre el celler i la taverna Bernat Fàbregas, Joan Roura-Expósito , Albert Marín , Olga Llobet Laura Camps and wine cellars 0

al Pallars Sobirà 3

26. LA CIUTAT HORITZONTAL 6 9

Urbanisme i resistència en un barri de cases barates 3 de Barcelona

the reference framework on which 9 the (bodegas27. MUNTANYES) DE FORMATGEis also 3 29 Transformacions productives i patrimonialització 4

a l’Urgellet i el Baridà 8 8

28. DIÀSPORES I RITUALS 7 El cicle festiu dels musulmans de Catalunya ISBN 978-84-393-9630-7 entire discourse is built, while in 9 the the history29. ENTRE EL CELLER I LAof TAVERNA the Temes d’Etnologia de Catalunya 29 Un recorregut per les bodegues de barri popularde la ciutat declasses, Barcelona following chapters the fieldwork itself the history of the awareness of those is outlined, beginning with an archi- gas are analysed and studied as spaces Tgroups that belong to a place and a val analysis that enables the narratives for social cohesion within the neigh- space that is claimed as a basic part of historically associated with bodegas bourhoods, so that both concepts, that their identity, built on the principles to be reconstructed, before providing of cellar and that of neighbourhood, of collective solidarity, fellow-feeling an overall view of them during the combine in a mutually reciprocal rela- and mutual recognition. Despite the period from 2007 to 2014, coincid- tionship. The social space of the cellar unstoppable advance of capitalist log- ing with the economic crisis years. The fulfils a symbolic and identity function ics within the urban fabric, many of book concludes with an ethnographic in the neighbourhood of which it is approach to the Bodega Xifré interior. these places are still resisting, and do part, in the same way that the neigh- so not only as isolated elements but as bourhoods themselves perform those The first chapter begins with a nec- elements of social cohesion and sym- functions in the city as a whole. And, essary conceptual clarification: the together with the cellar, alcohol appears bolic resistance. Bodegas that refuse to term bodega is a Spanish word used as a vital element, with a role aimed at be subsumed under the categories that here by taverners to refer to their own symbolising the desire to be together, a unifying capitalism tries to impose businesses (tavernes). That is why the which is exemplified by the ritual of from the outside, who refuse to lose book's authors decided to keep it in drinking together, under the same roof, their community essence. And yet it their discourse, as it is an emic concep- in the same space. becomes increasingly difficult to avoid tualisation that is used by people who a change that is seen as being necessary, are part of the scene that is the subject The aim of the following chapter is inevitable. Moreover, the consumption of study. This chapter also explains the to conduct an ethno-historical tour factor is being introduced into these methodology used during the research of Barcelona's bodegas from the 19th spaces and forcing them to take part process, and introduces some terms century to the present day. An explain the economic and urban transfor- that will be decisive for a better under- nation based on archival work but sup- mations typical of our time. standing of cellar dynamics. Thebode - plemented by the journalistic chronicle Book Reviews CHRONICLES 285 and literature. This route aims to iden- the new commercial logics in order to to reflect; a good tool for introducing tify the changes suffered by the bodegas survive, but also to the implementation us ethnographically to spaces which, in the period mentioned above, bode- of restoration regulations that limit the in fact, play the role of hubs around gas forced to adapt to the city's chang- traditional activity of these premises, which many neighbourhood relations ing circumstances, linked to industrial historically geared toward the sale and in Barcelona are articulated. Moreover, and technological development and distribution of food and drinks and for it is a book which is not limited to a the arrival of modernity that causes their service. These changes affect both historical tour of transformations in cities to significantly increase their what bodegas can offer their locals and the city's bodegas; it also contextualises territory and population. Within this the social role they play in their imme- them within the neighbourhoods of new territorial order, neighbourhoods diate environment. In some cases, the which they are part. They are places began to assert the need to find new "survival" of traditional bodegas is of social cohesion, spaces where local spaces where neighbourhood relations linked to their appropriation by the camaraderie and popular culture – could be maintained, could continue tourist industry, infusing them with a football, politics, drink – are still alive to be personal rather than abstract. fetishistic and nostalgic look that tries but seem condemned to disappear. It The bodegas would act precisely as to project them as "authentic" places is this process leading to the abyss that one of these new agglutinating spaces, which represent a past that no longer the book relates but it does so within many cases linked to trade union exists. out getting carried away by a simplistic and political groups. This facilitated romanticism linked to nostalgic ele- an ontological change of the bodegas The last chapter, a conclusion apart, is ments. Instead it offers constructive themselves, which became one of the probably the most interesting of the criticism and an ethnographic analy- main local meeting places. Despite (or book, anthropologically speaking. It sis that warns us about the new urban perhaps because of) that, they could is there that the authors focus on the dynamics, and shows us how the dis- not free themselves of a negative view microscopic look of which they speak appearance of the bodegas also means linking them to leisure, vice, and the in the introduction, the work on the the disappearance of some of the basic marginal classes, stereotypes that began ground where an anthropologist turns enclaves of neighbourhood sociabil- to be incorporated not only into bour- their gaze towards people, towards ity and their identity. Custodians they geois accounts, but also to the political specific events, beyond possible gen- may be of a social and popular heritage speeches and the narratives of the pop- eralisations. In this case, it is focused that reflects a part of the substance of ular classes themselves, and which were on analysing Bodega Xifré, in the Parc the people, their identity – without more or less accentuated depending on neighbourhood, during the months getting into discussion about the crit- where the cellar was located. before it finally closed. This is a pre- icisms that can be levelled at all those cise work of ethnography by means of concepts – but despite that, bodegas are The third chapter deals with the first which the authors offer us a description places whose original form is in decline specific part of the fieldwork. The of the cellar, its dynamics and its seed and in danger of extinction. The new authors went round 200 bodegas all in neighbourhood struggles and as a urban logic, which owes its essence to over Barcelona, photographed them, place for recovering or maintaining the the market economy, has also appropri- recorded their particular characteris- memory of the neighbourhood. All this ated and assimilated them, and encour- tics and spoke to many of their own- sustained on observation, sometimes aged a transformation geared towards ers. That involved a huge amount of at a distance, sometimes participating, the capitalist consumer market. And, recording that takes shape in a chap- and a dialogue with Toni, the owner, to survive, the bodegas are forced to ter which tries to reflect the process playing the role of main actor in the change, although some still try to resist. of change that have affected bodegas play. At his establishment, the theories A resistance that may now be in vain. n in recent years, when their decline and hypotheses tested throughout the as a centre of neighbourhood trade book take shape, along with the feel- led many to modernise. The chapter ings, affections, fears and pessimism contextualises the current moment of that hover over all the conversations these establishments, and does so by compiled in this research. analysing the internal transformations of the bodegas, which adapt their forms In conclusion, we can say that we have a due, in part, to the need to adapt to stimulating book here, which invites us 286 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 Book review: Gaspar Lloret, mestre d’aixa i llibertari

