Negotiating the Palestinian Refugee Issue

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Negotiating the Palestinian Refugee Issue The Past as Prelude? briefing paper The Past as Prelude? Negotiating the Palestinian Refugee Issue Rex Brynen Middle East Programme | June 2008 | MEP/PR BP 08/01 Summary points The question of Palestinian refugees has long been one of the most difficult issues in dispute in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. With the onset of renewed peace talks following the Annapolis summit of November 2007, it is once again an issue that the Israeli and Palestinian negotiators must address. The two sides are in a worse position to resolve the issue than they were during the last rounds of permanent status negotiations in 2000–01. The political weakness of the Israeli and Palestinian governments is compounded by heightened mistrust between the two societies, as well as by a hardening of Israeli public attitudes against even the symbolic return of any refugees to Israeli territory. There is now a substantial accumulated body of work on the Palestinian refugee issue to guide and inform negotiators and policy-makers. This includes past official negotiations among the key parties, wider discussions among regional states and the international donor community, unofficial and Track II initiatives and a considerable body of technical analysis. www.chathamhouse.org.uk CH Palestine - Brynen.qxp:Layout 1 20/6/08 11:22 Page 2 The Past as Prelude? page 2 The challenge of the Palestinian return of 1948 refugees to Israeli territory. In the occu- refugee issue pied Palestinian territory, political divisions have made With the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, the government of President Mahmoud Abbas reluc- approximately 700,000 Palestinians fled or were driven tant to abandon its public commitment to the right of from their homes to seek refuge in the neighbouring return, both as a matter of principle and for fear that it Arab territories. The properties that they left behind would be attacked by its Hamas rivals as having given were seized by the nascent Jewish state. A further in to Israeli pressure. 300,000 were displaced by Israel’s 1967 occupation of These challenges, however, should not blind one to the the West Bank and Gaza. Today, more than 4.5 million broader progress that has been made. With the onset of refugees and their descendants are registered with the renewed Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations following United Nations Relief and Works Agency in the West the Annapolis Conference of November 2007, the parties Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon (UNRWA 2007). are undoubtedly further apart than they were at the Hundreds of thousands of others live elsewhere in the previous permanent status negotiations at Taba in Palestinian diaspora. January 2001 – but perhaps still closer than they were The question of refugees is one of the most difficult when the peace process began in Madrid a decade earlier. and sensitive issues in the Palestinian-Israeli peace This briefing paper provides a descriptive overview process. For Palestinians and Israelis alike, it touches of official refugee discussions since the opening of the upon deeply held historical narratives and even exis- Arab-Israeli peace process in Madrid in 1991. It tential issues: the partition of Palestine and the addresses the evolution of the Refugee Working Group; establishment of the state of Israel; the forced displace- the Quadripartite Committee on displaced persons; the ment and refugee experience of the Palestinian people; Camp David negotiations of July 2000; the Clinton the Palestinian ‘right of return’ and Israel’s ‘demo- Parameters of December 2000; and the Taba negotia- graphic security’. Palestinians demand that Israel tions of January 2001. It also briefly touches upon acknowledge a moral responsibility for the refugees’ issues of donor coordination and economic planning in flight, while most Israelis assert Arab culpability for the support of a refugee agreement, as well as the contribu- events of 1948. Israelis stress the need to assure the tion of various so-called ‘Track II’ research and Jewish character of the state by barring the return of dialogue projects during this same period. (Muslim and Christian) Palestinian refugees, a stance The passage of time, and changes in diplomatic that the Palestinians view as both discriminatory and a personnel and political leadership, mean that this past violation of internationally recognized refugee rights. record is not always fully known, even by those now For these reasons, the refugee question proved directly involved in the current peace talks. particularly problematic throughout the Madrid and Consequently, there is value in offering an overview of Oslo eras, and during permanent status negotiations at what has taken place in the past, in an effort to facilitate Camp David in the US, Taba in Egypt and elsewhere. future negotiations and agreement. Since then, moreover, public attitudes seem to have hardened, while the political leadership on both sides is The Refugee Working Group (1991–97) weak, and unwilling or unable to publicly articulate The