A CRITICAL AUTOETHNOGRAPHY of ETHIOPIAN MUSLIM WOMEN a University Thesis Presented to T

Home , Islam in Ethiopia

DISTRIBUTED MEANING:

A CRITICAL AUTOETHNOGRAPHY OF ETHIOPIAN MUSLIM WOMEN

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A University Thesis Presented to the Faculty

California State University, East Bay

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In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts in Communications

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Feruz Ahmed

June 2015

Abstract

Academic literature suggests there is an expansion of Salafi and Wahhabi ideology in

Ethiopia and in the diaspora. Many Ethiopian Muslims who self identify as Sunni’s are now being absorbed into this movement, which is evidenced by an increase of Imams preaching Wahhabi ideologies. Discourse and scholarly work on the spread of Islam in the horn of Africa is incomplete because the experiences and contributions of women are absent. This is also evidenced by the increase of Niqab (full dress) by Ethiopian Muslim women in the Horn and the diaspora. To fill in this gap, I have produced an autoethnography of my experience as an Ethiopian Muslim woman in the Madrassa

(Islamic school) and in Ethiopia. I visited Ethiopia in the spring of 2009 and observed and documented how gender roles, and dress codes enable the spread of this ideology. I found that many Ethiopian Muslims, who identify as Sunni Muslims, in actuality, practice a mixed form of Sufism and Sunni Islam. This is evident by the references to

Awlyia (saints of Islam) at community gatherings, and the common practice of Manzuma or Dhikr (religious discourse).

Key words

Women’s agency, Salafism and Wahhabism, Sufism, Sunni, Ethiopia

Acknowledgements

This thesis is dedicated to my mother, whose vitality and energy inspires me to ask the difficult questions, and to my father, who patiently taught us all how to live.

My big sister Tahiya taught me about hard work, Lula about leadership, and

Zekrait about staying firm to one’s inner voice. My baby sister Suad continues to inspire me to appreciate and enjoy the beautiful, natural things of this world.

I would like to thank my entire committee for their service.

Dr. Grant Kien, for his kind words of encouragement, and for serving as chair.

Thanks to Dr. William Lawson for his patience through the many manifestations of this study, and for applying his keen eye for detail to my work.

I benefited greatly from Dr. Nicholas Baham’s mentorship, participation and feedback. His broad-minded approach to education and open-hearted nature continues to motivate me.

After working with these professors, I completed a full circle and produced this autoethnography.

Dr. Toni Fogarty gifted me with her time and energy. Being a student in Dr. Laura

Nelson’s classroom was a rewarding experience, and served as a role model for my teaching style. Thanks to Dr. Terry West, Dr. Valerie Smith, and Dr. Mary Cardaras, for their academic advice. Dr. Robert Terrell courageously served as the divine Kali, and always made me feel welcome.

I hold a special place in my heart for the Ethiopian, Eritrean, (and Somali) women who taught me that there are many levels to our culture, and to look in the quiet places.

Lastly, I am indebted to three full individuals, who humbly prefer to remain anonymous, as they have participated in my ongoing development towards seeing things as they actually are.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii

Acknowledgements ...... iv

Introduction ...... 1

Evolution ...... 2 Purpose ...... 3 Problem ...... 3 Organization ...... 4 Perspective ...... 5

Ethiopia and Oromo ...... 6

Wahhabism and Salafism ...... 8

Islam in Ethiopia ...... 13

Afrabia ...... 15

Literature Review...... 17

Technology ...... 17 Critical Theory ...... 19 Text through History ...... 20 Philosophy and Theory ...... 23 Technology and Human Psychology ...... 27 Ideology, Hegemony and Power ...... 31 Oral Tradition...... 38 Written Tradition ...... 39 Global Network ...... 41

Contemporary Ethiopia and Discourse ...... 42

Method ...... 44

Autoethnography ...... 46

Bay Area, CA 1998 ...... 50 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Spring 2009 ...... 58 Bale, Ethiopia Spring 2009 ...... 63

Conclusion ...... 67

References ...... 71

vii

Introduction

Innis’s seminal works, Bias of Communication (2008) and Minerva’s Owl (1999), accurately describe the effects of the written word on cultures based on oral traditions.

Innis’s arguments outline the consequences of Wahhabi and Salafi ideologies, distributed through books and technology, on the structure of Ethiopian Muslim culture and society.

Through my documented experiences in the Madrassa system in the Bay Area, CA, and time spent in Ethiopia in spring of 2009, I observed the many ways the Salafi and

Wahhabi ideology has theoretically expanded. Women participate in its expansion, and their contributions are absent within the dominant discourse. In Ethiopian culture, women traditionally form networks, enforce cultural norms, and socialize in their own private spaces. The increase of Niqabs1 worn by women is a sign the Salafi ideology is gaining a foothold in Ethiopia and in the diaspora.

On the ground, Sufism and Sunni Islam are practiced; this is evident through the practice of Manzuma, and by common references to ancestors during community gatherings of Ethiopian Muslims. The spread of Salafi ideologies in the community is causing many Ethiopian Muslims to reject their local customs and develop new, culturally foreign, methods of practicing Islam, e.g. Wahhabism.

Critical insights on technology and its effects on society are provided in the following sections, in order to explain how technology disrupts cultural and traditional notions of private and publics space (Massey, 1993; Arendt, 1958; and Castells, 2001), and outline how the core and periphery interact and influence each other (Massey, 1993).

1Niqabs are face veils and is traditionally in line with Arabian culture. Niqab use in no way indicates terrorist ideologies.

Evolution

At the start of this study, my objective was to highlight the many ways Sufism is embedded within Ethiopian Muslim culture, in order to provide an alternative narrative to the expanding Wahhabi ideology. On many occasions, I resisted adopting a post-colonial feminist lens because I thought focusing on the experiences of non-western women would place me in an inferior position. In other words, scholars writing about the Salafi ideology do not identify the movement as a “male” phenomenon, and so I wanted to approach the narrative at the same level and space.

By the end of the study, I realized the absence of scholarly work on the contributions of Ethiopian women to this movement was strong indication of how and why perceptions of the movement are lacking. Ethiopian culture is heavily patriarchal, yet this system is supported and enforced by women. Hence, outlining the many ways women support and participate in the distribution of Salafi ideology is the only way to fully understand how this phenomenon is impacting Ethiopian Muslim culture and society. I realized my underlying questions are about the interplay between the core and the periphery, and how the collective psyche, and gender roles, adapt to rapid changes in society.

Future areas of exploration include Sufi ideologies, how gender roles work to shape the collective identity of Ethiopian peoples, and investigation into Ethiopian spiritual practices prior to the influence of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. In other words, I suggest an investigation into the common customs and psychological connections of ethnic tribes residing in what is now Ethiopia and Eritrea. And as an

extension of that line of inquiry, I suggest investigation into how these common customs work to create a psychological container in our shrinking, post-modern, electronic world.

Purpose

The goal of this study is to examine through autoethnography, how books are utilized by the current Wahhabi and Salafi movement in Ethiopia and the diaspora, and to provide commentary and insight on the contributions by Ethiopian Muslim women.

Problem

There is a growing body of literature that suggests that Salafism is taking root in the Bale region of Southern Ethiopia (Ostebo, 2012 and Abdullah, 2012). Key writings and texts within the discourse on Salafism and Wahhabism will be presented and examined (Algar, 2002, and Ostebo, 2012). This significant trend is shaping how

Ethiopian Muslims in the country and the diaspora understand themselves as Ethiopian

Muslims. Therefore this study will add critical insight into this phenomenon, and add to the growing body of literature on Islam in the Horn and diaspora. However, the deeper purpose of this study is more personal. Growing up as an Ethiopian Muslim woman, I never found literature that I could use to fully reconcile with my experiences. My attempts were limited to reading novels about Indian or Middle Eastern women, which in most cases were not equipped to connect with and address the experiences of African women. Thus I hope this study will open a path for those who are drawn to reflection and aren’t yet able to find an echo.

Organization

Hamid Algar’s precise and well balanced essay Wahhabism: A Critical Essay

(2002) is presented to clarify the history and belief structures of Wahhabism, and to contextualize the spread of Wahhabism as a global movement. This study has two components. The first component of this study will focus on the emerging and dominate theories regarding Wahhabism and Salafism. I will present current literature which suggests a form of extremist Islam is growing in the Horn of Africa; primarily in the

Southern Ethiopian, Bale region. This literature fails to take into account multiple variables including the affects of literature on a rural population and its oral culture, the centrality of books as artifacts within Islam, the experiences of women, and their contributions.

The second component addresses how books have influenced Ethiopian Muslim culture and experiences. To do this, I have provided an autoethnography of my experiences of being educated in the Madrassa school systems, and my observations of the multiple ways I observe women contributing to the movement by exploring Addis

Ababa (capital city), and the Bale (southern region) of Ethiopia in 2009. My focus is on the many ways women’s spaces were created and utilized to socialize each other, and how theses spaces were used to spread Salafi ideology, while practicing Sufi beliefs. I have briefly introduced post-colonial feminist and post-modern theories to add context to this movement. A discussion of technology and its effects on an oral culture is also included. My working definition of private and public spaces is discussed, and illustrations of women’s agency are presented.

Perspective

In 2009, I visited Ethiopia with my father to collect data for my research on

Ethiopian coffee cooperatives. This project allowed us to tour many cities and farms. We began in the capital city, Addis Abba, and then continued to smaller towns including

Dilla and Sheshamene. Further south, we stayed in Oromo majority provinces including

Bale, Goba, and Aubora. While in the more populated town of Bale, I talked to women, and witnessed and took notes on their and my experiences. 2 Goba is a small town near

Bale and therefore more easily and readily adopts trends from the bigger town. Aubora is isolated and very difficult to reach due to the tough, dirt roads. The quiet village like town seemed to hold a presence unpolluted by noise or innovations from the outside world. The farmers built mosques and practiced a form of Islam that contained a mixture of Sufism.3 Through listening to our oral histories, I learned that most of the Bale townsfolk traced their tribes and lineages to Aubora. As time passed on, families spread to Goba and Bale, and eventually adopted more westerns ideals and beliefs. As a visitor, it was starkly clear how Aubora’s relative isolation enable the residents to maintain native cultural traditions.

Through these informed experiences, I found that Salafism as a solid social and political movement was rarely practiced in Aubora, and Bale; Sufism was more prevalent than is documented by the current literature. However it must be noted that social and political upheaval within the last five years in Ethiopia, in addition to mass student migrations, are adding to the present imposition of Salafism. Furthermore, these trends

2 One of many ethnic groups in Ethiopia with numerous tribes. 3 Specific Sufi practices I observed will be defined in the following sections.

are replicated among the diaspora. As stated, there is a growing Wahabbi and Salafi movement; however, I found that the reasons for this are more nuanced than the current literature suggests. Some reasons for this include that books as a phenomenon and their effects have not been fully taken into account by the dominate narrative, and the contributions of women are absent.

The diaspora community has actively participated in the discourse. I will illustrate how their use of books and technology has allowed them to remain involved with, and influenced by, events happening “back home.” I will focus on Oromo Muslims because this ethnic group is predominately Muslim and has a stronghold in the Bale region.

Furthermore, the Oromo culture has only recently adopted a written language (30 years ago); this makes their interactions with literature and technology especially unique. And,

I predict this has a role in the promotion of the “strict” form of Islam being practiced in the Bale region. I will also highlight how student migrations to Saudi Arabia for education have affected this movement (Algar, 2002). Further discussion on the role of students in this movement will be illustrated in the autoethnography section.

Ethiopia and Oromo (Background)

The scramble for Africa by European powers in 1885 is the point at which most accurate historical dates can be traced for the continent. Prior to the European invasion, historical accounts of which ethnic group were native to, or were first to migrate to the

Ethiopian lands is inconclusive.4 Oromo people trace their ancestry to the southlands and claim the Amhara people to be their colonizers. In contrast, the Amhara people claim their ancestry precedes the Oromo nomads. This illustration doesn’t include the abuses on

4 See Baxter (1978).

other ethnic groups including the Gurage, Tigre, and Gambella groups. Therefore, similar to other ethnic land conflicts in Africa, no consensus exists.

