A Domus in the Subura of Rome from the Republic Through Late Antiquity

Home , Argiletum, Domus, Forma Urbis Romae, Horti Lamiani, Monti (rione of Rome), Opus quadratum

ARTICLE

MARGARET M. ANDREWS

Abstract landscape of ancient Rome is fleeting at best. Most of The crypt of the church of Santi Sergio e Bacco on the structures that Rome’s large population inhabited Piazza Madonna dei Monti in Rome preserves the partial have been either lost or destroyed, leaving only a small remains of a Roman structure showing multiple building corpus of extant literary descriptions on which to base phases. Tuff piers approximately 5 m tall belong to the atrium of a republican atrium house, with the surround- our understanding of Rome’s residential urban fab- ing rooms reflected in the adjacent spaces of the modern ric. Many of these texts have become classic for their basement. During the Imperial period, this atrium was accounts of the potential perils and frustrations that closed off, and a bath complex was added in adjacent inhabiting and navigating the ancient streets could rooms. The rooms preserve marble revetment, figural bring.1 Figuring large among these descriptions is the painted plaster of various styles, and floors of opus sectile. As a residential structure with a long occupation history, neighborhood of the Subura, the area of the city that lay the house clarifies our impression of the lower Subura along the Argiletum within the valley below the eastern and its development as a neighborhood. When considered hills and extended eastward along the Clivus Subura- with other examples of atrium houses nearby, a standard nus (fig. 1). The written accounts indicate that the area lot size and house form for elite residential development was a residential and commercial zone, and its lower can be suggested for the Subura and the southern Viminal slopes during the Republican period. Later renovations half along the Argiletum was notoriously noisy, crowd- to the structure provide material evidence that a socially ed, and crime ridden. Martial, for example, harped mixed population continued to occupy the valley of the on its rampant prostitution, while Juvenal complained Subura, and they demonstrate the persistent importance about its barking dogs, butcher shops, and rickety of the Argiletum as the primary thoroughfare of the area structures prone to fire and collapse.2 The descriptions from the Imperial period through late antiquity.* of the Subura in literary sources are so vivid that the neighborhood has come to define the “other side” of introduction Rome in both the popular and scholarly imagination.3 Beyond the imperial residences of the Palatine To date, there has been little in the archaeological Hill, material evidence for the sprawling residential record of the area to complement or to nuance this

* I owe thanks to many people for their assistance in this the Archaeological Institute of America (Seattle, 2013). I am project. The permission to undertake and publish the study grateful to the members of both audiences for their insight- was given by priests of Santi Sergio e Bacco and Mirella Ser- ful questions and comments. I lastly thank the anonymous lorenzi of the Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologi- reviewers for the AJA for their perceptive critiques and sugges- ci di Roma. The Sisters Catechists of Saint Anne, who manage tions. All mistakes remain my own. All figures are my own un- the adjacent convent and hotel, provided access to the base- less otherwise noted; additional figures can be found under ment and to previous graphic documentation of the modern this article’s abstract on the AJA website (www.ajaonline.org). structure. Scholarly research was conducted almost entirely at 1 E.g., Juv. 3.5–9; Mart. 2.17, 6.66; Sen., Ep. 56.1–2; Suet., the American Academy in Rome (AAR) during my time there Vesp. 5.4. as a Rome Prize Fellow, and I thank the AAR, the AAR library 2 Gell., NA 15.1; Juv. 3.5–9, 11.51, 11.141; Mart. 5.22, 7.31, staff, and Susann Lusnia for their help and patience during 9.37, 10.94, 12.18; CIL 6 1953, 9284, 9399, 9491, 9526, 33862. the summer of 2012. I have benefitted immensely from con- For prostitution in particular, see Mart. 2.17, 6.66, 9.37, 11.61, versations about various aspects of the structure with Federico 11.78, 12.21; Pers. 5.30–3; Priapea 40; Prop. 4.7. Guidobaldi, Lothar Haselberger, Vincent Jolivet, Paolo Liver- 3 Gros and Torelli 1988, 70–2, 159; Zanker 1988, 139, 155; ani, Emanuele Papi, Gianni Ponti, Simonetta Serra, and Erik Favro 1996, 30, 176, 228; Greiner and Pelzl 1998, 64, 179; De- Varner, while Brian Rose, Lisa Fentress, and Kim Bowes have Laine 2000, 119; Aldrete 2004, 99, 171; Dyson 2010, 94, 135. offered especially helpful insights and support throughout In strictly popular culture, the Subura is highlighted as a slum the entire process. Portions of this study were presented at in HBO’s television series Rome; one of the primary lower-class the Incontro of the Associazione Internazionale di Archeolo- characters, the soldier Lucius Vorenus, resides there. gia Classica (Rome, 2011) and the 114th Annual Meeting of 61 American Journal of Archaeology 118 (2014) 61–90

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Fig. 1. Plan of the Subura in the Imperial period, with approximate extents of the neighborhood shaded in gray.

general impression of the Subura, its surroundings, If zones of continuous occupation can be problem- and the social dynamics within it. This gap in our atic for the survival of Roman structures, the opposite understanding of an important and well-known part tends to be true for the sites of churches within the city, of Rome’s ancient urban fabric can be attributed to which often preserve earlier pre-Christian structures. two principal factors. First, it is commonly assumed The Subura has no lack of such churches, particularly from the literary sources that a significant portion of on the surrounding hills. Sant’Agata dei Goti, Santa the area was occupied by lower-income residential Pudenziana, Santa Maria Maggiore, Santa Prassede, and commercial structures that lined narrow, wind- San Martino ai Monti, Santa Lucia, and San Pietro in ing streets and were constructed with lesser-quality Vincoli have all been investigated or excavated to some building materials and techniques.4 Second, the area degree, and most have indeed revealed considerable has witnessed continuous occupation for nearly two- evidence for Roman residential remains, showing that and-a-half millennia. Though its long life attests to the the hilltops were full of insulae and dom:s, often very persistent importance of the Clivus Suburanus and the large and elaborate ones.6 Argiletum and to the viability of the market that these Many of these early churches were located on the thoroughfares provided, the continuous occupation surrounding hills because much of the property do- has hindered the preservation of ancient structures.5 nated for early titular churches was owned by elites.7

4 As suggested by Gell., NA 15.1; Juv. 3.5–9. This ubiquitous ta Pudenziana: Krautheimer 1937–1970, 3:89–96; Guidobaldi idea is perhaps best and most commonly reflected by the con- 2002; Angelelli 2010. Santa Maria Maggiore: Magi 1972; Liv- ception of the back wall of the Forum of Augustus as a fire- erani 1988, 2010; Mols and Moormann 2010. Santa Prassede: wall meant to prevent the spread of fires that were so rampant Krautheimer 1937–1970, 3:239–40. San Martino ai Monti: among the presumably wooden structures of the Subura. Krautheimer 1937–1970, 3:97–104. Santa Lucia: Serlorenzi It has been most recently presented in the second episode 2004, 351–54. San Pietro in Vincoli: Krautheimer 1937–1970, (“Street Life”) of the BBC’s production Meet the Romans. 3:90–4; Colini and Matthiae 1966. 5 The only synthetic surveys of the archaeological remains 7 Scholarship on the phenomenon of the titular donations in this area of the city remain Coarelli (2003) and, to a lesser and the role of the elite in the process is vast. See Hillner degree, LTUR 4:379–83, s.v. “Subura” (Welch). (2006) for a fresh interpretation and a clear summary of how 6 Sant’Agata dei Goti: Krautheimer 1937–1970, 1:2–12. San- the argument developed throughout past scholarship.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 63 As a person emerged from the Subura and ascended it surfaces only a few times in medieval texts, and it the Clivus Suburanus and Vicus Patricius, he also seems to have been of little importance.14 The mon- ascended the social ladder, and the houses became astery was closed in the 15th century, but the church bigger and more grandiose.8 Rome’s physical topog- remained in use. The current structure dates to a mid raphy therefore generally corresponded to its social 18th-century renovation, and it has since then often topography: elites on the hills, lower classes in the less been called the Church of Madonna del Pascolo after valuable real estate of the valleys.9 Though the modern a painting discovered during the reconstruction.15 In neighborhood corresponding to the ancient valley of the mid 20th century, the structure was converted into the Subura now abounds with churches, most show no a Ukrainian national parish. clear phases earlier than the Early Medieval period, During a noninvasive examination of the church’s and many are attested only in later medieval written crypt that I carried out in the summer of 2012, it be- sources. Consequently, they have not been the subject came clear that a large Roman structure is preserved of the types of scholarly inquiry that their counterparts approximately 6 m below the current pavement of on the surrounding hills have enjoyed, since most stud- the modern church (fig. 3).16 In general, the Roman ies have focused largely on the more elite properties remains are characterized by a roughly square space of the titular churches.10 For most of the churches of (Room A), currently used as the crypt of the church, the lower Subura, we have only the brief descriptions and a room to the south (Room B) containing a se- found in Armellini’s Chiese di Roma, Hülsen’s Chiese di ries of smaller spaces, which seems to have served as Roma nel medio evo, or the Guide rionali di Roma.11 a bath complex. On the basis of the standing remains Among the many churches that have gone unex- and preserved decorative elements, the house seems to plored or undocumented in the lower Subura is Santi have been in use from the Republican period through Sergio e Bacco on Piazza Madonna dei Monti in the at least the fourth century C.E., with three principal heart of the modern Rione Monti and the ancient phases of renovation.17 Originally constructed as an neighborhood of the Subura (fig. 2).12 The earliest at- atrium house at the base of the Viminal Hill and in testation of its existence comes in the Liber Pontificalis the valley of the Subura during the republic, it was (2.24), where it appears as the “oratorio sanctorum later converted into a more extensive and architec- Sergii e Bacchii qui ponitur in Callinico,” listed among turally complex domus during the Imperial period the many churches to which Pope Leo III donated and was renovated again at some point in the fourth precious goods in 807.13 The origins of the church are century or later. During the Republican period, the obscure. After its appearance in the Liber Pontificalis, house stood north of the Argiletum and faced west