Badias, J.; Lloret, G. (2018). Gaspar tions and to carrying out actions that Lloret, mestre d’aixa i llibertari. Lleida: would make a notable contribution Pagès Editors. to the anti-Franco struggle.

Helena Colom Montoriol Gaspar Lloret (Barcelona, 1934), Catalan Ministry of Culture the protagonist of the book being reviewed, is one of those people who, arcelona is a city with under the Franco regime and even a long, deep-rooted today, have remained faithful to anar- tradition of anarchist ideas, passed them on, fought chist movements for them and applied them in every since the middle of aspect of their lives. Besides that, he the 19th century , is a well-known master shipwright, when the first anarchist ideas began the trade of planning and building Bto spread through the labour move- a wooden boat from start to finish, ment and trade unions with the aim which he also taught (Badias, 2006), of building emancipatory alternatives and he worked for more than 30 years Front cover of the book Gaspar Lloret, for the working class (Abelló, 2010). at the shipyards in Barcelona and on mestre d’aixa i llibertari (2018). The struggles and improvements that the Costa Brava. He is the voice and the anarchist movement had been witness of two histories which are of his life alongside the changes in winning were interrupted by the Civil intertwined in his life and almost the Catalan libertarian and anar- War. However, the anarchist ideol- indistinguishable: the history of the chist movement on the one hand ogy reorganised and remained alive in anarchist movement in Catalonia and and, on the other, through the time exile or underground in cities such as the history of a trade that has practi- he spent at the Barcelona shipyards and other places round the country, Barcelona, where the principles con- cally disappeared today. which is also a review of the changes tinued to be spread through the work in a traditional trade, that of master of men and women who dedicated Jaume Badias, a historian and co-au- shipwright, which had become obso- hours, effort and sacrifice to distrib- thor of the book, presents a portrait of lete, first, due to the lack of materials uting anarcho-syndicalist publica- Lloret through his ideas and a review and, later, the gradual replacement of traditional knowledge by new techniques and materials. All this with postwar Barcelona and harsh Francoist repression of the anarchist movement, followed by the socio-political changes of the 1960s and 1970s that came with the arrival of democracy, as a backdrop.

