DOI: 10.1515/irsr-2012-0013

IRSR INTERNATIONAL REVIEW of SOCIAL RESEARCH Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012, 1-20 International Review of Social Research

‘Catalanism Only Will Win by the Force of Songs’, Revisited 100 Years After. The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music in Socially Sanitizing Working-Class Neighborhoods of Barcelona (1976–2000)

Jordi NOFRE•

Centro de Estudos de Sociologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa (CESNOVA) Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities New Lisbon University

Abstract: During the last years of the Spanish fascist regime, two politically contrary music scenes emerged in Barcelona. While Catalanist folk music emerged for political freedom, Spanished rock’n’roll, punk, and heavy scenes emerged in the working-class suburbs of Barcelona, denouncing bad conditions of everyday urban life. The great success of this last music scene in Barcelona in the 1980s led to the then nationalist, conservative government of Catalonia to promote a new socially and politically sanitized music scene in response to such class-based contestation. This study aims to explore how a new Catalan(ist) pop-rock scene was created to socially and culturally sanitize the working-class suburbs of Barcelona along the decades of the 1980s and 1990s.

Keywords: music, cultural consumption, social and political dualization, youth, Barcelona.

Introduction then bourgeois city, which had to be one of the most important industrial ‘Catalanism only will win by the force cities of all Europe (Marfany, 1995; of songs’ is what some conservative Duarte, 1999; Ucelay-DaCal, 2003). Catalanists such as Santiago Rusiñol Largely due to the fact that a very claimed against the popularity of significant part of social practices of flamenco in the first years of the working classes of Barcelona sheltered twentieth century in Barcelona.1 In the social contestations against political- crucial moment of industrialization cultural hegemony (re)produced by of the Catalan capital, its ruling the Catalanist ruling classes from the classes aimed to socially sanitize the inner city, together with the explicit

•e-mail: [email protected]. This research was supported by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia de Portugal (FCT) and the Centro de Estudos de Sociologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa (CesNova-FCSH/UNL).