8 This spatial and social relationship is often made clear in eastern monastic community here in the late seventh or early literary sources, perhaps most explicitly in Juv., Sat. 11.50–1. eighth century, Cecchelli proposes that the exiled Callinicus 9 Other elaborate houses found on the eastern hills but not was housed here. The argument remains speculative, howev- associated with an ecclesiastical structure include but are not er, since by Cecchelli’s own admission, the sources for Callini- limited to the domus of Piazza dei Cinquecento (Barbera and cus’ Roman exile are much later. Paris 1997), the so-called Odyssey House on the Viminal Hill 14 For the sources, see Hülsen 1927, 463–64; Ferrari 1957, (Coarelli 1998), the House of Junius Bassus on the Esquiline 297–98. (Lugli 1932), and the Gardens of Maecenas (Häuber 1990). 15 Armellini 1887, 611; Hülsen 1927, 463–64; Barroero For an overview of these and other private dom:s found on 1978–1984, 52. Rome’s hilltops, see Dyson 2010, 220–25. 16 Working conditions were poor, as the crypt has no func- 10 The only exceptions are Santi Quirico e Giulitta (Krau- tioning lights. All documentation and examinations were theimer 1937–1970, 4:37–50; Corbett 1960; Guidobaldi 2007) therefore carried out manually by the light of a headlamp and and Sant’Agata dei Goti (Krautheimer 1937–1970, 1:2–12). a camera ﬂash. Both show Late Antique phases. 17 Since no excavation or analysis of the pottery and mate- 11 Armellini 1887; Hülsen 1927; Barroero 1978–1984. rials found loose in the basement has been carried out, the 12 Not to be confused with the more widely known but now phasing presented here is necessarily a relative one, relying lost Early Medieval diaconia of Santi Sergio e Bacco near the on stylistic aspects and trends in the decoration and building Arch of Septimius Severus in the forum. techniques to provide general date ranges for the major con- 13 The church received only a silver canister weighing 2 lbs. structive and renovation phases. Though a systematic study of The toponym “in Callinico” is used only for this church, and the loose materials currently stored in crates might provide it disappears after the mid 11th century. In one of the only more precise dates, we cannot be certain that this material scholarly treatments of the church, Cecchelli (1992) suggests originally belonged to the house, since none of it is still in situ. that “Callinico” derived from Callinicus I, ecumenical patri- Solid dates based on intact stratigraphy could only come from arch in Constantinople in the 690s, who may have been exiled excavation below the current basement ﬂoor, which seems to to Rome in 705. By retrojecting the dedication of the church belong to the Late Antique phase. to two eastern saints and hypothesizing the existence of an

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Fig. 2. Plan of the area surrounding Piazza Madonna dei Monti in modern Rome, with Santi Sergio e Bacco indicated in black.

Fig. 3. Plan of the basement level below Santi Sergio e Bacco, with the rooms containing Roman remains indicated with hatching.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 65 toward the ancient street corresponding to the mod- this wall similar to that along the northern wall. The ern Via dei Serpenti, likely the southern extension of use of lintel arches seems to date the initial phase of the ancient Vicus Longus. As a part of the imperial construction to the early first century B.C.E., when this renovations, however, it seems to have been reoriented construction technique became common in Rome.18 toward the Argiletum, which ran approximately 50 m Where the later plaster and revetment preparation to the south of it. has fallen away between the tuff piers on the north- Each building phase offers insights into the devel- ern wall, opus reticulatum with facing blocks of Aniene opment of both the structure itself and the broad- tuff is visible between them, indicating that in a sec- er physical and social fabric of the contemporary ond building phase, the wooden lintels between the neighborhood. With such a long and rich occupa- piers were removed and the openings between the tion history, the house provides a rare opportunity piers were actually blocked up. The opus reticulatum to incorporate many and various types of evidence extends as far down as approximately 2.5 m above the and methods for the study of Rome’s ancient topog- floor, suggesting that the blocked area spanned the raphy into the analysis. I present the remains below, entire height of the tuff piers and was not limited to proceeding chronologically through the building windows in the upper zone. It is impossible to know phases and discussing at each stage the importance whether the southern series of piers was also filled in, of the structural changes for the more general urban but it seems likely that this would have been the case. and social history of the area during each period. The The use of reticulate masonry reasonably indicates structure clarifies the growth of the Subura’s urban that this renovation dates to some point in the mid to fabric throughout antiquity, suggesting not only that late first century B.C.E.19 Why the openings between the neighborhood witnessed regular development the piers were filled in at this time is unknown, but with standard lot sizes in the first century B.C.E. but a redecoration campaign likely occurred at the same also that the Argiletum hosted persistent occupation time, consisting most probably of painted plaster of by wealthy property owners from the republic through which no traces survive. the Late Antique period. The original nature of the building in the Repub- lican period, before the piers were filled in, is ambig- the republican structure and the uous from the standing remains, since rows of opus development of the subura quadratum piers permit a wide range of interpretations. The Evidence and Its Interpretation Considered per se, the rows of monumental and well- The earliest visible phase of the Roman structure executed piers could understandably be seen as part below Santi Sergio e Bacco is represented by the piers of a public or utilitarian structure, such as a portico or of opus quadratum of Aniene tuff (Tufo Lionato) blocks a horreum, for which such a construction technique visible along the northern wall and in the southwest- was standard. For example, both the portico still vis- ern corner of Room A (figs. 4, 5). The piers reach ible just north of the Sant’Omobono sanctuary and just more than 5 m tall and are joined by lintel arches another along the Via Lata later incorporated into also of Aniene tuff, below which originally extended the church Santa Maria in Via Lata still show piers wooden lintels. At least one more pier stood beyond in opus quadratum of tuff and travertine.20 And while the current eastern wall of the room, as evidenced many horrea were constructed in concrete masonry, by the presence of the partial lintel arch spanning the original phase of the Horrea Agrippiana shows eastward from the pier in the northeastern corner. tuff opus quadratum as well.21 Another tuff pier, only partially preserved, is visible The extant piers in the structure below Santi Ser- in the southwestern corner. Though this is the only gio e Bacco, however, do not accord well with either a pier still visible in the southern wall of Room A, it is portico or a horreum. The piers are only 1.3 m wide, reasonable to reconstruct a series of tuff piers along framing openings that are only slightly wider and

18 On Aniene tuff, see Blake 1947, 31–2; Jackson and Marra to have begun in the late second century B.C.E. and to have 2006, 420. For the emergence of lintel arches in the early ﬁrst reached its apogee during the Augustan period; see, among century B.C.E., see Blake 1947, 223–24; Lugli 1957, 353–54, others, Lugli 1957, 489–513; Coarelli 1977, 10–18. Its chro- 358–59; DeLaine 1990, 410–17. The so-called House of Hor- nology and typology, however, is currently a matter of great tensius on the Palatine, later incorporated into the Area Apol- debate (e.g., Misiani 2005, 188–89, esp. n. 30). linis by Augustus, provides another example of lintel arches 20 For the portico near Sant’Omobono, see De Angelis used within a domestic context (Iacopi and Tedone 2006, d’Ossat 1934; Coarelli 1988, 239–40, 394–97. For Santa Maria 356, table 1.2). in Via Lata, see Sjöquist 1946, 48–95; Laurenti 1992. 19 The use of opus reticulatum in Rome is generally thought 21 Rickman 1971, 89–97; Bauer 1978.

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Fig. 4. Plan of the tuff piers belonging to the earliest phase of the Roman structure.