Life story as a methodology The book Gaspar Lloret: mestre d’aixa i llibertari is a life story narrated in the first person by the protagonist through the historian Jaume Badias. The introduction is the only part in which the

Gaspar Lloret as an apprentice, in 1950. GASPAR LLORET'S PRIVATE COLLECTION narrative voice is that of Badias, the rest Book Reviews CHRONICLES 287 is a fluid, intimate narrative that retains Using life-history as an ethnographic Lloret provides some very specific and Lloret's characteristic eloquence and methodology allows one to understand valuable knowledge in relation to tra- expressiveness. He himself relates the a person's life as a significant example ditional shipbuilding, but above all it most important facts of his life while of a context, a movement, or some is interesting to understand the back- offering opinions, ideas and reflections events. As Badias says in the introduc- ground of the social context and the from the distance of the present, which tion, it gives prominence to the role atmosphere during those years from enriches the narration. The footnotes of anonymous people "turning them inside the shipyards. Testimony such are also important, because they sup- into sources for research, valuing their as his is also of great importance if we plement the facts and ideas described subjectivity as an angle of vision that take into account that the persecution by Gaspar Lloret with bibliographic allows us to recognise the idiosyncrasy suffered by the anarchist world under references and place them in a broader of a community, of a defined territorial the Franco regime means there is little context, providing information on framework, or of a specific social group documentation relating to those years, people, places or events referred to "(Badias and Lloret, 2018: 9). as it was destroyed by the police or the in his narrative. Also included are anarchists themselves. a selection of photographs, mostly Badias also stresses the importance of from Lloret's private collection, in oral history as an indispensable tool The book is arranged as a chronolog- which he appears with relatives or in for recovering anarchist ideas and ical journey through Gaspar Lloret's the context of his trade as a master ensuring they survive, as this type of life, divided into chapters where each shipwright Thus, in little more than work enables social subjects, invisible one focuses on a few years or a specific a hundred pages, Badias manages to until fairly recently, to contribute to period in which he develops a theme compile and synthesise a whole life of the construction of an alternative his- and reflects on it. Always maintain- work and struggle and the evolution torical and social account to the one ing the balance of combining the core in his anarchist ideas over more than historiography has traditionally pro- theme of the anarchist struggle with six decades. vided. In the case of this book, Gaspar the craft of master shipwright, or other

Demonstration on 1 May, 1982, on Monjuïc. GASPAR LLORET'S PRIVATE COLLECTION 288 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