Refugee Working Group (RWG) was established in compromise positions. In Israel, the collapse of the 1991–92 as one of the five multilateral working groups Oslo process and eruption of the intifada heightened (refugees, water, environment, regional economic Jewish concerns about the existing Palestinian minority development, arms control and regional security) of the in the country, and stiffened opposition to even a token Madrid peace process.1 Canada was assigned the ‘gavel’ 1 Peters 1996; Kaye 2001. www.chathamhouse.org.uk CH Palestine - Brynen.qxp:Layout 1 20/6/08 11:22 Page 3 The Past as Prelude? page 3 of the group. Participation was open to any interested Periodically, there have been proposals to reacti- state. As with other multilateral working groups, Syria vate the multilateral track of the peace process – and Lebanon did not participate. Israel, the although to date there have been no real steps in this Palestinians and Jordan did, as did many other regional direction. Despite this, Canada has continued to use states and other members of the broader international the RWG ‘chapeau’ to encourage a range of research, community. dialogue, technical and other projects aimed at both The RWG subsequently met in eight plenary sessions addressing the immediate needs of the refugees and between 1992 and 1995. It also met in various other enhancing the prospects for eventually achieving a smaller ‘intersessional’ activities undertaken either by negotiated, mutually acceptable resolution of the the gavel or by the various thematic ‘shepherds’ refugee issue. assigned with the group. These themes (and the corre- sponding shepherds) were databases (Norway), family The Oslo Agreement (1993) and reunification (France), human resource development the Quadripartite Committee (1995–97) (US), job creation and vocational training (US), public While the 1993 Palestinian-Israeli Declaration of health (Italy), child welfare (Sweden) and economic and Principles (‘Oslo Agreement’) postponed discussion of social infrastructure (the European Union). Later in the the (1948) refugee issue until eventual permanent process, Switzerland was given special responsibility status negotiations, it did have more immediate provi- for the ‘human dimension’ in the RWG and other sions regarding those Palestinians displaced from the working groups. West Bank and Gaza because of the June 1967 Arab- Because of its open character and broad-based Israeli War. Specifically, echoing Article A.1.e of the membership, it was difficult for the RWG to address 1978 Egyptian-Israeli Camp David Accords, it called for sensitive political issues.2 Instead, the Palestinians immediate negotiations between Israel, the tended to make broad declarative statements of Palestinians, Jordan and Egypt on the ‘modalities of Palestinian refugee rights, while Israel sought to direct admission of persons displaced from the West Bank the RWG into less political or apolitical efforts aimed at and Gaza in 1967’. improving refugee conditions. The RWG did have some Subsequently, a Continuing (or ‘Quadripartite’) positive effect in focusing attention on refugee condi- Committee was established to discuss these issues. tions, mobilizing some additional resources to address The Committee first met in Amman in May 1995; such conditions, and fostering a number of useful of subsequent meetings were held in Beersheba, Cairo, research and data-collection projects. It also helped Gaza, Amman and Haifa. Work within the Committee encourage an undertaking by Israel to slightly (and was slow, with major differences over the definition of temporarily) liberalize its family reunification a ‘displaced person’ and hence the number of poten- processes. tial returnees. Moreover, Israel seemed unwilling to The RWG, like the multilateral track as a whole, also use the meetings to reach agreement on the issue of proved very vulnerable to disruptions in the broader displaced persons, preferring to address this in the Middle East peace process. In 1997, the Arab League called context of eventual negotiations on the broader for a boycott of the multilaterals in protest over Israeli refugee issue. By 1997, deterioration in the peace policies, although lower-level work by the RWG process saw work in the Committee grind to a virtual continued. This work ended, however, with the eruption of halt. By 2000, the quadripartite mechanism had been the second Palestinian intifada in September 2000, which overshadowed by the onset of permanent status nego- led to a suspension of all multilateral track activities. tiations. 2 Brynen and Tansley 1995; Tamari 1996; Brynen 1997. www.chathamhouse.org.uk CH Palestine - Brynen.qxp:Layout 1 20/6/08 11:22 Page 4 The Past as Prelude? page 4 The Beilin-Abu Mazen Understandings about key aspects of the refugee issue. This is particu- (1995) larly true of the issue of refugee compensation, an issue In 1995, Yossi Beilin and Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) on which IDRC has sponsored considerable research, led a series of informal and unofficial meetings including a major comparative ‘lessons learned’ exer- intended to sketch the possible parameters of a cise by the International Organization for Migration.