Fig. 5. Northern wall of Room A with tuff piers visible behind later decorative elements.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 67 exceedingly tall (1.50 x 4.75 m), leaving little room for storage or for maneuvering goods through the entrances and within the rooms themselves. More- over, and perhaps most tellingly, if the hypothetical southern row of piers is reconstructed with the same interaxial spacing as the northern row, the piers of each row do not align with one another, and if the interaxial distance is adjusted, the spaces between the piers of each row fall out of alignment. In short, the two rows of piers, separated from each other by a distance of approximately 7 m, were not intended to be symmetrical with each other, which seems to rule out identification as a civic, public, or utilitarian structure. Rather, the piers seem to fit better within a private, residential context.22 I suggest that they likely belonged to a large republican domus and, more specifically, to an atrium within it. This interpretation is evident not only in the form and arrangement of the piers themselves but also from the surrounding fabric of the modern basement in which the piers stand. The original extent of the room, as evidenced by the partial lintel arch visible in the northeast corner, reached beyond the later eastern wall. The piers thus framed a space that was clearly oriented along an east–west axis. Indeed, the plan of the modern basement shows that almost all the other rooms, which presumably occupy the area of the other ancient rooms surrounding Room A, are oriented along this axis as well, clearly relating to the modern Via dei Serpenti to the west (fig. 6). The Via dei Serpenti shows evidence for an Fig. 6. Plan of the ancient topographical situation (in black) ancient predecessor only at its northern end, on the overlaid on the modern urban fabric (in gray) surrounding Santi Sergio e Bacco. The dashed line represents the pro- southern slopes of the Quirinal Hill, where it appar- posed ancient predecessor of Via dei Serpenti, the south- 23 ently intersected with the ancient Vicus Longus. Since ern extension of the Vicus Longus, corresponding with the it lies precisely along the base of the valley between the base of the valley between the Quirinal and Viminal Hills. Quirinal and Viminal Hills, however, it seems reasonable to assume that it was the southern extension of the Vicus Longus and one of the main and likely old- est thoroughfares in the area in antiquity, as it still is, but largely the same.24 Furthermore, work by urban running all the way down the valley to the Argiletum. theorist and designer Saverio Muratori and his school The recent diachronic approach to Rome’s urban of followers, particularly Gianfranco Caniggia, has archaeology has concretely demonstrated that Rome shown how the historical layers of a city, including is a city of layers reflecting periods of development in Rome, were preserved in the modern urban fabrics which structures have been incorporated and rein- and how certain types of structures, particularly houses corporated into an urban context that is ever shifting and streets, have persisted throughout the long-term

22 The domus below Santa Cecilia in Trastevere and the 24 The sites of the Crypta Balbi and the imperial forums are structure found below Via Cimarra on the Viminal Hill both perhaps the best recent examples of this approach. The bibli- provide examples of opus quadratum piers used within domes- ography on the Crypta Balbi is ever growing. For an overview tic contexts, and both are dated to the first century B.C.E. See of the approach to urban archaeology taken in these excava- Parmigiani and Pronti (2004, 27–34, figs. 10, 21) and Ramieri tions and the finds that resulted from them, see Manacorda (1980, 29–34), respectively. 1985; Saguí 1993; Venditelli 2004. For the later phases of the 23 Lanciani 1990, pl. 22. Though Lanciani indicates that the imperial forums, see Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani excavations that uncovered the pavement were carried out in 1996, 77–97; 2004, 175–88. February of 1880, no published record of them can be found.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 68 MARGARET M. ANDREWS [AJA 118 processes of urban morphology at an even broader the doorways of the cubicula within the atrium of the scale, beyond individual monuments.25 Taking cues House of Sallust in Pompeii are the same width and from both archaeology and urban morphology and about 4 m tall.29 How the atrium below Santi Sergio e reading the “fabric” of the basement below Santi Ser- Bacco would have been roofed is unknown, since the gio e Bacco as a whole, we can see how the modern eastern extent and therefore the center of the room walls and spaces could reflect ancient counterparts where a compluvium and impluvium would likely have that surrounded Room A and, with it, formed a sin- been situated is uncertain. The use of lintel arches gle domus of the atrium type opening off the Via dei over wooden lintels suggests, however, that the height Serpenti (fig. 7). The modern shops at street level of the room extended a significant amount above the could indicate a series of ancient shops that stretched current extant height of the piers, since the lintel along the facade of the house, using as foundations arches would have served a relieving function above the walls of the ancient shops themselves. One of the the wooden lintels. The House of Sallust may again be two central rooms along the facade would have served instructive, since its tablinum alone reached more than as the fauces leading into the atrium within Room 1 m higher than its alae, which were in turn nearly 1 m A. Excavations below these shops in 1899 revealed a taller than its cubicula.30 For the structure below Santi fragment of a wall preserving three courses of opus Sergio e Bacco in Rome, it therefore seems that we can quadratum, which lend support to the antiquity of safely assume a similar situation in which the walls of the spaces along the Via dei Serpenti, and the similar the atrium extended at least a couple of meters above construction technique suggests that they belonged to the extant height of the lintel arches before reaching the same structure as Room A.26 To the east of Room the level of the roofing system.31 Based on the position A, a large modern space roughly on axis with Room of this atrium within the modern basement, the larger A stands as a viable candidate for a tablinum framed dimensions of the republican property would have by alae and flanked by what may have been dining corresponded to the space contained by the current rooms or other ancient spaces. It seems plausible to southern facade of the church along Piazza Madonna suggest, furthermore, that the ossuary installed in the dei Monti and, on the north, the east–west wall that center of the floor within Room A during the 1970s underlies the apse of the church and runs uninter- may have reused a cistern that was once connected to rupted from there to the east. These limits create a an impluvium or well within the atrium (fig. 8). It is lot approximately 16 m wide (ca. 54–55 Roman ft.). less likely that this ossuary reflects the position of the impluvium itself since it does not lie at the apparent The House in Its Urban Context center of the republican atrium, which would have Evidence for atrium houses throughout the Ital- been located slightly to the east.27 Fragments of ter- ian peninsula demonstrates that they had emerged racotta open-crested molding (fig. 9) of the type that as a distinctive architectural type clearly linked with usually crowned cornices were found among the loose Etruscan architecture by the late sixth century.32 By the debris still extant in the basement; these could have second century B.C.E., houses with interior configu- belonged to the cornice of a compluvium.28 rations showing fauces, alae, and tablina clearly cen- The scale of the atrium, with doors more than 5 m in tered on atria were common in colonial and trading height, is large but not unparalleled. For comparison, towns such as Pompeii, Fregellae, and Cosa.33 In Rome

29 25 Muratori et al. 1963; Caniggia 1973–1974; Malfroy 1998; Laidlaw 1976, fig. 2. 30 Cataldi et al. 2002; Maffei 2002. Laidlaw 1976; 1993, 220, figs. 4, 7, 8. 31 26 The location of the excavations is described as “Nel cor- The possibility that the space was covered by a concrete tile del casamento Cartoni, situato fra la via dei Serpenti e la vault can probably be excluded because of the combination chiesa dei SS. Sergio e Bacco in piazza degli Zingari” (Gatti of its span of 7 m and the fact that the opus quadratum walls are 1899). The opus quadratum here is identified as travertine, but only one course of blocks thick. 32 confusion between travertine and the more lithoid tuffs was For early examples, see most recently Sewell 2010, 123– quite common in late 19th- and early 20th-century reports. I 24, 126–27; Jolivet 2011, 67–91. 33 suspect such is the case here, especially since the tuff piers of For general discussions of the emergence of the atri- Room A have accumulated a white grime on their surface that um house as an architectural type, see Wallace-Hadrill 1997; could easily lead to their being mistaken for travertine. Sewell 2010, 122–30; Jolivet 2011. A few atrium complexes 27 Off-center impluvia are exceedingly rare, but the early dating to the Middle Republic have been found within vil- second-century B.C.E. atrium in the villa on the site of the lae rusticae in the suburbium of Rome (Carandini et al. 2006, auditorium on the Via Flaminia has been reconstructed with 252–68; Jolivet 2011, 95–7). For the houses of Cosa, see Bruno one, while another is preserved in Pompeii (VIII.5.9) (Caran- and Scott 1993; Fentress 2003, 14–25; Jolivet 2011, 115–17. dini et al. 2006, 253–56). For Fregellae, see most recently and most thoroughly Pesan- 28 Cf., e.g., Känel 2010, 266–67, esp. fig. 7. do 1997, 276–84; Jolivet 2011, 97–100.

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Fig. 7. Plan of the basement of the church of Santi Sergio e Bacco, with modern walls that likely reflect ancient walls indicated.

Fig. 8. The ossuary that currently lies at the center of Room Fig. 9. Fragment of open-crested molding found among the A. It possibly reuses an ancient cistern that lay below the debris of the building. This fragment may have belonged to pavement of the atrium. the crown molding of a compluvium.

itself, however, evidence for atrium houses is famously courtyard spaces similar to or derived from the Greek scarce. Recent scholarship has shown that many atria prostas house.34 Judging by these criteria, many of actually lacked impluvia and axial arrangements of Rome’s dom:s may have had atria, but the historical their interior spaces and were simply unroofed, central center of Rome nonetheless still lacks a large body