With the work team at the Cardona Shipyards, working on the replica of the Santa Maria. 1966. GASPAR LLORET'S PRIVATE COLLECTION jobs he had to do at some time in his prison. Later, in the 1960s, he worked worked on it at night after long days life. In addition to dealing as well with in various shipyards, where he always in the shipyards, printing and distrib- some personal issues and the connec- tried to improve the conditions of the uting texts they got from the exiles in tion with the wider social and political workers. Although from the 1970s France. For example, copies of Sol- context of the day in Barcelona, Cat- on work declined in the shipyards, idaridad Obrera, popularly known alonia or Spain. he finally managed to create a coop- as "La Soli", a newspaper founded erative repairing fishing boats, thus in Barcelona in 1907 which was the It begins with his childhood in the combining his trade as a master ship- CNT's main paper. Barceloneta neighbourhood, where wright with his anarchist ideas and his Gaspar Lloret was born in 1934, in ideas on organising work. Throughout the book Lloret empha- a family environment close to anar- sises the differences between what was chist ideas, and throughout the book From clandestine activity to done in exile during the Franco regime he keeps referring to the importance institutionalisation and the continuity of the movement of that environment as the basis of After the Civil War, the anarchist underground in the interior. Such was the libertarian thinking that will movement in the interior lacked the case of the CNT, a union that he accompany him for the rest of his a structure but the organisation of was linked to, because the vision from life. Youth is the stage he devotes most committees, support networks and exile was very different from the per- space to. He explains how, from a networks to distribute anarcho-syndi- ception they might have in the inte- very young age, he began working calist propaganda that would become rior with regard to the direction and in the Barcelona shipyards and how, the major trade unions of the follow- objectives of the actions to be taken. in the early 1950s, he set up his own ing decades did not stop. Many peo- Sometime he speaks with a certain tone clandestine printing press to print ple, such as Gaspar Lloret, also fought of disenchantment of the changes that anarchist publications that he also on the fringes of unions and commit- come with the arrival of democracy, or distributed round the city – an activ- tees in almost individual actions. An "apparent democracy", as Lloret always ity that would lead him to him being example of that is the printing press he calls it, and which bring out the differ- arrested and spending two years in set up with a comrade in 1954. They ences. The moment the CNT is legal- Book Reviews CHRONICLES 289

ised as a union and enters traditional The most important idea transmitted of building wooden boats, for a trade politics, for example, from Lloret's by Lloret's book and life is the applica- that has finally died, because now there perspective is seen as a renunciation of tion of ideas and convictions to all areas are no master shipwrights" (Badias and the demands and objectives achieved. of life. If you are a anarchist, you are a Lloret, 2018: 151). n A disenchantment that means now- anarchist in the movement but also in adays, as he has not for years, he no your workplace, in your family or any longer has any link or contact with type of relationship you establish. Prin- REFERENCES: the current CNT. In his words: "[...] ciples based on the idea of improving Abelló, T. (2010). “L’anarquisme als països de I'm not a trade unionist, I'm a liber- workers' living and working condi- parla catalana: entre el sindicalisme i la prop- tarian, an anarchist. I'm not driven tions but by building a decent, fairer, aganda (1868-1931)”. Catalan Historical Re- by initials, I'm driven by projects and more egalitarian society for all as well. view , 3, 213-225.

ideas" (Badias and Lloret, 2018: 140). Badias, J. (2006). “L’ofici de construir barques This is Gaspar Lloret's testimony, a a la Costa Brava”. Catalonian Journal of Ethnol- Anarchist at work, on the commitment to ideas more than an ogy, 29, 166-171. Barcelona: Directorate-Gen- streets and at home organisation, a union or a move- eral of Popular Culture Gaspar Lloret is an anonymous, ment, throughout a lifetime, while Badias, J.; Lloret, G. (2018). Gaspar Lloret, working-class witness, but with a also accepting the contradictions and mestre d’aixa i llibertari. Lleida: Pagès Editors. life history that perfectly explains a always being critical. Ideals and a trade context, changes and ideas that can always linked in a double disappoint- be extrapolated, making the book ment too: the anarchist ideals he has doubly important in emphasising the not managed to put into practice first years of the Franco regime; on in the way he hoped and the the one hand, to vindicate a trade that disappearance of a traditional nowadays has practically disappeared trade that has become obsolete. and, on the other hand, to vindicate "Ideas and what I have made with anarchist trade unionism and liber- my hands have defined me. I tarian ideals that can be regarded as have fought hard for anar- the seed of many social movements chist ideas and also in Barcelona today. for the trade

Altering the stern to the Rosa Rochet in Roses, 1995. GASPAR LLORET'S PRIVATE COLLECTION 290 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44 The heritage of war and the war for its heritage Reviewing the work of Adela Geli Anticó: Recórrer la Garriguella fortificada. Desxifrant els búnquers: arquitectura i paisatge.