Recommended publications
  • The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and Their Impact on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Efforts
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Honors Theses Lee Honors College 4-25-2018 The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Efforts Daniel Bucksbaum Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Bucksbaum, Daniel, "The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli- Palestinian Peace Efforts" (2018). Honors Theses. 3009. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses/3009 This Honors Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Lee Honors College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli- Palestinian Peace Efforts By Daniel Bucksbaum A thesis submitted to the Lee Honors College Western Michigan University April 2018 Thesis Committee: Jim Butterfield, Ph.D., Chair Yuan-Kang Wang, Ph.D. Mustafa Mughazy, Ph.D. Bucksbaum 1 Table of Contents I. Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………3 II. Source Material……………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 III. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 IV. Historical Context for the Two-State Solution………………………………………………………...6 a. Deeply Rooted and Ideological Claims to the Land……………………………………………….…..7 b. Legacy of the Oslo Accords……………………………………………………………………………………….9 c. Israeli Narrative: Why the Two-State Solution is Unfeasible……………………………………19 d. Palestinian Narrative: Why the Two-State Solution has become unattainable………..22 e. Drop in Support for the Two-State Solution; Negotiations entirely…………………………27 f.
    [Show full text]
  • Spoiler Behavior in the Israeli Palestinian Conflict: the Emergent National Religious Demographic Within Israel
    Spoiler Behavior in The Israeli Palestinian Conflict: The Emergent National Religious Demographic Within Israel Introduction The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is one of the most studied and intractable conflicts in the modern era. The actors involved and the stake holders are myriad, resulting in a wide range of peace spoilers and spoiling behavior. This study focuses on the spoiling effects of Israeli settlements in the West Bank with a particular focus on actions by a national religious contingent within Israel who work to maintain and extend Israeli settlements in the West Bank. National Religious ideology and supporters thwart the potential for peace negotiations by negatively influencing Israel’s political ability to agree to a peace agreement and diminishing Palestinian trust in Israel’s ability to agree to and implement a peace agreement. The term national religious refers to an ideology that calls for the expansion of settlements and the idea of ‘Greater Israel’ that embodies both the West Bank and Gaza Strip; thus they tend to be ardently against territorial withdrawal and settlement dismantlement. Once the domain of secular Zionists, settlement of the West Bank is now dominated by national religious Israelis. They comprise upwards of 80 percent of the 70,000 settlers residing outside the separation barrier in the West Bank and are becoming increasingly anti-statist. International Crisis Group reports that former Israeli Intelligence Chief Ami Ayalon estimates that eight percent of the West Bank’s 250,000 settlers are militantly anti- state.1 This case was written by Laura Nash and was created for the Spoilers of Peace Program in Spring 2010 .
    [Show full text]
  • CEPS Middle East & Euro-Med Project
    CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY WORKING PAPER NO. 6 STUDIES JULY 2003 Searching for Solutions PALESTINIAN REFUGEES HOW CAN A DURABLE SOLUTION BE ACHIEVED? TANJA SALEM This Working Paper is published by the CEPS Middle East and Euro-Med Project. The project addresses issues of policy and strategy of the European Union in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the wider issues of EU relations with the countries of the Barcelona Process and the Arab world. Participants in the project include independent experts from the region and the European Union, as well as a core team at CEPS in Brussels led by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci. Support for the project is gratefully acknowledged from: • Compagnia di San Paolo, Torino • Department for International Development (DFID), London. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. ISBN 92-9079-429-1 CEPS Middle East & Euro-Med Project Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.be) Copyright 2003, CEPS Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1 • B-1000 Brussels • Tel: (32.2) 229.39.11 • Fax: (32.2) 219.41.41 e-mail: [email protected] • website: http://www.ceps.be CONTENTS 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Background.....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ganni Vaggi Sara Baroud
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Vaggi, Gianni; Baroud, Sara Working Paper Asymmetries and economic interaction between Israel and Palestine Quaderni di Dipartimento - EPMQ, No. 173 Provided in Cooperation with: University of Pavia, Department of Economics and Quantitative Methods (EPMQ) Suggested Citation: Vaggi, Gianni; Baroud, Sara (2005) : Asymmetries and economic interaction between Israel and Palestine, Quaderni di Dipartimento - EPMQ, No. 173, Università degli Studi di Pavia, Dipartimento di Economia Politica e Metodi Quantitativi (EPMQ), Pavia This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/87104 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten
    [Show full text]
  • Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents
    The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 2 November 2007 Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents Introduction 1 By Paul Scham The Immediate Parties: Israel and the Palestinians 2 The Arab States 8 The Rejectionists: Hamas and Iran 11 Executive Summary The United States 12 Preparations for the Annapolis meeting on the Middle East, scheduled for November 26 but still subject to change, are taking place in an atmosphere Success: Impossible or Merely containing hints of unprecedented compromise combined with deep skepti- Elusive? 13 cism on the part of the respective populations and of most analysts. The meeting will be immediately followed by months of negotiations where, it is envisioned, the difficult and perennial issues of borders, settlements, Jerusa- lem, the Right of Return, and security will be dealt with. Even if the leaders can reach a compromise, there are significant concerns as to whether their agreement will be accepted by their own societies. For 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the region. MEI offers program activities, media outreach, language courses, scholars and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the About the Author Middle East in America and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost author- ity on contemporary Middle East issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's Rights As a Nation-State in International Diplomacy
    Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Institute for Research and Policy המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( ISRAEl’s RiGHTS as a Nation-State in International Diplomacy Israel’s Rights as a Nation-State in International Diplomacy © 2011 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs – World Jewish Congress Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel Hai Street, Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] www.jcpa.org World Jewish Congress 9A Diskin Street, 5th Floor Kiryat Wolfson, Jerusalem 96440 Phone : +972 2 633 3000 Fax: +972 2 659 8100 Email: [email protected] www.worldjewishcongress.com Academic Editor: Ambassador Alan Baker Production Director: Ahuva Volk Graphic Design: Studio Rami & Jaki • www.ramijaki.co.il Cover Photos: Results from the United Nations vote, with signatures, November 29, 1947 (Israel State Archive) UN General Assembly Proclaims Establishment of the State of Israel, November 29, 1947 (Israel National Photo Collection) ISBN: 978-965-218-100-8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction and Overview Ambassador Alan Baker .......................................................................................................................................................................... 5 The National Rights of Jews Professor Ruth Gavison ........................................................................................................................................................................... 9 “An Overwhelmingly Jewish State” - From the Balfour Declaration to the Palestine Mandate
    [Show full text]
  • Obstacles and Possibilities for Peace Between Israel and Palestine
    COMMENTARY OBSTACLES AND POSSIBILITIES FOR PEACE BETWEEN ISRAEL AND PALESTINE Obstacles and Possibilities for Peace between Israel and Palestine GALIA GOLAN Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel ORCID No: 0000-0003-0430-7395 ABSTRACT There have been various obstacles to resolution of the Israe- li-Palestinian conflict since the United Nations resolved to partition Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state. Some of these ob- stacles have been psychological, with both sides contesting the iden- tity and narrative of the other. More concrete barriers have been the many settlements built by Israel in the occupied West Bank, includ- ing East Jerusalem, since 1967, totaling today over 500,000 Israeli settlers. The commentary addresses these and other obstacles, but it also notes the important changes that have occurred, making resolu- tion of the conflict possible. These include the pragmatic 1988 PLO decision to create a state next to the state of Israel in the West Bank and Gaza, with a capital in East Jerusalem; the exchange of letters of mutual recognition between Chairman Arafat and Prime Minister Rabin that preceded the 1993 Oslo Principles, and the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002. Keywords: Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Peace, Conflict Resolution, Oslo Process, Arab Peace Ini- tiative, PLO Insight Turkey 2020 Vol. 22 / No. 1 / pp. 33-46 Recieved Date: 01/02/2020 • Accepted Date: 02/15/2020 • DOI: 10.25253/99.2020221.03 2020 Wınter 33 COMMENTARY GALIA GOLAN Identity Issues Arabs living in this area developed a national identity only in response he Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the arrival of Zionists and Zionist can be characterized in many claims to the land in the late nine- Tways.