During Haile Selassie’s reign, which began in 1930, numerous policies were created in an effort to homogenize all the ethnic groups of Ethiopia. The government tried to force the Amhara culture on all Ethiopian people by compelling citizens to renounce or suppress their own languages and cultures, in favor of Amhara superiority.

Therefore, individuals who wished to prosper in Ethiopian society essentially had to adopt two identities; they practiced their cultures and spoke their languages in private, and adopted and practiced Amhara culture in public (Baxter, 1978).

The process of Amharization affected the Oromo people in particular because they were the most populous ethnic group. Furthermore, the disparity between ethnic groups was evident in the way once free Oromo farmers became absorbed into the bottom of the emperor’s feudal system. Policies practiced during his reign formed the foundation for current ethnic and class biases (Baxter, 1978).

I became interested in this research because my Wargi tribe is closely tied to the

Oromo ethnic group. I grew up learning about the horrible treatment the Oromo people faced in Ethiopia. Furthermore, I was always surprised that the country’s most populous ethnic group was at the bottom of the social and economic class system. However, in recent years, large bodies of politically active Oromo organizations have formed among the Oromo diaspora. These largely student run, nationalist groups work in unison for the creation of the Oromo state. Personally, I avoid membership with these and other organizations because I am more interested in how ideologies are perpetuated and endure.

Furthermore, these student groups work with students in the Bale region, and are connected with students who enter Saudi Arabian universities, in hopes of absorbing

Islamic teachings and literature for later distribution.

Wahhabism and Salafism

The following is a brief presentation of the history, ideologies and contemporary significance of Wahhabism and its recent merge with Salafism. The history and development of Wahhabi thought is significant as it explains why Wahhabi ideology is tied to the Saudi state, and how students of Saudi universities become influenced by these beliefs.

According to Hamid Algar’s, informed book entitled Wahhabism: A Critical

Essay, Wahhabi thought is a recent “mode of thought” within Islamic history and civilization. The reason this movement has gained momentum is because of support from

Saudi patrons; Saudi history is inextricably tied to Wahhabi thought, as they joined together during the early years of the Saudi tribe’s development and colonization of nearby regions (Algar, 2002). Algar argues that traditionally Wahhabis coerce while

Salafis, who are based in Egypt, persuade (2002, p.48). The author states that Salafism and Wahhabism began as two separate movments and joined in the 1960’s enabled by the establishment of The Muslim World League (Algar 2002, p.49).

Wahhabism is attributed to Muhammad Al Bin Wahhab, who was born in

1115/17035 in the dry Najd region of what is now Saudi Arabia. During his life he worked tirelessly to reform Islamic thought, and is noted as stating “God Almighty

5 The first date references the year according to the Islamic calendar. The second date follows the Christian calendar. See Algar (2002) index for a full chronology of significant dates.

expanded his breast for him, enabling him to understand those contradictory matters that lead men astray from His path” (Algar 2002, p.6).

Al Wahhab’s father was a well known Islamic teacher and civil servant in their hometown of al-Uyayna, who utilized teachings from the Hanabli madhhab or school of thought in Sunni Islam. Algar writes that Al-Wahhab’s polemic activities in the town caused his father to lose his post, and relocate his family to Huraymila where Al Wahhab later joined his father and brother (Algar, (2002), pg. 7).

Algar states that Al- Wahhab spent the next four years in Medina studying under the great Sheiks or teachers in the area. At that moment in time, Medina was a well regarded hub for knowledge and intellectual exchange as Muslims all over the world travelled to Medina to increase their understanding of their religion. This is especially relevant as the same pattern of student migrations to Medina has not ceased. In most cases, many modern day students do not travel with intentions of adopting Wahhabi thought; unconsciously absorbing these ideologies is the natural secondary outcome to being educated in universities that propagate these beliefs (Algar, 2002).

Algar (2002) suggests moral and financial support, made possible by oil wealth amassed in the twentieth century, from Saudi Arabian patronageship, and geographic location near the Haramayn region (near to important areas within the Islamic world) provided the necessary factors for Wahhabism to gain momentum and thrive. As noted by

Algar (2002), “Those same two factors, reinforced by a partial congruity with other contemporary tendencies in the Islamic world, have endowed Wahhabism with a degree of longevity” (p. 2). Uncommonly known is that Al Wahhab originally denounced

teachings accepted by Sunnis; and only recently is the term “Wahhabi” used interchangeably with “Sunni.”

Algar (2002) states:

It is… illusory to suppose that either individual or society is a blank space on

which Quran and Sunna can be authentically imprinted without admixture from

either historical or contemporary circumstance. Precisely the process and mode of

the Quranic revelation imply continuous interaction with the changing reality of

human societies, a reality that necessarily includes a historical dimension. (p.11)

This historical dimension is absent within Wahhabi thought, as the movement lacks precedence in Islamic history. In other words, many reform movements in Islamic civilization have erupted and faded away. Thus the Wahhabi movement is significant because of the timing of its inception. Advances in society have enabled organizations with mutual interests to form, incorporate and develop. Thus although relatively new, the

Wahhabi movement has endured because it capitalized on its relationship to the Saudi state, and Saudi wealth.

As stated by Algar (2002):

From the point of view of Wahhabism itself, it might, of course, be argued that

precisely this lack of historical precedent is a virtue, the whole purpose of

Wahhabism being to dismantle the complex and intricate structure of law,

theology and mysticism, not to mention religious practice, that had grown up

since the completion of the Qur’anic revelation, and to find a way back directly to

the twin sources of Islam, to the Qur’an and the Sunna (p. 10).

According to Algar, the Saudi Arabian state began as the martial arm of the

Wahhabi group, and gained strength under first British, and then American patronage.

The author states, “The weakening of the linkage between the religious establishment and the Saudi family now visibly underway is in its essence the inevitable outcome of a clash between two inherited loyalties, the Wahhabi and the Anglo-American” (Algar, 2002, p.

19). In 1159/174, the Wahhabi/ Saudi state announced jihad or moral war against all those who practiced shirk (polytheistic belief) and Bida (innovation).

This new alliance began a bloody campaign to reform all of Arabia. The Wahhabi zealots travelled from town to town destroying domes on the graves of noted imams and saints, in addition to demolishing decorations perceived to be too exotic. The crucifixion of townspeople was also included in these raids (Algar, 2002).

A central component to the Wahhabi ideology is the principle that everything except the Quran and Hadith must be removed because it promotes shirk or innovation.

In order to centralize the “reforms” required, Ibn Wahab compiled a book entitled; Kitab

Al-Tauhid which outlines key issues the Ummah or Islamic community must be clear of, so as not to stray from the religion. 6,7 However, the most interesting aspect of this movement is the label of “Wahhabism” which is assigned to those who supposedly practice this ideology and according to Algar (2002) is used by those who attempt to study Wahhabis. In other words, those who are supposedly Wahhabis would, and will,

6 Written record of the life and teachings of the Prophet Mohamed (P). 7 See Algar (2002), p. 8.

rarely recognize and embrace that title and would more readily say that they follow the

Sunni form of Islam.8

Algar (2002) states, Wahhabis prefer the title Al-Muwahhidun or Al-al-Tauhid,

“the asserters of the divine unity” (p.1). The issue of naming and titles is a sensitive issue within our Islamic community because any group that categorizes themselves in this manner, by default diminishes the contributions of others who don’t consider themselves a part of this group. Within academic thought, Algar (2002) states that Wahhabis are commonly characterized as extreme or conservative Sunnis. However, “Sunni” is now a catch all phrase used by non Muslims to describe Muslims who don’t identify as Shiites.

This key point will be analyzed in the following sections. Historically, the division between Sunnis and Shiites occurred after the death of the Prophet. With the loss of leadership, the community was faced with the decision of electing a Calipha (or leader); a segment believed Ali should have assumed the position because he was the Prophet’s son-in-law and cousin and possessed spiritual authority through bloodline; the majority supported Abu Bakr’s eventual secession, as he was the Prophet’s closest companion and protector.

Eventually, with the support of the Saudi government, Al Bin Wahab spread his beliefs into formal institutions, including the universities where Muslims from all over the world gather to learn about Islamic theology. Students from all over including Africa,

Europe, Asia, and South East Asia attend the universities (primarily University of

Medina) and are encouraged to take their lessons and return to their countries to teach their communities. According to Algar (2002), students who attend the university are

8 This point will be explained in the following sections.

more likely attracted to a “naturalist world view,” and are therefore prone to accept

Wahhabi ideals presented without deeper investigation into the deeper and esoteric aspects of the religion (p. 50).

After completing their education, these students return to their native countries with more books and pamphlets to “spread” their new found knowledge and teachings

(Ostebo, 2012). Many students don’t attend the university with expectations on receiving

Wahhabi style training, and consequently perpetrate these beliefs in their home communities (Algar, 2002).

Islam in Ethiopia

Ethiopia’s rich culture boasts a long history and tradition that pre-date the

Abrahamic religions. However, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam all have pivotal events that place their religious developments against the backdrop of the ancient land.

Currently, multiple ethnicities and traditions overlap and co-exist; although not always in harmony. For example, the issue of slavery and the Arab slave trade has always been a major point of contention.

In September 2013, a whirlwind of abuses about Ethiopian migrants in Saudi

Arabia flooded social media outlets including Facebook and Twitter. Almost instantaneously, a campaign spearheaded by Zekarias Bekele of Cleveland, Ohio, commenced to bring awareness to the plight of migrant and domestic workers.9 The

Ethiopian diaspora were urged to spread awareness by any means including sharing violent, graphic images of rapes, forced prostitutions, killings and beating of Ethiopian migrants by Saudi Arabia militia, police, and citizens.

9 See Bekele, Z. http://ethioforum.org/ . (Retrieved Dec. 2013).

Articles were published on Ethiopian internet hubs including Ethiopia Media

Forum, where articles and videos and graphic images, and personal stories continue to circulate freely. In academic circles, the burden of responsibility has been largely placed on the Ethiopian government (Zahorik, 2014). Zahorik (2014) states blame was assigned because the Ethiopian government failed to publicly denounce the abuses, and maintained their ongoing economic ties with the Saudi Arabian government.

In the following months, protests around the globe were staged in front of the

Saudi Arabian embassy both in Europe and the U.S. Letters and pleas were sent to the

U.S. Congress and president demanding action. Reports of abuses on domestic workers from other Middle Eastern countries including Lebanon, Kuwait, and the United Arab

Emirates continued to emerge. Thereafter, national and international news organizations began to contribute to the issue by reporting on the events as they unfolded. This culminated in the crackdown and mass deportation of undocumented migrants back to

Ethiopia.

In light of this phenomenon, my curiosity peaked because my relatives were among the migrants who flowed from Ethiopia to Saudi Arabia. And, I began to wonder how the U.S. Ethiopian, Muslim diaspora interpreted the events. I began to question members of my ethnic and religious communities about their opinions on the violence and subsequent deportations. I wondered whether nationalistic loyalties would pull on their heartstrings.

As these questions developed in my mind, a larger question began to solidify and it was one of identity. Namely, I wondered what affect the exposed violence against

Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia and in the Middle East had, and has, on the self understanding of Ethiopian Muslims in Ethiopia and within the U.S. Diaspora, especially so with the rise of Salafism in Ethiopia (Ostebo, 2012).

I also wondered how the community and individuals understood and interpreted their identities in light of these events. It must be noted the narrative of Islam and slavery as one entity ignores the various factors that contributed to the slave trade, not to mention that slavery actually predated Islam; especially more so because of Saudi Arabia’s tight knit relationship with Ethiopia, although investigation into the full extent of their relationship will be beyond the scope of this study (Zahorik, 2014).

Afrabia:

In terms of ethnicity and geography, Welsey Muhamed (2009) in his in-depth investigation of what he calls “Afrabia” argues the original Arabs were actually of the

Kush ethnic group, otherwise called Ethiopians. These Arabs were later colonized by raiders from other lands which caused hereditary changes that eventually resulted in the light skinned, “Hawk-like” Arab of today (pg. 6). Muhamed (2009) argues one need only look to the Southern areas of Saudi Arabia and Oman to witness the appearances of ‘true

Arabs’, which resemble what he calls, the “Elongated type” of black African (pg. 7). This

“Elongated type” originates from the Horn of Africa, is comprised of Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea.