34 Wallace-Hadrill 1997.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 70 MARGARET M. ANDREWS [AJA 118 of evidence for houses showing the interior plan and occupation history would not have called for the rapid features that were so common to atrium houses in and convenient method of town planning that such a other cities. standardized urban system provided, but if the atrium The Palatine Hill preserves perhaps our only exam- house was so suitable for the kind of public display ples. The extensive excavations of Carandini along the that the Roman patronus needed and valued, its ap- hill’s northern slopes and the Via Sacra have shown pearance on the Palatine, so close to the forum, was walls that, with significant interpolation, have been fitting. Even if the earlier evidence for it in the capital reconstructed as archaic atrium houses, but only a few city is somewhat vague, Rome itself may have inspired of the reconstructed walls are actually substantiated the use of atrium houses as a means of regular plan- by archaeological remains.35 Impluviate atria within ning in its colonial towns.40 them are slightly better attested for the Middle Re- Though Rome has long lacked evidence of regular publican period, but the evidence is still slim, often planning for any point in its history and has been gen- only inferred from the hydraulic systems found within erally depicted, even in antiquity, as a city with hap- the properties.36 Late Republican examples, such as hazard, ad hoc, and irregular urban development, a the so-called House of Aemilius Scaurus, which con- more recent and more systematic focus on the city’s tained an elaborate tetrastyle atrium according to lit- residential archaeology has begun to overturn this erary sources, and the so-called House of Livia, farther view, at least for the Late Republican period.41 Housing to the west, survive only in their subterranean levels. lots of similar size and of regular arrangement have The forms of the atria that likely rose above them are been seen in the houses predating the later Domus therefore unknown.37 Whatever the reliability of the Tiberiana, where the earliest phases date to the late evidence for atria on the Palatine, a Middle Republi- second century B.C.E.42 Their construction has been can atrium recently excavated within the Roman villa connected to a phase of unified, rapid (re)develop- on the site of the auditorium along the Via Flaminia ment, perhaps one undertaken after a widespread demonstrates that the design was familiar to the area fire in 111 B.C.E.43 If correct, we can see the applica- immediately around Rome in the third and second tion of regular lot sizes as a means of efficient urban centuries B.C.E., even if we have only limited evidence development on the Late Republican Palatine in the for it in the city itself.38 same way that has been proposed for colonial towns. The rather sudden, widespread appearance of the But even without the connection to a historically at- atrium house in Italian towns during the Middle Re- tested civic disaster, the pre-imperial houses below public has been related to contemporary rapid urban the Domus Tiberiana demonstrate that the concept expansion within the context of colonization through- of regularly planned residential neighborhoods was out Italy. It was used along with smaller “row houses” not foreign to Rome. derived from the Greek prostas house to create uniform As a house likely constructed in the early first cen- housing units in new colonies, with the larger atrium tury B.C.E., the structure below Santi Sergio e Bacco is houses occupying larger, more prestigious properties not particularly relevant to the issue of the early pres- owned by elites and the row houses filling in the re- ence of atrium houses in Rome, but it contributes to an mainder of the urban fabric belonging to lower-class increasing body of evidence demonstrating both the occupants. The use of the two house types created a use of atrium houses and regular urban development convenient method for dividing the city into property beyond the Palatine in the Late Republic. It therefore units, while the use of atrium houses by the elites, with has significant implications for the nature of Rome’s their semipublic spaces in the atrium and tablinum, broader urban development during this period. The reflected the uniquely Roman emphasis on the so- house below Santi Sergio e Bacco is not the only ex- cial and political role of the patronus.39 Rome’s long ample of an atrium house in Rome of this date, since

35 Carandini 1990, 161–64; Carandini and Carafa 1995, 39 Nappo 1997; Wallace-Hadrill 1997; Sewell 2010, 126–36. 215–82. For the problems of their interpretation, see, among 40 Sewell 2010, 128–30, 134–36. others, Moormann 2001; Wiseman 2008, 271–92; Sewell 41 E.g., Cic., Leg. agr. 2.96; Livy 5.55.5; De Albentiis 1990, 2010, 124–26; Jolivet 2011, 68–72; Coarelli 2012, 287–89. 116. 36 Particularly in Houses 5, 7, and 8 (Carandini and Papi 42 Krause 2001; Coarelli 2012, 292–303. For the excavations 2005, 22–7, esp. 25, 41–3, 49–51). that have dated the structures, see Tomei-Filetici 2011, esp. 37 For the House of Aemilius Scaurus, see Plin., HN 36.5–7, 137–62. 114–15; Carandini 1988, 367–70; Coarelli 1989, 179–85; 2012, 43 Coarelli 2012, 297–303. The ﬁre is recorded only in Ob- 290–92; Jolivet 2011, 124. sequens 39. 38 Carandini et al. 2006.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 71 the well-known fragment 11e of the Forma Urbis Ro- mae, or the Severan Marble Plan, depicts three clear, adjacent examples of them.44 Indeed, the fragment shows a stretch of the upper Vicus Patricius, approximately 500 m up the Viminal Hill from the house below Santi Sergio e Bacco (fig. 10).45 The houses line the street, each one connected to it by a fauces that is not necessarily on axis with the rest of the property. The precise arrangement of rooms within each house varies, but the houses show the same lot size, atrium size, and general interior arrangement. In addition, each house contains a peristyle in the rear portion of the lot, which was a feature popularly added to atrium houses throughout the second century and early first century B.C.E.46 They stand out from the surrounding fabric for their consistency of size and form, and their strong resemblance in plan to republican atrium houses seems to suggest that they maintained their original design throughout the period between their Fig. 10. Fragment 11e of the Forma Urbis Romae (Severan Marble Plan), depicting a stretch of the Vicus Patricius lined construction and the creation of the Forma Urbis Ro- on the north by three adjacent atrium houses (courtesy the mae some three centuries later. Digital Forma Urbis Romae Project at Stanford University The general scale of the Forma Urbis Romae was and the Musei Capitolini, Sovraintendenza ai Beni Culturali 1:240. When checked against available archaeologi- del Comune di Roma). cal evidence, however, the actual scale of individual structures depicted on the plan usually varies from this by a range of 3–17%.47 In light of these discrep- depicted on the fragment were reduced approximate- ancies, Rodríguez Almeida has proposed that two dif- ly 10% from their actual dimensions. This variation ferent scales were used for the plan: a larger one for is within the typical range of scale manipulation and the public buildings, which were usually rendered in consistent with the observation that residential areas more architectural detail, and a smaller one for the were reduced to a smaller scale than public buildings residential fabric, which was reduced in size to allow or monumental zones. room for the larger scale of the public buildings.48 Correcting for this reduction, the original size and Although no archaeological evidence for any of the form of the republican atrium house below Santi three atrium houses depicted on fragment 11e of the Sergio e Bacco corresponds strikingly to the three Forma Urbis Romae has been recovered to provide atrium houses depicted along the Vicus Patricius on a reference for the scale of this fragment and the ac- the Forma Urbis Romae (fig. 11). This is a remarkable tual size of the houses, Lanciani gave measurements fit, considering the known errors in cartography and for a large porticoed structure excavated nearby and the problems of distortion across the irregular terrain clearly identifiable on adjacent Forma Urbis Romae that are pervasive throughout the plan.50 Not only does fragments.49 His measurements for this structure in- the width of the lot for the house below Santi Sergio e dicate that if the scale of the Forma Urbis Romae in Bacco match the lot size of the houses on the Severan this zone of the city was indeed 1:240, the structures as plan, but the size of the atrium as proposed for the

44 Fragment numbers are those of the online database cre- 48 Rodríguez Almeida 1975–1976, 270–71; see also Caret- ated by the Digital Forma Urbis Romae Project of Stanford toni et al. 1960, 206–7; Reynolds 1996, 65–6. University (http://formaurbis.stanford.edu) and Rodríguez 49 LTUR 1:114, s.v. “Area Candidi” (Coarelli); Lanciani Almeida’s (1980) categorization. 1891; De Caprariis 1987–1988, 116–18. The structure, which 45 Fragment 11e (fragment 543a according to the classifica- seems to have been more public than private in nature, has tion in Carettoni et al. 1960, 148). For its location along the been identified as the “Palace of Decius” or the “Area Candi- Vicus Patricius, see Rodríguez Almeida 1975–1976, 274–75, di” and is found on fragments 11f and 11g of the Forma Urbis fig. 8; 1980, 86–7; 1992, 66–8, figs. 15, 16. Romae. Its actual identification and function are ultimately 46 Dickmann 1997; Wallace-Hadrill 1997, 239; Sewell 2010, unknown, but the width of the area between the porticoes, as 135. reported by Lanciani (1891, 312), was 70 m. 47 Carettoni et al. 1960, 206–7; Harvey 1980, 130. 50 Reynolds 1996, 94–100.

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Fig. 11. Detail of westernmost house on Forma Urbis Romae fragment 11e, with the plan of the basement of Santi Sergio e Bacco superimposed at the same scale. Notable correspondences between likely ancient walls within the basement and the walls within the house on the Forma Urbis Romae fragment are highlighted.

former is practically identical in both width and depth side of the atrium, rather shallow alae within the atri- to the atrium depicted for the westernmost house on um, and a tablinum whose entrance lay farther to the the Severan plan. The tablinum in the Forma Urbis west (fig. 12, top); or one with four cubicula on either Romae house is only slightly smaller than the basement side of the atrium, rather deep alae behind the atrium, room interpreted as such in the house below Santi and a tablinum whose entrance was pushed farther Sergio e Bacco, while the tabernae in each example to the east (see fig. 12, bottom). Whether the rear show the same depths but considerable variation in portion of the house had a peristyle like those within widths. With the obvious exception of the wall con- the houses on the Forma Urbis Romae is unknown, structed across the atrium as a part of the later impe- but the correspondence in size and form of the front rial renovations, the only inconsistencies between the portion alone is certainly significant. westernmost house on the Forma Urbis Romae and the Two more examples of atrium houses from this proposed atrium house below Santi Sergio e Bacco are area can be added to the house below Santi Sergio e the smaller walls running north–south in the plan of Bacco and those on the Forma Urbis Romae: the ear- the modern basement. These were constructed as part liest phases of the structure below Santa Pudenziana of the systematization of the basement in the mid 20th and the structures below Via Cimarra/Via Ciancaleoni century and can be excluded from the basement walls (fig. 13). The pre-Christian, Roman remains below that potentially reflect ancient ones. How deep the alae Santa Pudenziana lay approximately 150 m farther up and tablinum were in the house below Santi Sergio the Vicus Patricius from the houses depicted on the e Bacco is a matter of speculation. Two reconstruc- Forma Urbis Romae (see fig. 13[3], [4]).51 Long the tions are possible: one with three cubicula on either subject of archaeological investigation and interpreta-

51 Angelelli 2010, 280–81, pls. 14, 18–19.

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Fig. 12. Two possible reconstructions of the interior of the atrium house below Santi Sergio e Bacco, with either three cubicula and a shorter atrium (top) or four cubicula and a deeper atrium (bottom).