© University of Bucharest, June 2012 2 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012 aim of putting an end to the quasi- studying Barcelona and Catalunya as daily social conflicts that took place well as their societies is that the so- in Barcelona during the first decade called ‘national vector’ must be added of the twentieth century, the dominant to the classical ideological positioning classes began to strongly denounce of the individual should not be what they pejoratively called as overlooked. In fact, even after 300 ‘Spanished’ working-class culture. years, Catalonia still continues to be More in detail, the term ‘Spanished’ militarily occupied by Spain at a time refers to any social practice belonging which is the most important industrial to the Spanish-rooted culture (e.g. engine not only in Spain, but also in flamenco music), and the term Southern Europe. Such unresolved flamenquism – already used in the political tensions between Spain and following text – embraces the whole of Catalonia still continue to feature in flamenco-based art (music, dance, art, daily life in Catalonia. For example, etc.), which was strongly denounced the last Barcelona Youth Survey (2003) by the then nationalist ruling classes incorporated the following question: from Barcelona as the evidence of the ‘Do you feel only Catalan? Or more ‘Spanishization’ of Catalan culture. Catalan than Spanish? Or as Catalan In fact, the problem of the so-called as Spanish? Or more Spanish than flamenquism – or also known as ‘the Catalan? Or only Spanish? Or N/A?’ working-class question’ (Marfany, Certainly, it would be unthinkable 1995; Ucelay-DaCal, 2003) – was to ask the Californians if they feel the main challenge that the Catalanist more Californians than Americans, conservative political-cultural project or vice versa. In Catalonia, this dual called Noucentism (1906–1923) positioning of individuals plays a key faced. The result of many decades role in shaping youth identities and, (1880–1930) of promoting the cultural consequently, cultural consumption as colonization of working-class suburbs well (Nofre, 2009a, 2011). According to of Barcelona was the achievement the Catalan Government (CEO, 2007), of a reinforced Catalonia faced with while the working classes feel more the second wave of the European Spanish than Catalan or as Catalan industrialization, the revolution of as Spanish, upper-middle classes feel transports, and the so-called first more Catalan than Spanish, or solely globalization. All this helped to Catalan. Thus, ‘If you have money, you situate Catalonia as one of the most are Catalanist’ were the provocative industrialized regions in Europe in the headline that the Spanish newspaper El beginning of the twentieth century. País released on 20 April 2007. This However, economic, social, cultural, brief sociopolitical contextualization and political challenges owing to the of contemporary Catalonia should instauration of democracy in Spain allow easy comprehension of the after the fascist regime have many following text. similarities with those aforementioned This study intends to explore how, for the first decades of the twentieth from the field of music consumption, century. the nationalist and conservative On the other hand, the fact that one Catalan Government elected after the of the most important particularities in Spanish fascist regime aimed at socially JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 3 homogenizing the Catalan society. By depicted to better understand how examining the period of 1976–2000, political-cultural hegemonies and this study shows how the creation resistances emerged in Barcelona, of a new Catalan(ist) music scene in especially in the field of music Barcelona by the nationalist Catalan production and consumption. Government aimed at combating those Spanished music – mainly punk and rock’n’roll – whose lyrics usually Introduction. Situating rock’n’roll denounced bad daily living conditions and punk as politicized in Barcelona working-class suburbs. ‘contestations’ As conclusion, this study suggests that the creation of this new Catalan(ist) Music and its consumption have played music scene may be considered as the an important role in the configuration continuation of the Noucentist project of Western youth cultures during the interrupted since the end of the first last half century, but more particularly, quarter of the twentieth century by a in those so-called ‘subcultures’ convulse Republican period as well as (Murdock and McCrone, 1975; a fascist dictatorship. Willis, 1990; Machado Pais, 2004). In this study, primary and Lawrence Grossberg (1992) argued secondary sources, especially recently that rock music is not considered as published oral histories referring to the a youth cultural expression, but as a underground scene in Barcelona during depoliticized, disposable, reminiscent the past three decades, have been used. commodity, and a false ‘escape’ from Largely owing to the inexistence of the real world (Brake,1973; Laughey, qualitative surveys on young music 2006), whereas Lily Kong (1995) consumption, this study has employed argued that music could express some qualitative information from the resistance or even hegemony. author’s doctoral thesis (Nofre, 2009a) Teds, mods, rockers, beats, on suburban nightscapes and music and hippies – subcultures of noise consumption, such as some direct (Hedbidge, 1979:90), as a metaphor interviews – carried out in April 2007 that ‘possesses a deep, romantic, and – with young consumers aged between poetic resonance for many scholars’ 13 and 34 years. Thus, this study is (Stahl, 2003:27). Many over-excited about a spatial qualitative analysis, Marxists social scientists, and thinkers, although the readers are encouraged to mostly born in May 1968, considered construct their own mental analysis. subcultural styles as utopian resistances The following text aims to remark because they took objects from the the importance of considering punks dominant culture and transformed and rockers as two Western youth their everyday naturalized meanings politicized subcultures to better into something spectacular and alien understand their local-scaled role (Stahl, 2003:27); however, this could in claiming for better daily living be largely discussed. For example, conditions in their cities. Subsequently, many authors observed the emergence underground music scenes in Catalonia of counterculture in the United States since the end of the 1970s will be in the mid-1960s as a social, cultural, 4 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012 and political issue created by young under the earlier postmodern pretext/ US-bohemian middle classes (Wilson, context of the society of the spectacle 1970, Clarke et al., 1975, Murdock and (Debord, 1967). For example, mass McCrone, 1975; Cusset, 2005). For media was the creator of mods and most of these authors, counterculture rockers, following societal reaction to was linked to the general radicalization their reporting of disturbances between and politicization (and later, de- two groups in Britain (Cohen, 1980). politicization) of some middle-class In line with this, Sara Thornton (1996) youth strata belonging to a thinly suggested that media is integral to the disguised middle-class elitism (Clarke formation of subcultures largely due et al., 1975:45, 54). However, local to the fact that it plays a significant social contexts help to determine the role in defining their origin as well origin of some subcultures, such as as its spatial and social reproduction. punk:2 However, media has also played a key role in de-politicizing subcultures such Early punk was a proclamation as rockers and punks (Dylan, 2003). and an embrace of discord. Stuart Hall and Tony Jefferson It was begun in England by (1975) argued that the de-politicization working-class youths decrying of cultural studies had its origins a declining economy and rising when British Marxism failed in unemployment, chiding the contesting the neo-liberal Thatcherian hypocrisy of the rich, and refuting project for building ‘the new type of the notion of reform. In America, [British] bourgeois worker, family early punk was a middle-class minded, home-centred, security- youth movement, a reaction conscious, instrumentally-oriented, against the boredom of mainstream geographically mobile and acquisitive- culture. (...) It sought to destroy celebrated’ (Clarke et al. (2006 the idols of the bourgeoisie. [1975]:14). Such Thatcherian project (Henry, 1969:89, quoted in Dylan, rapidly succeeded: Manual workers 2003:225). and their families were assimilated into Some authors have pointed out that the social world of the middle class punk – which was born as a feasible (Goldthorpe et al., 1969; Cashmore, counterrevolutionary force in the late 1984). Conformity, acceptance, 1970s – has been recently ‘legitimized’ and even vindication of traditional and ‘normalized’ by cultural industry, masculinity seemed to feature British becoming a commodity for social radical youth subcultures in the late distinction of individuals and consumed 1970s.3 for pleasure, but not as a mere act The above-mentioned facts would of protest (Laing, 1985; Rimbaud, make one think that (neo)conservatism 1998; Clark, 2003). Despite the fact is filling in all postmodernism narratives that rockers, mods, beats, teddy boys, about today’s youth (post)subcultures. punks, heavies, and so on were largely In this sense, while Abramo (1994) born as politicized youth (sub)cultures argued that punks and darks do not (Polsky, 1971; Cohen, 1970; Dylan, have and are unable to produce any 2003), all of them were commodified project of social, cultural, political, JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 5 and economic transformation, Feixa the 1970s, some sectors from the leftist (1998) considered neotribes as mere Barcelona’s bourgeoisie began to social and cultural products ‘created’ support underground progressive-rock and ‘manipulated’ by the market needs mainly played by ‘new elite musicians of survival’ (sic). In line with him, (...) [interested in jazz-rock fusion] David Muggleton (1997) suggested came from (…) the Switzerland High- that postmodern creative practices, School, the German High-School, such as fashion, art, and music become the American High-School and the de-politicized cultural manifestations. Menéndez Pelayo High-School’ However, would it be so in the case of (Sierra, 2007:51-2), four of the Barcelona, Catalonia? most important high-schools for the bourgeoisie’s descendants. Yet, many catalanists folkies argued that Catalan Punk & Rock scenes against the progressive-rock music sounded too bourgeois Barcelona American: ‘it was pretty necessary to produce native, Catalan-rooted music Bad living conditions of young (…), seeking authencity by singing suburban working classes may favor in Catalan tongue and writing lyrics youth neotribalization (Costa et al., regarding the land of one’s birth 1996). In the case of Barcelona, since [Catalonia]’ (Sierra, 2007:17,59,87). the late 1970s, some youth working- Once the Spanish fascist regime class subcultures, such as rockers and stepped down and democracy teddy boys came to express radical was reinstituted, the Autonomous resistance against the Catalanist Government of Catalonia – then political-cultural hegemony (re) dominated by nationalist conservative produced by the inner city’s ruling forces – began to promote a strategy classes. This was especially visible in to support ‘authentic Catalan music’ the field of music. However, before by creating a new Catalan(ist) cultural exploring how punks and rockers built industry, which aimed at fighting a sociopolitical contestation to such against what dominant classes warned hegemony, a retrospective view must about ‘the fragmentation of Catalan be kept in mind. culture’ (Sierra, 2007:81). However, a While cultural industry in Spain critical reading of this would allow (re) supported Spanish pop-beat groups considering the term ‘fragmentation’ and other kitsch groups born under as a metaphor of sociopolitical the fascist regime, some intellectuals dualization of music scenes: and clandestinian left-wing politicians Barcelona, 1981. Lennon has been belonging to the bourgeoisie of just killed and punk explosion Barcelona supported the so-called has been assimilated by music Catalan folk (Sierra, 2007)4, a kind industry (…). Barcelona is still of french-like folk music sung the last redoubt for Layetan Rock in Catalan. However, they never fans, jazz-rock fusion and outdoor supported progressive rock, considered music festivals (…). But not all as an underground style (Id.: 38). gets lost in December 1980. A Nevertheless, since the beginning of group of rockers meet and decide 6 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