Muhamed (2009) states the current understanding of Arabia’s separation from

Africa by the Red Sea was a purely European and Wahhabi construction; historically, the

Arabian Peninsula was included as part of the African contintent. This understanding

subtly removes a sense of separation between Arabs and Africans; and eliminated the shift of power of one group over another. While this is one perspective, undoubtedly, the fact remains that both Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia are linked in a complex relationship.

In Abbink’s (1998) study of identity and politics in Ethiopia, he states, “the emergence and identity of Ethiopian Islam has been inextricably linked with the nature of the Ethiopian state and its economic base, and with the Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity

(and vice versa). Both religions are part of one ideological-religious framework rooted in a multi-ethnic Ethiopian culture.” (p.113) In order to embark on the task of mapping out the multiple ethnic groups and identities, the author suggests examining a particular ethnic group and the religion they practice because similar customs and rituals are practiced among similar ethnic groups with different religious affiliations. This point is especially necessary when analyzing the Salafi phenomena.

Abbink (1998) provides a brief summary of the various ways Islam has flourished by region. In the Gondar region, the Christian imperial kingdom tolerated Islamic beliefs because of the necessary trade and merchandise Islamic merchants contributed. Yet,

Muslims themselves weren’t allowed in high positions of power or influence. In general, the Muslim population flourished in the southern lands of Ethiopia, while Orthodox

Christianity maintained a stronghold in the north. During the reign of Emperor Tewdoros

(r. 1855-1868), Orthodox Christianity as a state religion was pushed deeply by the monarchy for various reasons, including reclaiming power away from growing provincial lords in the Oromo districts in Wollo and Yejju (northern Ethiopia). 10

10 Please see Abbink (1998).

According to Abbink (1998),

The Ethiopian emperor [since Aksum period from fourth century onwards] has

been defined partly through its association with Christianity. The emperor of

Ethiopia always ‘had to be a Christian’ and was the ‘Protector’ of the Church,

while the head of the Church officiated in the crowing ceremony of

emperors…The campaigns of expansion of Emperor Minilik (1889-1913) who at

the end of the nineteenth century almost doubled the size of Ethiopia, led him into

many Islamic and other non-Christian areas, for instance the territories of the

Oromo, Sidama, Harari, Somali, Wolayta and Kaficho. In the course of this

southward movement, several peoples resisting conquest and submission took up

Islam as a resistance ideology against the Christian overlords, who usually took

away most of their land and destroyed or redirected their economy. (p. 115)

The delicate relationship between Christians and Muslims was relatively peaceful provided each ethnic and religious group remained in their predominant areas, and traded goods with relative distance. However, tensions are present due to the recent attacks of Al

Qaeda terrorist organizations and their subsequent executions of Ethiopian Christians. 11

Literature Review

Technology

Fuchs (2009) suggests critical theory is categorized in two distinct ways. In one direction, critical theory serves as a blanket term that seeks to uncover the experiences and effects of domination and capitalism. In the other direction, Fuchs (2009) asserts that

Critical theory “as a more specific term means the work of the Frankfurt School and

11 One source on the topic is http://www.madote.com/2015/04/isis-video-shows-mass-execution-of.html.

particularly of Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkeimer, Jurgen Habermas, and Herbert

Marcuse” (p. 1).

What follows is a brief discussion of these additional lenses as well as how they relate to critical theory. I’ve provided a critical discussion on how books and the written word as a communications device are utilized through capitalism. I’ll examine the social relations formed around books through a brief discussion of Innis’s Bias of

Communication (2008) and O’Regan’s Text as a Critical Object (1999). I consume a lot of reading material and have had experiences of pleasure while reading. I suggest that reading and writing, as an experience should be undertaken with a conscious mind so the story itself, rather than the storyteller or their words, remain the central or key experience.

I’ve selected books because Western democratic culture, which has spread throughout the world, is especially imbedded with perceptions of rights to democracy and free will (as opposed to the ‘developing’ world); as such, I find it interesting how readily citizens as consumers easily consume the written word as a form of absolute truth. I assert the book and its implied authority through authorship serves as a technological machine and has the potential to be used in the conditioning of mass groups of people who might otherwise be opposed to ideological domination. As noted by Algar, (2002) the sacredness of books is also apparent within Islamic civilization and culture. Therefore the same outcomes within the culture can be expected.

Critical Theory

As stated by Fuchs (2009), critical theory is a dynamic theory that traces its origins in the work of Karl Marx, and has developed to encompass a broad range of specific and general approaches.

The author states:

So on the one hand, if one defines critical theory in the very broad sense, then the

normative aspect of critical theory as critique of domination becomes lost. On the

other hand, if one defines critical theory in a very strict sense focusing on specific

theories, scholars, or single concepts, then one risks advancing a narrow-minded

definition that weakens the academic and political power of critical theory by

isolating approaches. (Fuchs, 2009, p. 3)

In other words, in order to fully examine occurrences of domination and capitalism, the definition of critical theory must be specific enough to apply to specific circumstances and broad enough to encompass broad trends within the culture.

Critical theory as an approach must encompass both a global and specific reach in order to remain applicable to new emerging issues related to authority and domination.

Fuchs summarizes Fred Rush’s (2004, p. 9) definition of critical theory as the theory that

“is an account of the social forces of domination that takes its theoretical activity to be practically connected to the object of its study. In other words, critical theory is not merely descriptive, it is a way to instigate social inequality that can, in turn, inform political action aimed at emancipation; or at least diminishing domination and

inequality” (Fuchs, 2009, p. 3). Thus critical theory seeks to dynamically address instances of inequality and domination. Critical theory as a concept is semi-autonomous because it retains a loose anchor to Marxist thought, and seeks to question societal functions, research methods, ways of being and ways of intellectualizing social relations so the instances and critical moments of domination and authority may be uncovered.

Text through History

According to Innis in Bias of Communication (2008), text based societies emphasize efficiency and promote governmental infrastructure and law. Traditionally, people who possessed specialized skills of reading and writing maintained a special position within the upper class, as opposed to the illiterate, who depended on hierarchical relationships to pass down ancient knowledge and law through customs and rituals.

Essentially, as each society moved closer to becoming more text based; the written word progressively removed cultural authority away from relationships promoted in oral societies, and granted immortality to the text and ideas. Societies that produced books ensured a cultural change where mass literacy, as a cultural norm, was established. Once mass literacy is (or was) maintained, books in the form of narratives became a communication device to transmit cultural norms and ideals.

In contrast, oral societies required communication to occur through oral conversation, e.g., transmission from person to person. Through this style of transmission, authority becomes dynamic in that the leader or speaker is constantly changing. Furthermore, through memorization, the authority of the storyteller is always negotiated and substantiated, i.e. if the leader or shaman forgets than his authority

collapses. Thus true authority rests in the story which is constantly made alive through its retelling. However within written traditions, writing becomes absolute. Once the story is confined to words, then the storyteller rather than the story assumes authorship.

I assert that books and their implied authority through authorship essentially replaced the traditional shaman’s storytelling position, within oral societies, and therefore has become a staple cultural storytelling device within our culture. Although the benefits of books include the possibility of transmitting knowledge or ideas to even larger groups of people (thereby arguably promoting the growth of civilization), stories relocated to the written word remove the quality of relationship among people within a culture because relationships are no longer required to transmit knowledge.

In order to conduct an in-depth textual analysis, O’Regan (2006) references a term originally created by Adorno (1973), namely, ‘imminent critique.’ This term, according to the author, fully investigates the many messages (overt and hidden) contained within any text. O’Regan states, “Although Adorno was interested in texts, and particularly in the texts of mass culture, he preferred to make general critical commentaries on them, rather than undertake more systematic discourse analytic studies of them” (2006, p. 184). In other words, within texts, instances of domination are present and must be examined.

O’Regan (2006) continues, “In immanent critique, ‘objects, such as social institutions, ideological concepts, and beliefs, are judged according to whether they meet their own criteria of truth; that is, according to their own conceptions of what they think they are” (p. 184). O’Regan (2006) concludes, “ What this means is that in the study of

any object we must first record the object’s preferred idea of itself which it publicly seems to want to present, and then compare this self-conception with what the object is

(or does) in practice” (p.184). For instance, influences of racist ideologies within the text may be present upon analysis of key words, context and history.12

According to Adorno, if this is done in a systematic way, “it may become possible to detect contradictions or disjunctures between the object’s self image and what the object appears to be practice, thus allowing this conception to be problematised and possibly overturned.” (pg. 184) In other words, the author provides an analytical tool to investigate whether what is said can be observable in action. To this end, one might question why books are so important within our culture? While books may indicate and require (and promote) a more literate society, the reproduction of texts and their mass appeal within our culture indications the progress authority words (especially written) are given almost to the extent of worship.

What comes to mind is the prestige assigned within our culture, to any person

(think best-seller list) who produces mass amounts of books or articles (publishing) rather than an inquiry into the actual intelligence of the author. Although producing work and publishing is a sign of scholarship within Academia, through communal style dialogues or talks that focus on relating and sharing ideas or stories. Again, what comes to mind is

Socrates, a noted scholar who did not publish anything. I insist, that my argument is not that publishing and intelligence are mutually exclusive; rather, I suggest that writers, as artists, are given a special superstar prestige within our culture because of the importance of the written word, e.g. the book. As such, I argue that books, and their messages, must

12 Please see Said, E. (1978) Orientalism.

be critically analyzed within our culture so that we don’t readily and easily become unconsciously conditioned by the author’s ideas and concepts.

Philosophy and Theory

According to Baudrillard& Lotringer (1988), modern technology has removed objects from their original symbolic meanings in our culture (functional purpose) and amplified them to become human extensions (performative purpose). The author provides an example of the car which communicates with the driver and thus becomes an informing network. For example, the totem in a traditional society as a form of technology existed to display social hierarchy and affected the psyche of the community.

Yet, this interaction worked within bounds; the totem did not inform the person and

‘worked’ as an affective image. Whereas the vehicle as an informing network performs alongside (and actively communicates) with the human and thus ‘invades’ one’s personal space.

Furthermore, Baudrillard & Lotringer (1988) cite the television as example of technology that enters into one’s former private space. Ecstasy provided through constantly streaming information or pleasure ensure continued gratification which is granted by the TV. I assert the book as a technological device, allows for the same consumption of semi-conscious information to enter one’s psyche.

Finneman (2001) asserts the affects of mass media on our social institutions is comprehensive and changing at a rapid rate. To measure the advances of media, the author introduces a term, “media matrix”, which seeks to investigate how text-based innovation, has affected society. According to the author, media can be categorized

through five main period or epochs (societal periods). They consist of: 1) Oral, 2) Script,

3) Print, 4) Analogue, and 5) Digital Media; thus each media form builds and utilizes media from a preceding epoch (time/space period). Thus each movement from one epoch to another signifies the growing complexity of the media form. The author then introduces the following question: “Has media replaced religion as the dominant institution?” (p. 71). Through the conceptual framework of critical theory, I reply that books through the printing epoch have marked a permanent place within society.

Furthermore, rather than replacing religion, I believe books have invaded religious, private, and public spheres of life whereas reading and writing, rather than conversing, has become the superior form of communication.

In The Postmodern Condition, Lyotard (1984) critiques what he terms as “Meta

Narratives” which consist of grand narratives that attempt to relay an ultimate truth about society. This truth is further exemplified within Academia through use of categorizations during the data collection and analysis areas of research. In our culture, Meta- Narratives consist of stories or theories that attempt to absolutely explain a given situation, social group, identity or phenomena. Thus, by rejecting a grand Meta-Narrative, Lyotard (1984) consequently becomes an advocate for singular narratives which seek to contribute various stories or mini-truths. Books as an art form can potentially serve as a tool in creating this new space. Allowing for the existence of multiple stories ensures many stories get told, rather than one particular story that dominants or overreaches. Lyotard

(1984) asserts after post-industrialism, the purpose of education shifted from a conceptual

ideal where learning was its primary objective to an institution that exclusively maintains or hoards bodies of knowledge.