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Fig. 13. Plan of the eastern hills of Rome, showing the ancient street network and known examples of atrium houses: 1, Santi Sergio e Bacco; 2, Via Cimarra/Via Ciancaleoni (modified from Martini 2008, fig. 4); 3, Forma Urbis Romae fragment 11e; 4, Santa Pudenziana (modified from Angelelli 2010, pl. 18). Modern city blocks are shaded in gray.

tion, the remains have recently been restudied, and a that lots and houses of this size in this area were not much clearer impression of their nature has emerged limited to the properties immediately along the Vi- in the last decade.52 The earliest phases of the struc- cus Patricius (see fig. 13[2]). Roman remains here ture have now been shown to contain two adjacent belonged to the subterranean levels of three adjacent dom:s, one constructed shortly after the other in the structures built terraced on the southeastern slopes mid first century B.C.E. Little remains of these dom:s, of the Viminal Hill.54 The structures were oriented but traces of a peristyle with a colonnade measuring at a slightly oblique angle to the course of the Via approximately 9 m on each side are evident in both Urbana (the Vicus Patricius), but they stood just less properties. The total width of the southern property than 100 m above the street, terraced on the slopes measures approximately 15 m, which makes it simi- of the Viminal. They seem to have been entered from lar to the lot of the house below Santi Sergio e Bacco the north, likely from an ancient street (the southern and those of the houses on the Forma Urbis Romae.53 extension of the Vicus Collis Viminalis?) that coursed The remains of two Roman structures excavated in along the crest of the Viminal Hill roughly in line with 1969–1970 below Via Cimarra/Via Ciancaleoni show the easternmost segment of the Via Cimarra.55 Inter-

52 E.g., see Guidobaldi 2002; Angelelli 2010. Both have 54 Ramieri 1980; Martini 2008. extensive bibliographies on the earlier investigations and 55 LTUR 5:158–59, s.v. “Vicus Collis Viminalis” (Lega); interpretations. 5:205–6, s.v. “Collis Viminalis” (De Caprariis); Martini 2008, 53 Angelelli 2010, 286–87. 8–9.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 75 preted as series of atrium houses, the northernmost resulted from a single concerted planning effort, it structure preserves several piers in opus quadratum, seems likely that the spread of elite atrium houses in while the central structure was constructed mostly in the Subura and Viminal happened somewhat gradu- opus reticulatum.56 Their initial construction has been ally within the first century B.C.E. The house below dated to the early or mid first century B.C.E. Most im- Santi Sergio e Bacco is slightly earlier in date than the portantly, the size of the better-preserved southern lot houses farther east along the Vicus Patricius, and the measures approximately 15 m wide and is again similar two pairs of houses below Santa Pudenziana and the to that of the house below Santi Sergio e Bacco and Via Cimarra/Via Ciancaleoni both show sequential those depicted actually along the Vicus Patricius on development, with one house slightly predating the the Forma Urbis Romae. The standing remains have other by a decade or so.61 Such a gradual process of been reconstructed as the subterranean levels of a development that nonetheless shows consistency in peristyle belonging to an atrium house of this type.57 the size and form of the houses and lots accords well With its orientation and northern entrance, the rear with the recent interpretation of the typical, Vitruvian wall of the peristyle would have stood terraced over description of the atrium house as a reflection less of and looking out on the Vicus Patricius. a prescriptive type and more of a design concept fo- With a total of nine potential examples of houses of cused on a set of proportions adaptable to different the same general size, form, and date along the south- sites and used to determine the form of only the most ern slopes of the Viminal Hill and the Vicus Patricius, important spaces, such as the atrium and peristyle.62 it seems plausible to suggest standardized residential Indeed, the various examples from the Viminal Hill development here. The width of these houses is con- corresponded only in the most important dimensions; sistently 15–16 m (ca. 50–55 Roman ft.). A street front- the sizes of the lot, atrium, and peristyle matched, age of such size is similar to some of the archaic houses while the sizes of the subsidiary rooms, such as the that have been reconstructed by Carandini on the tabernae and tablina, varied. Palatine but smaller than the 80 Roman feet that has The construction of these houses and the attes- been posited for the Late Republican houses below tation of standardized urban development during the Domus Tiberiana.58 Outside of Rome, the houses this time are particularly significant, since they fall along the forum at Cosa were usually 58–59 Roman during the general period when the social develop- feet wide and thus also similar in width.59 Apart from ment of this area of the city is thought to have been the houses depicted on the Forma Urbis Romae, the in great flux. Prior to the second century B.C.E., depths of these properties remain unknown. The lots the proximity of the area to the forum and the on the Forma Urbis Romae measure approximately public visibility offered by the thoroughfares of the 50 m deep, including the peristyles, which is close to Argiletum, Clivus Suburanus, and Vicus Patricius the 45 m of the modern block between the Via dei made it an important area in the city and a pres- Serpenti and Via del Boschetto, perhaps suggesting tigious place to live.63 The neighborhood hosted that the Via del Boschetto formed the ancient limit several religious festivals important for the city at of the block that fronted onto the Via dei Serpenti. large, and families of political prominence lived This measurement is approximately 150 Roman feet, there during the Middle Republican period.64 De- twice the proposed 75 Roman feet of depth that was spite a lack of any direct or explicit testimony for it, common for the atrium houses around the forum however, the area is thought to have experienced at Cosa.60 a massive wave of immigration and settlement by Unlike the Late Republican houses on the Palatine foreigners and disenfranchised folk arriving in the or colonial urban development, where the houses city following Rome’s foreign military conquests of

56 Only the northernmost wall of the southern structure 66–74, 101–4; Patterson 2000, 260. The area would have in- survives, also constructed in opus reticulatum. cluded the area later developed as the Forum of Caesar, 57 Martini 2008, 3, 7–8, ﬁgs. 3, 4. which, according to Cicero (Att. 4.17.7), was previously occu- 58 E.g., Carandini and Carafa 1995, 215 (Houses 1 and 2); pied by wealthy property owners. 64 Krause 2001; Carandini and Papi 2005, 38 (House 7). LTUR 4:381–82, s.v. “Subura” (Welch). The residents of 59 Fentress 2003, 19 n. 19. the Subura competed against those of the Via Sacra in the 60 Fentress 2003, 19–23. festival of the October horse (Festus 190L; Plut., Quaest. Rom. 61 Insofar as is determinable by the decorative and stylistic 97). The Mamiliae certainly lived there as early as the third qualities of features belonging to the earliest phases. century, since their family tower was the monument to which 62 Sewell 2010, 127–28. the contested head of the horse was afﬁxed if the Subura was 63 LTUR 4:381–82, s.v. “Subura” (Welch); Tortorici 1991, victorious (Festus 117L).

