Law in Conflict: the Technological Transformation of War and Its
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The Effectiveness of Influence Activities in Information Warfare
The Effectiveness of Influence Activities in Information Warfare Cassandra Lee Brooker A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Research School of Business May 2020 Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname : BROOKER Given Name/s : CASSANDRA LEE Abbreviation for degree : MRes Faculty : UNSW Canberra School : School of Business Thesis Title : The Effectiveness of Influence Activities in Information Warfare Abstract Rapid, globalised power shifts, technological advances, and increasingly interconnected, ungoverned communications networks have resulted in the rise of asymmetric grey zone threats. The lines are now blurred between political, civil, and military information environments. The rise of influence activities is the new ‘sharp power’ in information warfare (the iWar). Western democracies are already at war in the information domain and are being out-communicated by their adversaries. Building on the commentary surrounding this contemporary threat, and based on a review of the literature across three academic disciplines of: Systems Thinking, Influence, and Cognitive Theory; this study aimed to investigate solutions for improving Australia’s influence effectiveness in the iWar. This study asked how systems thinking can offer an effective approach to holistically understanding complex social systems in the iWar; as well as asking why understanding both successful influencing strategies and psychological cognitive theories is central to analysing those system behaviours. To answer the aim, a systems thinking methodology was employed to compare two contrasting case studies to determine their respective influencing effectiveness. The successful case system comprising the terrorist group ISIS was compared and contrasted with the unsuccessful case system of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 election campaign – using a single stock of influence to determine relevant reinforcing and balancing feedback. -
Taming the Trolls: the Need for an International Legal Framework to Regulate State Use of Disinformation on Social Media
Taming the Trolls: The Need for an International Legal Framework to Regulate State Use of Disinformation on Social Media * ASHLEY C. NICOLAS INTRODUCTION Consider a hypothetical scenario in which hundreds of agents of the Russian GRU arrive in the United States months prior to a presidential election.1 The Russian agents spend the weeks leading up to the election going door to door in vulnerable communities, spreading false stories intended to manipulate the population into electing a candidate with policies favorable to Russian positions. The agents set up television stations, use radio broadcasts, and usurp the resources of local newspapers to expand their reach and propagate falsehoods. The presence of GRU agents on U.S. soil is an incursion into territorial integrity⎯a clear invasion of sovereignty.2 At every step, Russia would be required to expend tremendous resources, overcome traditional media barriers, and risk exposure, making this hypothetical grossly unrealistic. Compare the hypothetical with the actual actions of the Russians during the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Sitting behind computers in St. Petersburg, without ever setting foot in the United States, Russian agents were able to manipulate the U.S. population in the most sacred of domestic affairs⎯an election. Russian “trolls” targeted vulnerable populations through social media, reaching millions of users at a minimal cost and without reliance on established media institutions.3 Without using * Georgetown Law, J.D. expected 2019; United States Military Academy, B.S. 2009; Loyola Marymount University M.Ed. 2016. © 2018, Ashley C. Nicolas. The author is a former U.S. Army Intelligence Officer. -
Psychological Operations (PSYOPS)
Archived Content Information identified as archived on the Web is for reference, research or record-keeping purposes. It has not been altered or updated after the date of archiving. Web pages that are archived on the Web are not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards. As per the Communications Policy of the Government of Canada, you can request alternate formats on the "Contact Us" page. Information archivée dans le Web Information archivée dans le Web à des fins de consultation, de recherche ou de tenue de documents. Cette dernière n’a aucunement été modifiée ni mise à jour depuis sa date de mise en archive. Les pages archivées dans le Web ne sont pas assujetties aux normes qui s’appliquent aux sites Web du gouvernement du Canada. Conformément à la Politique de communication du gouvernement du Canada, vous pouvez demander de recevoir cette information dans tout autre format de rechange à la page « Contactez-nous ». CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE / COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 33 / PCEMJ 33 EXERCISE/EXERCICE New Horizons Core Requirements for the Successful Development of a Psychological Operations Capability for the Canadian Forces By /par LCol M. K. Purcell This paper was written by a student attending the Canadian Forces College in fulfilment of one of the requirements of the Course of Studies. The paper is a scholastic document, and thus contains facts and opinions, which the author alone considered appropriate and correct for the subject. It does not necessarily reflect the policy or the opinion of any agency, including the Government of Canada and the Canadian Department of National Defence. -