To this end, one might wonder how the increasing reliance on text-based instruction within academia has contributed to this factor. Poster (2010) contributes by asserting the temporal nature of books prior to the Internet. According to Poster (2010), prior to digital technology, books were produced for a temporary period by publishing houses and were determined by public demand. However, through digital technology, books now can achieve ultimate immortality through the Kindle device. Thus it seems capitalism (which requires constant innovation) has ensured a steady consumption of written material through its rebirth within digital technology.

According to Pacey (1985), “‘Technology’ has become a catchword with a confusion of different meanings. Correct usage of the word in its original sense seems almost beyond recovery, but consistent distinction between different levels of meaning is both possible and necessary.” (p. 3) As such, the author delineates the term by creating two distinctions: science and practice. The science of technology is concerned with the

‘technical’ aspects of technology. For instance, in the case of books, the science of technology refers to actual paper, ink or the various machines used to manufacture books.

The practice of technology refers to the ‘technological’ aspects or usage of the technology and its implication within the culture. For example, this would include the effects of the written word on society and culture in terms of social change. Pacey (1985) asserts the technical and technological aspects of Technology cannot be divorced from one another, rather both are interdependent and overlap. Hence, through technical

innovation, the technological effects of books might cause society to become even more reliant on books as a form that embodies knowledge. Although books themselves allow, for example, a scholar to document his/her ideas which can later serve as foundational knowledge for another scholar to improve upon; I find it interesting how readily people with our culture (in the United States) boast of freedom from authority, which the rest of the world (emerging countries) is apparently lacking, and yet still continue to “worship” authors who’ve achieved superstar status.

Heidegger in The Question Concerning Technology (1977) provides an additional framework, “enframing” in which to analyze the effects of technology on society.

According to Heidegger, “enframing” refers to key principles of technology. Namely, he asserts that concepts regarding technology must encompass one’s entire world view rather than a particular perspective or utilitarian need. For example, books cannot be understood as just a vehicle to transmit ideas; rather to understand the role of the book on society, one must also perceive the written word as a tool to express one’s deepest truth, in addition to other effects of books on culture. For example, the Christian Book of

Psalms might serve as poetry to some people, and serve as a guide on how to live life to others.

The book as a medium has manifested in multiple, complex ways throughout society and culture. On the one hand, books represent innovation and have caused great societal change which has produced arguably positive and negative effects within the culture (which really must be viewed as a spectrum).On the other hand, books and the written word have enabled artistry and served as a tool to express oneself. As suggested, I

argue the best way to consume the written word is to do so with an open, critical and conscious mind.

Technology and Human Psychology

The Internet is growing to become, if not already, the dominating communications medium (Castells, 2001). Essentially, the Internet has the potential to allow people from differing backgrounds, socioeconomic status, cultures and religions to interact on an equal plane, thus forming a ‘Global Network’ (Castells, 2001). Although the opportunity for seemingly open communication is available through the Internet, the question of whether social, economic and class disparities exist within the ‘Global

Network’ arises.

According to Marshall McLuhan (1964), media behaves and affects change through multiple ways. Through media, content is provided. Subscribers receive and consume information which comments on every aspect of life; from news that applies to intimate daily living, to information that reaches global proportions. However, McLuhan

(1964) posits the second and more active function of media is to affect change within society. To further outline this point, McLuhan introduces an analogy of the light bulb.

McLuhan states,

Whether the light is being used for brain surgery or night baseball is a matter of

indifference. It could be argued that these activities are in some way the “content"

of the electric light, since they could not exist without the electric light. This fact

merely underlines the point that "the medium is the message" because it is the

medium that shapes and controls the scale and form of human association and

action. The content or uses of such media are as diverse as they are ineffectual in

shaping the form of human association. (1995, p.1)

McLuhan (1964) introduces the following terminology: “hot medium,” “cool medium,” and “Media Extensions” to outline how a culture becomes affected and is transformed by information technology. As defined by McLuhan (1964), ‘Hot’ medium consists of information that doesn’t require heavy, concentrated attention from the receiver during consumption. Furthermore, ‘hot’ medium allows the consumer typically to be entertained and thus requires less effort. McLuhan provides examples including the phonograph and hand radio as two types of modern inventions; both allow performers to project their voice and thus concentrate more on skill, while hand radios additionally function as tools that allow listeners to carry and travel with any particular form of entertainment (p.5).

On other hand, ‘cool’ medium is described as information consumed by the receiver, which requires the receiver to actively work while consumption. For example, telephones fall into this category because a listener on one end of the line communicates by interpreting the message they receive from whoever is talking on other end, thus this occurs without non-verbal cues which would otherwise occur during face to face interactions (McLuhan, 1996). Lastly, media extensions refer to technological advances— including cars, machines, print writing— that become ‘extensions’ of human behavior by effecting how we interact, and thus ultimately effects the human psyche.

McLuhan states, “This is merely to say that the personal and social consequences of any medium—that is, any extension of ourselves—result from the new scale that is

introduced into our affairs by each extension of ourselves, or by any new technology”

(1996, p.1). Essentially, McLuhan states that human identity becomes affected by technological tools which are utilized, and therefore may or may not promote reliance.

To further outline his multiple theses, McLuhan cites Carl G. Jung’s analysis of slavery and its mental effects on the Roman psychology; Jung states the Romans’ maintenance of slavery results in a ‘shared’ mindset of the slaves which they possess, thus the technological machine of slavery affects the mindset of both the slave and owner

(1996, p.8). In other words, the master and slave become contained within the same psyche.

James Carey (1989) also states that technological communication experienced a transformation through the evolution of the telegraph:

The most important fact about the telegraph is at once the most obvious and

innocent: It permitted for the first time the effective separation of communication

from transportation. This fact was immediately recognized, but its significance

has been rarely investigated. The telegraph not only allowed messages to be

separated from the physical movement of objects; it also allowed communication

to control physical processes actively. The early use of the telegraph in railroad

signaling is an example: telegraph messages could control the physical switching

of rolling stock, thereby multiplying the purposes and effectiveness of

communication. The separation of communication from transportation has been

exploited in most subsequent developments in communication down to computer

control systems. (1989, p.3)

Carey (1983) asserts that through the telegraph, communication experienced transcendence through the ability to cut through time barriers and therefore enabled immediate attention and action by the receiver. Therefore ideologies are manifest through technological developments.

The author states:

…What needs to be more closely investigated is the relationship between a later

stage of economic development, new forms of electrical technology, and a

transposed body of religious belief. This is particularly true because, from the

telegraph forward, technological development came to be housed in professional

engineering societies, universities, and research laboratories. As technological

development became more systematic, so did the development of justifying

ideologies become more consciously planned and directed by these same groups.

(Carey, 1983, p.7)

The ‘groups’ Carey (1983) references are notable ideological thinkers and theorists including Karl Marx, Fredrick Engels, Benjamin Franklin, and Mark Weber

(p.7). Their shared ideology is the fact that they all produce and construct concepts or ideas regarding how society functions or should function; however, those same ideas became ideals which the rest of society attempts to implement.

This is not to say whether the theories accurately describe society or not, rather the point of concern is how this ‘group’ produces ideas which are communicated and become largely received. Thus, Carey (1983) asserts the shift of technological development from industry to formal institutions allows certain groups to monopolize

ideas and therefore allows them significant control to introduce dominate ideas consumed by mass groups of people. It bears discussion to consider the actual effects of ideology upon a society. Therefore, the following will uncover how ideologies form and measure their effects on social dynamics.

Ideology, Hegemony and Power

According to Antonio Gramsci (1999) in The Concept of Ideology, “… the concept of Ideology passed from meaning ‘science of ideas’ and ‘analysis of the origin of ideas’ to meaning a specific ‘system of ideas’ …” (p.705). Thus, the author asserts the concept of ideology traces its original definition and purpose as a scientific analysis of concepts and ideas. In other words, Gramsci (1999) suggests ideas under the microscope of scientific analysis were broken down and became associated with underlying sensations.

Thereafter, “ideology” underwent a transformation and became associated with passion and ‘religious fervor’. Gramsci (1999) further investigated the historical roots of ideology so as to separate the meaning of the word with its real world application, and doing that. By undergoing that methodology, Gramsci (1999) found real-world applications for how ideologies are constructed and used within political, economic, and social spheres of influences.

As stated by Gramsci,

One must therefore distinguish between historically organic ideologies, those, that

is, which are necessary to a given structure, and ideologies that are arbitrary,

rationalistic, or “willed”. To the extent that ideologies are historically necessary

they have a validity which is “psychological”; they “organise” human masses, and

create the terrain on which men move, acquire consciousness of their position,

struggle, etc. To the extent that they are arbitrary they only create individual

“movements”, polemics and so on. (1999, p. 707)

According to Gramsci (1999), ideologies, as such, do not inherently fall into good or bad categories; rather, ideologies within themselves are ‘necessary to a structure’ and thus serve a purpose. The waters become muddy when ideologies are created by man to justify conduct and are arranged under a specific conceptual thought. Thus, in order to investigate how ideas or ideologies are maintained, and affect physical reality, as well virtual reality, we must discover how ideologies come into play through social dynamics and observe the role of hegemony in either oppressing or liberating social groups by the top echelon of society through the transmission of ideas.

To begin, I first identify the origins of hegemonic discourse as it relates to ideology. As stated by Gramsci (1999), in his chapter entitled Hegemony and Separation of Powers, “Theoretically it seems to me that one can explain the phenomenon with the concept of “hegemony”, with a return to ‘corporativism’—not in the ancien régime sense, but in the modern sense of the word, in which the ‘corporation’ cannot have closed and exclusivistic limits as was the case in the past” (p. 522). Gramsci (1999) uses the term

“corporativism” to refer to social, economic, and political groups that band together, in a sense, as tight knit communities or kinship groups. These groups also form around mutually supported interests or ideas.

Gramsci (1999) refers to these groups to outline their presence and ability to mobilize together, and instill and manifest their ideologies in society. To this end,

Gramsci (1999) defines two concepts of how society is organized; he outlines the ‘state- regulated’ society and the ‘class-regulated society’ (p. 525).

According to Gramsci (1999), the ‘state-regulated’ society occurs under communist ideology, therefore, government essentially is charged with ensuring economic equality that translates to societal equality through the state regulated balance of economic resources. In contrast, the ‘class-regulated society’ is a model that follows capitalist ideology and thus requires economic competition to distribute wealth accordingly. Gramsci (1999) outlines theses points to show how economic power and mobility allows any organizing body or group the power to influence society. As such, outlining how influence is determined within society is essential to investigating how power and influence is dispersed and transmitted through physical reality, and furthermore, to virtual reality.

It must be noted; those with the ‘utopian’ sentiment that Gramsci (1999) references refer to the body or groups who strives to ensure economic equality within society. In essence, Gramsci (1999) argues the premise they subscribe to is that economic equality will translate into social equality, e.g. a class-less state. However, in this scenario, political equality is not guaranteed for the mere fact that the State becomes the all-encompassing ‘power’ which uses its ‘apparatuses’ such as the church and other institutions to instill its will and force.

Gramsci (1999) states,

In my opinion, the most reasonable and concrete thing that can be said about the

ethical State, the cultural State, is this: every State is ethical in as much as one of

its most important functions is to raise the great mass of the population to a

particular cultural and moral level, a level (or type) which corresponds to the

needs of the productive forces for development, and hence to the interests of the

ruling classes. The school as a positive educative function, and the courts as a

repressive and negative educative function, are the most important State activities

in this sense: but, in reality, a multitude of other so-called private initiatives and

activities tend to the same end—initiatives and activities which form the

apparatus of the political and cultural hegemony of the ruling classes. (p. 526)

Gramsci (1999) acknowledges the premise that a social hierarchy exists, in which the state encompasses a sizable amount of control over society and thus uses social institutions, including schools and religious organization to organize thoughts.

Furthermore, Gramsci (1999) asserts the right of the State to use force as one component of its responsibility. However, Gramsci (1999) also recognizes the domination and homogeneity within the organization of the State, as well State and its inability to allow

‘subaltern groups’ access to its ruling party. The ‘subaltern’ groups compromise population who don’t belong to the exclusive group of thinkers, capitalists elite and intellectual groups who otherwise either work directly for the State or contribute in information in one form or another.