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 76 MARGARET M. ANDREWS [AJA 118 the second century B.C.E.65 The Clivus Suburanus, Why such development happened in this area of Vicus Patricius, and Argiletum were the major thor- the city and at this particular time is difficult to deter- oughfares of the area, leading from the city walls into mine. Several scenarios are possible. These occupants the forum, and they therefore provided a rich market may have been members of the same elite families that for commercial gain.66 The combination of the increas- had inhabited the zone in earlier periods but who now ingly dense occupation, particularly by foreigners, and embraced a new architectural model, or they may have the nature of the area as a valley that suffered from been new residents in this area of the city, either elites poor drainage, poor ventilation, and heavy traffic displaced from a more centralized location within the made the area an undesirable place to live, suitable city or new to Rome altogether. In any case, the house for only the poor and socially marginalized. The repu- below Santi Sergio e Bacco and the other examples tation of the neighborhood began to decline, and its demonstrate an increased presence of elite occupa- notoriety for moral degeneracy concomitantly became tion beyond the forum and its immediate vicinity dur- its defining quality. After this point, elite houses began ing this period and the continued desire to exploit to concentrate on the heights of the hills above the topographical situations that allowed for high levels of lower Subura, where the streets were quieter, the air public display. The presence of the houses nuances the fresher, and the views better.67 rather straightforward narrative that emerges from the It is difficult to understand how accurate this nar- literary sources and provides archaeological evidence rative is, however, since it depends almost entirely on for both a socioeconomically mixed occupation in the the collective accounts of later ancient authors, who, lower Subura and a kind of regular residential urban for the sake of argument, likely simplified what actually development with atrium houses that has so far been must have been a complex process of social change. difficult to detect. The republican house below Santi Indeed, the existence of republican atrium houses Sergio e Bacco, particularly when considered with the seems to demonstrate the continued presence of other evidence for residential structures in the area, wealthy residents in the lower Subura in the early first thus significantly clarifies and deepens our understand- century B.C.E. The house below Santi Sergio e Bacco ing of the early social and urban history of the area. and the other examples of atrium houses around the Viminal slopes were similar in size to the earlier ex- the imperial domus and urban shifts amples of elite atrium houses on the Palatine and at The later history of the house continues not only to Cosa. The atrium house at the latter two sites have add to the slim corpus of residential remains in Rome been thought to represent nucleated agglomerations but also to yield insights into the shifting social dy- of elites near the forums, which offered high public namics within the Subura during the Imperial period. visibility and opportunities for sociopolitical display Linear patterns of clamp holes visible on the blocks of and connectivity.68 Like them, the elite houses in the the tuff piers demonstrate that marble revetment was Subura and Vicus Patricius were all closely associated applied to the entire height of the wall at some point with major streets that offered high public visibility or after the piers were filled in with the opus reticulatum. topographical prominence: the southern extension Since this kind of elaborate interior decoration was not of the Vicus Longus, the street possibly identified as common until the Julio-Claudian period, more specifi- the Vicus Collis Viminalis atop the crest of the Vimi- cally under Nero, it likely postdates the reticulate infill nal, and the Vicus Patricius. The development of the by many decades, perhaps by as much as a century.69 Subura and southern Viminal in the early first century A much more extensive and significant phase of B.C.E. therefore demonstrates a similar concern for renovation was undertaken later. The walls that cur- public visibility in elite urban development. rently form the eastern and western limits of Room

65 LTUR 4:381, s.v. “Subura” (Welch). Varro (5.159) relates 68 Mouritsen 2001, 136; Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 272–73; that a Vicus Africus on the Esquiline was so named because Sewell 2010, 135–65. Sewell (2010, 146–48, 160–63) argues Punic captives were held here after the Punic Wars, but his that the zoning of elite houses that is so clear in the colonial own skepticism is betrayed by his use of the word “dicuntur.” towns likely derived from Rome and the spatial patterns of A preponderance of inscriptions mentioning a synagogue in residential occupation along and near the Palatine Hill. the Subura could indicate that the area hosted a large Jewish 69 Similar revetment extending up the entire height of the population, but these inscriptions are largely of Late Imperial wall can be found in a Neronian phase of the Roman structure date (Collon 1940, 87–90; Leon 1960, 137, 151–52). below the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore (Liverani 1988, 66 For the archaeological evidence for this commercial ac- 45; Mols and Moorman 2010, 499–501). I thank P. Liverani tivity, see Tortorici 1991, 37–56. for his astute observation of these holes under Santi Sergio 67 Patterson 2000, 261–63; Dyson 2010, 220–25. e Bacco.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 77 A were constructed, and its southern wall was rebuilt. create a strong division of the length of the wall into Communication between the former atrium and the panels.73 The comparanda, though few, lend further series of rooms to both the east and the west of it was support to an early third-century date for this phase. blocked. There were only two doors into the room: In the new complex of rooms to the south of Room one in the southeastern corner of the southern wall, A, a niche with a hemispherical vault reaching more connecting it with a space to the east, and another than 2.5 m in height was added at an oblique angle, in the center of the southern wall, connecting it to a clearly facing what was originally one large room (B1) southern complex of rooms (B1–B3) (fig. 14). All this (fig. 17; online fig. 1). The partially preserved vault of construction was in brick-faced masonry that dates to the niche shows preparation for a mosaic, and a tall the Severan period.70 podium stretches across its base, possibly intended to As a part of these renovations, the marble revet- support statuary. Excavations for the construction of ment of the previous decorative phase must have been the present convent adjacent to Santi Sergio e Bacco removed and replaced with painted plaster featuring were conducted in 1895. At a depth of 5.5 m, roughly both architectural and figural motifs. Fragments of equivalent to the floor level of the Roman structure, this plaster are preserved on the upper levels of all but an under-life-sized marble statue of a female figure was the eastern wall. The southern wall shows the lower recovered, which Gatti interpreted as a female divinity half of a striding female figure with sandals between or a matron based on the garments and posture.74 Now two columns at different depths of field (fig. 15), as lost, the statue was apparently finely carved except for well as framed panels featuring various arrangements its smooth back surface, indicating that it had been set of dark red, black, light blue, white, pink, and yellow. against a wall or inside a niche. Given the appropri- Similar panels with faint traces of columns are visible ate size of the statue, it is tempting to suggest that its on the western wall, and the northern wall has a well- original location was this very niche, but any relation- preserved column and additional colored panels (fig. ship must ultimately remain speculative. 16). The style of the painting of course resembles the The pavement aligned with and associated with the so-called Second Style, but the execution is much less niche is a pattern of polychrome opus sectile character- refined. The closest comparanda in the city of Rome ized by points radiating out from the corners of each are a few of the painted rooms within the domus ex- panel. These panels measure 58 cm on each side (fig. cavated under the Piazza dei Cinquecento in the late 18).75 Though the pattern appears in imperial villas be- 1940s, which dates to the end of the second century ginning in the Julio-Claudian period, only one other C.E. or beginning of the third.71 Further comparanda example of this pattern in primary use is known from can be found in the contemporary “Schola Praeco- Rome, in the third-century Tomb Phi in the Vatican num” at the foot of the Palatine.72 In all four structures, necropolis.76 Much later, the design appears frequently the style of painting falls between paintings typical of in the Late Antique houses of Ostia.77 the Antonine period and the panel style common in The smaller Rooms B2 and B3 were created with- the Severan period, using architectural elements to in Room B1 by the construction of a wall orientated

70 A five-course modulus measures 22.7 cm, with an aver- three others were exposed enough to determine the general age brick height of 2.7 cm and an average height of 1.8 cm for color schemes. the mortar beds. These fit squarely with the measurements re- 76 More specifically, the pattern appears first in the Villa ported by van Deman (1912, 424–25) for the Severan phase of of Tiberius on Capri (Guidobaldi 1994, 75; 1999a, 641–42), the imperial palaces on the Palatine. The bricks vary in color then in Domitian’s Villa near Sabaudia (Guidobaldi 1994, 79; from deep red orange to pale yellow but are rather consistent 1999a, 644). For Tomb Phi in the Vatican necropolis, see Miel- in their thickness of 3.5 cm. Putlog holes ca. 13 cm in diameter sch and von Hesberg 1996, 249–52. and 92 cm apart on center are evident across the wall at a level 77 The earliest example here is in the so-called Insula con of ca. 4.1 m above the floor. Viridarium (IV.4.9) dating to the late third century (Becat- 71 Barbera and Paris 1997, 59–171. ti 1961, 189, no. 358; Bruno and Pellegrino 2012, 221). Ex- 72 Lugli 1933, 442–48; De Azevedo 1947–1949. I owe thanks amples dating firmly to the fourth century can be found in to Susanna McFadden for bringing these paintings of the the Domus delle Colonne (Becatti 1948, 15–18; 1961, 179–81, Schola Praeconum to my attention. no. 334; Bruno and Pellegrino 2012, 221), the Schola degli 73 Clarke 1991, 341–61. Hastiferi (Bruno and Pellegrino 2012), the Domus del Pro- 74 Gatti 1895, 359–60, 420. tiro (Becatti 1948, 21–3; Bruno and Bianchi 2012, esp. 231– 75 See Guidobaldi (1983, 78–9; 1985, 182, 186–87, 226–27) 33), the Domus di Amore e Psiche (Becatti 1948, 6–8; 1961, for the pattern, which he calls “Q3p.” Marble types include pa- 27–9, no. 49; Bianchi and Bruno 2004, 870–74; Bruno and vonazzetto, cipollino, giallo antico, portasanta, bardiglio, and Pellegrino 2012, 221–22), and the Domus del Garofano (Be- a variety of white marble. The floor was only partially cleared catti 1948, 20–1 [called the “domus di Via della Caupona”]; and cleaned because of the large amount of debris within the 1961, 183–85; Bianchi and Bruno 2004, 861–63; Bruno and room. Only two panels were fully exposed, and fragments of Pellegrino 2012, 222).