The Humanitarian Impact of Drones
THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES The Humanitarian Impact of Drones 1 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES © 2017 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom; International Contents Disarmament Institute, Pace University; Article 36. October 2017 The Humanitarian Impact of Drones 1st edition 160 pp 3 Preface Permission is granted for non-commercial reproduction, Cristof Heyns copying, distribution, and transmission of this publication or parts thereof so long as full credit is given to the 6 Introduction organisation and author; the text is not altered, Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, transformed, or built upon; and for any reuse or distribution, these terms are made clear to others. and Elizabeth Minor Edited by Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, Elizabeth Minor, and Allison Pytlak. Impacts Thank you to all authors for their contributions. 1. Humanitarian Harm This publication is supported in part by a grant from the 15 Foundation Open Society Institute in cooperation with the Jessica Purkiss and Jack Serle Human Rights Initiative of the Open Society Foundations. Cover photography: 24 Country case study: Yemen ©2017 Kristie L. Kulp Taha Yaseen 29 2. Environmental Harm Doug Weir and Elizabeth Minor 35 Country case study: Nigeria Joy Onyesoh 36 3. Psychological Harm Radidja Nemar 48 4. Harm to Global Peace and Security Chris Cole 58 Country case study: Djibouti Ray Acheson 64 Country case study: The Philippines Mitzi Austero and Alfredo Ferrariz Lubang 2 1 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES Preface Christof Heyns 68 5. Harm to Governmental It is not difficult to understand the appeal of Transparency Christof Heyns is Professor of Law at the armed drones to those engaged in war and other University of Pretoria. -
New Challenges to the Traditional Principles of the Law of War Presented by Information Operations in Outer Space
Journal of Politics and Law March, 2009 New Challenges to the Traditional Principles of the Law of War Presented by Information Operations in Outer Space Jia Huang Graduates’ Team School of Humanities and Social Sciences National University of Defense Technology 47 Yan Wa Chi Street, Changsha 410073, China E-mail: [email protected] Abstract With the rapid development of space information technology and constant advancement of militarization of outer space, the legal aspects of information operations in outer space have aroused the attention of international community. Information operations in outer space have brand-new features and means, which are apparently different from those of traditional operations, thus challenging almost all major aspects of the traditional principles of the warfare law. This paper makes a pilot study on challenges to the traditional principles of the law of war against the background of information operations in outer space from the following three aspects of the regulations in the law of war: Jus ad Bellum, Jus in Bello and neutrality. Keywords: Information operations in outer space, The law of war 1. Introduction The law of war is a branch of international law. It is a combination of promissory principles, regulations and systems that adjust the relationship between each side of belligerents and between belligerents and nonbelligerents, regulate the conduct of operations during the process of war and armed conflict. The current principles and regulations of the law of war are mainly embodied in the system of “Hague Law”, “Geneva Law” and the U.N. Charter. The Hague Conventions and Geneva Conventions established the basic principles of the law of war such as military necessity, discrimination, proportionality, avoiding superfluous injury and unnecessary suffering, prohibition against indiscriminate weapons, prohibition against perfidy, and protecting the rights and interests of neutral powers and persons. -
Civilians in Cyberwarfare: Conscripts
Civilians in Cyberwarfare: Conscripts Susan W. Brenner* with Leo L. Clarke** ABSTRACT Civilian-owned and -operated entities will almost certainly be a target in cyberwarfare because cyberattackers are likely to be more focused on undermining the viability of the targeted state than on invading its territory. Cyberattackers will probably target military computer systems, at least to some extent, but in a departure from traditional warfare, they will also target companies that operate aspects of the victim nation’s infrastructure. Cyberwarfare, in other words, will penetrate the territorial borders of the attacked state and target high-value civilian businesses. Nation-states will therefore need to integrate the civilian employees of these (and perhaps other) companies into their cyberwarfare response structures if a state is to be able to respond effectively to cyberattacks. While many companies may voluntarily elect to participate in such an effort, others may decline to do so, which creates a need, in effect, to conscript companies for this purpose. This Article explores how the U.S. government can go about compelling civilian cooperation in cyberwarfare without violating constitutional guarantees and limitations on the power of the Legislature and the Executive. * NCR Distinguished Professor of Law and Technology, University of Dayton School of Law. ** Associate, Drew, Cooper & Anding, P.C., Grand Rapids, Michigan. 1011 1012 Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law [Vol. 43:1011 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................. -
Information Operations, Information Warfare, and Computer Network Attack Their Relationship to National Security in the Information Age