to record some sings (…) and Concentrik, Tarkus, Boogie, Increible wake up a half-sleepy city.5 Pero Cierto, Descontrol, Bar bar, At the beginning of the 1980s, Marx JL, Piaf, etc.; and Fanzines, live both punks and rockers expressed music, bars, and social clubs for punks, their contestation against cultural and demonstrations, violence, and police political hegemony (re)produced by repression – all these featured the the inner city’s elites. New spaces of nightscapes in Barcelona downtown contestation emerged not only in most along the 1980s (JoniD, 2011). There of the Barcelona suburbs, but also in is no doubt that Barcelona downtown the inner city itself. The first punk wave turned into the main punk scene in Barcelona (1976–1978)6 was mainly not only in an urban scale, but also played by both young working classes a metropolitan one (JoniD, 2011; and lower-middle classes living in Llansamà, 2011a). working-class suburbs and downtown: To be punk in Barcelona meant to be against the System, especially against There is a widespread anger… both local and Catalan administrations. there is no way out (...) but total To better understand this, a detailed freedom (...) and people flung reading of the sociopolitical and themselves into punk (…) It is cultural chronicle written by José about to be against the social, María Sanz ‘Loquillo’ about the city political established order (...) it’s of Barcelona in the late 1970s and an act without being processed by early 1980s could be very useful. For your brain (…) it’s a visceral ‘no’ . most of the people in Barcelona (not (Llansamà, 2011b: [05:27]). only young), ‘Loquillo’ has been (and Punk and rock’n’roll were rapidly still is) the most widely recognized, interlaced by the development of an legitimized suburban voice in underground scene mainly played by Barcelona. His book Barcelona Ciudad some groups, such as Loquillo y Los shows a brilliant representation of the Intocables, Dios, Decibelios, Brighton social and political duality that is still 64, Código Neurótico, Orquesta de featuring the Barcelona’s society: Tacón, Rebeldes, Síndrome Tóxico or The commonly-named ‘chiru- 7 New Buildings, among many others. queros’9 –enemies of all that Although this music scene could first labeled as urban, cosmopolitan, appear as marginal, a more detailed with their face seeming an spinach analysis may show that it was not so and more boring than a fungus- marginal as recently observed by some always walk holding a backpack 8 official historians. Examples of such in their backs, dreaming an centrality of punk-rock include some independent Catalonia and hoping venues, such as Piano Bar at 106 Aribau to bring us together to the Sinai

Street, Las Rias at 145Nou de la Rambla Mount of the Catalan nationalism:

