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The Kairos Document and Its Pedagogical Implications
HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 7 Original Research Re-examining a theology of reconciliation: What we learn from the Kairos Document and its pedagogical implications Author: This contribution is derived from a more extensive 2018 PhD study in which the contested 1 Demaine J. Solomons nature of the discourses on reconciliation is explored. It provides a conceptual analysis of how Affiliation: reconciliation is understood in the Kairos Document (1985). Regarded as an outstanding 1Department of Religion and example of a theological response to the problem of apartheid, what is often overlooked is the Theology, Faculty of Arts, tension implicit in its approach which, in turn, has serious implications for how matters of University of the Western social justice are understood and acted upon. Here, the need for political, economic and Cape, Cape Town, South Africa cultural liberation is emphasised. It is assumed that social justice can only follow upon liberation, and that reconciliation is only possible on the basis of following justice. In this Corresponding author: contribution, I contend that those who take this approach are confronted with the danger of Demaine J. Solomons, self-secularisation, of reducing the Christian confession to nothing more than an example of [email protected] religious affiliation that may be tolerated as long as its particular claims are not foregrounded. Dates: The obvious danger, as may be the case with the Kairos Document, is one of being socially Received: 10 Oct. 2019 relevant without having anything distinct to offer. This, in turn, has serious implications for Accepted: 12 Mar. -
South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands. -
Lessons Drawn from the Apartheid Litigation
21 Towards Making Blood Money Visible: Lessons Drawn from the Apartheid Litigation INGRID GUBBAY* I INTRODUCTION UCH HAS BEEN written and said about the conceptual challenges raised in the two cases comprising the Apartheid litigation1 (‘Re Apartheid’). Of the 100 Mcases or so run under the Alien Tort Claims Act2 (ATCA) since its reinvigora- tion in 1980, Re Apartheid is unique in that it has spotlighted the high level of ‘collabora- tion/integration between non South African sectors of the business community and the State, in extending, maintaining, and profiteering from the Apartheid regime’.3 First filed under the ATCA in the Southern District Court in 2002, the South African plaintiffs have sought to publicly interrogate banks and other major corporations for their key role in allegedly supporting the crimes against humanity committed by the regime during the period of its operation between 1948 until the election of Nelson Mandela in 1994. The case narrative, told first through the reports to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa4 (TRC), and later in the US courts, establishes unequivocally that the financial and operational support provided by certain corporations maintained * The author is the European head of human rights and environmental law at Hausfeld & Co LLP, based in London. Her role in the litigation is to assist on areas of international law, and liaise with members of the Khulumani group. She worked in South Africa taking depositions from the named plaintiffs in the Khulumani case. The author would like to thank the Khulumani litigation team in Re Apartheid, for their contribution to this chapter. -
Israeli Infiltration in South Africa
Israeli infiltration in South Africa Na’eem Jeenah Executive Director, Afro-Middle East Centre January 2010 Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-4930181 Fax: +974-4831346 [email protected] www.aljazeera.net/studies Introduction The year 1948 witnessed both the establishment of the state of Israel and the establishment of the ‘Republic of South Africa’, ruled from then until 1994 by the Nationalist Party, using the ideology of Apartheid. In 1953, South Africa’s Prime Minister, Danie Malan, became the first head of government in the world to pay an official visit to Israel. This fact underlines the relationship that was later to develop between the South African Apartheid state and Israel, a relationship that would endure into South Africa’s post-Apartheid era – albeit in different forms. The relationship between South Africa and Israel developed because it was mutually beneficial to both. As negotiations took place in South Africa between the liberation movements and the Apartheid state, there was expectation from many quarters that the relationship would be severed with the ushering in of a democratic government in South Africa, controlled by liberation organisations which had close relationships with the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). Instead, while some areas of that relationship were downgraded, others were strengthened. Early Israel-Apartheid South Africa relations It seems surprising that the South African Nationalist Party had, over the period of a few years developed such close ties with Israel when its luminaries had, prior to 1948, been extremely Judeophobic and had supported Nazi Germany during the Second World War and offered to lead a coup in South Africa against the British on behalf of Nazi Germany. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