IV Information Operations, Information Warfare, and Computer Network Attack Their Relationship to National Security in the Information Age Daniel T. Kuehl· Introduction hat is "information warfare"? Is it nothing more than a bumper W sticker, used as a "quick fix" rescue for budgets and programs that find it useful to attach themselves to the hot new concept? Is it such a revolu tionary new amalgam of technologies and concepts that old and traditional forms of warfare are soon slated to fall into the same receptacle in which out moded military technologies such as the catapult and war galley slumber? Is warfare as we understand it, featuring "blast, heat, and fragmentation," about to become obsolete?1 The intent of this brief introduction to information warfare (IW) and information operations (10) is to both explore these issues and present the thesis that they are best understood in light of the environment in which they take place-the information environment-and to explore the relation ship of that environment to the specific topic on which this book is focused, computer network attack. Information Operations, Inforntation Warfare, and Computer Network Attack What is Information Warfare? A useful starting place is to trace the evolution of the term information warfare itsel£ The earliest use of the term in the United States probably origi nated in the Office of Net Assessment, where in the 1970s Dr. Tom Rona was investigating the relationships among control systems, a field known as cyber netics. Dr. Rona described the competition between competing control systems as "information warfare," in the sense that control systems can be described as the means for gathering, processing, and disseminating information, processes which can be diagrammed and described with flow and feedback charts of mind-numbing dryness and complexity.2 In 1993 the Department of Defense published an official definition for the term, in a highly classified DoD Directive, TS3600.1. -
Efraim Karsh
EFRAIM KARSH Contact: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] PRESENT POSITIONS Director, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University Professor Emeritus of Middle East and Mediterranean Studies, King’s College London. Personal website Professor of Political Studies, Bar-Ilan University Principal Research Fellow, Middle East Forum, Philadelphia PREVIOUS POSITIONS Professor of Middle East and Mediterranean Studies, King’s College London, 1996- October 2014 Founding Director, Middle East & Mediterranean Studies, King’s College London, 1994-2010 (currently Institute of Middle Eastern Studies): Offers postgraduate research and teaching on the history, politics, economics and international relations of the Middle East and the Mediterranean. Currently includes 12 fulltime members of staff, 18 visiting fellows, and some 200 students Director, Middle East Forum, Philadelphia, 2011-12 Reader (Associate Professor) in War Studies, King’s College London, 1992-96 Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in War Studies, King’s College London, 1989-92 Senior Research Fellow, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, Tel-Aviv University (currently the Institute for National Security Studies), 1984-89 Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Political Science, Tel-Aviv University, 1986-89 Director of Studies in International Relations, Israel’s Open University, 1982-85 Intelligence Analyst, Israel Defense Forces (IDF), attained rank of Major, 1974-81 VISITING POSITIONS First Nachshon Visiting Professor in Israel Studies, Harvard University, Fall Semester 2003 Starr Fellow in Jewish Studies, Harvard University, Spring Semester 2003 Visiting Professor, Universite Assas 2, Sorbonne, Fall 1999 Visiting Professor of Political Science, Columbia University, Summer Semester, 1989, 1990 1 Research Fellow, Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, Wilson Center, Washington D.C., February 1988 Participant in the International Visitor Program, U.S. -
The Power to Wage War Successfully
THE POWER TO WAGE WAR SUCCESSFULLY MattheW C. Waxman* A century ago and in the midst of American involvement in World War I, future Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes delivered one of the most influential lectures on the Constitution in wartime. In it he uttered his famous axiom that “the power to wage war is the power to wage war successfully.” That statement continues to echo in modern jurisprudence, though the background and details of the lecture have not previously been explored in detail. Drawing on Hughes’s own research notes, this Article examines his 1917 formulation and shows how Hughes pre- sciently applied it to the most pressing war powers issues of its day— namely, a national draft and intrusive federal economic regulation. Though critical to supporting American military operations in Europe, these were primarily questions about Congress’s domestic authority—not the sorts of interbranch issues that naturally come to mind today in thinking about “waging war.” This Article also shows, however, how Hughes struggled unsuccessfully to define when war powers should turn off or revert to peacetime powers. The story of Hughes’s defense of (and later worry about) expansive wartime powers in World War I sheds much light on present constitutional war powers and debates about them, including in the context of indefinite and sweeping wars against transnational terrorist groups. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 614 I. OUR “FIGHTING CONSTITUTION” ......................................................... -
Misinformation, Disinformation, and Malinformation During the COVID-19 / SARS-Cov-2 Pandemic