Street, Casal dels Transformadors at 64 Mount Canigó.10 If this seems Ausiàs March Street, Cafè Voltaire and us terrible, their individual El Corzo nearby Clinic Hospital, and aesthetics horrifies us, based on many others located just in Barcelona ugliness, beard and country-like downtown; Tarkus, El Fantástico, witches’ sabbathes. They spend JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 7

their days playing the flute and patrols, arrest and imprisonment are a singing Raimon’s11 and Catalan huge strike to neighborhood’.’ (JoniD, folkie songs. We, young urbanites, 2011:115, quoting, El Periódico de consider country life and Catalunya 14/5/1987). patriotism like national flags and Many punk and rock’n’roll groups revolution. In two words: A SHIT. proclaimed themselves as speakers We dream adventures lighted by of the underground Barcelona by neon and the promiscuity of the denouncing several social problems Lou Reed’s rock’n’roll. In this that existed in those suburbs where orgy of protests, we see the city as they lived (Torras, 2000).13 Such the only world. (Sanz, 2010: 55). suburban identities expressed by Jose María Sanz ‘Loquillo’ (2010) ‘Loquillo’ have been shaped by pointed out how punk-rock lyrics in everyday contexts, becoming radically Barcelona during the 1980s usually different from the bourgeois order dealt with ‘street realities’ really and the rationality prevailing in any different from those that featured wealthy neighborhood of Barcelona, everyday lives of Barcelona’s upper- such as Sarrià or Sant Gervasi. As middle classes. Punk in the Catalan Loquillo sings, ‘now they see us capital was not only meant to hold passing / convinced to be able to escape / from the fate that could trap them / certain aesthetics, but listened to both 14 Ramones and local punk groups. If by cursing our identity’. However, some sector of the Barcelona’s punk which identity is it about? In the case scene initially showed anarcho- of ‘Loquillo,’ it is based on being born independentist positions, it rapidly and having lived in a Barcelona’s turned into a ‘Spanished’ youth working-class neighborhood named subculture,12 despite the fact that they Clot: ‘A pity that Bourbon / on hands continued to denounce the bad living of critics of Rock / highways, streets, what do I know / I wasn’t born in the conditions in suburban areas as well 15 as the lack of individual and collective USA, but in Clot.’ perspectives for youth: However, the selection of Barcelona ‘The silent of one of the to host Olympic Games in 1992 made neighborhoods with highest levels it indispensable to rapidly eradicate of unemployment has been broken to such ‘street realities,’ which could defend that ‘to be young is not a crime’. make the socioeconomic and urban Social movements of neighborhood transformation of Barcelona difficult. warn they have no intention to keep To do this, some institutional strategies quiet facing with the forgetfulness were accomplished. For instance, showed by administration, bad daily Catalan administration carried out living conditions, drug consumption a cultural colonization of the whole and highest levels of unemployment Barcelona suburbs, accompanied by (…). As one member of La Oruga police repression against some radical youth collective asserts, ‘Local left-wing youth subcultures, such administration does not like certain as punks16. In fact, punk as well as radical criticisms and therefore they squatter movement were opposed to answer by politically repressing. Police the ‘construction’ of a ‘new’ tertiary 8 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012 sector-based city, because it meant city (López, 1991; Capel, 2005; Nofre, construction of a new socially sanitized 2010).

Figure 1. Barcelona in the 1980s. Some rockers (Loquillo y Los Trogloditas, left) and punks (Kangrena, right) Source: http://www.loquillo.com [06/09/2011, 13:27 p.m.] & http://www.kikoamat.com17[06/09/2011, 13:35p.m.].

Along the first half of the 1980s, 2009b, 2010).18 the conservative Catalan Government It should not be overlooked that conceived a strategy to socially these suburban areas, created under the sanitize the whole of Barcelona Spanish fascist government along the working-class suburbs (Nofre, second half of the twentieth century, 2010). The cultural colonization of accommodated all slum dwellers Barcelona’s suburbs, carried out by immigrated to Catalonia after the the nationalist, conservative Catalan end of the Spanish Civil War mainly Government (Nofre, 2007; 2009a; from Southern Spain (Nofre, 2007; 2009b; 2010) aimed at importing the 2009a; 2009b; 2010). Facing with most important traditional cultural such a strategy of (re)catalanization elements of the cultural scene in the and re)moralization carried out by the inner city, such as theater, majorettes, inner city’s ruling classes, a contested folkie chorus, youth-led leisure houses otherness emerged from the suburbs. called ‘Esplais,’ hiking associations, The following section will describe the etc. (Villatoro, 1985). They had to be construction of a new institutionalized introduced in all Catalan capital suburbs Catalan(ist) rock scene that was mainly to not only socially homogenize, but aimed at de-activating such radical, also (re)catalanize and (re)moralize politicized Spanished youth scene. the suburban working classes (Nofre, JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 9