Archbishop Desmond Tutu
SOUTH AFRICAN Archbishop Desmond Tutu Registered at the GPO as a newspaper OUTLOOK OCTOBER 1986 R1,50 SOUTH AFRICAN Outlook on the Month ounooKISSN 0038 2523 ARCHBISHOP Vol117 No 1384 Editor Francis Wilson Assistant Editors Glyn Hewson DESMOND TUTU Michael King Jeanelle de Gruchy Together with thousands of his friends in this country and around the world, we wel Sarah-Anne Raynham come with joy and anticipation the appointment of Desmond Tutu as Archbishop of Review Editor Peter Moll Cape Town. Secretary Ruth Samuels At the same time we are saddened by the dismay, nay anger, with which his ap pointment has been greeted by some business leaders, by the government and by SATV which gave derisory coverage to his enthronement. It is worth noting in this regard that TV viewers in Australia were regaled with full coverage of the event; probably South African Anglicans saw less on TV of their own Archbishop than did Christians in most of the Western world. Why then the rancour from business and government? One possibility is that he is black, filling a post held hitherto only by whites. We should not forget that iust a OCTOBER 1986 century ago the Anglican Church was the official church of the Cape Colony (much i like the Church of England whose bishops are still appointed by Margaret Thatcher) until this legislation was removed from the statute books in the 1870s. Yet this alone OUTLOOK ON THE MONTH 106 fails to explain the brouhaha. The Methodist Church, the Congregational Church, the Bantu Presbyterian Church and other churches had black leaders years ago. -
198 Broadway 9 Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 These
198 Broadway 9 Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 M. William Howard, President Jennifer Davis,Landis, Executiue Vice President Director REGIME DECLARES WAR ON THE CHURCH Elizabeth SAPARTHEID'I F ACTION FOR SANCTIONS NEEDED NOW September 1988 TO: All Concerned Persons of Faith FROM: Dumisani Kumalo, Religious Action Network coordinator On August 31 a massive bomb destroyed the headquarters of the South African Council of Churches and other anti-apartheid and human rights groups in Johannesburg, injuring 23 people. Six days later South African security police raided the Cape Town offices of the Anglican Church. There they seized a tape recording of a sermon by Archbishop Desmond Tutu urging South African Christians to boycott segregated local elections scheduled for October. He has called for the boycott "as a nonviolent way of expressing our opposition to the evil and injustice of apartheid." For this "crime" Archbishop Tutu could be sentenced to ten years imprisonment. The government has denied complicity in the SACC bombing, but church leaders have no doubt that, as Archbishop Tutu said, "This act was committed by the perpetrators or supporters of apartheid." Only hours after the blast, the Minister for Law and Order, Adriaan Vlok, attacked the church leaders as "wolves in sheep's clothing" who support "liberation theology" and "people's democracy." "The time has come," he warned, "to tear off their masks." These incidents are as clear as Minister Vlok's threat-South Africa's Christian, Jewish and Moslem communities must end their courageous witness against inhumanity and injustice or face increasing government-sponsored violence and oppression. -
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA C S 339 Lafayette Street ~77-0 New York
E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA C S 339 Lafayette Street ~77-0 New York. .Y.10012 ,..I' ?hone: (2:2) 66 J• #8 FAX: (212) 979-1013 6 March 989 NOT BY BREAD ALO E 'The hunger strike is an organised THE GUARDIA~ and coordinated attempt to cast Frida~' March 3 1989 the authorities in a bad light and to blackmail them. The state cannot allow itself to be threat ened by means of hun~er strikes. ' - Adriaan Vlok, South African inister of Law and Order. The struggle for freedom in South Africa is centered on a countrywide hunger strike by the hundreds of people held in detentior. under Pre torian ukase which does not allow them recourse to any court of law. Adriaan Vlok has been forced to agree to release some hunger strikers lest they die on his hands, but the Detainees' Aid Cen tre in Johannesburg reports that of the 118 prisoners let go out of a nationwide total of some 850 '99 per cent' have been severely restricted in movement and forbidden to speak to the :\ lTU'w\d of 1.500 aUt'ndcd it :o.Vl'tOlall.:hun:h '~"\lU:l' In Lape Town Y~~lcrday In ,uppon uf lht, dClawt!'es ~till not reo. e<.I press. 'The detainees are b~ ~oulh walt~ oUI~lde wor~hlppers ha~~:ll simply being released into till' Alru.:an (,ovl'rnrnl'nl. :\ h.l.rgc number of polH;c the chun:h unlil all the another prison,' said Ms Audrey Coleman of the e tainees' Aid Centre. -