Therefore, these ‘subaltern’ groups become subject to ideologies and rules perpetuated by the dominant ruling, hegemonic class. In addition, mobility from the

‘subaltern class’ to the ‘upper’, ruling class is highly unlikely because of homogenous, inclusive nature of the dominant group. Thus, some groups may achieve mobility, but upon reaching those groups, the ‘subaltern’ group must reshape themselves to fit the mold already set in place. In a significant way, the group or individual that achieves mobility, experience value change and consequently becomes consumed with ruling class ideology (Gramsci, 1999). Recognizing this static dynamic between these relationships is important when investigating the hierarchical model of ‘virtual reality’. In essence, it can be argued the relationship dynamics between social groups in ‘virtual’ reality is merely a reproduction of the same social dynamics within ‘physical reality.’

According to Doreen Massey (1993), the Internet as a medium has allowed for the phenomenon of ‘Time-Space’ compression. Essentially, Massey (1993) defines ‘Time-

Space’ compression as the Internet’s ability to create a singular place where geographic

(referring to actual places and locations), and time (linear movements in space) boundaries become non-existent and thus irrelevant (p.2). This definition is open to interpretation. One could theorize that the Internet is a location or place where socioeconomic status, group affiliation, and class identity could be transcended and thus essentially drop away. Thus, the potential to communicate and build relationships or

‘networks’ across socially defined divisions (within physical space) is possible (Castells,

2001). However, Massey (1993) clearly points to a hierarchical order to what she terms

as the ‘Power Geometry,’ within the Internet to outline how disparities within ‘physical reality’ are replicated within ‘virtual reality.’

Massey defines ‘Power Geometry’ as follows:

For different social groups, and for different individuals, are placed in very

distinct ways, in relation to flows and interconnections. This point concerns not

merely the issue of who moves and doesn’t, although that is an important element

of it, it is also about power in relation to the flows of and the movement. Different

social groups have distinct relationships to this anyway differentiated mobility:

some people are more in charge of it than others; some initiate the flows and

movement, others don’t, some are more on the receiving-end of it than others;

some are effectively imprisoned by it. (1993, p. 3)

Massey (1993) asserts that capital (and capability to control resources, information) and education (such as coding skills or intellectual information), rather than social and cultural contributions made is a huge determinant in where one is placed within the ‘Power Geometry.’ Thus, poor villagers may contribute culture which is then consumed by those who control capital. Yet, their inability to control their relation to their particular means of production leaves them victim to economic fluctuations and ensures those groups will remain, as Massey (1993) terms, ‘imprisoned’ within the system (p.4).

Within those two extremes, resides the group Massey (1993) terms as “receivers.”

Essentially, this group is affected by the globalization of culture, business, and geographic space. They may experience existential dilemmas in terms of threats to

cultural or group identities, however this group for the most part experience change and consume i.e. information, technology, and culture without widespread opposition. This group as well as Massey’s (1993) ‘imprisoned’ group would be what Gramsci (1999) refers to as the subaltern group within ‘physical reality’. Therefore, both groups would be subject to control from the dominant groups’ control.

At the present time, it is tricky to fully utilize this power geometry model to understand the Wahhabi and Salafi phenomenon. The Bale region of Ethiopia is comprised of townsfolk, and Abbora of farmers, while Addis Ababa is a metropolitan city. Based on my documented experiences, the Wahhabi ideologies mostly from organizations based in Saudi Arabia are consumed in Bale, Addis Ababa, and by the diaspora. However, farmers in Ethiopia are presently financially well off as land is now a fierce commodity. Therefore, it’s difficult to define where the core and periphery reside.

One clear point of consensus between the theorists discussed is that in one form or another, a certain hierarchy is formed (in both physical and virtual reality); some groups become placed higher and above other lower ordered groups, either through outright violence or control, or through subtle manipulations of resources, or lastly through social and cultural connections that allow for mobility.

According Harold Innis (1999) in Minerva’s Owl, a civilization will thrive if there is a balance of oral and written traditions. Essentially, Innis suggests that a civilization based on oral tradition emphasizes relationships and further promotes theatre, ‘prose’, and stories. In contrast, a civilization based on written traditions creates a society that is very rigid and becomes a very logic based society.

Some would argue the Internet allows for shared stories and experiences; yet in reality, narratives existing in electronic space still fail to replace communal and direct relationships which exist in the same ‘time’ and ‘place,’ that is an essential factor within the oral tradition (Innis, 1999 and Massey, 1993). Additionally, electronic space allows for a further gap between the ‘actor’ and their ‘action’ and thus enables a lack of responsibility from the creators to their creations (Arendt, 1958).

Oral Tradition

According to Innis (1999), the oral tradition creates relationships between people that allow for the transmission of ‘custom’ and ‘culture.’ Essentially, the oral tradition consists of learned ideas and stories that are handed down from one person to another; these stories seek to explain the origin of universe, unravel the complexity of human relationships, spread and enforce awareness of social behaviors, and finally seek to explain the human condition of living (Innis, 1999). As stated by Innis (1999), “The significance of the oral tradition was shown in the position of the assembly, the rise of democracy, the drama, [and] the dialogues of Plato…” (p. 5). Furthermore, he adds that

“The oral tradition emphasized memory and training” (Innis 1999, p.5).

The emphasis on transmission through relationships created exclusivity within this tradition that did allow for effective governance of large bodies of citizens. As stated by Innis (1999), “Richness of the oral tradition made for flexible civilization but not a civilization which could [be] disciplined to the point of effective political unity” (p. 5).

The author adds, “We have no history of conversation or of the oral tradition except as they [are] revealed darkly through the written or the printed word. The drama

reflected the power of the oral tradition but its flowering for only a short period in Greece and in England illustrates its difficulties” (Innis 1999, p. 5). To elaborate, the oral tradition lacks a definite beginning and transparency because oral culture, in its dynamic nature, can only exist through relationships as passed through customs and rituals.

The oral tradition’s nourishment of relationships added to the development of culture within a civilization; however, heavy reliance on dominance of oral traditions produced an inefficient governing body, and an overemphasis on ceremonies and customs bound to tradition (Innis, 1999). As a result, the written tradition was better suited to meet the demands of larger society in terms of education, transmission of knowledge, governance, and objectivity.

Written Tradition

As stated by Innis (1999), “The spread of writing checked the growth of myth and made the Greek skeptical of their gods” (p.5). He adds, “Written testimony and written instruments displaced the cumbersome ceremonies of the oral tradition” (Innis 1999, p.

7). Additionally, Innis (1999) outlines how the oral tradition provided limitations within the framework of classical Indian civilization. As stated by Innis (1999), “Buddhism spread from India where the oral tradition of the Brahmins flourished at the expense of the written tradition and proved singularly adaptable to the demands of an illiterate population” (p.10). The exclusivity of the oral tradition created an environment where those belonging within the group participated and gained knowledge, while those excluded were essentially left out.

The benefits of a written tradition included the transmission of ideas which transcended ‘space’ and ‘time’ (Innis, 1999). Once ideas were recorded, any literate individual possessed the ability to access that knowledge without requiring reliance on a teacher or exclusive relationship (Innis, 1999). Reading and writing eliminated exclusivity and gave full access of information to a larger group of people to what was previously deemed exclusive and sacred within the culture. Written traditions enabled a larger audience grasp because of the mobility granted through recorded ideas in the form of manuscripts, letters, and books. Thus, the spread of written form has enabled society’s codes to develop into more sophisticated legislative and judicial systems.

As such, this efficient creation required the development of institutional bodies based on the principles of law, logic, and scientific study. As stated by Innis (1999) through his historical analysis of the development of Rome, “Access to supplies of papyrus brought the growth of libraries, and of offices of administration. Hellenistic civilization warped the development of Rome toward an emphasis on force, administration, and law” (p.6). Written traditions promote the development of the social and economic structure, and the bureaucratic infrastructure, which as a result increases opportunities by extending access to information to larger groups of people.

Innis (1999) asserts emphasis on the written tradition maintained its drawbacks.

He finds that written traditions suffered from inflexibility and rigidness because of its lack of emphasis on relationships and human connection (Innis, 1999). The bureaucratic structure draws its roots from the written tradition and thus exists as an efficient machine

which serves to contain and manage people within its structure and has no regard for the subjective quality of human life.

According to Innis, (1999) “The mixture of the oral and the written tradition in the writings enabled [the author] to dominate the history of the West” (p.5).

Consequently, Innis (1999) concludes that a balance of both traditions—which requires the existence of both human relationships and technology— must be reached in order for civilization to thrive. In particular, Hall’s (2001) concepts of encoding and decoding particularly come to mind, when I analyze the different moments I subscribe to an oppositional reading of the dominant narrative of Wahhabism in Ethiopia, and by extension in the U.S., by Ethiopian Muslims. My experience growing up as Sunni

Ethiopian Muslim has given me insight into how many Sunni’s may easily accept Salafi ideals. If I had not critically examined the Wahhabi ideology, and had exposure to Sufi forms of worship outside my community, I might have unconsciously become absorbed into this movement. Therefore, I hold an oppositional reading towards the discourse.

Global Network

Our present governing medium is the Internet. According to Castells (2001), “… in our age the Internet could be likened to both the electrical grid and the electric engine because of its ability to distribute the power of information throughout the entire realm of human activity” (p. 1). Furthermore, Castells (2001) asserts that the “organizational form” of the Internet is the network (p.1). He first defines networks as a “set of interconnected nodes”, and then explains that people have created and sustained networks throughout time through relationships (Castells, 2001, p.1). Castells asserts that the

advance of the Internet has created a new space where the flow of information through these relationships has further reach and possibilities than ever before (Castells 2001, p.1). As a result, this new space has created a limitless possibility for new ‘networks’ to be formed by the establishment of relationships which could have been nonexistent were it not for the Internet’s ability to transcend boundaries.

Castells states that “networks have extraordinary advantages as organizing tools because of their inherent flexibility and adaptability, critical features in order to survive and prosper in a fast-changing environment…Networks are proliferating in all domains of the economy and society, outcompeting and outperforming vertically organized corporations and centralized bureaucracies” (2001, p. 1). Thus, the Internet has and is forcing traditional corporate and government institutions to find a way to re-invent them so they may find and or create representation within this new medium.

Contemporary Ethiopia and the Discourse

According to Ostebo (2013), historically Christians maintained power and treated

Muslims as “second-class” citizens. This fact is undisputed among multiple ethnic groups. Ostebo (2013) also identifies the differing social and political movements of

Islam within present day Ethiopia. According to the author, a “reform” movement, initiated after the Marxist military revolution of the Derg (1974–1991) occurred, especially so in Ethiopia. Among other things, the Derg’s revolution allowed for the creation of new mosques and religious schools, and for the influx of religious Muslim literature (Ostebo, 2013, p. 417 and Ahmed, 1994, p. 791).

Additionally, the rise of Muslim participation and visibility within the public sphere encouraged the increased distribution of Muslim literature from Saudi Arabia; primarily following the Wahhabi or Salafi influence. Ostebo (2013) argues this particular group, which had a strong ideological grasp in the Bale (southern Ethiopia) region clashes with those who are following local Sufi beliefs and practices.

The question of Islam in Ethiopia has become a national and international concern, especially so in our post 9/11 environment. Lefebvre (2012) argues the U.S. involvement in the Horn, from Nixon to Bush administration has un-wavered throughout the years. With the U.S.’s aid, the Ethiopian government has invaded Somalia and overthrown the Council of Islamic Courts (CIC) in the name of combating extremism in

Islam. Lefebvre (2012) and Ostebo (2013) question how “extremism” is determined by the government, and traces the use of the Internet and the spread of religious paraphernalia and its effect on the creation of Islam schools within the country. Zahorik

(2014) states the Ethiopian government is increasingly monitoring civil life “ by the strategy adopted in the 2005 elections to force people, particularly young ‘rebellious’ people, to register to vote” (p. 27).