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Fig. 14. Plan of the structure showing the final state of the southern complex of rooms (Rooms B1–B3).

northwest–southeast, noticeably oblique to the south- of the tubuli and along all four walls of the space ern wall of Room A but on the same approximate ori- (fig. 20). Fairly common in the Severan period, these entation as the niche (online fig. 2). A small portion lines form panels that must have once framed images of the original plaster decoration of this wall has sur- of individual figures or floral objects that are no lon- vived toward the western end of Room B2; it shows a ger visible. Similar designs can be found elsewhere red vegetal motif against a bright yellow background in Rome, most notably in the structures below Santa (fig. 19). Room B3 to the south was originally covered Maria Maggiore and San Giovanni in Laterano and in by a barrel vault, as indicated by preserved springing a domus on the eastern slopes of the Palatine, which of the vault. all date to the third century.78 The scheme is also com- Room B2 was then shortened by the construction of mon outside of Rome during the same period. The a wall closing it off from the west (see fig. 14). At the so-called Hanghäuser in Ephesus, especially Hanghaus same time, tubuli were installed along the northern 2, now also dated to the early third century, preserve and southern sides of the space to heat the room, and the best examples.79 it was paved with rather large slabs of pavonazzetto. The area of the basement to the west of Room A, Painted plaster featuring a motif of red and purple in the space of the former shops and fauces, seems to lines against a white background was applied on top have been part of the imperial renovations as well. In

78 Mols and Moormann 1998, 127–30; pl. 4, no. 45; pl. 8, and their decorative phases. For the most recent and most no. 92; 2010, 475–76, 501. See also St. Clair (2002, 230–32, comprehensive treatment of Hanghaus 2 in general, see Thür 236–50) on the domus excavated as part of the Palatine East 2005; Krinzinger 2010. For its painting, see Ladstätter 2002; excavations. Zimmermann 2002, 2010; Strocka 2009; Zimmermann and 79 Scholarship on the Hanghäuser and their decoration is Ladstätter 2010, 42–138. vast, though there has been a recent redating of the structures

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Fig. 15. Detail of preserved fragment of painted plaster on the southern wall of Room A, showing a striding female figure between two columns. Note the bottom edge of the plaster, which has clearly been cut to install the later stucco molding.

Fig. 16. Detail of the column still visible on the preserved fragment of painted plaster in the northwestern corner of Room A.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 80 MARGARET M. ANDREWS [AJA 118 period, while the later renovations—with the figural painted plaster and southern bath complex featuring sculpture and mosaic, marble, and opus sectile floors— provide evidence for a space strikingly similar to the elite houses on top of the surrounding hills during the third century at the latest. The archaeological evidence requires a reassess- ment of the impression of the lower Subura created by ancient authors. By the Imperial period, the area was uniformly depicted in the literary sources as a neighborhood of moral depravity rife with prostitution. Women were advised to avoid the area to preserve their reputations, and elite men spotted there were immediately suspected of trolling for women. Ancient authors consistently used the shops, crowds, and traffic of the Argiletum as a trope for the haz- ards and drawbacks of urban living.82 The imperial renovations of the house below Santi Sergio e Bacco, however, seem to demonstrate that the physical real- ity was somewhat different and indicate the presence of a wealthy and likely elite occupant within the heart of the lower Subura. Not only does the imperial phase of the house attest to a much more mixed population within the lower extent of the area, but it also clarifies the diachronic evolution of the urban fabric. Several factors indi- Fig. 17. Niche within Room B1. cate that the closing off of the former atrium and the creation of Room A and the southern bath complex represented a major shift in the circulation dynamics within the house and a reorientation of the house as addition to the opus quadratum wall, the excavations a whole away from the southern extension of the Vi- here in 1899 also revealed an in situ marble statue base cus Longus, which was a secondary thoroughfare, and with a cornice and socle and with dowel holes in its up- toward the Argiletum, a primary thoroughfare (see per surface for anchoring a statue. Within the debris fig. 6). First, the former atrium was divorced from the around it were three fragments of the arm of another Vicus Longus (Via dei Serpenti), since doorways were female statue, indicating that this area was probably constructed only in the eastern and southern walls of also part of the imperial renovations.80 Room A. Second, if the reconstructed length of the Though literary testimony indicates that the upper wall on which the niche of Room B1 was constructed extent of the Subura hosted a few wealthy residents, is correct, it suggests a rather large bath complex ex- the imperial phase of the structure below Santi Sergio tending southward well beyond the original southern e Bacco suggests the presence of rather wealthy propri- limit of the atrium house (i.e., the facade of the mod- etors in the lower Subura during the Imperial period ern church) and its lot, into the space currently occu- and into late antiquity.81 The clamp holes still evident pied by Piazza Madonna dei Monti and the Argiletum in the tuff piers, which seem to indicate marble revet- beyond it (see fig. 14). Third, the orientation of the ment extending the entire height of the room, attest to southern bath complex did not respect the orientation a high level of wealth here during the Julio-Claudian of the earlier structure but was instead set obliquely to

80 Supra n. 26. known. An inscription found in Piazza Madonna dei Monti 81 Elite residents included Vedius Pollio, whose house stood (CIL 6 29790) has been taken to suggest that C. Cestius had on the site of the later Porticus Liviae (Cass. Dio 54.23.1; Ov., his house in the vicinity of Santi Sergio e Bacco (e.g., LTUR Fast. 6.637–48); Pliny the Younger (Mart. 10.22); and L. Ar- 4:382, s.v. “Subura” [Welch]), but the inscription was not in runtius Stella (Mart. 12.3, 12.21). Caesar was said to have had situ, having been apparently reused in a later wall. a modest house in the Subura, but its precise location is un- 82 Supra n. 2.

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Fig. 18. Opus sectile pavement in front of the niche.

it, clearly respecting the orientation of another feature Argiletum. The modern Piazza Madonna dei Monti nearby and to the south, likely the Argiletum itself. The lies at the point where the Via dei Serpenti meets the Via Madonna dei Monti and Via Leonina, the modern newly merged Vicus Patricius and the Clivus Subura- successors of the Argiletum, intersect the Via dei Ser- nus along the Argiletum, thus reflecting the natural penti on the southwest corner of the Piazza Madonna collection point where the valley at the base of all the dei Monti, with a small but conspicuous change in eastern hills is widest. Just as the modern piazza natu- orientation at this location (see figs. 2, 6). Each sec- rally collects visitors, a property in this location in an- tion crosses the base of the hill that rises above it to tiquity would have benefited from high public visibility the north; the western half (Via Madonna dei Monti) and traffic. Contrary to the impression of elite disdain runs below the Quirinal slopes, while the eastern half for the Argiletum that the literary sources create, the (Via Leonina) runs below those of the Viminal. The 8° imperial renovations to the house below Santi Sergio shift toward the southwest that the southern complex e Bacco seem to indicate that the proprietor found of rooms in Santi Sergio e Bacco displays corresponds advantage in having the house communicate with the to the orientation of the Via Leonina, perhaps indicat- Argiletum. Morality aside, the commercial incentives ing that these new spaces, and the entire house, were and the high public visibility were practical advantages. (re)configured to communicate with this section of the Not only does the degree of wealth, and likely social ancient Argiletum. Communication with this primary status, indicated by the sumptuousness of the house thoroughfare would have been more fitting for these already contradict the impression of the area as one more decorative and architecturally elaborate spaces of low-income and degenerate occupation, but the im- than would access from the secondary thoroughfare perial renovations also reveal a reconfiguration of the of the Via dei Serpenti. broader urban fabric and give a much fuller impression The location of the structure with respect to the of how significant the changes to the house were both natural terrain indeed facilitates association with the physically and socially for the local urban landscape.

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Fig. 19. Painted plaster with red vegetal motif against a yellow background preserved on the southern wall of Room B2.

Fig. 20. Remnants of painted plaster with red and purple lines against a white background applied on top of the tubuli along the southern wall of Room B2.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 83 late antique renovations and urban single-family elite dom:s that often contained elabo- continuity rate opus sectile pavements and revetments.86 These dec- As the houses on the eastern hills above the Subura orative changes within the house below Santi Sergio e continued in their opulence well into late antiquity, Bacco thus demonstrate that the Subura witnessed a so did the house of Santi Sergio e Bacco in the valley similar transformation within at least one of its houses, below them. The original, third-century painted plas- and they attest to the continuity of elite occupation in ter in Room A was at some point replaced with poly- this zone of the city. chrome marble revetment arranged in alternating Later decorative improvements are less extravagant, wide and narrow panels above a low dado and topped but they nonetheless indicate a consistently high level by a stucco molding on the lower 3 m of the walls (fig. of relative wealth on the part of the owner. The most 21; see also fig. 5).83 Only a few marble elements are significant alteration occurred in Room A, where the preserved, but the impressions and numerous terracot- floor was repaved with opus sectile of reused fragments ta fragments embedded within the extant preparation of colored marble arranged into a pattern resembling layer give a clear indication of the decorative scheme. dressed isodomic masonry and often known as isodomo Wide panels of white marble are surrounded by three listellato (fig. 23).87 Each block, separated from the frames of alternating colored and white marble. Be- others by listelli of mostly slate, is composed of several tween the wide panels are narrower pilaster panels marble fragments, occasionally worked, of different framed only by a single band of colored marble. The sizes and types reused and fitted together. Eighteen northern and southern walls contain five panels with “courses” run north–south throughout the width of the four pilasters between them, while the eastern and room, with the height of each course averaging 30 cm western walls contain five panels with six pilasters. Most and the length ranging from 40 to 65 cm. The pave- of the extant colored marble is serpentino, but other ment abuts the base of the wall revetment on all sides varieties, such as giallo antico, were used as well. The of Room A and therefore clearly postdates it. Though panels were topped by another zone of revetment serv- this pattern is found as early as the first century and ing as a frieze coursing around the room, which was is one of the more common opus sectile pavement pat- in turn topped by a stucco molding. Fragments of the terns, the mixed and reused pieces suggest that the molding are visible in the southeastern corner of the floor of Room A is later, dating to some point in the room and clearly depict a repeating motif of peacocks late fourth century or thereafter.88 flanked by bunches of grapes hanging from a vine (fig. In the southern bath complex, the Severan plaster 22).84 As it postdates the third-century painted plaster, with red lines within Room B2 and the other vertical the installation of the revetment likely dates to the late surfaces, including the interior of the niche, were third or fourth century.85 covered with marble revetment also reusing various The installation of marble revetment during this fragments of colored marble (see fig. 17). The pat- time situates the house below Santi Sergio e Bacco tern seems to have consisted of alternating wide and among the numerous other examples of houses narrow panels, similar to the earlier revetment of the in Rome showing expensive redecoration efforts adjacent Room A but with materials of lesser quality throughout the fourth century. This period was one much less finely arranged and applied. of significant change throughout Rome’s residential Despite the clear reduction in absolute wealth that fabric, characterized by the consolidation and incor- these later redecorations indicate, they attest to the poration of multiresidential housing units into large, continuation of relatively wealthy occupation and the