Spanish State, full of republican and Desxifrant els búnquers: arquitectura Jaume Puigredon Boixadera History and Archaeology Section - Institute of Francoist victims. i paisatge published in 2016 by the Empordà Studies Institute of Empordà Studies in col- Heritage recognition, as an element laboration with the Girona Provincial he heritagisation of that shapes our past and identity, is Council; second, to shed light on and historical memory very selective and extremely subjective. promote a fragile part of our heritage is a complex and As a society we choose the elements that is under threat and lies forgotten difficult process in that represent our identity, separating among our landscapes, for its values and Spain, especially what we must protect from what we the nature of its construction. In 2019, if we try to muse- must forget (Munilla, 2004). All this is coinciding with the 80th anniversary of umise or highlight spaces related to the more complicated when we deal with the end of the Spanish Civil War and Tregime of General Franco. The most episodes of war and repression, and, as the beginning of the Franco regime, recent and obvious example of this Vázquez and Miralles (2018) explain this task is absolutely necessary if we are is the controversy over the dictator's very well, the province of Girona is an not to forget the policies of that regime. remains and his funeral mausoleum, area that serves as an example. or what policy should be followed Geli Anticó's work allows us to rec- with the numerous common graves The purpose of this review is twofold: ognise and value the heritage of war all around the first, to highlight the book by Adela Geli Anticó Recórrer la Gar- riguella fortificada.

Adela Geli Anticó. ADELA GELI ANTICÓ'S PERSONAL ARCHIVE Book Reviews CHRONICLES 291 from a "glocal" perspective, based on border crossing. The book also high- advance of the Allied troops precipi- an international analysis of the facts and lights how the traditional relationship tated the start of work on the P Line how that translates into the changes between the locals and their landscape in 1944. From Portbou to the Basque in the Alt Empordà landscapes and had been transformed (Roger, 2000), Country more than 10,000 bunkers Garriguella in particular. It is one of and how indirectly it was immersed in and 169 centres of resistance were built, the few initiatives present and known an international dynamic of conflict 13% of them in Garriguella, where today in the area of valuing this type and war. some 380 bunkers and five resistance of heritage, which can and must serve centres have been identified. as an example and model for future The value of this work lies in the projects. author's reflection on the international Another of the book's strengths is the and also national political context, how way in which the author lets witnesses Geli Anticó, architect and member of it changed the life of a small rural com- of the time speak and evokes the pro- the Territory and Architecture Section munity in the Empordà region, how cess of transforming the landscape with of the Institute of Empordà Studies, a narrative was constructed from local huge contingents of soldiers suddenly has focused her work on the study of facts and how they were inserted into appearing on the outskirts of the vil- traditional architecture and heritage the international context, at the same lage, and gradually disappearing as the recovery is one of her concerns. time interacting with the remains of regime of General Franco was recog- this heritage (Nogué and Puigverd, nised by the international powers and The 20th century was a difficult period 1993). the fear of an invasion faded (Moradiel- throughout Europe, and particularly in los, 2018). Spain after February 1939 and Fran- Border defence was one of Europe's co's triumph. It marked a period of great concerns in the 20th century Apart from the historical aspects, Geli international isolation for the country, , and coined concepts such as war Anticó speaks of the process of integrat- at a time when the European powers architecture, in order to protect ter- ing the ruins, which fortunately never were engaged in combating fascism ritorial and "national" integrity. The had any use or utility, into the land- and its allies. Faced with the fear of most representative and probably best scape (Hanley, 2012). First with light international intervention, Franco known examples are the Maginot Line controls between the 1960s and 1970s decided to fortify the Pyrenees to face in France and the Gothic Line in Italy and then with their marginalisation in a possible attack by the Allied forces (Truttman, 2009). The Spanish par- the 1990s, when they were the target of (Moradiellos, 2000). Although a new adigm is Franco's P Line, of which destruction or the farmers gave them a way of waging war now existed, and the Empordà was and is a central and new use. It was not until the 2000s that had been practised in Spain, it was prominent part. the recovery of these remains began decided to follow the European trends in places such as Martinet in La Cer- of positional warfare (Virilio, 2008) Very briefly, the author picks up the danya and, in 2013, in Garriguella, made obsolete with the emergence of historical and social embryo of this when this work began. From a heritage aviation. architecture and looks for the points perspective, therefore, it is a very recent of contact and parallels that directly development and should encourage Using period documents, photographs or indirectly affect the municipal- us to think above all about what has and the testimonies of local people, ity. She takes as a precedent the first been lost and what we will continue and with the work of Clara (2010) republican bunkers of 1937, built to to lose if heritage dissemination poli- as her basis, Geli Anticó analyses the defend the Catalan coast, and the first cies are not forthcoming in the other landscape from a historical angle focus- aerodromes in Catalonia . And again P Line municipalities similar to those ing on the transformation of the Gar- she highlights the post-1939 Francoist of Martinet, Garriguella or the Ebro riguella landscape during the Civil War discourse faced with possible interna- (Escudè, 2011). and the early Franco years. tional intervention: it would mean the fortification of the Pyrenees as protec- From a more structural and architec- In her book she explains how the tion from external threats by land and tural standpoint, the author analyses civil and ecclesiastical reality of the sea, from a possible landing. the theoretical features of the P Line municipality was conditioned by its and how it runs through the Empordà, geography, located between the Albera Geli Anticó attaches importance to understood to mean "from Bassegoda Massif and the Serra de Rodes, a wild the historical context, and stresses how and heading east following the Serra de landscape in the middle of an artificial the events of World War II with the Santa Magdalena, Mont Roig, Altrera, 292 CHRONICLES Catalonian Journal of Ethnology December 2019 No. 44