    [Show full text]
  • The IDF in the Second Intifada
    Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • The Aix Group
    The Aix Group was formed in 2002 by Professor Gilbert Benhayoun and a team of Israelis and Palestinians, under the auspices of the Université Paul Cézanne- Aix-Marseille III in France. It works in coordination with The The Aix Group Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace in Israel and DATA Center for Studies and Research in Palestine. The Aix Group, January 2017 headed by its six Steering Committee members, continues publishing The Aix Group’s previous studies on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as doing advocacy; In publications include the 2016, in collaboration with the Office of the Chief Economist, MENA “Economic Road Map” (2004); Region, World Bank, the Group produced two further studies. The studies “Israel and Palestine: Between covered the following two topics: Two Further Studies: Disengagement and the Economic Road Map” (2005); (1) Improving the Gazan Economy; Improving the Gazan Economy “Economic Dimensions of a and Utilizing the Economic Potential Two-State Agreement between (2) Utilizing the Economic Potential of the Jordan Valley. Israel and Palestine” (2007) with a second volume in (2010); of the Jordan Valley The studies were prepared by two joint teams and presented in an “The Arab Peace Initiative and Israeli-Palestinian Peace: International Conference in November 2016. Over the years the Aix Group The Political Economy of a New held many assemblies with Israeli, Palestinian, and international experts; Period” (2012); among them academics, policy makers, private sector entrepreneurs, while “Economics and Politics in having also ongoing consultations with officials from national governments the Israeli Palestinian Conflict” and international institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Israeli-Palestinian Talks: an Agreed-On US Paper Is Still Possible
    Expert Analysis March 2014 The Israeli-Palestinian talks: an agreed-on U.S. paper is still possible By Yossi Beilin Executive summary The willingness of U.S. secretary of state John Kerry to settle for the minimal option – U.S. terms of reference (ToR) for the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations that will permit the parties to state their reservations – is a grave mistake. Such reservations would tie the hands of the negotiators because of the latter’s need to be publicly committed to them. Similar moves failed in the past, like the Clinton parameters in 2000 and George W. Bush’s road map in 2003. Kerry should go back to the drawing board and prepare a U.S. paper that contains another set of ToR that would refer to UN resolutions on the Middle East and focus on issues agreed upon between the parties regarding the goals of the negotiations, such as the establishment of a non- militarised Palestinian state, the willingness of such a state to permit foreign security forces to remain on its soil, and the understanding that the peace agreement would end the conflict and be the last word on the two parties’ claims. Such a document would not require the parties to express their reservations and would allow them to continue the negotiations in a much better environment. U.S. secretary of state John Kerry surprised many – both in reservations while continuing to negotiate until the end his own country and internationally – by his determination of 2014. to help achieve an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement. If initially his efforts were dismissed, today he finds himself The problem is that a paper that is not agreed to by the under severe attack by hawks on both sides, which pre- parties and allows them to state their reservations is not a sumably means that he is guiding the parties towards a substitute for a set of ToR that are agreed to and therefore moment of truth.
    [Show full text]
  • A Decade Since the Outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada: a Strategic the IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland the Rise and Fall
    Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: the Annapolis Conference
    Order Code RS22768 December 7, 2007 Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: The Annapolis Conference Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary At the end of November 2007, the Bush Administration convened an international conference in Annapolis, MD to officially revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas reached a “Joint Understanding,” in which they agreed to launch continuous bilateral negotiations in an effort to conclude a peace treaty by the end of 2008 and to simultaneously implement the moribund 2003 Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Both leaders are operating under significant domestic political constraints and they continue to disagree on many issues. Thus, their negotiations will be challenging. This report will not be updated. For background and future developments, see CRS Report RL33530, Israeli- Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy, by Carol Migdalovitz. Background In early 2007, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was said to have promised moderate Arab regimes that the United States would become more engaged in the Israeli- Arab peace process in exchange for their support for countering increasing Iranian influence in the Middle East.1 The Secretary made eight trips to the region during the year, initially to work with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas on developing a “political horizon” that would lead to a resumption of the long-stalled Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, issued by the international Quartet (the United States, European Union, United Nations, and Russia) on April 30, 2003.2 Each side maintains that the other has not fulfilled its obligations under the three-phase Road Map; independent observers agree that neither has done so.
    [Show full text]