WIP Sparg Sets Out ANC Policy On Violence

Marion Sparg placed limpet mines in three fighter. But the ANC South African police stations. Two wanted as many members as possible to be exploded, causing R2 600 damage at the able to defend themselves. 'The training Cambridge police station in East London took place in 1982 and the raid on and R38 500 at John Vorster Square. The Mozambique in 1981 by the SADF in which mine at Hillbrow police station failed to the ANC had lost 12 members was still explode* Police detonated it, causing very fresh', Sparg explained. During R7 630 damage. these six months, she was the only white She undertook these actions as a South African in the training camp, and trained soldier of the ANC'a armed wing, at times the only woman. Blacks training Umkhonto we Sizwe - the ANC 8 first spoke to her about white South Africans known white women guerilla. whom they respected and admired: 'they spoke in particular of ,...a As a young journalist, Sparg fire- white South African prepared to fight bombed Progressive Federal Party offices and die alongside them for a South in 1981, protesting the PFP's failure to Africa all could enjoy'. Sparg said she boycott Republic Day celebrations. became aware her presence in the camp Subsequently she worked as a journalist sparked off discussions on the nature of in the ANC'a Lusaka-based Department of the ANC's enemy, and what type of Infornation and Publicity, writing for targets Umkhonto we Sizwe should strike. the women's section journal, 'Voice of ANC members, particularly in Umkhonto we Women'. Together with Stephen Marais, Sizwe, 'are growing younger every day she smuggled limpet mines and detonators because of the situation inside the from into . country... For many of them my presence Marion Sparg did not dispute the proved that the ANC is not fighting a substance of the treason and arson racial war', she told the court. Sparg charges against her. She was more returned to the ANC's Lusaka office in concerned to explain her development from August 1982. student at Rhodes University, to Sunday Times journalist, to ANC member, to In December 1982 the SADF raided Umkhonto we Sizwe soldier. Lesotho, killing 30 South African and She pleaded guilty to the charges, ten Lesotho citizens. Sparg explained apologising only for 'political that some survivors reached Lusaka and immaturity' in attacking the PFP told them the SADF 'did not seem to care offices: she was not a member at the that they were attacking homes, not time of the PFP attacks and was not military camps... Children and babies acting on ANC instructions. 'My were killed and injured'. She could not political thinking at that time was forget the challenge she faced as a immature and emotional...I today regret white member of the ANC doing military the fact that I chose the PFP as a training in . 'I felt the raid target for violence. I still stand by left me with no alternative but to Join some of the criticisms I made of the Umkhonto we Sizwe'. PFP'. Sparg ssld she did not believe she Sparg left the Lusaka office in mid- was correct ID choslng the PFP as a 1984. By early 1985 she was ready for target for such violence. deployment and in about May she entered Together with fellow-Journalists Arnold South Africa from Lesotho with a false Geyer and Damian de Lange, Sparg fire- passport. She established herself in bombed three FFP offices on 31 May 1981, South Africa, set up communication links causing over R20 000 damage. Days later, with the ANC in Lesotho, and she left South Africa illegally for investigated potential sabotage targets. Botswana, and made contact with the ANC. In mid-February 1986 she and Stephen She then travelled to Lusaka as an ANC Marala, an ANC supporter living in the member and left for Angola in 1982, where Transkei, went to Lesotho where limpet she underwent military training at the mines and detonators were hidden in ANC's Caxito camp. their car. Over the next three weeks, Sparg placed limpet mines at the At the time, neither the ANC nor Sparg Cambridge police station (19 February), intended her to be deployed as an 42 WIP John Vorster Square (4 March) and In the course of her evidence, Sparg Hlllbrow (4 March). On 7 March police set out both ANC policy and her personal raided Sparg'a Hlllbrow flat. She was position on a variety of subjects: detained under section 29 of the ViolenceI 'Vben Umkhonto we Sizwe first Internal Security Act until 15 August, began its campaign of armed actions It whan she first appeared in court. did so by avoiding loss of life Like many South Africans* Sparg was completely'. That Is no longer possible, deeply affected by South Africa's violent she said, and escalating ANC violence Is raids into neighbouring territories. Her the result of actions by South African attitude on violence hardened: 'If I atop police and the SADP* to think of the people I knew In that Sparg expressed the hope that before first camp In Angola, particularly those much more blood Is shed 'white South who Instructed and commanded me, there Africans and the Botha government will are literally only one or two still realise the conflict can be settled alive. I was in Maseru in December last peacefully at a conference table. year (1985) when a raid took place in 'The ANC leadership has indicated on which several South Africans and two enough occasions that they are quite Lesotho citizens were killed. I as aware prepared to take part in such talks, but that the South African authorities deny you cannot expect the ANC to simply participation in that raid. However, suspend violence without a similar there is no doubt In my mind and in the commitment from the Botha government'. minds of most ANC members that it was Civilian targets: After the ANC either the South African police or SADP. consultative conference held at Kabwe, 'I knew all the South Africans who there was speculation that Umkhonto we died, not only as colleagues or comrades Sizwe would no longer draw a distinction but as very close friends. I was between 'hard' and 'soft' targets. 'I particularly close to a young white woman Insist that no member of Umkhonto we who was killed, Jacqueline Quion, whose Sizwe has been instructed to strike only connection to the ANC was that she directly at a civilian target'. She said was married to a member of the ANC. She the senior Umkhonto commanders instructed had a child. That child was only one year that whenever possible she should svoid old when both her parents were killed In civilian casualties, and where this was front of her'. Sparg said the ANC not possible she should still consider accepted raids like this would happen, the number of civilians put at risk. but said the SAOF soldiers were aware She could easily have placed limpet the people they intended killing were mines In police station charge offices: all unarmed, and included Lesotho 'I rejected this becauae in any charge citizens and others not connected to the office there are usually more civilians ANC. 