The Prison Narratives of Some South African Women
.. •"' Negoti~ting Truth, Freedom and Self: the Prison Narratives of Some South African Women Sandra M. Young Supervised by Assoc-Prof Dorothy Driver Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Cape Town Department of English Language and Literature 1996 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. For my mother Elizabeth compassionate and courageous in both living and dying iii Abstract The autobiographical prison writings of four South African women - Ruth First, Caesarina Kana Makhoere, Emma Mashinini and Maggie Resha - form the focus of this study. South African autobiography is burdened with the task of producing history in the light of the silences enforced by apartheid security legislation and the dominance of representations of white histories. Autobiography with its promise of 'truth' provides the structure within which to establish a credible subject position. In chapter one I discuss the use of authenticating devices, such as documentary-like prose, and the inclusion in numerous texts of the stories of others. Asserting oneself as a (publicly acknowledged) subject in writing is particularly difficult for women who historically have been denied access to authority: while Maggie Resha's explicit task is to highlight the role women have played in the struggle, her narrative must also be broadly representative, her authority communal. -
Inkululeko * Freedom Newsleher of the Michigan Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council No.1
March -April aa Inkululeko * Freedom NewsleHer of the Michigan Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council No.1 .~ =-===_~- i1 = r 4::a5"I'''' rra-.~ ~ ""'<:t==:=..__~ j Apartheid'Regime J ~ Launches Nevv Attacks! ~ Political Activities cJ I}_Civic ~ Ldx>r Groups Bamed .. On February 24th, the apartheid state This October all race groups will issued orders forbidding 17 anti-racist be able to vote in "their" res organizations "from carrying out or pective municipal elections. By performing any activity or acts obstructing political campaigns by whatsoever". Groups affected range the liberation_movement either with from the nation's largest anti in or in opposition to this round apartheid coalition, the multi-racial of elections the racist state hopes United Democratic Front (UDF) to the to foster an appearance of legiti smaller but influential Black Conscious macy and fake mass support for the ness Azanian Peoples Organization collaborators and the Botha reqimes' (AZAPO) and its National Forum Committee bogus reform stance. Messages' alliance. The Conqress of South African supporting the freedom movement can Trade Unions (COSATU) was ordered to be sent to: cease all its political activities COSATU and confine itself to narrow collective P.O. Box 1019 bargaining issues. Johannesburg 2000 South Africa Most press reports stressed the ru Telex: 486519 linq Nationalist Party took these steps to appear tough on "law and Weekly Mail order" for two whites I only by p.0. Box 260425 elections. These elections were Excom 2023 subsequently lost to the even more South. Africa extreme racist Conservative Party. Telex: 486379 The ruling party·s main intent how ever is to block resistence to those The New Nation forces in the Black community willing P.O. -
The Apartheid Divide
PUNC XI: EYE OF THE STORM 2018 The Apartheid Divide Sponsored by: Presented by: Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2 Letter from the Chair Page 4 Committee History Page 6 Delegate Positions Page 8 Committee Structure Page 11 1 Letter From the Crisis Director Hello, and welcome to The Apartheid Divide! My name is Allison Brown and I will be your Crisis Director for this committee. I am a sophomore majoring in Biomedical Engineering with a focus in Biochemicals. This is my second time being a Crisis Director, and my fourth time staffing a conference. I have been participating in Model United Nations conferences since high school and have continued doing so ever since I arrived at Penn State. Participating in the Penn State International Affairs and Debate Association has helped to shape my college experience. Even though I am an engineering major, I am passionate about current events, politics, and international relations. This club has allowed me to keep up with my passion, while also keeping with my other passion; biology. I really enjoy being a Crisis Director and I am so excited to do it again! This committee is going to focus on a very serious topic from our world’s past; Apartheid. The members of the Presidents Council during this time were quite the collection of people. It is important during the course of this conference that you remember to be respectful to other delegates (both in and out of character) and to be thoughtful before making decisions or speeches. If you ever feel uncomfortable, please inform myself or the chair, Sneha, and we will address the issue.