Against Spanished Rock’n’Roll: the middle classes aged between 15 and construction of a new Catalan(ist) 20 years, who were nationalists or and sanitized pop-rock scene even independentists showing special concerns about Catalan language In the mid-1980s, an increasing (Gendrau, 200:211). There is no number of pop-rock groups emerged doubt that radically different everyday from Barcelona, mostly in rural contexts between suburbanscapes areas of Catalonia. Although most and rural/bourgeoisscapes may be of them originally sang in Catalan, considered as the reason for today’s others stopped singing in Spanish sociopolitical duality of music and started to do it in Catalan, such consumption in Catalonia. Besides, as Sangtraït - this group is considered different socioeconomic problems as the commercial heavy forerunners of the Great Barcelona and the rest in Catalonia (Gendrau, 2000: 209). of the Catalan small cities largely During the second half of the 1980s, justify a ‘political-based’ difference, Catalan rock re-emerged again with a divergence between suburban and the official support from the Catalan rural-rooted lyrics. The latter takes administration, and it was about a some semiotic elements from the new rural-rooted music scene that above-mentioned Catalan Noucentist took Barcelona as the headquarters for project – order, well-balance behavior, music production and mass diffusion. catholic moral, conservative values, Lluís Gendrau (2000) pointed out admiration for Catalan Medieval Age, that the first edition of the ‘Festival Catalonia itself as a God’s deed, rurality de Música Viva de Vic’ that took as the very essence of Catalonia as a place at the small Catalan city of nation, among many others (Duarte, Vic in 1989 was conceived by the 1999; Ucelay – Da Cal, 2003). Catalan administration as the greater Indeed, rurality appears in several opportunity to set up a meeting point Catalan pop-rock lyrics, as sung by for Catalan(ist) music industry. Largely Sopa de Cabra: ‘I’m not interested owing to the huge success of this event, in going to hell / L’Empordà is a mass concert was held in Palau Sant much more beautiful.’19 On the other Jordi, Barcelona, on 14th June 1991. hand, Sangtraït also sang: ‘Heaven In this concert, the then most-sold is a dream / where he wants to get / Catalan(ist) pop-rock groups, namely, clouds and its mountains / sun, a far Sopa de Cabra, Els Pets, Sangtraït, and far horizon.’20 In fact, rurality as a Sau performed (Gendrau, 2000: 209- key factor of authenticity in Catalan 10). contemporary music seems to agree As it has been previously argued, that ruralist and idealist essence about irrespective of whether punk and Catalonia was invented by the Catalan rock’n’roll were mainly used by Catholic Church in the late nineteenth the young middle-lower classes as century while trying to recover Catalan well as young working classes, the medievalism as the origin of the Catalan pop-rock (re)produced by the Christian Catalan nation. Despite the official Catalan(ist) cultural industry fact that this was not widely published,21 was mainly employed by the youth it was wonderfully depicted by Victor 10 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

Balaguer in his romantic view about Catalan pop-rock. In fact, it was about the ‘national’ history of Catalonia combating suburban, working-class, (Duarte, 1999:143). In fact, some non-nationalist music (re)produced Catalan pop-rock groups took rurality from the Catalan capital.24 For that as their branded images. For example, reason, small city councils from the Els Pets’ leader, Lluís Gavaldà, so-called ‘rural Catalonia’ stopped asserted that ‘they are a rural group.’22 hiring both the punk-rock groups from Furthermore, such ode to rurality may Barcelona and started to hire Catalan become a bucolic, sweet, romantic pop-rock groups that sang in Catalan view of the Mediterranean Sea. ‘That language (Gendrau, 2000). sea’s turquoise / that magic of your Meanwhile, the Catalan public TV eyes was lending me / taken from a broadcasting corporation (CCRTV) medieval princess, / beyond him you started to air Catalan pop-rock music, always stay there.’23 but not punk-rock. Together with Despite the increasing number of what has been pointed out till now, Catalan pop-rock works published it should also be mentioned that since 1985 (ACIC, 2007), the huge the local cultural industry aimed to potency of the Spanished rock’n’roll strengthen teenage fans’ phenomenon produced in the suburban Barcelona by supporting those groups that were was considered as a major problem just singing in Catalan, such as Sopa by the Catalan(ist) cultural industry, de Cabra, Sau, Els Pets, and Sangtraït which started to positively discriminate (Gendrau, 2000:215).

Figure 2. Sau (top left), Sopa de Cabra (top right), Els Pets (bottom left), and Sangtraït (bottom right) Sources: for Sau, www.yesfm.com [06/12/2011, 18:31 pm]; for Sopa de Cabra, www.culturacat.com [06/12/2011, 18:48 pm]; for Els Pets, www.elspets.cat [06/12/2011, 18:31 pm]; for Sangtraït, www. sangtrait.com [06/12/2011, 18:31 pm]. JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 11

As this author suggests, this has in the same language with been recently identified as the three which he studied and fought fundamental pillars explaining the with their parents. This is why great spatial diffusion of Catalan Catalan rock emerges, without pop-rock beyond the Metropolitan any kind of support from Area of Barcelona itself. However, the Catalan government: no some Catalan pop-rock musicians conspiracies, simply normality strongly continue to refuse that this (Lluís Gavaldà, a Roigé and kind of music was supported by the Abenoza, 2006:15). then conservative, nationalist Catalan Why did Els Pets’ leader, Lluís Government: Gavaldà, implicitly quote subsidism? It is so simple that there was an On 15 December 1988, new Loquillo audience that did mathematics y Los Trogloditas LP was recorded live in Catalan, played in Catalan at Sala Zeleste. After 2 years following at the school, saw television this legendary mass rock’n’roll in Catalan, and needed music concert, the Catalan pop-rock boomed to get drunk in Catalan, and (see Figure 3). make love ... go to concerts

Figure 3. Evolution of discographic works edited by the most important Catalan Rock groups: Duble Buble, Bars, Sopa de Cabra, Sau, els Pets, Ja T’ho dire, and Sangtraït (1985–2005) Source: Nofre, J. (2011). Data provided by Roigé and Abenoza (2006) and the Association of Singers in Catalan (ACIC, 2007). 12 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