boom in elite domus construction or renovation during the 83 It is clear that the revetment and molding postdate the fourth century have been studied extensively. For the most painted plaster from the clear cut in the plaster below the lev- recent analysis and collection of examples, see Machado el of the stucco molding in the southeast corner (see ﬁg. 15 (2012), who relies heavily on Guidobaldi’s (1986, 1999b, herein). 2000) still-seminal studies. 84 I thank A. Kuttner for the identiﬁcation of the birds as 87 Guidobaldi 1983, 71–2. peacocks. 88 Guidobaldi 1983, 71–2; 1985, 206–7, 230–31. Early exam- 85 See, e.g., Room E1 at Piazza dei Cinquecento (Barbera ples include the Neronian phases of the imperial palace on and Paris 1997, 108–10), where the revetment rose to 2.15 the Palatine and the small baths at the Villa Adriana. In later m, and Room E12 (Barbera and Paris 1997, 122–30), where centuries, the pattern can be found at the house over the Sette it was 2.6 m high. Cf. the example of the domus below Santa Sale, where the dimensions of ca. 30 x 60 cm for each block re- Maria Maggiore (Mols and Moormann 2010, 484–88). I thank semble those at Santi Sergio e Bacco and the mausoleum next F. Guidobaldi for his insight on the revetment here. to Santi Marcellino e Pietro on the Via Labicana. 86 The phenomenon of and examples for an apparent

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Fig. 21. Plan of Room A with elevations of each wall showing the remains of the marble revetment and its preparation.

desire on the part of the proprietors to maintain a splen- for the continuity of the street’s life and importance did appearance, albeit with materials of lesser quality. during a time when Rome’s population was dramati- If Rome, like Ostia, hosted an organized and centrally cally decreasing and its residential landscape shifting. controlled system of collecting and distributing marble The general narrative of urban change in the eastern, fragments for reuse by both public and private build- residential area of the city during this period describes ers, as has been proposed, the owner of the house the creation of the disabitato, which formed when below Santi Sergio e Bacco may have had access to it, many of the houses on the hills were abandoned dur- indicating his likely elite and well-connected status.89 ing the turbulence of the fifth and sixth centuries.90 Although its date is uncertain, the occupation Archaeological evidence for later occupation phases along the Argiletum during late antiquity that this in structures along the eastern hills likewise suggests house represents is potentially important as evidence that many of the structures were indeed abandoned

89 For the existence of such a system at Ostia, see Pensabene 90 Krautheimer 1980, 311–26; Meneghini and Santangeli 1998. For Rome, see Machado 2012, 148. Valenzani 2004, 213–15.

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Fig. 22. Detail of the stucco molding depicting peacocks flanking bunches of grapes preserved in the southeastern corner of the southern wall of Room A.

Fig. 23. Detail of the opus sectile pavement of Room A. Blocks composed of fragments of multiple types of white and colored marble, including worked pieces, are separated by slate listelli.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 86 MARGARET M. ANDREWS [AJA 118 during this time.91 While a borgo formed around Santa tions for the narrative of residential development of Maria Maggiore, the sole monument of the area begin- the Subura and the eastern area of the city around it. ning in the early fifth century, the broader areas along It not only represents significant archaeological evi- the surrounding hilltops eventually became zones of dence for a domus of any date in the lower Subura, private or monastic cultivation, enduring as such until but it also provides a diachronic perspective on how a their development of the late 19th century.92 large and important zone of the ancient city evolved The final phases of redecoration in the house below and what the social implications of this development Santi Sergio e Bacco demonstrate that, in contrast to were. It both clarifies the profile of the area that an- the surrounding hills, residential occupation contin- cient authors created and fills in gaps in the archaeo- ued to thrive along the Argiletum in late antiquity. logical evidence for the Subura and Rome’s residential The hills’ distance from thoroughfares and markets fabric at large. that was an advantage to elites during the Imperial The house provides one of the few examples of period became a disadvantage in the extended period a structure in Rome that can be reconstructed as an of economic crisis, while the Argiletum maintained its atrium house. Evidence for this type of structure in the function as the primary east–west thoroughfare in this capital city has until recently been difficult to collect, area of the city and as an area of commercial and social and its fleeting and fragmentary nature has shaped how vitality for a redefined Roman society. If we can trust we understand the appearance of Rome’s residential the identification of the so-called Porticus Curba with urban fabric. Rome has been considered a hodgepodge the Porticus Absidata behind the Forum of Nerva, we of insulae and dom:s of different shapes and sizes may have written evidence for the construction of a that sprawled across the irregular terrain of the hills large house at the entrance to the Subura and along and valleys as more and more people arrived from the the Argiletum during the reign of Theodoric the Great fringes of the empire. But when considered with the (r. 493–526), but the Late Antique renovations under adjacent houses of the Vicus Patricius that are attested Santi Sergio e Bacco give certain material evidence on the Forma Urbis Romae and with other excavated that elite occupation existed here in this general pe- examples, the newly discovered house below Santi riod.93 While the final phase of renovation in the house Sergio e Bacco suggests that this area of the city origi- below Santi Sergio e Bacco dates to the Late Antique nally developed in the Republican period with fairly period, it is unknown how long occupation continued; uniform standards of house size and form. Though the when, precisely, the foundation of the church on the Palatine might demonstrate the same phenomenon site occurred (it is only known to have been before slightly earlier and may perhaps have even inspired the 807); or what the dynamics of that transition entailed. development along the Subura and Viminal, evidence However, whatever the history of the early church is, for atrium houses and regular planning there is more the large, elite houses that were constructed in the ambiguous than the rather clear collection of evidence ninth century within the former space of the Forum of in this zone. More importantly, the development in the Nerva clearly indicate that the phenomenon of exploit- Subura and along the Viminal demonstrates a later ing proximity to the Argiletum for social prominence phenomenon of elite residential expansion beyond the continued into the Early Medieval period, even later more public areas of the city center, but the location of than the foundation of the church.94 the houses along the major thoroughfares of the zone nonetheless enabled their owners to preserve a simi- conclusion lar level of public visibility. The imperial renovations As a whole, the Roman structure within the base- provide evidence for the expansion of the house be- ment of Santi Sergio e Bacco has far-reaching implica- yond its original republican lot, a process that, judging

91 E.g., the house below Piazza dei Cinquecento (Meneghi- 93 Cassiod., Var. 4.30. For identiﬁcation of the Porticus Cur- ni and Santangeli Valenzani 1996, 54–76, esp. 63–74). The few ba with the Porticus Absidata, see Bauer 1983, 111; Guidobal- monuments of the area, such as the Porticus Liviae, also seem di 1986, 207; Coates-Stephens 1996, 246. to have gone out of use and experienced abandon during this 94 On the Early Medieval houses of the Forum of Nerva, period as well. This abandon is often signaled by burials, now see Santangeli Valenzani 1999; Meneghini and Santangeli intramural, within the structures. On this phenomenon, see Valenzani 2004, 34–7; Meneghini 2009, 205–7. See Guidobal- Meneghini and Santangeli Valenzani 1993; 1995; 2004, 103– di (2007) for the possible Late Antique occupation of Santi 25, esp. 116. For burials speciﬁcally within the Porticus Liviae, Quirico e Giulitta at the beginning of the Argiletum. Hubert see Panella 1987, 2001. (1990, 76–8) and Coates-Stephens (1996, 239, 241–44, 246) 92 This formation of vineyards, particularly in the later peri- both point out scattered examples of late occupation in the ods, is succinctly covered in Wiseman 1995. zone as well.

This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Thu, 9 Jan 2014 11:44:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2014] A DOMUS IN THE SUBURA OF ROME 87 from the irregular appearance of the nearby urban art and archaeology of the mediterra- fabric on the Severan Forma Urbis Romae, must have nean world been increasingly common. For the owners of the university of pennsylvania house below Santi Sergio e Bacco, public visibility re- 3405 woodland walk mained important during this period as well, since the philadelphia, pennsylvania 19104 renovations reoriented the structure toward the larger [email protected] thoroughfare of the Argiletum. Socially, the house in all its phases demonstrates that contrary to the current understanding based on Works Cited literary sources the lower Subura was not entirely filled with lower-class and lower-income occupants. Accord- Aldrete, G.S. 2004. Daily Life in the Roman City: Rome, Pom- peii, and Ostia. 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