Misinformation, Disinformation, and Malinformation During the COVID-19 / SARS-CoV-2 Pandemic Submission to the Senate Select Committee on Foreign Interference through Social Media 19th June, 2019 Dr Carlo Kopp Biological versus Digital Pandemics Australia, like other democracies, has suffered from a deluge of misinformation, disinformation and malinformation related to the COVID-19 / SARS-CoV-2 pandemic1. Like other democracies, this deluge of falsehoods has produced social discord and adversely influenced public understanding of the pandemic, and how to deal with these unusual and challenging circumstances. Foreign nation states and non-state actors have been major producers of these falsehoods and therefore merit close attention. The best starting point for appreciating the potential and actual impacts of the digital COVID-19 / SARS-CoV-2 pandemic is to explore the remarkable similarities between the spread of deceptive content in digital media, and biological pandemics. Jointly with Drs Korb and Mills, the author2 published research in late 2018 that exposes both the sensitivity of a population to the effects of “fake news”, and the sensitivity of “fake news” to costs incurred, leading us to subsequently provide evidence to the UK Parliament’s DCMS Select Committee’s Inquiry on Disinformation and ‘Fake News’, and the JSCEM in Australia. Many observations in this submission are drawn from that evidence. An important finding from our 2017-2018 research effort was that deceptive messaging in social media can produce serious disruption in consensus forming behaviors in groups of users. Since democracies rely upon some degree of consensus to function, these disruptive effects can produce impacts out of all proportion to the effort invested in producing them. -
Observations on Misinformation, Disinformation, and Malinformation
EMC Submission No 79 Received 29 September 2020 Observations on Misinformation, Disinformation, and Malinformation in Digital Media Submission to the Electoral Matters Committee of the Parliament of Victoria 29th September, 2020 Dr Carlo Kopp The deluge of misinformation, disinformation and malformation that pervades digital media1 of all type has been justifiably labelled a pandemic2. Australia, like other democracies, has not been immune: this deluge of falsehoods has produced social discord and adversely influenced public understanding of a wide range of policy matters, most recently the SARS-CoV-2 / COVID-19 pandemic. Foreign nation states and non-state actors have both been major producers of these falsehoods and therefore merit close attention – both have arguably produced impacts on major votes overseas and we should expect to see spillover effects in Australian federal and state politics due to the globalised distribution of content in digital media. The author has been conducting research in Information Warfare since the early 1990s, and since 1999 has explored how to mathematically model deceptions such as “fake news” and their impacts on large and complex social systems. Jointly with Drs Korb and Mills the author published research in late 2018 that exposed both the sensitivity of a population to the effects of “fake news”, and the sensitivity of “fake news” to costs incurred, leading us to subsequently provide evidence to the UK Parliament’s DCMS Select Committee’s Inquiry on Disinformation and ‘Fake News’, and the JSCEM in Australia. Many observations in this submission are drawn from that evidence. Biological versus Digital Pandemics The best starting point for appreciating the potential and actual impacts of the deception pandemic in digital media is to explore the remarkable similarities between the spread of deceptive content in digital media, and biological pandemics. -
Malcolm Caldwell: Pol Pot’S Apologist
Malcolm Caldwell: Pol Pot’s Apologist Michael Ezra I Malcolm Caldwell, Scottish Marxist academic at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London (SOAS) was born in 1931. A lifelong man of the left, he had been the Chairman of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and a long-term member of the Labour Party [1] – even standing as a Labour candidate in the 1977 local elections in Bexley, Kent. [2] He had also been selected by Bertrand Russell to be on the founding board of a radical monthly magazine The Spokesman that was supported by the Russell Foundation. [3] He was known to make some absurd and preposterous prophecies, claiming that by the 1990s there would be no oil left in the world [4] and that by the mid-1980s, Scotland would be independent of England. [5] But Caldwell was most in his element when writing about ‘the demonstrated strengths of the communist system.’ [6] With a persuasive ability, he helped to transform at least one person’s ‘anti-authoritarianism – and love of ordinary people – into a fierce and angry communism.’ [7] Whilst he ultimately became known for his support for the Communist regime in Cambodia, [8] Pol Pot was not the only despotic dictator to garner his approval. Kim Il-Sung’s North Korea, Caldwell believed, was ‘an astonishing tribute not only to the energy, initiative and creativeness of the Korean people, but also to the essential correctness of the Juche line.’ No non-’free world’ country that he had visited (including China) had ‘impressed’ him more ‘in terms of its all-round economic achievements.’ [9] On a report of a trip he made to North Korea, his astute political analysis included the observation that ‘the female military uniform is quite attractive: fitted tunic and pleated skirt.’ [10] Caldwell had gone further than vocal critics against the war in Vietnam; he wanted North Vietnam to win.