In 1989, Sopa de Cabra, Els Pets, manage Catalan pop-rock concert and Bars released their own LPs in Palau Sant Jordi [Barcelona, homonimously entitled, while Sau 14th June 1990] was motivated released No puc deixar de fumar by the demand of promoters and Per la porta de servei. In 1990, themselves who call for Catalan Menorca-born group, Ja T´ho Diré, Government to take responsibility also launched a homonimously LP. for paying any possible losses On the other hand, Sau again released (Gendrau, 2000:225). (Quina nit), similar to Sangtraït (Terra In fact, a well-established music de vents) and Sopa de Cabra (La roda). industry helped to consolidate Catalan In fact, between 1989 and 1990, nine pop-rock as a sociological phenomenon works produced by those groups were largely owing to the quasi-fully launched, which were later considered supported public subventions given by as major references for Catalan pop- the Ministry of Culture of the Catalan rock. Moreover, a Catalan(ist) pop-rock Government. However, it was also mass concert took place in Barcelona favored by the use of free advertising on 14 June 1990, where they played spaces assigned by the Catalan Public all the then greatest Catalan pop-rock Radio and Television Broadcasting25 groups, namely Sopa de Cabra, Sau, Els (Gendrau, 2000:225). However, since Pets, and Sangtraït. This mass concert 2000, Catalan pop-rock that succeeded was organized in response to an earlier in the 1990s began to wane. Music mass concert of Spanished rock’n’roll companies, such as Emi, Picap, Disc held in Sala Zeleste, in which Medi, and Salseta Discos yielded to Loquillo y Los Trogloditas presented a new main music company, Música their new LP. During 1991, six LPs, Global.26 In this period of transition, particularly targeting nationalist, some folkie voices have been claimed independent young middle classes to come back to authenticity as from the wealthiest neighborhoods of Catalan pop-rock finally failed in the the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona, institutional-supervised adventure of the so-called ‘the great market,’ were attracting young people (Lara, 2007). released. However, what role did the Catalan Government play in creating a music industry that primarily aimed A suburban response against at producing, promoting, as well Catalan(ist) pop-rock distributing only Catalan pop-rock? What role did it play in supporting As previously pointed out, the private music companies, such as contingent of Spanish immigrants Audiovisuals de Sarrià, DiscMedi, (more than one million individuals), Ariola, Música Global, Picap, among who mainly came along the period of the other minor companies? The 1940–1975 after the Spanish Civil War, former question can be addressed should not be underestimated. While with the argument by Lluís Gendrau Spanish fascist regime folklorized most (2000:225): of the artistic expressions belonging to That so fiercely criticized the former Spain peripheries, such as institutional intervention to Catalonia, Valencian Country, Vasque JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 13

Country, and Galiza, flamenco music the Barcelona ruling classes living in was commodified and nationalized the inner city (Nofre 2009a; 2009b; as ‘the only true Spanish culture,’ but 2010; 2011).29 Indeed, their cultural censuring most of its protest-related consumption strongly holds Spanish lyrics. Therefore, the then Spanish nationalist symbolism, which ‘clashes’ fascist regime created a new flamenco- with Catalanist symbolism present in like music under the umbrella of the so- most of the official products promoted called national flamenquism (Álvarez by the cultural industry in Catalonia. Caballero, 1992), which was much Hence, Spanish nationalist symbols more festive, even carnivalesque, used by ‘cholos’ and ‘cholas’ belong to with no protest lyrics, as the so-called some cultural fields, such as garment, sevillanas. music, language, public space’s uses, Together with the commodification gastronomy, shopping, and nightlife and sanitation of the most festive (Nofre 2009a; 2009b; 2010; 2011). subtypes of flamenco, such as rumbas, A very good example that would what Franco’s regime termed as ‘Spain’s help to better understand what has true culture’ largely featured cultural been pointed out regarding flamenco- consumption of those individuals from like music consumption by ‘cholos’ Southern Spain who immigrated to the and ‘cholas’ is the case of Estopa. most important Iberian industrial areas, Wheter El Fary, Los Chichos, Lola such as Barcelona. For that reason, the Flores, or what is commonly-known fact that today, a very significant part as ‘sevillanas’ may be considered of the immigrants’ descendants in as symbols of national flamenquism Catalonia prefer Spanished or Latin created under the Spanish fascist music rather than Catalan music should government, and Estopa has nothing not be a surprise, and should be framed to do with this. Born in Cornellà de into a demand and consumption of Llobregat, a suburban city located in Spanishness faced with that Catalanist the Southern-side of the Metropolitan political-cultural hegemony (re) Area of Barcelona, Estopa emerged produced from the inner city, as it has in the late 1990s as a rock-rumba been previously mentioned. group. They rapidly became the Two of the most important most legitimized suburban voice in subcultures that have recently played the today’s Barcelona after the death of demands of this ‘Spanished’ suburban the suburban rock’n’roll scene in the otherness in Barcelona since the early Catalan capital. In fact, Estopa’s lyrics 1990s are the so-called ‘cholos’ (boys) usually deal with ‘the realities of the and ‘cholas’(girls). They are both street,’ in line with those lyrics written native-born working-class gypsy-like by punk and rock’n’roll groups from boys and girls aged between 13 and the suburbs of Barcelona in the late 25 years mostly living in Barcelona 1970s and early 1980s. suburbs,27 who take, transform, and enhance gypsy aesthetics28 and ethics to claim a suburban otherness, faced with the one that Catalanist, conservative identity (re)produced by 14 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

Figure 4. Estopa, a suburban rumba-rock group from Cornellà de Llobregat (Barcelona)

Note: Please note the bull printed in David’s t-shirt. This has become the most commodified new Spanish fascist symbol. Source: Estopa ® 20111.