Mala Veïna, Mont Perdut and the way, the author deals with the P Line servation. On the other hand there is a mountains of Cap de Creus. Offering from an architectural perspective, leav- danger of overexploitation and authen- good observation conditions, it is quite ing the more social aspects to one side. ticity being lost. These are issues to be a way from the border and provided weighed up but always with the aim of firing ranges and slopes for manoeu- War and conflict heritage does not ensuring the survival of this heritage. vres. It also required the fortification merely consist of bunkers but other of Cap de Creus and the Bay of Roses things as well, some much more fragile, Due to its fragile nature and the values to prevent being outflanked by enemy due to their temporary nature, such intrinsically associated with the Franco forces for a landing" (Geli, 2016). as the airfields, vestiges of which she regime, it would be forgotten heritage analyses in the case of Garriguella-Vila- were it not for these types of projects. She notes very clearly the characteristics juïga. Once again from an architectural The lack of political will on the part of this fortification: pulling back from perspective, she explains the site and of the institutions will cause a selec- the Pyrenees with three different zones layout of the facilities, placing special tive loss of our memory. It does not (advanced, entrenched or reserve). emphasis on the bunkers to see their appear in the memory space records This categorisation was established specific features, dimensions and plan. of Memorial Democràtic, despite it according to the nature of the terrain being a convulsive episode that is part and defensive danger in the face of an Finally, and by way of conclusion, the of our past, which has conditioned attack. All these elements condition the last part of the book, Recórrer, highlights the identity of the territory and its typology of bunkers. From a biological their heritage values and offers a sugges- people, events that represent us and viewpoint they are like small organisms tion for new uses. Geli Anticó urges the should never be forgotten, regardless managed from the centres of resistance, reader to reflect on the transformative of whether we like it. and located strategically, which shows process of the Garriguella landscape, prior and extensive knowledge of both and how it has become a memorial The constructive simplicity of the bun- the territory and communications, landscape within the framework of the kers makes conservation difficult and protection, and forms of concealment Europe of conflicts in the 20th century often means they remain hidden in the and camouflage. (Madruelo, 2010). She highlights how, woods. They are concrete construc- despite the human will to naturalise this tions made after the war in a context of What is special about Garriguella is that intervention, which was designed only extreme necessity. The materials used it is a fortified hub, 6.7 kilometres long to be activated in the event of a conflict, are not the best and, added to that, is and 2.3 kilometres wide, spread over five it has left a timeless and enduring trace their exposure to destruction and theft, centres of resistance (CR8. Sant Silves- in the collective imagination which, aside from the fact they have no aes- tre, CR9. Km8 Portbou Road, CR.10 given its intrinsic and symbolic values, thetic value that has merited concern Garriguella, CR11. Mas Comellas and has ended up being despised. for their conservation. CR12. Mala Veïna). With great care, the author studies and highlights the This type of heritage could be regarded Values are fundamental in heritage. characteristics of bunker construction as uncomfortable and even obscure, Geli Anticó explains how these vestiges and territorial control, which curiously consciously forgotten by the local were initially seen as a symbol of con- contrasts with the initial construction population, who ultimately do not flict within the framework of a post- project and does not tally with it, as consider it as heritage that identifies war period, full of fear of repression sometimes more were built, and some- them. A situation that has left nature to and fear of the new regime, which was times fewer. She even gives details of the overrun it, so that it will be lost without imposed by force. The P Line bunkers type of bunkers and comments on one a strong institutional policy. are proof of the political and social ten- particular aspect, namely the large num- sion of the period. The passage of time ber of machine gun bunkers compared The author proposes exploiting the itself meant that no one cared about to the rest (Geli, 2016). identity traits of Garriguella, wine and them and they were left abandoned, its heritage, on the basis of ethnotour- although Garriguella's residents are Moreover, it is a very educational and ism from an informative and heritage aware of their existence and they have well-illustrated work that enables the appreciation perspective, which would ended up becoming a ruin of archae- reader to learn more about the terms allow it to generate a positive return ological value. and processes relating to the definition and contribute to social development, of a bunker, or the building process both territorial and economic, which Geli Anticó's book addresses a lit- they entail. In a fun and entertaining at the same time would ensure its con- tle-known reality, widely ignored Book Reviews CHRONICLES 293