'That did not deter them'. present than police'. Trial Judge Van der Halt aaked Sparg On white farmera: ANC policy towards the whether the potential effect of limpet white farming population has developed nines in police stations was not similar over some time. Sparg said in 1982 this to the Lesotho raid she described, became a very emotional topic in the especially aa far aa people and their camp. 'A number of members of Umkhonto we families were concerned. She disagreed Sizwe had died In clashes with white strongly: 'In the first Maseru raid farmers, mostly In the border areas. When (1982) 30 South Africans died... Ten members of Umkhonto we Sizwe enter this Lesotho citizens also died... Of the 30 country they have absolutely no desire to South Africans some were ANC members. clash with any white farmer'. But clashes There were however many South African continued, and Umkhonto we Sizwe had no refugees and family members including option but to go on the offensive. 'Most children. Those raids were directed at of the areas in which lsndmlne explosions private homes. My actions were directed have taken place are areas of grest was threatening the families of any strategic significance to the SADP... policemen or women'. Sparg said the ANC The ANC does now regard certain white and Umkhonto we Sizwe do not simply farmers as a legitimate military target, regard any supporter of the Botha but not the whole farming community*. government with or without military The police station attacks: Sparg said training aa a military target. 'By the bombings at John Vorster and placing limpet mines at police stations Cambridge police stations were actions on I was directing them at supporters of behalf of an organisation which this government with considerable represents the majority of black South military training and experience'. Africans and a significant, increasing 43 number of white South Africans. inside South Africa. 'That body has two *I deliberately timed those limpet sub-committees, a political headquarters sines to go off at noon, both at and a military headquarters. Both are Cambridge and at John Vorster Square and seen as equally important.•• The at Hillbrow... The policy in Umkhonto we importance that the ANC attaches to Sizwe now Is that because of the other tasks other than military tasks Increasing indiscriminate aggression can be seen by developments In the last practiced by the South African police, two years In Angola. A decision was and also because of the policy of the taken to move a considerable number of authorities to cover up as many actions members out of Angola (to South of Umkhnto we Sizwe as they can, It is Africa).•• not to carry out military necessary for HK actions to happen In tasks. Many were sent to the South broad daylight where It Is very African Congress of Trade Unions and an difficult for that action to be hidden equal number sent to carry out political from the public* But that does not mean tasks'. that I personally wanted death or injuries as a result of those On joining Uakhonto we Sizwe: 'I do not explosions*. She said the value of her regret joining the ANC or Uakhonto we actions was that the bombs were directed Sizwe. But I do regret the suffering I at targets symbolising , have put my family through. This Is a violence and brutality. conflict that many black families have The Geneva protocol: In 1980 ANC faced for generations.•• a conflict President Oliver Tambo became one of the which increasingly white families are first leaders of a national liberation beginning to face. When I joined movement to hand a declaration to the Uakhonto we Sizwe I was very much aware international committee of the Red Cross, of the fact that I have three brothers, In which the ANC stated it was prepared all of whom have completed military to recognise the broad sections of the training In the SADP and that it was Geneva Convention, in particular the 1977 very likely that any of them could be protocol. 'This (protocol) takes Into affected by the actions of Umkhonto we account the type of war that is being Sizwe. I resolved that conflict only fought in South Africa, In which one because of my belief that the type of party to the conflict does not recognise South Africa we are fighting for in the existence of the state of war'. Umkhonto we Sizwe is a South Africa which we are all going to enjoy, black and white'. While a signatory to the 1949 Geneva Convention, South Africa has so far In passing sentence, presiding Judge refused to ratify the 1977 protocol. Van der Walt Indicated he considered AMC leadership: 'I regard it as a Sparg'a race an aggravating factor. 'The privilege to have met people of the fact that as a white South African you calibre of Oliver Tambo, Thabo Mbekl, chose to espouse the cause of revolution Professor , Joe Slovo and many I regard as an aggravating feature'. It others... No matter how much I agree was more understandable for a black to with the alms of an organisation, I undertake such actions, he said. would have had very serious doubts about Observers interpret these remarks as laying down my life for that meaning that while whites have proper organisation If I did not know its political channels, blacks do not. This leaders to be capable, rational, view was challenged by defence attorney sensitive people'. Norman Hanolm, who noted that 'the The relationship between military and thrust of Sparg'8 evidence was to say political in the ANC: When the ANC that political avenues open to whites decided to move to armed struggle It did had become totally frustrated'. not abandon all other methods of Sparg, too, did not see it the judge's struggle. 'Outside South Africa the ANC way: 'As a white South African I do not has departments dealing with health, owe any loyalty to a government that is culture and education... Inside South clearly not based on the will of the Africa ANC members not only carry out people. I believe that my actions amount armed action, they also carry out to patriotism, not treason', she said. important political tasks'. On 6 November 1986 Marion Sparg was Sparg said recruitment for military sentenced to 25 years imprisonment - five training and armed struggle are not the years for the 1981 arson attacks on PPP ANC'a central theme. A political- offices, and 20 years for treason. military council controls ANC activities

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