Few lines about a couple of to get rid of such flamenco spaces in questions were launched: ‘Which which subversion emerged against music is produced for Barcelona’s the Spanish fascist regime (Alonso working classes?’ and ‘Which music do Carrillo, 1978; Gilmore, 1985). working classes use to consume?’ ‘Here Therefore, what some authors argue, you hear flamenkito (…). This a gypsy, suggesting to consider flamenco music a ‘cholo’ neighborhood, ou know?’ is as a ‘weapon of cultural resistance’ what Maria, a 17-year-old girl from a (Whitney, 1974) or an opposition to suburban small town near Barcelona the sociopolitical order established in answered.30 Perhaps, it should not be each historical period (Scott, 1990), too outrageous to wonder if what Maria may be useful to situate flamenco- said can be considered as a political like music consumption by young contestation to nationalist political- working-class people living in the cultural hegemony (re)produced by suburbs of Barcelona as an expression the Catalan administration. Some of a ‘contested’ suburban otherness flamencologists argue that flamenco against the Catalanist political-cultural only sings personal feelings, but hegemony (re)produced from the inner without political commitment, i.e., it city. In line with this, it should not is politically passive (Rodriguez, 1982; be overlooked that both commercial Gelardo Belade, 1985; Garcia Chicón, flamenco and flamenco-like music 1987; Herrero, 1991; Washabaugh, were conceived as the very essence 2005). If so, it would make no sense of the commonly known ‘Pure Spain’ that along the 1980s, the Catalan (Álvarez Caballero, 1992). This fact Government was committed to would explain why today’s Spanished eliminate flamenco taverns by means flamenco-like music consumption of cultural colonization, as mentioned by a significant part of Barcelona’s earlier. Paradoxically, the then native-born suburban young working nationalist Catalan government wanted classes has actually become a highly JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 15 politicized duality, such as Spanish Far from disappearing, social culture vs. Catalan culture, suburbs inequalities in Barcelona have re- vs. inner city, margins vs. center, and drawn its borders throughout its urban working classes vs. upper-middle and metropolitan space, resulting in classes. a ghettoization of spaces of cultural consumption. In fact, this could be seen as a failure of integration policies and Conclusions marginalizing of new opportunities for local and global social justice. Thus, Drawing parallels with Lily Kong’s new ‘contested’ spaces emerged, (1995) work, this study has explored claiming an alterity, and shaping new how music in Catalonia was used to topographies of urban and suburban express both resistance and hegemony. power. Is de-politicized youth simply This study has shown how the creation a fantasy? of a new Catalan(ist) music scene in Today’s music scenes in most of Barcelona by the nationalist Catalan the post-Fordist cities seem to be Government in the 1980s and 1990s dominated by a persuasive agenda aimed at combating those Spanished for the bourgeois-like re-politicization music scenes that sounded in Barcelona of youth. It is about music scenes working-class suburbs, particularly, whose lyrics, aesthetics, and semiotics the punk and rock’n’roll music constantly aim to de-activate the so- whose lyrics usually denounced bad called ‘working-class question’ by daily living conditions in Barcelona setting up a carnivalesque atmosphere working-class suburbs. providing better – but false – living Undoubtedly, cultural consumption conditions; i.e., a false evasion of the may indicate politicized protests. real world. Hence, today’s commercial In the case explored in this study, music scene emerges in post-Fordist the emergence of social resistances, cities as that space where de-politicized especially expressed through music youth subcultures express their consumption and production, has fears about the self, the future, and become a part of the ‘Spanished’ the enigmatic otherness. This is the suburban identity that strongly protests very nature of the politics of today’s against the official Catalan identity commercial music. reproduced by the ruling classes of the Catalan capital. The fact that still today flamenco and flamenco-like Endnotes music are vetoed in all Catalan public radio stations (Nofre, 2009b) allows to d1dInformation quoted in Marfany, J.Ll. state that social cohesion in Barcelona (1987). ‘‘Al damunt deIs nostres cants and its metropolitan area is currently ...’: nacionalisme, modernisme i cant questionable in spite of several efforts coral a la Barcelona del final de segle,’ carried out by the local and Catalan Recerques: història, economia, cultura, 19: administration in the past decades to 85-113. [Available online at: http://www. reinforce social cohesion in the Catalan raco.cat/index.php/Recerques/article/ capital (Nofre, 2009a; 2009b). viewFile/137642/241453, 06/28/2011, 16 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