Furthermore, Zahorik (2014) argues the Ethiopian People’s Democratic

Revolutionary Front’s (EPDF) party was starkly opposed to allowing Oromo. As stated by Zahorik (2014) “the aspirations of the Oromo to decide for themselves which type of government or rule they would like was seen from the very beginning as representing a threat to the “new Ethiopia” that the EPDF [government party] wanted to establish” (pg.

25). However, it bears mentioning that a significant majority of Oromo ethnic groups

have established organizations throughout the world in order to gain political momentum and support in favor of establishing a separate Oromo state.

In order to contribute to this discourse, I have presented an autoethnography of my experiences within the Madrasa school system in 1998, and of my observations while staying in Ethiopia in 2009.

Method

I have provided relevant background and literature on the effects of books on oral cultures, the history of the Oromo ethnic group, and history of Islam in Ethiopia. In this study I use autoethnography to highlight the many ways Ethiopian Muslim women participate in the spread of Salafi ideologies in Ethiopia and the diaspora. To provide nuanced perspectives, I will include notes gathered during my time in Ethiopia in 2009, and observations documented in my journal entries from 1998. I utilized best practice methods of autoethnography detailed by Chang (2008), and Adams (2015) to select specific stories and illustrations.

Ellis et al. (2011) suggest autoethnography is a useful method for social scientists who seek to analyze personal experiences in order to understand “cultural experience.”

The authors’ state authoethnography is a combination of ethnographic and biographic writing styles (p. 2). They suggest “when researchers do autoethnography, they retrospectively and selectively write about epiphanies that stem from, or are made possible by, being part of a culture and/or by possessing a particular cultural identity”

(Ellis et al. 2001, p.3). These experiences should illustrate moments of shared cultural experiences that are likely to be replicated by others within the culture, and understood

by those “inside” and “outside” of the culture and experiences (Ellis et al. 2001, p.3). The experiences I’ve shared consists of pivotal moments, that are commonly replicated, and moments in time where I’ve gained insight into why a social code functions in a particular manner and its benefits by those who participate its distribution.

Ellis et al. (2001) state common critiques of autoethnography include the opportunities for personal biases due to the method’s narrative storytelling process, and the lack of scientific rigor in its process and product (p. 8). However, the authors address these concerns by stating that autoethnographers “believe research can be rigorous, theoretical, and analytical and emotional, therapeutic, and inclusive of personal and social phenomena…one can write in aesthetically compelling ways without citing fiction or being educated as a literary or performance “scholar” (Ellis et al. 2001, p. 8). The brief stories selected and presented contain key moments that evidence the key themes and instances within the spread of Salafi ideology, and the contributions of Ethiopian women.

Autoethnography

“A message is a communication sent from one to another. A message bearer stands in for the sender and, all things being equal, owes both the sender and the receiver an accurate transmission.”13

Dr. Anderson’s description of a message bearer may refer to use of the written word by the sender, or writer, to bring into light an inspiring force or message for our collective understanding. With this in mind, I approached my autoethnography of my experiences, and experiences with other Ethiopian Muslim women in order to analyze and interpret the spread of Wahhabi and Salafi ideology within the U.S., diapora and

Ethiopia.

The decision to write descriptively about my Islamic education and experiences as an Ethiopian Muslim woman was reached with difficulty. Third-wave feminist literature suggests that women from emerging countries face oppression from a strong patriarchy and are silenced into submission. Yu (2011) posits third-wave feminist theory incorporates stories and experiences of women of color, who otherwise did not occupy a space, within feminist thought.14 Ethiopia, having developed on the periphery of the

British colonial empire qualifies as an emerging country. Comparatively, post-colonial feminist theory suggests the experiences of these women are unaccounted for by western minded researchers and theorists. For instance, Mohanty (1984) suggests oppression and how it’s experienced is unique to the culture; third-wave feminist theory attempts to

13 Please see Anderson, Allen. (2009). 14 Please see Yu, Sui Lin (2011) for fuller discussion of the successive history of third-wave feminist literature.

understand the experiences of non-western women through a western defined category of

“Woman.”15

My hesitation stemmed from my understanding of the permanency of the written word. Our post-911 culture has enabled a rise of global Islamaphobia, and I hope that my efforts in this study are not in any way interpreted as an attack on the religion. My motivation is to uncover and present the many ways women participate in public life within their private spaces, in a balanced manner. Furthermore, culturally we are taught about the firm difference between public and private life; written words and books were public, while conversations and relationships were private. These beliefs taught respect and esteem for the community and intimacy for, and between, family and friends.

As I became exposed to different cultures and traditions through moving from

Ethiopia, Kenya and then to the U.S., I realized sooner or later all aspects of my and other women from my culture’s lives would eventually be analyzed. This analysis would include beliefs and experiences either through reflection caused by the culture’s integration and exposure to diversity or through other inquiring minds seeking to unravel the mysterious.

This realization hit home when I picked up Ostebo’s (2012) book on Salafism in

Bale, Ethiopia; the region that up until then was largely unknown by academics. My experience reading this book served as one inspiration for writing about the contributions of women to the growth of Salafi ideology in the region, and its consequences in the diaspora. Furthermore, Sufism as a practice occurs more frequently than is otherwise

15 Please see Mohanty, Chandra T. (1984).

documented, and I have experienced many Ethiopian Muslims reject their Sufi practices because of the prevalence of Wahhabi thought.

In the 1990’s, letters and phone calls were the primary means in which my immediate family members were kept up to date with events happening in Addis Ababa

(capital city) or Bale (southern Ethiopia). Nowadays, we all remain connected through social media sites. The rise of social media use by my friends and family, in most cases,

I’ve witnessed many Ethiopian Muslim women post pictures and videos of male religious scholars gaining fame in Ethiopia. This is significant because technology enables the immediate spread and distribution of ideologies without cultural contextualization provided by face to face transmissions, or by regionally grounded cultural customs, to provide psychological structure and relief to community members. Before the proliferation of innovative electronic technologies, local scholars or community leaders interpreted imported ideologies and applied them according to the needs of the community. The rapid change and displacement of community barriers have enabled the immediate spread of assimilating beliefs and ideas (Massey, 1993 and Algar, 2002).

These images especially caught my attention because the trends of posts appeared to follow different patterns: in distributed images of males, religious scholars were often posted; in female images, quotes from religious works, or images of fully veiled women were shared. I wondered why Ethiopian culture, home of Dinknesh (Lucy), has yet to produce balanced Islamic female scholars. Only later in my autoethnographic process did

I realize the many ways Ethiopian women contribute, in their private spaces, to the spread of Islam in the Horn and in the diaspora.

Originally, my western conditioning equated absence within public space as oppression; later I came to know that women exercised their agency, through anonymity, by creating and maintaining their private spaces.

By sharing images of hijabs and niqab, my cousins and extended relatives publicly display their beliefs and identities. The stories I put forth address how gender roles are reinforced through women’s agency, and how teachings of the Quran and

Hadith are manipulated for absorption into Salafi thought.16

What this autoethnography cannot do is to explain the experiences of most women, or thoroughly explain the Salafi phenomena. However by sharing my experiences, and the experiences and contributions of other women in Ethiopia, and in the U.S., I can outline the general patterns many Ethiopian Muslim women are educated by and face. In this way my documented experience will add to the now growing discourse on Islam and women of Ethiopia.

This autoethnography is divided into three major processes or themes as they inform the experiences of women within discourses on emerging Salafi ideology. Stories are localized at the Madrasa or Islamic school, and in the home, where lessons are sometimes taught, and where religious chanting, or dhikr occurs.17 The stories I present highlight themes of ideology, silence, and instances of demonstrated power. I’ve selected these themes as starting points because they investigate why the contributions of women are largely absent within the dominant discourse on Islam in Ethiopia. The locations

16 Hijab refers to the headscarf which is generally understood as a requirement, while Niqab is a veil that covers the entire, face except the eyes, and is supposedly worn by the most pious women. In some situations, this is case. 17 Dhikr is a Sufi practice and religious discourse.

where I ground each story and event are the Bay Area, CA; Bale, Ethiopia, Aubora,

Ethiopia, and Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In order to protect the privacy of my sources, I’ve replaced all names with Ethiopian or Eritrean names; however genders for each person remain the same and are referenced to as “he” or “she.” I’ve also changed identifying details of private homes.

My experience of moving with my family to three different continents and returning to Ethiopia in 2009, has given me a perspective on how the ideology of

Salafism is spreading, and how women participate within the movement. I’ve selected the

Madrasa as my scene first because it is at the Madrasa where Muslims primarily learn about Islamic history and civilization. During my time in Ethiopia in 2009, I found that

Islamic teachings and the spread of Wahhabi ideology occurred in the home and in women’s private spaces. I found that Sufism is practiced more often than is documented, and that Ethiopian Muslim women participate, although not always in full awareness, in the distribution of Salafi ideas. Furthermore, most of the classes I’ve attended were all girl classes as separating men and women into separate rooms is a common custom. I believe it is this separation that has caused the confusion in recent academic work on the role women play in promoting both Sufi and Sunni beliefs.

Bay Area, CA 1998

Quran and Hadith: Wahhabi and Salafi Ideology

My class mates and I were gathered in a circle, in the corner of the women’s section of the Masjid, with open Qurans.18 The women’s section of the Masjid was closed off from the men’s section by large white partitions. These partitions were permanent

18 The Masjid is prayer house and also serves as a Madrassa.

fixtures and stood tall. Three flat screen TV monitors; two placed in the corners of the room, and one in the middle section, hung from the ceiling. During Friday prayers the TV monitors were turned on and displayed a live running shot of the Imam who was located in the men’s section. In this way women and girls could watch and follow along with

Friday lectures. Decorations on the wall consisted of Arabic writings and passages from the Quran; we learned early on that images of live beings was strictly forbidden in Islam and hanging images of people or animals meant we worshipped our creations and not

Allah. For instance, we learned about a well known story in the Quran called Surah

Bakarah, the Golden Calf.

This story explains how the Prophet Moses responded to witnessing the Golden

Calf created by the Jews he lead out of Egypt. We learned the story was historically significant because it explained the events as they unfolded; however later, we were taught the deeper purpose of this story is to serve as an allegory of how human beings come to worship things they create by their hands, and how we come to worship life sustaining, and giving beings. Thus in order to prevent the worship of images, we learned to eliminate pictures of life from areas of worship. According to Algar (2002), this belief is a fundamental aspect of Wahhabi ideology. However during my schooling I never once identified myself as a Wahhabi and I never one heard any of school mates; teachers or family members state that we followed Salafi beliefs. In my mind, it made perfect sense to exclude images, and this belief did not prevent me and my family from listening to

Manzuma or religious chanting, which was a common activity at community gatherings.

Algar (2002) argues that followers of Wahhabi belief must first understand what

Wahhabi belief is, and lack of knowledge on the basic tenets of Wahhabi ideology and this lack of understanding suggests most Sunni Muslims are not in practice followers of

Wahhabi and Salafi ideology (p. 47).

In Sufi schools of thought, repeating “Allah” is a well known meditative tool to connect oneself with Allah (swt).19 However, during our Manzuma practices, we never called ourselves Sufis and did not know about mysticism, the only label we attached ourselves to was the “Sunni” label as we accept Abu Bakr’s caliphate. I believe this experience is common among many Sunni Muslims, and is only recently changing as the proliferation of “experts” continue to inform their communities about unsubstantiated interpretations of religious laws. It is safe to assume that many Ethiopian Sunni Muslims follow the same practices and therefore practice a form of culturally developed Sufism.

The issue of expertise is now a rising concern in the Muslim community because of the relative ease in which people can now connect to large audiences through the Internet and technology.

Although men were not allowed in the women’s section, most women kept their headscarves or hijab as they are generally called wrapped tightly. On Fridays, the community joined together to pray after the Imam completed his talk. This Masjid located in Bay Area, was known for maintaining a strong multicultural Sunni following of Muslims. Typically most Muslims fall into two major categories and identify as either

Sunni or Shiite.

This ideological division dates back to the first establishment of the caliphate system which was developed to enable for the growing Muslim empire. After the Prophet

19 Swt: Subha Wa Ta Allah is said and written after God or Allah’s name as a form of respect and praise.

Muhammad (P) passed away, a segment of the community wanted his revered cousin Ali to assume leadership.20 The Prophet Muhammad’s companion, Abu Bakr Siddiqui, became his successor by popular vote. Those who accepted his leadership are generally referred to as Sunnis; those who opposed his succession are generally referred to as

Shiite.