Perspective of one of the Garriguella bunkers. JAUME PUIGREDON except by the locals, of a heritage that tectura i paisatge. Figueres: Institut d’Estudis cia dels malentesos actuals sobre la natura Empordanesos. (translation by Lourdes Bigorra). Barcelona: is threatened and in danger if initia- La Campana. tives similar to those of Martinet and Hanley, K. i Maidment, B. (2012). Persistent Garriguella are not repeated elsewhere, Ruskin: Studies in Influence, Assimilation and Rubió, X. (2007). Polemos, un portal de difusió which will result in their loss. All this Effect. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing. del patrimoni bèl·lic, L’Erol, 93, 24-26. from her professional perspective, highlighting the problems and also Madruelo, J. (ed.) and Arribas, D. [et al.]. Serra, R., Esteva, Ll. and Piñero, J. (2007). (2010). Paisaje y patrimonio, Madrid: Lecturas Els búnquers de la línia dels Pirineus: memòria proposing solutions that often include Abda: Centro de Arte y Naturaleza. d’un temps de guerres, L’Erol, 94, 29-35. citizen initiatives, which are in many cases the driving force behind these Moradiellos, E. (2000). La España de Fran- Truttman, P. (2009). La Muraille de France collective memory recovery projects. n co: 1939-1975: política y sociedad. Madrid: ou la ligne Maginot: la fortification française de Síntesis. 1940, sa place dans l’évolution des systèmes fortifiés d’Europe occidentale de 1880 à 1945. Thionville: Gérard Klopp. Moradiellos, E. (2018). Franco: anatomia de REFERENCES un dictador. Madrid: Turner Publicaciones. Vázquez, D. and Riera Miralles, F. (2018). Clara, J. (2010). Els Fortins de Franco: arque- Girona terra memorial. Espais de memòria i tu- Munilla, G (coord.) and Carreras, C. [et al.]. ologia militar als Pirineus catalans. Barcelona: risme a les comarques gironines. Girona: Patro- (2004). Patrimoni Cultural. Barcelona: Open Rafael Dalmau. nat de Turisme Costa Brava Pirineus de Girona. University of Catalonia.

Escudè, J. (2011). Museïtzació d’espais de Virilio, P. (2009). Bunker archeology . New Nógué, J. and Puigverd, J. M. (1993). Geo- memòria. Batalla de Normandia i Batalla de York: Princeton Architectural Press. grafia històrica i història del paisatge. Girona: l’Ebre. Ebre, 38, 175-184. University of Girona.

Geli Anticó, A. (2016). Recórrer la Garriguel- la Fortificada. Desxifrant els búnquers: arqui- Roger, A. (2000). Breu tractat del paisatge: Història de la invenció del paisatge i denún- Per a més informació / Para más información / More information: Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya and Etnologia.cat

ethnology CATALONIAN JOURNAL OF ETHNOLOGY