13:16 pm]. Valencian Country (Southern Catalonia), d2dAs Get up for your rights or Don’t give who sang against the Spanish fascist up your fight, by Bob Marley. regime. d3dFor further information on traditional d12dIn fact, there were many meetings British working-class masculinity, see where boneheads and punk joined together George Orwell’s (1937) book ‘The Road to largely due to similar tastes in music and Wigan Pier.’ football. For further information, see d4dCançó Catalana in original. JoniD (2011). d5dExtracted from Biografía de Loquillo y d13dFor example: ‘What bothered us is Los Trogloditas. For further information, that City Council spent on facilities that see: http://www.loquillo.com/index1.html no one had asked and not on venues we d6dFirst punk groups in Great Barcelona were claiming since several years ago. were Peligro, La Banda Trapera del Río, That venues would have served to practise Basura, Morimer, Rock Fumeta, and music’ (JoniD, 2011: 82, quoting La Marxa. At the end of the 1970s, many Vanguardia 19/5/1982). other punk groups were born, such as d14dOriginal: ‘Y ahora nos ven pasar/ Último Resorte, Flee Handmade, Clinic convencidos de poder escapar/del destino Humanoyds, Ruidos Molestos, Disturbio, que les pudo atrapar/maldiciendo nuestra Kangrena, GRB, Attak, and L’Odi Social. identidad.’ From the song ‘Ser o no ser,’ d7dL’Odi Social, Kangrena, Shit SA, Los tiempos estan cambiando (Cúspide- Epidemia, Vómitos Clandestinos, Tritón, 1980). Atentado, BOE, Fimosis, Frenopaticss, d15dOriginal: ‘Una lástima lo del Residuos Nukleares, Desechables, Coitus Bourbon/a manos de críticos de Rock/ Interruptus, Attak, Kaoss, Napalm, Vuestra autopistas,calles, qué se yo/no nací en los Puta Madre, Santa Alianza, Los Bastardos U.S.A. nací en el Clot.’ From the song de la Reina, Anti/dogmatikss, Subterranean ‘Chanel, cocaína i Don Perignon.’ Los Kids, Extrema Unción, 7 Pies Bajo Tierra, tiempos estan cambiando (Cúspide-Tritón, Antimanguis, Piorreah, Código Neurótico, 1980). Síndrome Tóxico, Disturbio, Cristian Dios, d16dArticle originally published in Amat, Monstruación, Decibelios, etc. K. (2011). d8dWhat JoniD related in his oral history of d17dAlthough it will not be treated in punk has nothing to do with what official this study, it would be very interesting (and Catalanist) music historians, such in further studies to observe how police as Karles Torra and Pep Blay, stated by repression and cultural strategies for devaluating what both punk and rock’n’roll urban renewal in Barcelona downtown scenes meant in the Catalan capital in the have been linked since the Catalan capital 1980s. was elected to host the Olypmic Games d9dThe term ‘chiruquero’ comes from in 1992. The following two newspaper ‘Chiruca’®, a hiking-branded shoes articles show how skinheads acted as originally manufactured in Catalonia. parapolice forces: ‘El Raval, escenario de d10dMount Canigó (2.784 m) is located violentas peleas entre grupos de punks y at the French side of Catalonia, separated skin heads’ (La Vanguardia, 21 de gener, from Catalonia in 1659. 1986, p.?); ‘Batalla de bandas de jóvenes d11dRaimon (Xàtiva, 1940–) is one of en Barcelona’ (El Periódico de Catalunya, the most important folkies born in the 28 de Abril de 1986, p.3), quoted in JoniD JORDI NOFRE The Role of Catalan(ist) Pop-Rock Music | 17

(2011:100-5). medieval,/rere ell sempre hi ets tu,’ from d18dThis was already pretended by the their song ‘Turquesa.’ Noucentism project in the earlier twentieth d24dIn line with this strategy, it should be century. For further information, see quoted that the punk radio broadcasting Marfany, J.Ll. (1995), Duarte, A. (1999) corporations, such as RadioPICA, was and Ucelay-DaCal (2003) closed during the lat years of the 1980s d19dL’Empordà, a rural county located by the nationalist and conservative at northern Catalonia. Original: ‘Anar a government of Catalonia (JoniD, 2011). l’infern no m’interessa / és molt més bonic d25dCorporació Catalana de Ràdio i l’Empordà,’ from their song ‘L’Empordà’, Televisio (CCRTV), in Catalan. LP ‘Sopa de Cabra,’ 1989, Barcelona, d26dMúsica Global Co. was created in Salseta Discos. 1993 coinciding with Ja T’ho Diré and d20dOriginal: ‘El cel és un somni/on ell hi Sopa de Cabra LP’s realeases (Gendrau, vol arribar,/els núvols les seves muntanyes/ 2000:215). This music company, together el sol l’horitzó llunyà,’ from their song ‘El with the Catalan Public Television, has vol de l’home ocell.’ LP: ‘Sangtraït’, 1988, recently managed Rock&Cat, The Movie, Barcelona, Picap. which relates the history of Catalan rock. d21dThis medievalist conception of the d27dIn Catalan context, the origin of the history of Catalonia was invented by the term ‘cholo’ has no connections with the Catholic Church that played a key role in American Indian ancestry as well as the recovering Medieval Age as the origins Mexican-Californian modern usage. of the Catalan nation. Although this was d28dFor a definition about gypsy aesthetics, not widely published, it was wonderfully see Washabaugh (2005). depicted by Victor Balaguer in his romantic d29dHistorically lower-class gypsies have view about the national history of Catalonia been marginalized in Catalonia since the (Duarte, 1999:143). Modern Age; both ‘cholos’ and ‘cholas’ are d22dBorn in Constantí (Southern Catalonia), examples of social and cultural resistance Original: ‘Som un grup de poble.’ Lluís in a hegemonic cultural environment. Gavaldà, a Roigé, and Abenoza (2006:29). d30dM. 17 y.o., from Canovelles. Present d23dOriginal: ‘Per`em queda aquell informal interview carried out on April 21, turquesa de la mar/que em brindava la 2007. màgia dels teus ulls,/era tret d’una donzella

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