In this Masjid, Jummah prayers (Friday prayers) were performed according to

Sunni traditions. Dhikr, translated as religious discourse, did not occur; only a year back I witnessed and experienced for the first time religious chanting performed in the Masjid.

At the end of prayers, a female member of the congregation informed me that their

Masjid was oriented towards Sufism. This is significant because in Sunni oriented

Masjids, dhikr is not openly practiced by the congregation; however in my community gatherings, recital of Manzuma is common. Therefore, after visiting the Sufi Masjid I realized that customs in the Ethiopian Muslim community included practices from both

Sufi and Sunni Masjids.

The Madrassa in the Bay Area remains home base for many Muslims. The school offered free Sunday school classes and intensive, affordable summer long programs for kids. My parent wanted us all to be well educated in our Deen (religious beliefs); so we grew up in the Masjid.

On one particular Sunday, we sat quietly with five others girls in our class as

Sister Khoula began her lesson plan. For the day we were to cover the basics of how the

Prophet came upon the message of Islam. “Iqra, bis-mi-rabi…” Sister Khoula abruptly

20 (P) is shorthand for peace and blessings upon him and is always placed after Prophet Muhammad’s name.

paused for a moment and began to explain the significance of the first few words of the

Quranic sentence. She explained the first message to our beloved Prophet from the angel

Gabriel. “Read! Read in the name of your lord!” translated Sister Khoula.

She continued to explain the importance of learning how to read the Quran. She, like so many of our past teachers had stated that learning to read the Quran for ourselves was the key to our faith. We were taught that through practice the Quran’s deeper meaning would be revealed to us and serve us in our life journeys. Like many students, we learned this passage right after learning the alphabet because being able to read the

Quran is central to being Muslim. If the Prophet’s first message was to read, then as

Muslims we knew our primary obligation would be to read as well. Early on, we learned of our duty to master the Arabic language in order to read the Quran so we could fulfill our obligations as Muslims.

The next obligation after reading was to educate ourselves as much as possible about the religion. We learned that any journey or sacrifice made to educate ourselves on our Deen would be richly rewarded both in this life and in the hereafter. With this in mind, I recalled the sacrifices my uncle made to journey to Saudi Arabia in order to become a religious scholar.

He later told us that one of his regrets in life was his inability to complete his education because his wife became pregnant and making money to support his growing family took precedence. Although he never completed his degree, his partial education gained him a high status in our community. He told me that upon leaving his program in

Medina (in the 60’s), his instructors advised him to continue his studies and pass on his

knowledge to his community. Many of his peers in his Islamic school received the same message and were encouraged to return to their native countries and educate their communities. This type of training went in line with our religious obligations as Muslims to expand our connection with Allah.

According to Algar (2002), Wahhabi students who enroll in religious institutions in Medina become oriented towards Wahhabi ideology and continue to pass on these beliefs to their communities. Upon reading this, I asked my uncle, who studied under a great sheik (religious scholar) if he knew what Wahhabi beliefs were; he replied that he knew of Ibn Al Wahab and was educated in his institutions. Because of his time and education in Saudi Arabia, he was aware of the tight knit relationship between Ibn Al

Wahab and the Saudi tribe, this knowledge was common knowledge among students of his generation. He believed Ibn Al Wahab’s motivation and efforts to making the Quran and Hadith the primary source of religious instruction was correct, however he did not identify himself as a Wahhabi or Salafi Muslim, and this belief was shared among his peers.

By enrolling in the Saudi institution, he believed he was fulfilling his duty as a

Muslim. Part of that belief required him to seek the purest form of knowledge, which we are all taught to believe is the Quran and Hadith. I asked many of Ethiopian Muslims about their journey to Saudi Arabia for higher education, and they stated similar comments. Therefore it’s safe to assume that many who consider themselves Sunni

Muslims generally do so because they seek to follow the teachings of the Quran and

Hadith. And, as Algar (2002) states, Salafi and Wahhabi labels and definitions naturally

become created by those who seek to gain something by developing this type of group. It is difficult for me to assess and investigate the motivations for spreading this ideology; however I assume the spread of any ideology, by some, is done so with the egotistical motivations to pursue power through newly developed leadership opportunities.

For many, I believe a general hesitation against innovations enables them to fall prey to a “strict” interpretation of Islam. We are taught that it is for this reason that

Muslims are encouraged to learn the Arabic language and educate themselves on their religion. I believe many seek out and hold tightly to ideologies that promise security because in our post-modern world, tradition is slowly being wiped out.

As I sat there and listened to Sister Khoula, I reflected on the diversity of cultures of my class mates. I was 12 years old then. The oldest girl was probably 14 years old and the youngest looked to be about 7 years old. Some girls were from India and others were from the Middle East; there were girls from Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and Sri Lanka too.

My friend Marta, like me, was from Ethiopia. Another girl named Aisha was also from Ethiopia, although she always clarified that she came from Oromia and not

Ethiopia. Her enthusiasm would later make sense to me when I returned with my father in

2009 to Bale, Ethiopia. Bale is a predominately Oromo region and this strong nationalism is apparent in both public and private spaces. We were Oromo and attended the same Oromo school right after our Masjid class.

In that classroom, boys and girls were mixed together and a parent from our community would stand up and teach us about our Oromo heritage and culture. It was an interesting fact that both classes did not contradict each other; in Madrassa we dressed in

hijab and stayed clear of men and boys, in Oromo school, we removed our scarves and were educated in mixed gender classes. In our Oromo schools, we were taught about

Oromo history, culture and we learned the alphabet. Those of us who couldn’t speak the language were encouraged to practice at home.

However in our Sunday schools, our conversations revolved on whether we completed our Arabic homework and memorized our assigned sections of the Quran. If we truly followed Salafi ideology, the classes would have remained separated throughout.

By mixing boys and girls together, our parents and community leaders demonstrated to us that Oromo tradition, rather than Saudi Arabian cultural traditions, informed their teaching styles. Nowadays, parents are more likely to separate boys and girls because of the influx of “educated” imams who invoke Sharia (otherwise known as Islamic law) as evidence that boys and girls should be separated. This misunderstanding is largely due to proliferation of “experts” who attempt to enforce Sharia laws without the ability to exercise cultural competency.

In Oromo and Ethiopian culture, one of the reasons men and women maintain separate spaces are for socialization purposes. Because of this practice, new fear based interpretations of the Sharia law are easily accepted within the community. This misunderstanding breeds more misunderstanding; for instance, “Is this approved by the

Sharia?” is a common question I hear repeated in our community. This question wasn’t asked nearly so much just 10 years back and is evidence that women are taking a more diligent approach in their practice; why this type of diligence is thriving remains unclear to me. I do not suggest that women are now, asserting themselves for the first time; I

believe the ways Ethiopian women are demonstrating their agency is changing as they apply and impose Arabian cultural traditions on themselves and on each other. This observation is evident by the recent increase of niqabs worn by women in my community.

Education and learning how to read is a necessary process many Ethiopian

Muslim experience, and in many cases women educate women. For this reason, students who aren’t exposed to Sufi Masjids might easily be absorbed by Wahhabi theory, as

Salafi thought positions itself within Sunni belief. For instance, Salafi thought seeks to exclude all practices except the Quran and Hadith. However, as Algar (2002) notes, this in practice, is impossible because Islam as religion enables the assimilation of cultural customs and local practices. And the increase of Niqabs suggests Wahhabi thought is expanding.

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Spring 2009

I woke up to the sound of a rooster crowing. As I lay there, the realization that I was finally back home came to mind. In what seemed like one harmonious sound, I listened to the Christian Orthodox call, and Azan, the Muslim call to prayer, pour into the room. The sound of footsteps in the hallway convinced me that my cousins were awake, as I got out of bed and began to dress for the day. I pulled out a hot pink colored shirt and my favorite jeans. I knew that my father and I would stay in the neighborhood all day and decided to wear comfortable clothes.

At the start of the trip, I attempted to persuade my cousins that Islam did not require women to wear a certain type of clothing or to cover in such a way that, at the

time I thought, could make one unrecognizable in the street. Later, I realized that anonymity has its own freedom and space. My arguments were largely ignored as I approached many of my relatives with the intentions to liberate them from, what I thought at the time to be, their limiting roles and general powerlessness.

Sometime during the later stages of my trip, I began to wear a veil and made the decision to pick and choose my battles; at the time dressing like the rest of the women in my family seemed like the logical thing to do. In time, my intentions to “emancipate” the women faded away. I began to observe the many ways women asserted themselves in public life. For instance, women seemed to enforce rules on dress and behavior. After my first week in Addis Ababa, I began to notice the many times I would be taken on shopping trips and bought beautiful gifts of dresses and skirts by the women.

While appreciative of their generosity, I soon realized that the purpose of the constant shopping trips was to persuade me to alter my style of dress.

One of my reasons for traveling to Ethiopia was to collect research on coffee cooperatives. I initiated meetings and travelled with my father and other men to collect data. During this process, I first felt the shock of invisibility as most of the men I interviewed seemed to almost look past me. I began to assume, what I thought to be at that time, solidarity with my “oppressed sisters” as I wondered how they could participate in public life if men treated them as I was being treated. As the weeks rolled on, I learned that respect as a social code dictated that my father be acknowledged first. In practice, I faced policing by the women; the women I met required me to dress a certain way, and on many occasions led me to separate women only rooms. Their tools of persuasion were

unlike anything I felt and experienced before. In their private spaces, I was taught their interpretations of Hadith and shown how to present myself in public spaces. These informal lessons taught me how to blend into my newfound community more easily.

It was interesting to observe that the more we traveled to the southern part of the country, the less I was able to distinguish between Christian and Muslim women because both primarily wore dresses and veils. My cousins educated me on the signs to observe including certain tattoos that signified identification with orthodox beliefs.

As I began to unpack my luggage, Aster entered the room. With a big smile on her face, she walked over to me and kissed my cheek. “Inquan aderesesh.” She welcomed me in Amharic, and told me to come downstairs where everyone was gathered together.

My father and I had arrived in Bole Airport the night before. Bole was some 40 miles from Addis and it took about an hour to arrive to my auntie Aster’s home. During the drive home I was amazed to see so many black faces situated all over the airport and road. Having spent so many years in the U.S., I’d grown accustomed to living with people from many ethnicities and returning to a country where my culture and native language is the dominant tongue had a very grounding effect on me. I felt as if I melted into the crowd. At one point during the drive, I watched three men run across the highway while cars sped by.

When we arrived home, we sat in the salon (living room) and ate dinner with everyone. After kissing my grandmother good night, I climbed the stairs to my bedroom, faced the window and settled into bed. The dark night sky seemed almost heavy in its darkness as street lights were uncommon in the newly developing area. While dozing off,

I wondered why no one had objected or made a comment to what I thought was a near death accident on the highway. I then made a decision to watch and listen more carefully so I could pick up on how things were in my new surroundings. While watching the night sky, I listened to unfamiliar sharp howls and settled into a deep sleep.

In the clear morning light, my auntie’s house looked to be a two story concrete fortress, and was closed in by a high metal gate. The first floor had a family room and a salon where guests would be entertained. The second floor contained restrooms and bedrooms. The kitchen was placed in the back yard and most closely resembled a one room studio. I soon found that only women and young boys entered and spent significant time in the kitchen. This warm space contained an open fire stove, pots and pans. The kitchen also served as an informal meeting place where my cousins and aunts would discuss the latest events in the community. That morning the gate was open because my cousins went out to buy bread. After greeting my aunt, I rushed downstairs and stepped out the front door with my camcorder. I was thrilled to see a donkey pass by and followed it down the road.

On the road I witnessed a bundle of activity: I watched stray dogs and cats walking alongside with people, and Chinese foremen with Ethiopian construction workers building houses. I ran into my cousins, Sefanit and her cousin Misra, as they walked home. “Anchi, what are you doing?” said Sefanit. I replied that I never saw animals walking around so freely with people and that I wanted to see more. I was in bliss. I was adjusting to the high mountain air and enjoyed what initially seemed to me to

be chaos and order in one movement. Misra laughed and said I would see more, but first I would have to change my clothes after breakfast because guests would soon arrive.

In the months preparing for my trip, my friends warned me that I would need to buy plenty of dresses because back home, girls wore dresses and boys wore trousers. This advice was a sign that I would be visiting people who firmly believed in gender roles, manifested as dress codes, and I anticipated all the resistance I would face as I clearly was unveiled and wore trousers. It was only upon my return to the U.S. that I finally understood how certain social and cultural codes provided a sort of psychological security for everyone involved. To my amazement, I participated and benefited from the system. Slowly without my awareness, I realized a certain anxious worry, which I now attribute to the western capitalist system that thrives on egocentric ambition, seemed to release its hold on me.

In my time in Ethiopia, existential questions about who I was or what everything meant did not plague me. I knew who I was, where I came from, and where I belonged.

Time seemed abundant as watching and observing, which required a certain passivity and quietness became my primary mode of being. This is not to suggest that life in Ethiopia did not include hardships and rigidness, especially for those who suffered from stark poverty and abuse. I found that the women I met submitted to strict cultural rules, and had an abundance of vitality and energy. They seemed to move within their private spaces by forming vast networks. It is within these networks that girls are raised and taught about Islam and in some cases where Wahhabi belief is spread.

At the end of my time in Addis Ababa, I realized the separation of public and private space was firm and demonstrated throughout the community. For instance, many houses were closed in by high guards and in some cases by patrolling guards or guard dogs. This phenomenon was replicated in both the Christian and Muslim community, therefore it was clear to understand why strict customs on dress, and women only spaces, endured and made sense in the culture. This type of separation can easily cause academics to misunderstand the subtle and largely private way Ethiopian Muslim women participate in distributing ideologies. Furthermore, women demonstrate their agency and power by maintain and upholding their cultural traditions and structure.

In summary, women serve as the primary enforcers of cultural rules and customs.

For instance, dress codes and social codes on how to present oneself in pubic space is determined in most cases by women, and serves as a marker for evaluating the expansion of Wahhabi thought. In their private spaces, women socialize each other and set norms on what is or is not acceptable behavior. This phenomenon is a part of Ethiopian culture as

Orthodox and Muslim Ethiopians appear to veil themselves in a similar manner as one approaches more regional areas of the country.

Bale, Ethiopia Spring 2009

After spending two weeks in Addis Ababa, my father and I, with a couple of my female cousins began the long drive to Bale. We passed through thick forests where I witnessed how red the earth could be, and through rocky mountainous regions where wild boars roamed. We were greeted by many extended relatives when we finally entered

Bale. After visiting relatives, we arrived in my auntie Ababa’s home and settled in for the

night. Her one story blue house contained a studio kitchen in the back of the house, and an outhouse in the corner of the yard. This studio kitchen was fairly large in size and contained a large tub, where I eventually bathed while spending time with relatives. This is significant as it demonstrates how women share their private spaces. Like many other homes, this space was mostly occupied by the women of the household and was the place where I learned about Bale history and customs. At the end of every night, I reflected on the day and observed how I adjusted to my new surroundings. I noticed my previous sense of personal space was no longer there as many things I used to do in private now required help from other women.

The next morning after breakfast, we visited our neighboring relatives and a special prayer and religious chant was performed by the elders to celebrate our safe arrival. This was significant because Salafism is said to have a stronghold (Ostebo, 2012) in Bale. My relatives, like community members in the States reject Sufism, however their practices demonstrates that on the ground, both Sunni and Sufi forms of Islam are practiced.

We visited a relative’s home as we awaited the arrival of my father’s uncle, who he had last seen some 20 years back. While sitting with my cousins, Sefanit began to warn me that a long prayer and Dua (petition for blessings) for a neighbor’s marriage was going to ensue. Marriage for young women is a common community concern and an especially serious topic as marriage unites different resources, families and bloodlines.

By then, I was fully veiled and took to wearing Abayeas (long loose dresses). Some of the more “religious” women wore full niqabs. According to Sefanit, the majority of

women did this as form of posturing, while some wore niqabs as their expression of religious worship. Piety is important among practicing Muslims and adjusting the way one dresses is a demonstration of this piety.

According to Ostebo (2008), Salafism has taken a stronghold in the Bale region and has caused a more rigid understanding of Islam to develop in the area. I found this to be true in certain pocketed areas as the reputation for Bale preceded our arrival. However, most of the rumors about the type of Islam practiced in Bale were untrue as in the home; I found ancestor praise and worship to be a common practice. To be clear, by worship, I mean that ancestors and linage were a common topic, in fact in some conversations my great uncles were referred to as Awaliya or saints in Islam. Wahhabbi ideology strictly negates the concept of saints, so upon reflection I realized that many people in the region might claim to follow Wahhabi ideology as a form of posturing on the superficial level.

This is significant because it demonstrates that many women seek to look the part without fully integrating the belief structure. To be sure, I asked many women in the neighborhood about their thoughts on niqab and they stated that they did it for their religion. I’ve found this response commonly repeated among the Ethiopian Muslim community in the Bay Area as well. In other words, it is likely that at some point, an expert must have infiltrated the community and spread the idea or teaching that niqabs represented piety. This is evident in that niqabs are not traditionally a part of either

Islamic or Ethiopian culture (Algar, 2002). This is important as adopting these forms of clothing contributes to the spread of Wahhabi and Salafi ideologies.

Our revered great uncle, who has since passed away visited us on horseback from the rural area of Aubora and offered his blessings and prayers for our journey. After a couple of days, my father decided to make the journey to Aubora to visit the land where his family and the great teachers of our community had originated. Our stay in Aubora was the most enlightening experience I had in the country.

Group meetings were held in wide open spaces near large Eucalyptus trees and equity seemed to be the norm. For example, if we visited a community member with two wives, we would eat lunch in the first house and then walk to the second house and eat lunch again. This was significant because it demonstrated strict adherence to cultural customs, and Sunni beliefs. According to Sharia law, men may marry up to four wives provided each woman is given her own house and treated equally. Simultaneously,

Awaliya or saints of Islam were said and believed to have resided in the area. One belief did not contradict another, which suggests that Sufism is practiced more often than is acknowledged.

The farmers I met were known to be the most prosperous in the area as land in now an important commodity. I observed many houses with radios, which suggested that farmers were also up to date on current events. Their use of technology meant that they were connected to the global community, and rapid changes would eventually enter their region. The road to Aubora was rough and unpaved, which I later realized prevented many of the townsfolk from visiting often. This meant that new movements in the large town of Bale would not easily filter to Aubora. With this in mind, I concluded that the belief in saints must have originated in that area as most people appeared to practice long

traditions that were uncorrupted by new reform movements like Wahhabism and

Salafism.

In many cases Niqabs worn by women were done under social pressure to conform or to demonstrate religious piety. This style of dress is not native to the region and is an indication that Salafim ideology is expanding. However, Sufi practices including religious discourse occurs in community gatherings and demonstrates that mixed form of Sufism and Sunni Islam is practiced. It is evident the diaspora community is absorbing Salafi thought by the images shared through social media.

Conclusion

The purpose of this autoethnography was to illustrate the subtle and largely academically unaccounted for manner in which Ethiopian Muslim women present and assert their religious identities. Further points I’ve outlined in this work include the numerous ways women contribute to the Wahhabi and Salafi movement currently underway in Ethiopia and in the diaspora. However my most significant finding is that the spread of Salafi ideology on the rise is primarily due to misinformation and misunderstandings on the guidelines of Sunni Islam. In my analysis, I carefully attempted to avoid heavy handed observations and sought subtle and swift observations to explain my experiences.

I’ve found that many Ethiopian Muslims, both in Ethiopia and in the diaspora, unknowingly participate in the distribution of the Wahhabi and Salafi ideology. This is demonstrated in their inability to outline Wahhabi core principles, as they clearly adopted customs perpetuated by Wahhbis. This realization came to me as I began to reflect and

question my Ethiopian Muslim friends and peers on the core principles of Salafi belief. In many cases, many of the women I spoke to did not recognize the Salafi label, and rejected the idea that they were promoting Wahhabi beliefs. When questioned, many women stated that they believed they were promoting the Sunni form of Islam, which strictly adheres to the teachings of the Quran and Hadith.

Manzuma as a practice is widely accepted and honored in the community. When

Sufism as an ideology was brought into the conversation, many women I spoke to in

Ethiopia, and in the diaspora, rejected this label; this is significant as Manzuma is attributed Sufism. Assuming that these experiences were common in the community, the disparity suggested to me that many Sunni Ethiopian Muslims would reject the notion that they belonged to the Salafi and Sufi groups, and in practice promote beliefs and perform rituals that belong to both groups.

Furthermore, in order to analyze the distribution of these beliefs I’ve shared my experiences from 1998, when I was 12 years old and drawn from old journals, and my experiences visiting Ethiopia in 2009. During that period, my father and I stayed in many cities including Addis Ababa and Bale, where academic literature suggests Salafism is thriving (Ostebo, 2012). Books, as a technological device, and its effects on society contributes to the explanation of how Wahhabi and Salafism is currently being propagated.

In many Madrassas, women are educated by women. In some instances males educate both genders, however rarely are women charged with educating adult males.

Western feminist thought would suggest this as an example of the oppression of women

by a strong patriarchal system that does not provide equal opportunities for men and women. My experiences growing up as an Ethiopian Muslim woman in the Madrassa system allows me insight into this and other similar phenomena. For instance, seating arrangement is significant because it determines how gender roles are understood and replicated. My experience has shown me that women enforce these types of rules and choose to create private spaces that exclude men.

This custom is also duplicated in prayer rituals and is grounded in interpretations of Sharia law. Female instructors also teach adult male students, however, this occurrence is most often determined by the interpretations and customs of the specific institution. For instance, there are prominent liberal arts oriented, Islamic colleges and universities that maintain high female student enrollments. However, in my experience within the

Ethiopian Muslim community, adult females tend to gravitate to women only spaces.

This decision is partly determined by culture, partly by the way Sharia law is interpretated by the community. In some cases it’s determined by the rules of the

Madhab, or by the governing rules of any particular educational institution. 21

Thus it is difficult to conclusively determine why the lack of visibility of female educators endures. I believe tradition and general hesitation towards producing innovative cultural norms is a common obstacle. To note, innovation in a capitalist culture is interpreted as advancement and progress for the society. However, in Islamic culture and belief, innovation in most cases is to be avoided as it allows for the influx of diluted teachings and interpretations of the religion and culture. A common and well

21 There are four schools of thought or Madhabs in Sunni Islam: Malaki, Hanafi, Shafi, Hanbalee (spelled phonetically).

known Hadith shared in the Ethiopian Muslim community is to “seek the middle path.”

Unfortunately, I observed this belief is not discussed frequently and often enough in our

Ethiopian Muslim community.

A common method of post modern analysis is to seek the “truth” by investigating opposing positions or counter narratives, and how what is said and left unsaid contributes enables for the establishment of the dominant narrative. 22

Post-colonial feminist thought posits that Feminist thought is unequipped to correctly analyze the experiences of non-western minded women. With these two approaches in mind, I began my autoethnography. My aim was to present and identity brief instances of power (gender norms), ideology (transfer of beliefs), lack of visibility

(silence), and interpret them through my informed experience of growing up as an

Ethiopian Muslim woman.

According to Innis (1999), oral cultures promote relationships and community as face-to-face transmission is a necessary element; whereas literate cultures are conducive to the development of vast civilizations, partially because written materials can be efficiently replicated and distributed to make laws. Ethiopian culture is heavily grounded in oral tradition, whereas Islam has its foundations in two systems of books: the Quran and Hadith. I believe deeper investigation into how these two cultures merge and intersect would be the next logical step in this line of inquiry into the manifestation of

Salafi ideology in Ethiopia and the diaspora. Furthermore, a fuller investigation into how performed gender roles work as cultural tools and containers would contribute to a better understanding of the many ways Ethiopian women maintain their cultural identities.

22 Foucault, Michel. (1972).

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